Perspective of INSAF

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Perspective of INSAF
Need Of The Hour: Unity Of Democratic And Secular Forces
The incessant voyage of Corporate Hegemony under the stewardship of American military might had undoubtedly got shot in the arm by the gruesome act of September 11, 2001. The republican presidency that came to office on a fractured and disputed mandate was overnight not only legitimised but also emerged unchallenged after the incident. Despite repeated isolation in the international forums prior to September 11, the US has emerged as undeniable leader of the 'war against terrorism' that was thrust upon the humanity following the incident. For US, this tragedy would not have occurred on a more appropriate time as during six months prior to this doom day 6,70,000 jobs were lost due to recession in US economy. The declaration of a boundless war against the amorphously defined enemy came as quick fix solution to the colossal crisis looming large on the militarily most masculine Nation of the post cold war era. The US administration got a free hand in pumping thousands of Billion of Dollars of public money into the economy which it other wise preaches against. On the other hand the engagement in Afghanistan had provided the pretext to escalate presence of American forces in oil rich Central Asian and Caucasian region and extend its tentacles in South Asia. Taking advantage of this unprecedented human tragedy and the instant antidote offered by US, the canny forces of profit and greed began to work over time to infringe upon the democratic spaces that are proving to be hurdles in their strive for uncontested access to natural resources like land, forest and water in every nook and corner of the planet earth. It is a pre-requisite for extracting profits from food, water and diseases and thus making profit sustainable until the time human being breathe. Behind the smoke screen of 'war against terrorism' the US and the EU are together trying to evolve mechanisms to contain and throttle 'anti globalisation' protests that are taking place within the legitimate framework of freedom of association and expression guaranteed by the constitutions of US as well as the member countries of EU. In the collective wisdom of the statesmen of EU and US the 'anti globalisation' protests terrorise the "civil society" (as if those protesting are not part of that) and thus needs to be considered at par with the terrorist activities, which the declared 'war' seeks to eliminate. The guns are on every thing that has potential to resist the sacred "market" be it aspects of religion, culture, traditions and/or communities itself. The foreboding ambience is created around 'wars for water' and 'clash of civilisations' in order to garner support from the larger society for the success of the sinister designs to stifle democracy and promoting corporate hegemony. The nebulous character and the symptomatic disposition of the target of present campaign ensures its eternity for generations to come while it overtly desists from targeting the processes and systems responsible for ever increasing bay between the rich and poor both locally and globally. On the other hand the common people, the vulnerable societies and the toiling nations are dared in no uncertain terms that "either you are with US or with the terrorist". The tenor of the present war itself is enough to depict its intrinsic and dubious intent. The history of the 20th century is testimony to the cyclic nature of crisis inherent in the market led profit centric capitalist system. It is also witness to an inextricable relationship between war and recession but the eventful dawn of the new millennium seems to have established 'war' as the solution to not only the present but also consequent cycles of

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economic crisis. Presence of American and allied arm forces all around the Globe is thus, not only imperative for such prescription but is also essential for sustainability of the corporate hegemony. After the collapse of Soviet Union and the consequent withering away of Cold War, it was the region of South Asia where the American presence was thinnest. Despite the long history of interference in Afghanistan through fundamentalist outfits like Talibans, groomed and facilitated by their agencies, circumstances never provided the Americans opportunity to have physical presence in the region. Now the American forces are here in South Asia and they are here for posterity. Targeting Afghanistan in the boundless war against amorphous enemy called terrorism has also helped in escalating American presence in Oil rich regions of Central Asia and Caspian without an iota of resistance. Nepal has emerged as another entry point for American forces and arsenal to sneak into the heart of South Asia. The prevalent volatile situation in the region is characterised by perpetuation of conflicts- ethnic (Sri Lanka, Bhutan), communal (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh), and class (Nepal). The myopic vision of the ruling elite of the respective country guided by the interest of clinging on to the power with minimum risk and efforts has further messed up the situation instead of seeking to resolve the conflicts. Ever since tacitly overlooking India and Pakistan go for nuclear tests in 1998, the American responses and interventions in the region are explicitly targeted towards carving out greater role for themselves. If