IZ

Our knowledge of each other is limited to w-:we can observe. Our definition of one anothe-:
self is necessarily based on appearance, condu:-and the settings in which we interact. In turn, r. =

The Presentation

of Self
Erving Coffman
T
I he name Erving

present a self to one another through how ',,.: look and act, and where we go. Regardless whether these self-presentations are intentio-: or unintentional, honest or dishonest, they a-. nonetheless oerformances. The self is not a rr.. terial thing that the individual carries aroui:
and can show others. lt must be dramatically

r:.

alized on each and every occasion of social i-.

Goffman

is

virtually synonymous

with microsociology. Throughout his

life, Goffman argued that social interaction should be studied as a topic in its own right. He maintains that social interaction has its own logic and structure, regardless of the participants' personality characteristics or the social organizational and institutional context in which it occurs. That position is the basis for Goffman's very novel and influential analysis of the self. He was not interested in the individual's

teraction. Goffman wrote this selection in the l95i: and a few of his illustrative examples trade upc prevailing stereotypes of women at that tirr: Although contemporary readers may find thos: dated examples to be sexist, they do not de. tract from Goffman's insight into the drama c'
everyday social life.

subjective self or inner conversations but rather in the social definition and construction of the public self during social interaction. Goffman's approach to this topic is commonly
described as dramacurgical.That is, Goffman views the self, social interaction, and life as dramatic or

ll hen an individual enters the presence r-' others, they commonly seek to acquire infcmation about him orto bring into play infcmation about him already possessed. The
will be interested in his general socioecc
nomic status, his conception of self, his attituc= toward them, his competence, his trustwo: thiness, etc. Although some of this informe tion seems to be sought almost as an end itself, there are usually quite practical reasor,
i

theatrical oroductions. Individuals are social actors who play different parts in the varied scenes of social life. Every time individuals interact with one anothen they enact a self, influencing others' definition of them and of the situation. They usually arrive at a working consensus concerning the definition of each other's self and of the situation that consequently guides their interaction. Arthough social actors' per{ormances are sometimes clumsy and unconvincing, they generally cooDerate to save each other's individual shows and their collective show as a whole.
Goffman's dramaturgical analysis is more than a creative use of metaohor. We humans cannot peer into one another's hearts and minds, nor can we ever l<now another's "real" or "true" self.

for acquiring it. Information about the inc vidual helps to define the situation, enablin= others to know in advance what he will e.r pect of them and what they may expect chim. Informed in these ways, the others ui. know how best to act in order to call forth " desired response from him. For those present, many sources of infor mation become accessible and many carrier, (or "sign-vehicles") become available for conveying this information. If unacquainted with the individual, observers can glean clue. from his conduct and appearance which al low them to apply their previous experience

t10

Chapter 12: The Presentation of Self

- ::d to what : -: another's anotners -::. conouct, -_ r turn, we

-:r

now we =ardless of
ntentional

:::. they are

: not a ma=s - arically re:' social in-

around

- :he | 950s
- :'aoe uPon

,: :hat time. .. ind those :r not de-: drama of

-:sence of - -ire infor- l:v infnr-'"f " ""'

,-rl Thprr

;ocloeco- s attitude :rustwor-

, informain end in -il reasons

the indienabling

-: will ex:xpect of -:hers will -:ll forth a

--'nly indirectly, through his avowals or .rrough what appears to be involuntary ex:ressive behavior. Similarly, if the individual -'-,fers the others a product or service, they .,. ill often find that during the interaction iere will be no time and place immediately .,r ailable for eating the pudding that the :roof can be found in. They will be forced to ,-cept some events as conventional or natu-al signs of something not directly available .o the senses. ln lchheiser's terms,
the individual will have to act so that he intentionally or unintentionally expresses himself and the others will in turn have to be impressed in some way by him.
Taking communication in both its narrow
.-:id broad sense, one finds that when the in-