the US military presence in Pakistan, joint exercises with Indian forces and the US defence secretary's frequent visits to Kathmandu during year 2002 are some indicators that depict shadow of American clutches over South Asia. The consolidation of obscurantist and theocratic forces in India during the last decade needs to be viewed in this context. The dilution of national sovereignty in the wake of liberalisation; rise of Hindutva to fill in the vacuum created by withering away of 'economic nationalism' and corresponding erosion in democratic values, ethos and institutions are not only interlinked but also are mutually reinforcing phenomenon. Close relationship between the American and Israel intelligence agencies with Indian internal security set up has flourished during last couple of years at alarming pace. The developments of the last decade in the public sphere of Indian society are glaring testimony to this effect. The process of liberalization was unleashed during 1991 with formal proclamation to the effect that there is no other alternative but to follow Neo liberal prescriptions of the global financial institutions by the Finance Minister in the parliament. During the same year the IMF loan agreement along with the World Bank Structural Adjustment Loan (SAL) was signed. The contents of the Agreement and conditionalities that were imposed remain a closely guarded secret. Surprisingly, no debate was conducted in the Parliament. The IMF-World Bank package was presumably designed to bail out the economy from the BOP crisis, reduce the fiscal deficit and relieve inflationary pressures. But, ironically, the opposite happened--the reform pushed the economy into stagflation (the prices of food staples shot up by 50 per cent) and deepened the BOP crisis further due to the increased cost of imported raw materials and a staggering increase in imports of luxury products. A large number of domestic producers were rendered bankrupt due to free entry of foreign capital and constriction of internal purchasing power. SAP policies have hit the poor the hardest. Reduction in government spending in the social sector like health, education, drinking water affects the poor directly. Unemployment grows exponentially. Workers lose their jobs when government owned enterprises are privatised. Restrictions on credit put many small and medium sized enterprises out of business and renders small farmers bankrupt. The emphasis placed by SAP on increased exports gives a boost to extractive enterprises thereby depleting natural resources. Ecosystems are endangered as a result. Export-oriented agriculture

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business with its dependence on hazardous agro-chemicals undermines sustainable peasant agriculture. The IMF prescriptions make it mandatory for the successive governments to follow these policies. While economic restructuring to appease international creditors was going on, the fundamentalist BJP engineered an event, albeit with the tacit support of the Prime Minister Narasimha Rao, which was to tear apart the social fabric yet again. Babri Masjid was ruthlessly demolished by the RSS-BJP combine in collaboration with its front organisations like Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal, and mind you, in the presence of paramilitary forces and the army. In spite of intelligence reports warning against the impending demolition, the government refused to act and allowed the demolition to be carried out. While BJP-RSS combine was gloating over the success of the operation, riots broke out--in India. Bangladesh and Pakistan--entire subcontinent was engulfed with fanatic frenzy. And exactly a year after, as if on cue, a series of bomb blasts shook the commercial metropolis of Bombay causing un-recountable damage to lives and property. Riots were to occur yet again. Marked by corruption, scandals and chicanery, the Congress government was to fall in the 1996 elections, thereby signalling the rise of the fundamentalist BJP. The United Front ministries, which succeeded the Congress, were short lived there by clearing the deck for BJP to assume office after the 1998 elections. Lacking in numbers, the BJP formed a ragtag coalition of desparate forces. The first thing the BJP-led government did was to conduct five nuclear explosions in Pokharan (Rajasthan) to prove its nuclear superiority vis-a-vis Pakistan. Pakistan retaliated by detonating seven nuclear explosions. BJP's policy of Pakistan baiting increased tension in the border areas. Meanwhile, BJP showed its true colours when the front organisations of RSSthe parent body of BJP--systematically carried out attacks on minorities, particularly the Christians and Muslims. Textbooks for schools were revised in order to extol the virtues of Hinduism and for deifying Hindu kings and leaders. The followers of BJP's communal politics were awarded with plum positions in state institutions. Its followers were accommodated in the government-owned media. However, it was to lose the state assembly elections in 1998 due to unprecedented rise in prices, particularly of essential commodities. Unable to manage the internal contradictions among coalition partners, the BJP government fell. The government was permitted to function as a 'caretaker government' for six months. However, this did not deter the government to wage a war (which it described as a 'war-like situation') against Pakistan in the Jammu and Kashmir sector with heavy casualties. Through incessant