.\ ith individuals roughly similar to the one :efore them oq more important, to apply un::sted stereotypes to him. They can also as.tme from past experience that only individ-;als of a particular kind are likely to be found I a given social setting. They can rely on ,, hat the individual says about himself or on locumentary evidence he provides as to .'. ho and what he is. If they know, or know of ,re individual by virtue of experience priorto re interaction, they can rely on assumptions js to the persistence and generality of psy:nological traits as a means of predicting his -'resent and future behavior. Howeve4 during the period in which the rdividual is in the immediate presence of ,:re others, few events may occur which di:ctly provide the others with the conclusive rf,crmation they will need, if they are to di-:ct wisely their own activity. Many crucial ':cts lie beyond the time and place of interj.tion orlie concealed within it. Forexample, .re "true" or"real" attitudes, beliefs, and emo..ons of the individual can be ascertained

', of infor-.\' carners

:
for con-

',. ',vhich alncrlcnae

, rted with =an clues

:ividualis in the immediate presence of oth=:s, his activity will have a promissory charac:;-r. The others are likely to find that they rust accept the individual on faith, offering :im a just return, while he is present before

live by inference in their dealinss with the physical world, but it is only in the world of social interaction that the objects about which they make inferences will purposely facilitate and hinder this inferential process.) The security that they ustifiably feel in making inferences about the individual will vary, of course, depending on such factors as the tlon they already possess amount of such past evr obviate the necessity of of inferences. Let us now turn from the others to the point of view of the individual who presents himself before them. He may wish them to think highly of him, or to think that he thinks highly of them, or to perceive how in fact he feels toward them, or to obtain no clear cut impression; he may wish to ensure sufficient harmony, so that the interaction can be sustained, or to defraud, get rid of, confuse, mislead, antagonize, or insult them. Resardless of the particular objective which the individual has in mind and of his motive forhavins this objective, it will be in his interests to coni trol the conduct of the others, especiallv their responsive treatment of him. This conirol is achieved largely by influencing rhe definition of the situation which the others come to formulate, and he can influence this definition by expressing himself in such a way as to give them the kind of impression that will lead them to act voluntarily in accordance with his own plan. Thus, when an individuat aopears in the presence of others, there wlll usually be some reason for him to mobilize his activity, so that it will convey an impression to others, which it is in his interests to convey. Since a girl's dormitory mates will glean evidence of her popularity from the calls she receives on the phone, we can suspect that some girls will arrange for calls to be made, and Willard Waller's findine can be anticioated:
f

them, in exchange for something whose true value will not be established until after he has left their presence. (Of course, the others also

lll -r

ll2

Part

IV +

The Self and Social Interaction

It has been reported by many observers that a girl who is called to the telephone in the dormitories will often allow herself to be called several times, in order to give all the other girls ample opportunity to
hear her n:opd
l

may divide what they witness into two parts: a part that is relatively easy for the individual to manipulate at will, being chiefly his verbal assertions, and a part in regard to which he seems to have little concern orcontrol, bein-e chiefly derived from the expressions he gives off. The others may then use what are considered to be the ungovernable aspects of hrs expressive behavior as a check upon the validity of what is conveyed by the governable aspects. In this a fundamental asymmetry i: demonstrated in the communication pro
cess,

I have said that when an individual aopears before others, his actions will influence
the definition of the situation which they
come to have. Sometimes the individualwill act in a thoroughly calculating mannet expressing himself in a given way solely in order to give the kind of impression to others that is likely to evoke from them a specific response he is concerned to obtain. Sometimes the individual will be calculating in hrs activity but be relatively unaware that this is the case. Sometimes he will intentionally and consciously express himself in a particular way, but chiefly because the tradition of his group orsocial status require this kind of expression and not because of any particular response (other than vague acceptance or approval) that is likely to be evoked from those impressed by the expression. Sometimes the traditions of an individual's role will lead him to give a well-designed impression of a particular kind, and yet he rnay be neither consciously nor unconsciously disposed to cre ate such an impression. The others, in their turn, may be suitably impressed by the individual's efforts to convey something, or may misunderstand the situation and come to conclusions that are warranted neitherby the

the individual presumably being aware

of only one stream of his communication

the witnesses of this stream and of one other

individual's intent nor by the facts. In any case, in so far as the others act as f the indi vidual had conveyed a particular impression, we may take a functional or pragmatic view and say that the individual has "effectively" prolected a given definition of the situation and "effectively" fostered the understandins that a given state of affairs obtains. There is one aspect of the others'response that bears special comment here. Knowing that the individual is likely to present himself in a light that is favorable to him, the others

For example, in Shetland lsle one crofter. wife, in serving native dishes to a visitor frorthe mainland of Britain, would listen with , polite smile to his polite claims of liking wha he was eating; at the same time, she woul: take note of the rapidity with which the vis tor lifted his fork or spoon to his mouth, th.. eagerness with which he passed food into h , mouth, and the gusto expressed in cher.l,in: the food, using these signs as a check on tl-= stated feelings of the eater. The same woma:in order to discover what one acquaintan.. (A) "actually" thought of another acquai: tance (B), would wait until B was in the pre, ence of A but engaged in conversation r.',i-still another p".ronlC). She would then cr vertly examine the facial expressions of A ' he regarded B in conversation with C. N being-in conversation with B, and not beirldirectly observed by him, A would son',= times relax usual constraints and tactful c= ceptions, and freely express what he was "a: tually" feeling about B. This Shetlander -

short, would observe the unobserved c:

server.

Now given the fact that others are likelr check up on the more controllable aspects behavior by means of the less controllab = one can expect that sometimes the indir.--

ual will try to exploit this very possibil;: guiding the impression he makes throu:' behavior felt to be reliably informing. For =

Chapter 12: The Presentation of Self

::ss lnto two parts: . -or the individual g :hiefly his verbal

ll3

a:ard to which he --: cr control, being

r:essions he gives u,: what are con-

l":ie

aspects of his :k upon the vaLhe governable

,=, asymmetry is

.: r'being
-

-rnication proaware

ample, in gaining admission to a tight social circle, the participant observer may not only wear an accepting look while listening to an informant, but may also be careful to wear the same lookwhen observing the informant talking to others; observers of the observer will then not as easily discover where he actually stands. A specific illustration may be cited from Shetland Isle. When a neighbor dropped in to have a cup of tea, he would ordinarily wear at least a hint of an expectant warm smile as he passed through the door into the cottage. Since lack of physical ob-

veloped than our capacity to manipulate our own behavior; so that, regardless of how many steps have occurred in the information game, the witness is likely to have the advantage over the actor, and the initial asymmetry of the communication process is likely to be retained.

When we allow that the individual projects a definition of the situation when he ap-

pears before others, we must also see that the others, however passive their role may seem to be, will themselves effectively project a definition of the situation by virtue of their response to the individual and by virtue of any lines of action they initiate to him Ordinarily, the definitions of the situation projected by the several different participants

tmmunlcatlon, .-J ofone other : one crofter's - a visitor from : listen with a , rf liking what -.:, she would , hich the visi-.s mouth, the - - od into his r in chewing = - :heck on the ,ime Woman, ',qualntance '-.er acquain,, in the pres::sation with --:ld then co-

structions outside the cottage and lack of light within it usually made it possible to observe the visitor unobserved as he approached

the house, islanders sometimes took pleasure in watching the visitor drop whatever expression he was manifesting and replace it with a sociable one just before reaching the door.

Howeve4 some visitors, in appreciating that

this examination was occurring, would

blindly adopt a social face a long distance from the house, thus ensuring the projection
of a constant image. This kind of control upon the part of the individual reinstates the symmetry of the communication process, and sets the stage for a kind of information game-a potentially infinite cycle of concealment, discovery, false revelation, and rediscovery. lt should be added that since the others are likely to be relatively unsuspicious of the presumably unguided aspect of the individual's conduct, he can gain much by controlling it. The others, of course, may sense that the individual is manipulating the presumably spontaneous aspects of his behavior, and seek in this very act of manipulation some shading of conduct that the individual has not managed to control. This again provides a check upon the individual's behavior, this time his presumably uncalculated behavior; thus re-establishing the

are sufficiently attuned to one another so that open contradiction will not occur. I do not mean that there will be the kind of consensus that arises when each individual present candidly expresses what he really feels and honestly agrees with the expressed feelings of the others present. This kind of harmony is an optimistic ideal and rn any case not necessary for the smooth working of society. Rather, each participant is expected to