propaganda BJP tried its level best to communalise the conflict. The BJP geared its election machinery for cashing in on the wave of patriotism and war psychosis it helped in creating, in the elections of September-October 1999. Despite the potent rhetoric of chauvinistic patriotism, all out efforts to mobilize majority community and full-scale deployment of the 'Sangh Combine', BJP could merely muster one-fourth of the popular vote and one-third of the seats in parliament. It is only through the design similar to one of Nascist of the Germany of 1939 that A. B. Vajpai claimed the reign of power with the support of 18 smaller parties and in the same historical vein the splintered character of democratic forces had contributed its bid in re-instalment of obscurantist outfit at the helms of public affairs. The process of liberalization and related reforms was pushed with renewed vigour and firm commitment by the BJP led NDA government. The issue of the 'first generation of reforms' (restructuring of the financial sector) was clinched with lot of pride and fanfare. The prescription of 'cuts in interest rates' and restructuring of 'subsidy regime' were also accomplished within no time and without any discussions. Decks were also cleared for the 'second generation of reforms' that included restructuring of policy regimes in the areas of infrastructure, public utilities, agriculture, water resources, export - import (exim) etc. Within a span of 12 months during year 2000 -01 policy changes in almost all the

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above areas were rushed through the legislative process enabling policy environment conducive for private sector led by the global capital to make its foothold in all these areas. A special Ministry was created to accelerate the process of disinvestments and a specialist (empathetic to World bank) minister was installed from the back doors (through Rajya Sabha) for the purpose. Ever since the present political combination has taken over the reigns of power, the pace of erosion in the 'Westminster model' has accelerated by leaps and bounds. Full fledged meetings of the 'council of ministers' or cabinet has become a thing of past. Decisions are either taken by the 'group of ministers' set up for specific purpose or by the individual ministry in concurrence with the PMO without necessarily convening the meeting of 'council of ministers' or cabinet. One after another case of public outcry by the members of the PM's 'council of ministers' on the policy decisions of the government are testimony to this phenomenon. In a parliamentary system like ours, the leader of the House of Representatives acts as head of the executive until the time he/she enjoys majority in the house. The PM as head of the executive is allowed to select his/her council of ministers from within the two houses of parliament or the selected member has to be elected to one of houses within six months of his/her appointment. The executive functions are vested in the 'council of ministers' with PM, as its head (Art.74 The Constitution of India) and "council of ministers are collectively responsible to the house of people" (Art.75.3 The Constitution of India). Whether it is the episode of Minister of Law contradicting the position taken by the Union Government through an affidavit in the apex court on the controversy of Srikrishna Commission or Minister of Railways abstaining from her office as a mark of protest against the Government's decision to hike the administered prices of petroleum products; such acts of omission make mockery of the 'collective accountability' principle inherent in the 'Westminster model'. It is disgraceful for a parliamentary system that the Minister of Communication is penalized and shifted to another ministry for twisting the arms of cellular phone companies to cough up the dues of the fees before negotiating further. PMO today, wields more power than the members of the 'council of minister'. The vehement defense of PMO put-up by all and sundry that matters during post Tehelka scenario only confirms this. The discussion on demands of the departments during budget session has already become thing of the past. Such discussions in the past provided the people's representatives forum to raise the grievances of their constituency with regards to specific department. Even if we assume that the discussions of this nature are taking place in 'consultative committees' attached to respective departments, it amounts to decline in space for people's voices reaching the pinnacle of power and decline in role of people's representatives. Now we have 'Ministry of Disinvestments' (perhaps one and only in the World) which does not even have a consultative committee. These are only the symptoms of much more deeper transformation that is taking place latently. The role of 'people's representatives' in governance is gradually diminishing only to carve out greater role for 'experts' and prominent 'stake holders' i.e. industrialists, businessmen and their organizations. To cap this process, the Prime Minister appointed a Council on Trade and Industry on August 28, 1998 in order to "afford an opportunity for a policy dialogue on important economic issues relevant to trade and industry between the Prime Minister and Members of the Council". The council was further reconstituted on November 13, 1999 and included Ratan Tata, Mukesh Ambani, Sanjeev Goenka, K. M. Birla, N. Srinivasan, N. R. N. Murthy, Nulsi Wadia, A.C. Muthiah, , Rajeev Chandrashekhar, President FICCI (G. P. Goenka), President CII (Rahul Bajaj) and Principal Secretary to Prime Minister as members while P.M. as Chairperson and Secretary to P.M. as Member Secretary. The