-: not being

ons ofA as ,rth C. Not

suppress his immediate heartfelt feelings, conveying a view of the situation which he feels the others will be able to find at least temporarily acceptable. The maintenance of this surface of agreement, this veneer of consensus, is facilitated by each participant con-

-- ractful .,:rved

uld some-

'=:lande4 in
ob-

de' ie was "ac-

.:e likely to

'

aspects

of

-: individ .,

rtrollable,

:ossibility,

-:

through Forex-

asymmetry of the communication process. Here, I would like only to add the suggestion that the arts of piercing an individual's effort at calculated unintentionality seem better de-

cealing his own wants behind statements which assert values to which everyone present feels obllged to give lip service. Further, there is usually a kind of division of definitional labor. Each participant is allowed to establish the tentative official ruling regarding matters which are vital to him but not immediately important to others, e.g., the rationalizations and justifications by which he accounts for his past activity. ln exchange for this courtesy, he remains silent or non-committal on matters important to others but not immediately important to him. We have then a kind of interactional modus vivendi.

ll4

Part

IV +

The Self and Social Interaction

Togetheq the participants contribute to a single over-all definition of the situation, which involves not so much a real agreement as to what exists, but rather a real agreement as to whose claims concerning what issues will be

ent at the beginning ofan encounterthan he can alter the line of treatment that is being pursued, once the interaction is under way. ln everyday life, of course, there is a clear

out tough
got to stari

T''-

in, I let then'r

a-

temporarily honored. Real agreement will

also exist concerning the desirability of avoid-

ing an open conflict of definitions of the situation. I willreferto this level of agreement as a "working consensus." It is to be understood that the working consensus established in one interaction setting will be quite different in content from the working consensus established in a different type of setting. Thus,

understanding that first impressions are important. Thus, the work adjustment of those in service occupations will often hinge upon a capacity to seize and hold the initiative in the service relation, a capacity that will require subtle aggressiveness on the part of the server when he is of lower socioeconomic status than his client. W. F. Whyte suggests the waitress as an example: The first point that stands out is that the waitress who bears up under pressure
does not simply respond to her customers. She acts with some skill to control their behavior. The first question to ask rvhen we look at the customer relationship is, 'Does the waitress get the iump on the customer, or does the customer ser the ir rmn on the waitress?'The skilled waitress realizes the crucial nature of this questton. . . . The skilled waitress tackles the customer with confidence and without hesitation. Forexample, she mayfind that a new customer has seated himself before she could clear off the dirty dishes and change the cloth. He is now leaning on the table studying the menu. She greets him, says, "May I change the coveq please?" and, without waiting for an answer; takes his menu away from him so that he moves back from the table, and she goes about her work. The relationship is handled potitely but firmly, and there is never any question as to who is in charge.'

up as )'ou easy gorng. ',

rJ, e!!! I

they'll just 1c

between two friends at lunch, a reciprocal show of affection, respect, and concern for the other is maintained. ln service occupations, on the other hand, the specialist often maintains an image of disinterested involvement in the problem of the clienq while the client responds with a show of respect for the competence and integrity of the specialist. Regardless of such differences in content, however, the general form of these workins arrangements is the same. In noting the tendency for a participant to accept the definitional claims made by, the others present, we can appreciate the crucial importance of the information that the individual initially possesses or acquires concerning his fellow participants; for it is on the basis of this initial rnformation that the individual starts to define the situation and starts ro build up lines of responsive action. The individual's initial projection commits him to what he is proposing to be and requires him to drop allpretenses of being otherthings. As the interaction among the participants progresses, additions and modifications in thrs initial informational state will of course occur, but it is essential that these later developments be related without contradiction to, and even built up from, the initial positions taken by the several participants. lt would seem that an individual can more easily make a choice as to what line of treatment to demand from and extend to the others ores-

iimil:rlrr :tre'nay feel that, i. r his place tl'., :lade to see r,, : --ulty will be p:: Civen the i= .:r'ely projects ,i hen he ente:, :an assume thar. rteraction u it -rtherwise thro.' \,\'hen these d.s ::raction itself :-rpon which tl-r'r:r'l hpan nrodi.he participants

=mbarrassed ha

nteraction for

i rongly define-lned. At such

:shamed, whil. rostile; and all :

--'r-esentation ha

:et ill at
-

ease,

^-L idllLg/ glllUdl - --l6:

jnomy that is _sirl srrsfem nf j

When the interaction that is initiated by "firsr impressions" is itself merely the initial interac tion in an extended series of interactions in volving the same participants, we speak o. "getting off on the right foot" and feel that it is crucial that we do so. Thus, one learns tha: some teachers take the following view:

ii' the situatio: :ends to pror ii :ctivity that fb. -:oint of view-',

:f

-lown. In stressing

--ial fact

that a:
also

You can't ever let them get the upper hand on you or you're through. 5o I start

ir 'rtuation :er. It is this rr. .l-rat will chieflr :iety is organize Jividualwho p, :eristics has a others will valr.

-Uep patJelo.rd;o uoqdn-rsrp ]uena;d ot

eJe suoqnpJa;d teql tceJ eq]

ualpl
uJ

ol uoqrppp

-o;dde ue ur turq lear} pup anlpn llr/\ s:ali:-

.}IJO

]eq] ]cadxa o1 lqEu Ie;otu e seq sortsL=-ceJEqJ lerJos ureuec sassessod oL{,,\\ lenpr .. :
-ur r{ue leql eldrcuud aqi uo pazueS.lo sr {r: -og ']roda; srql ur sn uref,uoJ {garqc lp/l l suo4calord Jo JelceJeqJ leJolu srql st U -;-JPJer.{3 IeJOr.u eADJUrlSrp e Seq osle uorlEr-- l aqt Jo uoqruuep papalord {ue teqt Jf,eJ i?._ -nJJ eq] Ioolje^o ]ou ]snu e,/K-/\\er^Jo ]u: _ : uoqf,e srql Surssa4s ur-sl\olloJ 1eq1 {1r,r:-:. anrlaado-oc eql JoJ ueld e apno:d ol sp-=. Ienprnpur ue {q papelo:d uo4pn}rs aqt _-.
_

uoqruuap leqrur eq] teq] ]reJ eLI]

tu,rt"u:,:,

$leejq uorJcpjelul elpJ-o]-elpj ;o ualsAs ': -os elnu[u eq] ueq^r palaauaB s 1eq1 ,(ur,: -= Jo puH aq] Surcuauedxa'passe;Jpqr.ua'e:-. -elunoJ Jo ]no 'passnlduou 'esea 1e y1 ol el.Uoc r{eu s}uedtctyed aql lle pue lelr:: 1aa; z{eru luasa;d sJeqlo eq} alrq^\'peLuz--1aa; ,{eu pelrpeJJsrp useq seq uoBeluei=_ _ esoq^\ Ienphrpur eq] sluel.Uo(U qsns ]v'F:_ -ap :e8uo1 ou /\rou sr pue peuuep {13u - ueeq seq uoqenlls eq] qlrq^\ JoJ uorllp-:_ _ ue ur paSpol se^lasueqt pug sluedrJruec = _ pue'alqeuelun eluof,aq palecrpa;d ueec. :,
_