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Council had constituted "eight Special Subject Groups from within the members of the council to recommend implementable action points". These Special subject groups, interestingly enough, include a group on "policy framework for Private Investment in Education, Health and Rural Development". Obviously enough, the recommendations of these special subject groups read like manifesto of 'prvatisation' in the field of public utilities. A day earlier to the appointment of council on Industry and trade i.e. August 27, 1998 "Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister" was appointed with PM himself as Chairperson and Secretary to PM as its member secretary. This Council includes professionals like Dr. I.G. Patel, Dr. M.S. Aluwalia, Dr. Kirit Parikh, Dr. Ashok Desai, Dr. Amresh Baghchi, Shri P.N. Dhar and Shri G.V. Ramkrishna. Similarly, on February 26, 1999 Government of India had appointed Task Force on Infrastructure, which includes Shri Anand Mahindra, Managing Director, Mahindra Ford and Sri Deepak Pareekh, Chairman IDFC apart from Ministers and secretaries of Surface Transport and Civil Aviation. Additional surprise in this task force is presence of Minister for External Affairs (as if infrastructure development has foreign policy implications). The member secretary again is from PMO - Sri N. K. Singh. Important thing to take note of is the phenomenon of such recommendations finding their way into the policies and program of the government without being taken note of either by the 'house of people' or by the people. The PMO emerges as the route to smooth passage for recommendations into policies and programs. On the other hand the writing on the wall clearly indicates gradual and systematic erosion of spaces for active involvement of people's representatives in actual policymaking. The centrality and criticality that such state of affairs provides to the PMO is a serious matter of concern for the future trajectory of democracy, simply because - firstly, it augments the power of bureaucracy and freelance experts; secondly, it corrodes the spirit of 'collective accountability' and finally, it emasculates the will of the people expressed through their representatives. These overt attempts of inclusion of 'stakeholders' and 'expertise' at highest level of policy making in the backdrop of declining role of people's representatives, will definitely get the BJP led NDA government acclaims from the World Bank and IMF because it fits into their scheme of 'good governance' but such deeds are bound to erode the foundations of parliamentary democracy. These are nothing less than the "back door" attempts to transform the polity of India without amending or changing the constitution for which in any case this government is not capable of. The ideological commitment of the BJP to replace the "Westminster" model with some form of "guided democracy" are loudly expressed in the discussion papers recently circulated by the Commission To Review The Functioning Of The Constitution. Collective functioning and accountability of the executive arm of the government that is symbolized by concepts of 'PM in council' and the council's 'swimming and sinking together' seems to be intentionally undermined by the BJP led NDA government. These are the two instruments that provide a cutting edge to the 'Westminster model', particularly in the context of democracies in plural societies. Collective functioning and accountability is also seen as deterrent to the growth of dictatorial tendencies within democracy. And these democratic trends serve a crucial role particularly in a democracy like India. On the other hand the BJP led NDA government came down with an iron hand on people's struggles for protecting their entitlements during this period. The incidents of police repression on fisher folk of Umbergaon defending their livelihood against construction of port; unprovoked firing on the tribals of Kashipur defending their land from the greedy designs of multinational mining interests; killing of people in Tapkara in the name of invisible project of Koel-karo; rounding up the adult population of the whole village at Nagernar in order to forcibly acquire land to build steel plant and uprooting the

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forest village at Menhdikera are enough to put any civilised society to shame. The incident of brutal lathicharge on the rally organised by the Forum Against Imperialist Globalisation (FAIG) at Ramlila grounds Delhi; continuous harassment of Tahelka journalists; picking up prominent journalists and human right activists in full day light from the heart of capital city are the typical example of the art of governance today. Denial of police permissions for public events of secular and democratic nature is a daily experience groups and organisations are going through all over India. Unprecedented escalation in the rate of fake encounters, atrocities against dalits and tribals and violence against women is hallmark of the present government. The psychopathic obsession of the present political leadership of Indian government with the concept of "hard state" has practically resulted in a rein of State violence and misinformation typical characteristics of