Jo ']rpeJJsrp ']JrpeJluoJ rlclq^A uorlf,E_;- _ eq] uqlr/\ Jncco feru s]ue^a JgHl aunss: -: an 's-raqlo ;o acuasa;d eql s;elue eq L= - " uoqenlrs eq] Jo uoqruuep e slcelo.rd ' . -JeJJa lenpr^rpur aq] teql ]leJ ell ue., peluane;d eq llr,y! .- -uJrp aJnlnJ qcnu 'ssoq sr oq^\ ees o1 ::: _ pue pJe^\ aq] uo ,{ep r:g aqt eceld . lnd r(1d:eqs sr luaqed au eqlJI '1eqt yae- , _ ^ suollnlllsul leluel'U ul sluepuaDe ,{1:z 'q8no1 la3 ol f:1 no'{ uaqm '3uro3-.'.,:' lno Uels no,{ g1 '8uo1e o3 no,{ se - o'qEnel pue no.,{ te

sluedrcq:ed eqlJo sesuodsa: aq] qJrq^\ u -,:suo4du;nsse eqlJo euos ']leq peSSpllE:-: pue pasnJuos e ol aruoo ,{eru Jlaslr uor::?-: -ur eql lnoJo sluene anrldn:srp eseql u; 'uoqcalo-rd srq] uodn lQnop /\{o:q} esr/\u; -

iool lsnl

11.

..-

uorldece: JreLI] ur ]f,e] uexe ]ou plp uorssa:d -tUI aql penlef,eJ oq/\r esoq] JI 'e^lruns plnoJ suorssa:du-rr A\eJ ]eql ees ol sdeqrad ,{pea-r ssel e;e am'pa{o1dr-ue }ou eJeA\ sacqce-rd anrs -ueJep Jr elrnJns pFo^\ uorssardur pe;elsoJ ou ]e9] aas o] ,{pea.r eq {eu am elrq^\ '}eq} peppe eq plnoqs tl 'srelllo eroJaq acuasa:d srq Euunp Ienpwpur ue ,{q paralso; uorssardu-n eql prenEa;es o1 pa,{o1dua sanbruqce} aq} esuduroc sacqce:d a,tlcalord pue e^rsuaJep taqieEol ,,'llel,, Jo ,,secnce:d enrlcalo:d,, ;o leeds am laqloue '{q paicalo:d uoqen}rs eq} Jo uoqruuap eq] enes o] tueql sr{o1dua lued -rcq:ed e ueql\ 1,,secqce;d enrsueJep,, se ueq] o] JeJeJ {eu a.,ll. 'suoqcelo:d u^,o srq }calo:d ol scrpe] pue sar8ale:ls eseq] s'{o;dua Ienpn -rpur eq] uell/v|pepro^E {;1n;sseocns ueeq lou e^eq leq] seJuaJJnJJo Suqlpe;csrp -ro; alesued -r.uoJ o] pa{o1dua ,{lluelsuoc a;e sacqce:d enrlJejJoJ ]eq] pue sluausseJJeqlue aseq] prone o] pa{o1dua ,{puelsuoc e:e sacqce:d anlluana:d leq] puu eAA 'ue)el suorlneca:d ]uelsuoJ ]ou eJe \ 'r{lluanba:; eJotu JnJJo plno^\ r{aqt ,{1tua;edde:o; lncco ,(eqt qcrqm qll^| r{cuenba:; aqt ,{q suoqdn.rsrp leuoDru -UepJo aruel:odtur eqt e8pnllouum euo ,,'sr,, eq] se ees ollq6no r{eql leqzrr o1 se pue sr leq/v\ ol se (Ueql peurJoJur seq Ienph -rpul eql ]eq]'uaqi 'puu sraqlo aql'slenpr^Ip -ur qJns:o; aleudo:dde aq plnon\ leql ]uatu -]eeJ] aq] saoSa:o; 'ecuaq 'pue aq o]:eadde lou seop eq s8urqt eq ol surelc 11e seo8ero; ,(prcrldtur osle eH ']cadxa ot tq8u e e eq pur) srq Jo suosJad teqt Jeuueru aq] ur turq ]pe:t pue anle^ ol ueq] Sur8rlqo 's;eqlo aql uodn pueuep leJor.u e syexe {11ecr1euo1ne aq /puDlJelnJrued e;o uosrad p eq o] urrelo lrclyd -xe Jo lcrldrur ue saletu {qalaql pue uol1p -nlrs oqlJo uorluuep e sloalo-rd lenphrpur ue uaqm'ecuanbasuoc ul 'sr eq swrelf, er.{ leq/\\ eq ol lJpJ ur lqEno sf,rlsrJepe;er-1f, lerJos urel -Jac seq aq leq] sagru8rs ,{llrcrldxa ro ,{1ircr1d -rur oq/t\ lenpr^rpur ue leql {leueu 'puooas qll/\\ pelJauuo3 fem a]et:d
e sr aldrouud slq]

'

esee uec no.,{ ueql 'q8no1 ;;o gels o: - : e4no^' ' ' 'ssoq s,oL{/\\/\\oDI LII3lil lai _ e 1eB 1 {ep ls-rg eq1 'q8no: -sselo

^\au

Sfi

lps lo uouzuasild aqJ :Zl raldeq3

116 Part lV

The Sel[ and Social Interaction

nitions, we may also note that an intense in terest in these disruptions comes to play a signifrcant role in the social life of the group. Practical jokes and social games are played,

in which

solved. There seems to be no grouping whrch does not have a ready supply of these games, reveries, and cautionary tales, to be used as a source of humor, a catharsis for anxieties, and a sanction for inducing individuals to be modest in their claims and reason able in their projected expectations. The individual may tell himself through dreams of getting into impossible positions. Families tell of the time a suest sot his dates mixed and arrived when neither the house nor anyone in it was ready for him. Journalists tell of times when an all too meaningful misprint occurred, and the paper's assumption of objectivity or decorum was humorously discredited. Public servants tell of times a client ridiculously misunderstood form instructions, giving answers which implied an unanticipated and

embarrassments which are to be taken unseriously are purposely engineered. Fantasies are created, in which devastating exposures occur. Anecdotes from the past-real, embroidered, orfictitious-are told and retold, detailing disruptions which occurred, almost occurred, or occurred and were admirably re

the activity of a given partrcipant on a given occasion which serves to influence in any way any of the other participants. Taking a particular participant and his performance as a basic point of reference, we may refer to those who contribute the other performances as the audience, observers, or coparticipants. The pre established pattern of action, which is unfolded during a perfor mance and which may be presented or played through on other occasions, may be called a "part" or "routine." . . When an individual plays a parr, he im plicitly requests his observers to take seriously the impression that is fostered before them. They are asked to believe that the character they see actually possesses the attributes he appears to possess, that the task he performs will have the consequences that are implicitly claimed for it, and that, in general, matters are what they appear to be. In line with this, there is the popular view that the individual offers his performance and puts on his show "for the benefit of other
.

:he performer

r--.

,-onviction of his :ther ends, har: :he situation. \\ i ref in his own .
r

-he conception

ith the beliefs

rim cynical, res.

.ndividuals who
rcstered by their :e understood iir

disinvoir =ssional sional pleasures f:

:ncing a kind o: rom the fact thai

.hing his audienc. It is not sssun:

people."

(that is, face-to-face interactron) may be roughly defined as the reciprocal influence of individuals upon one another's actions when in one another's immediate physical presence. An interactron may be defined as

bizarre definition of the situation.j Seamen, whose home arva1, from home is rigorously he-man, tell stories of coming back home and inadvertently asking mother to "pass the fucking butter."" Diplomats tell of the time a near-sighted queen asked a republican ambassador about the health of his king. . . .' For the purpose of this report, interaction

all the interaction which occurs throughout any one occasion when a given set of individ uals are in one another's continuous presence; the term "an encounter" would do as well. A "performance" may be defined as all