fascist regimes. Even the judicial system is not spared by such nefarious designs. The use of 'contempt of court' domain to throttle people's right to freedom of expression; the directive and setting up deadline for eviction of hundreds of thousand of Tribals from the forests and judicial directives for time bound planning for linking the rivers of India (accomplishing something impossible and impractical) are few examples that highlight the changing face of Indian judiciary. Both constitutional and extra constitutional leverage for the interests of profiteers (industry and commerce) and constitutional and extra constitutional means to throttle the voices of common people is the order of the day under which 'we the people of India', in whose name the constitution was promulgated, are forced to live. Parallel to the process of erosion of official institutions of democratic polity and continuous infringement upon the official democratic space for discussions, the ideological collaborators of the party at the helms are working overtime to vitiate the ambience of the broader society by perpetual attempts to polarise the same on communal lines. From the stray incidents of these outfits taking upon themselves the role of 'cultural policing' and prescribing dress code for women and public behaviour code for the youth to the consistent and organised efforts of planned attacks on the minorities, the present governments not only turns blind eye but also come forward to shield them. The obscure and self-imposed Hindu religious outfits have taken the government to ransom time and again and the government has always (not so) tacitly succumbed to their entices. Emboldened by the presence of people who laid the foundations of putting 'matters of faith' above the constitution and constitutional institutions occupying important offices in the present government the types of VHP, Bajarang Dal, Durga Vahini etc. are fast acquiring the persona of 'storm troopers'. In order to wash away its sin of nuclear proliferation in South Asia and de-stigmatise its image in the eyes of the liberal west the BJP led NDA government lost no time in cashing upon the tragedy of September 11, 2001. It immediately and unilaterally latched on to the so-called decisive war against the Nirakar (amorphous) and Aisthit (without specific location) enemy declared by the American administration. War against terrorism emerged as a valid platform for the ruling alliance in India to articulate its "convergence of interests and ideological moorings" with that of the western world led by United State of America and an appropriate time for making its deals with world power explicit. The mantra of "security first" -over and above the concerns of poverty, health and education has been internalised and enchanted on all and sundry forums. It has provided the present government validation of continued use of draconian laws both in Kashmir and North- East. Present Indian government is going overboard and beyond all norms of decency to demonstrate its camaraderie in ensuing endless war against terrorism and to convince the 'masters of the world' of its tenets of being their 'natural allies'. On the one hand BJP led NDA government has imitated the anti terrorist law of America (PATRIOT) in the form of first as POTO and latter as POTA keeping the spirit of the constitution and democratic norms in abeyance. On the other it began to

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publicly celebrate its collaboration with FBI of America and joint exercises by the Indian and American forces the fact that was hitherto kept secret. Under the smokescreen of the 'international coalition against terrorism' the leaders of NDA government and their accomplice have ceremoniously began to implement their 'real agenda' in Gujarat. The genocide unleashed against Muslim minority with overt and explicit patronage of the State machinery drew no adverse response i.e. sanctions from the liberal west and America despite the testimonies from their official agencies. The build-up on the temple issue at Ayodhya followed by Godhra and post Godhra violence against Muslim minority and finally largest ever deployment after Second World War on Indo-Pakistan borders appears to be the logical culmination of masculine and communal patriotism evoked after the Nuclear tests at Pokharan during 1998. While the America and the liberal west had apparently reacted sharply in 1998 but its silence during 2002 incidents in Gujarat is nothing less than an award for the BJP led NDA government in lieu of its submission to their designs of establishing its hegemony over South Asia. Internally, the developments a the Indo-Pakistan borders have helped the BJP not only over- coming the isolation it faced in the wake of Gujarat carnage within ruling alliance but has also in denting the unity among the opposition parties. The trump card of "fanatic patriotism" has helped BJP in realisation of its long cherished dream of isolating the left in the parliamentary politics. In the bargain, the BJP has succeeded in installing a front-runner of Hindutva brigade and staunch Shiv Sainik as Speaker of the Lok Sabha. A pro nuclear technologist as President of India; a devoted RSS person with vision of replicating Gujarat as Vice president of 'Secular, Democratic and Socialist' republic of India and finally a government in Gujarat democratically elected on the plank of Hindu majoritism. The vision of India appears to have been reduced to being regional lackey of the 'masters of the universe' st and being a Hindu theocratic State in 21 century. Though the people of India have experienced authoritarianism in the past but the present authoritarian tendencies that are rooted in demonising minority communities and overtly militaristic reorganising of the majority community is entirely different cup of tea. That's how other type of dictatorships differs from the fascist once. It is important to note at this stage that communalism which has always been active beneath the process of parliamentary democracy was never able to control and convene public affairs in the official domain. This situation has drastically transformed ever since the BJP led NDA government came to power because of the way it has conducted itself. The way in which the Indian 'state' as institution is gradually taking upon itself the agenda of degrading the status of minority communities and striving to legitimise itself as custodian of one particular (majority) community stinks of fascist design. The writing on the wall is bold and clear. Within the ambit of Global strive of sacrificing democracy and any kind of egalitarianism in favour of corporate authoritarianism and American way of life, the present rulers are angling to establish fascist reign and realise their vision. India is at the crossroads. Institutions and value systems, which are products of popular struggles, are fast decaying. The party system is in disarray. The social base of our political system has decreased with the result that competitors for political power are blatantly resorting to revivalist, parochial and communal agendas. These agendas have constricted the space for diverse viewpoints, identities and culture to blossom. The political parties have given up the politics of mass education and mobilisation with the consequence that fissiparous tendencies are having a field day. Intolerance is on the rise. The aspirations of linguistic, ethnic and religious minorities are completely throttled. The social movements outside the realm of electoral politics are on the defensive. There is a backlash against people's organisations--both by communal elements as well as state repressive apparatuses.

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The conflicts are taking more and more communal overtones rather than being expressed on economic lines, as was the case earlier. It is in this context that a fundamentalist outfit like BJP is trying to foster among the majority community a feeling that they belong to one united and homogenised entity disregarding their divisions on caste and class lines. The inroads made by the Hindu fundamentalists within the dalit and tribal communities in different parts of the country with the funds mobilised from US, Canada and England has successfully taken away the glare of the collective assertion by these communities hitherto marginalized within socio-political domain. Criminalisation and lumpenisation of politics is discernibly affecting the mass base of the body polity. Bureaucracy and the general administration has become the handmaiden of corrupt politicians and their henchmen. There is no semblance of public accountability, which was the hallmark of politics in the first decade of the post-independent era. The system of checks and balances as enshrined in the Constitution between the three arms--executive, legislature and the judiciarylies in shambles. Judicial processes are being undermined and the judiciary is under stress. People's representatives are being openly bought to retain power at all costs. Rule of law is being flouted with impunity. We are witnessing a new phase of capitalism, which is both anti-people and antidevelopment. It is externally oriented both economically in terms of integration into a world market and politically in terms of integration into a global strategic community that also entails a global technological community. It is not sufficient to analyse 'globalisation ' ( a term coined in American business schools) as the latest stage in the process of internationalisation of capital that begun a century ago. It is much more than that as it represents the 'global regime of accumulation mainly through finance'. It also refers to ' the shift of the principal venue of capital accumulation from the nation-state to the global arena'. It is characterised by: * extension of the rule of private property in the global arena; * safeguarding the reign of transnational capital by prescribing uniform global standards ignoring uneven development of capitalism regionally, in key sectors such as technology and foreign investment; * endowing international institutions the power and mechanism to enforce such standards. The process of globalisation is being accomplished in two ways. First, 'the creation of a seamless, borderless global order with increasing denationalization of the nation state and its sovereignty whilst steadily and critically altering the nature of the state itself with aggressive interventionist measures in favour of capital'. Secondly, 'it involves the integration of the market and economies through trade, investment, finance, of new labour skills, of knowledge, of technology, and the transnationalisation of production and standardization of consumer wants'. It effectively means that transnational capital can exploit economic territories without any accountability or obligation to the nation-state. That is, 'the commanding heights of state decision making are shifting to supra-national