It will be convenient to begin a consider ation of performances by turning the question around and looking at the individual's own belief in the impression of reality that he attempts to engender in those among whom he finds himself. At one extreme, one finds that the performer can be fully taken in by his own act; he can be sincerely convinced that the im pression of reality which he stages is the real reality. When his audience is also convinced in this way about the show he puts on-and this seems to be the typical case-then, for the moment at least, only the sociologist or the socially disgruntled will have any doubts about the "realness" of what is presented. At the other extreme, we frnd that the per former may not be taken in at all by his own routine This possibitity is understandable, since no one is in quite as good an observational position to see through the act as the person who puts it on. Coupled with this,

rerfornrers are .. audiences for c self-interest" or : i idual rnay delu; :onsiders to be ' :ood ofthe con:: ol'this we need ; L-ned showmen. Hsun Tzu. We k:.ions practitioner itncere are some: -ustomers, beca, >uch a heartfelt : are led into givir,-endants who re. irre pressures foi shoe clerks who the customer it hear-these are : audiences will r. aere. . . lWlhile the p. postors and liars differs in this res: mances, both are iormers must exe impression that is est performer wis whether a disho: convey a falsehoc
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118 Part IV

The Self and Social Interaction

maintaining selves do not reside inside the peg; in fact, these means are often bolted down in social establishments. . . . The whole machinery of self-production is cumbersome, of course, and sometimes breaks down, exposing its separate components. . . . But well oiled, impressions will flow from it fast enough to put us in the grips of one of our types of reality-the performance willcome off, and the firm self accorded each performed character will appear to emanate intrinsically from its petformer. . . ln developing the conceptual framework employed in this report, some language of the stage was used. . . . [However], this report is not concerned with aspects of theaterthat creep into everyday life. It is concerned with the structure of social encounters-the structure of those entities in social life that come into being whenever persons enter one another's immediate physical presence. The key factor in this structure is the maintenance of a single definition of the situation, this definition having to be expressed, and this expression sustained in the face of a multitude of potential disruptions. A character staged in a theater is not in some ways real, nor does it have the same kind of real consequences as does the thoroughly contrived character performed by a confidence man; but the successful staging of either of these types of false figures involves use of realtechniques-the same techniques by which everyday persons sustain their real social situations. Those who conduct face-to-face interaction on a theater's stage must meet the key requirement of real situa.

tions, they must expressively sustain a definition of the situation, but this they do in circumstances that have facilitated therr

developing an apt terminology for the interactional tasks that all of us share.

tl
(yberspa(( tyborselve
Dennis D. Was
6offman's "Presentatic :veryday social life, we :ude of others towarc
3nce their attitude to',.

Notes

l.
2. 3.

Custav lchheiser; "Misunderstandings in Human Relations," supplement to The

American Journal of Sociology, LV (September 1949), pp. 6-7. Willard Walteq, "The Rating and Dating Complex," Ameican Sociological Review,ll, p. 730.

W. F. Whyte, "When Workers and Customers Meet," Chap. Yll,lndustry and Society, ed. W. F Whyte (New York: McCraw-Hill, 1946), pp
raa
|

a1 )/-- )).

4.

Teacher interview quoted

Becker, "Social Class Variations in the Teacher-Pupil Relationship," lournal of Edu'

by Howard

S.

:ging their impressior

social validation for the

5.

6.

XXV p. 459. Peter Blau, "Dynamics of Bureaucracy" (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology, Columbia Universiry tl955l, University of Chicago Press), pp. 127-29. Walter M. Beattie, fr., "The Merchant Seamen" (unpublished M.A. Report, Department of Sociology, University of Chicago,
cational Sociology,

we want to be and cc srruction of our own sr ife, we cannot be jus:

Physical characteristics sexual characteristics. are difficult, although conceal. The clothes :laces we can afford

1950), p. 35.

presentations

of

selve

Sir Frederick Ponsonby, Recollections of Three

Rergns

(New York: Dutton, 195D, p. 46.

whom we encounter knowledge of us, eithe self that we present rc

mally consistent with ' hope to avoid being cc we influence the self ri everyday social life anc different situations, ou rion has definite limits Contemporary ccr panded our freedom
,

Reprinted from: Erving Goffman, The Presentotion of Self in Everydoy Lifg pp. 1-4, 6-18, 66, 252-253 Copyright A, 1.959 by Erving Goffman. Reprinted by permission of Doubleday, a division of Random House, Inc.

ating new realms of construction. In this explores how the prr

space both resembler

sentation of self in e observed online char