institutions'. It comes as no surprise that while capital and services have become increasingly mobile in the era or globalisaation, labour has been spatially confined. The creation and reconstruction of international state apparatus (ISAs) take on a new significance in the national context and serve various imperialist functions. First, they help to assuage inter-imperialist rivalries and promote the 'internationalization of capital according to the relative strengths of different blocks of capital'. Second, these ISAs ensure imperialist domination through international control of finance. Third, the aim is to discipline the working classes through the economic control these institutions possess, a 'control that is remote from the struggles at the point of production'. Promotion of 'low intensity democracies' in the third world in order to sustain favourable conditions for foreign investment is a prominent feature of the agenda set by these international

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institutions. The tilt towards democratization and good governance is due to the fact that in the changed global configuration of forces, there is no need to support authoritarian regimes, as the specter of communism has receded. Through the deft use of international legal processes, the internal national laws are being controlled in the crucial areas of economic and political life. Relocation of powers from sovereign states to international institutions has severely eroded the capacity of third world states to pursue independent and self-reliant development. As mentioned earlier, withdrawal of state from the realm of welfare, social entitlements and public service spheres would hit the poor the hardest, and ensure their pauperisation. The economic offensive is accompanied by political, ideological and cultural interventions, which are playing havoc with popular aspirations. The ruling elite, in India as well as other third world countries is acting as a transmission belt for western ideas and is vigorously supporting them as it stands to profit from becoming 'junior partners in the global domination project'. Earlier, the ruling classes had systematically undermined the party system, elections and had used the administrative apparatus for partisan ends. Now, with the onset of liberalisation and globalisation, these forces are assisting in the formation of a hierarchized global order, which is engaged in altering the contours of national institutions of governance and gradually pushing the nation-state into insolvency. Despite all odds, people's resistance to nefarious designs of the ruling nexus continues unabated. From the white-collar workers i.e. teachers, doctors, engineers etc., public sector work force, industrial workers and land owing farmers to various categories of unorganised labour and organisations of urban and rural poor have taken to streets during the last ten years on this account. Numbers of other uncompromising struggles are waged by the deprived and marginalized sections of society i.e. women, dalits and tribals to resist their deprivation caused by the flawed prescriptions of market fundamentalists. However, due to the lack of a singular political platform to express the aspirations of these struggles within the political system has devoid the tireless efforts any substantial success. There is not a single instance during this period where the negotiations with government(s) have either succeeded or if concluded are implemented. Everyone appears to be affected and is struggling hard for its sustenance and survival but the synergy of these efforts is not getting converted into unified political movement which could reverse the dynamics of paradigm shifts from where the issues are emanating. It is in this background that INSAF views the threats emanating from the globalisation of economy, from the communal polarisation of the society and from the authoritarian tendencies of the state as one whole and not as fragments. The ultimate objective of the project of globalisation is to establish supremacy of capital over the rights and entitlement of people on land, forest, water, health and education. The ultimate implication of polarising society on communal lines is to create a divide among the people and mutate their collective strength from staking claims to their entitlements. It also in turn contributes to the validation for the erosion of democratic ethos, values and institutions and thus restricts the space for dissent and other viewpoint to exist. Rise in fascist tendencies is only natural corollary to these two. The overall situation is alarming and calls for forging broadest possible alliance of secular and democratic forces rising above the distinctions of class, sectors and gender. INSAF commits itself to promote and facilitate efforts and platforms that contribute towards creating grounds for crystallising such an alliance. INSAF views it imperative upon the secular and democratic forces of all colour and creed to join ranks and wage an all out struggle for retrieval of secular and democratic ethos; for restoration and defence of secular and democratic institution; for recovery of lost space to dissent and hold other viewpoint; for establishment of people's right to control

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and convene the processes and structures that effect their lives; and for celebration of pluralism in all aspects of being.

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