A Research Report on

Kashmir issue in mainstream Pakistani Urdu newspapers

(A comparative study of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt)

Muhammad Tahseen

DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR
SESSION 2010-12 BATCH 23

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We, the examiners, hereby accept this report made by Muhammad Tahseen on Kashmir issue in mainstream Pakistani Urdu newspapers for the award of Master of Arts Degree in Journalism & Mass Communication from Peshawar University.

External Examiner
Signature: Name: Designation: Institute:
Date:

__________________ ___________________ ___________________ ___________________

____/______/_____

Internal Examiner
Signature: Name: Designation: Institute: Date: ___________________ ___________________ ___________________ ___________________ ____/______/________

DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR
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Approval Sheet
Research Report On Kashmir issue in mainstream Pakistani Urdu newspapers
(A comparative study of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt)
Mr. Muhammad Tahseen submits this report to the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Peshawar for the award of Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Mass Communication.

Supervised By: Prof. Dr. Altafullah Khan Dept of Journalism and Mass Communication University of Peshawar

Approved By: Prof. Dr. Shah Jehan Syed Chairman Dept of Journalism and Mass Communication University of Peshawar

DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR

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Dedication
This work is dedicated to my beloved parents and my great teacher Nasir ullah without whom encouragements, support and efforts; I would have never been able to achieve this goal.

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Preface In recent few years, it has been observed that the discipline of journalism has been gaining ground in Pakistan in sure manner. The said phenomena and growing interest in journalism may have originated in the comparatively better scope and opportunities in the field of journalism, and more so in the fact of popular consciousness. Today we can assert that journalism is somewhat an epitome of all social sciences besides the emblem of the craft of writing. In other word, we can state that in journalism are usually stated all the practical interpretation of the social sciences. This is the moot-point of interesting phenomena of social sciences. However it does not imply that physical sciences, technologies and medical science have no scope in the field of journalism. They too equally find coverage in the news. No single research study is done on Kashmir issue and coverage of Pakistans newspapers in the department of Journalism and Mass communication, University of Peshawar. So therefore I did research on this issue titled Kashmir issue in mainstream Urdu newspapers (A comparative study of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt), in order to know the coverage of Kashmir issue in the mainstream newspapers of Pakistan. I consider this research report a humble contribution to the ever-growing knowledge. Correction and suggestion from teachers, students and readers of subject will be thankfully received.

Muhammad Tahseen
Department of journalism & Mass communication, University of Peshawar Date: 12/11/2012

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am deeply grateful to my supervisor Prof. Dr. Altaf ullah khan Chairman Department of journalism and Mass communication for his interest, insight and advice. I am extremely thankful to my great teacher Mr. Inam ur Rahman for his guidance, patience, accessibility, and attention to detail, all of which were instrumental in helping me write this thesis. I am also thankful to my other teachers among them Professor Naeem Gul and lecturer Gul Wahab khan for their guidance. I wish to take this opportunity to thank the Department of Journalism and Mass Communications and all its faculty and staff for their help and support. This thesis was made possible because of the love and faith of my friends and family; for this, I will be forever in their debt. It will not be a miss to mention a number of my colleagues who quite enthusiastically contributed to the completion of this report these among other include: Noor Ahmed, Younas Rahi, Faisal Rehman, Ahad Nawaz, Syed Azaz Ali Shah and Syed Muhammad Owais Cheshti.

Muhammad Tahseen
Village Sehotar P/o Danna Kacheeli Tehsil/district Muzaffarabad Azad Kashmir. 12/11/2012

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Abstract
This research study is conducted to find out that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by two mainstream Pakistani Urdu newspapers i.e. daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during two different periods i.e. July 2010 and January 2012. Researcher selected two periods i.e. July 2010 when there was spark in the valley against Indian forces and second January 2012 when there was calm as compared to first period. Researcher counted and measured various contents i.e. (news stories, space of news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, special pages and letters-to-editor) of two month editions of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in order to know which newspaper given much coverage to Kashmir issue and also to find out in which period much coverage is given to Kashmir issue. Findings show daily Nawa-i-Waqt given much coverage to Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010 as compared to daily Jang July 2010. Findings of this study also shows that daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 given much coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012.

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CONTENTS
S. No 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.2 1.2.1 1.2.2 1.2.3 1.2.4 1.2.5 1.2.6 1.2.7 1.2.8 1.2.9 1.2.10 1.2.11 1.2.12 2.1.1 2.1.2 2.1.3 2.1.4 2.1.5 2.1.6 2.1.7 2.1.8 2.1.9 2.1.10 2.1.11 2.1.12 2.1.13 2.1.14 2.1.15 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.2.3 Topic CHAPTER - 1 Introduction A brief account of Kashmir issue First war over Kashmir Kashmir issue in United Nations Widespread insurgency in Kashmir 1989 Kargil war 1999 Reasons of Dispute Protest in Kashmir July 2010 Background of the protests Pakistan Media scene Background and General Characteristics Statistics Prominent Newspapers Chain Daily Jang Daily Nawa-i-Waqt Quality of Journalism General Comments Physical characteristics of newspapers Circulation information Printing Methods Press ethics in Pakistan Press freedom in Pakistan Press state relations CHAPTER 2 Research Methodology Rational of the study Statement of the problem Research question Objectives of the study Data collection Universe of the study Sampling Unite of analysis Time period Data treatment Significance of the study Nature of the study Purpose of the study Scope of the study Topic selection Research design Quantitative Research design Advantage Page No 1 1 2 3 4 5-6 7 7-8 9 9 9 10 11 12 13 13 14 14 15 16 17-23 24 24 24 25 25 25 25 26 26 26 26 26 27 27 27 27 28 28 29 Page | 8

2.2.4 2.3.1 2.3.2 2.3.3 2.3.4 2.3.5 2.3.6 2.4.1 2.4.2 2.4.3 2.4.4 2.4.5 2.4.6 2.4.7 2.4.8 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6

Disadvantage Content analysis Definition of content analysis Steps in content analysis Limitations of the content analysis Theoretical Framework Agenda Setting Explanation of imported terms Mass media Types of mass media Print Media Electronic Media New age Media Mainstream Mainstream Newspapers CHAPTER3 Literature Review Theoretical Framework Agenda Setting Theory Beginning of the Agenda Setting Theory Chapel Hill study Agenda Building Need for orientation Who sets media agenda? How does agenda setting work Conclusion of theory Literature review Definition of literature review Conducted studies on topic CHAPTER 4 Data presentation Tables of Daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010) Tables of Daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (January 2012) Comparison of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010) Comparison of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (January 2012) Comparison of daily Jang July 2010 & January 2012 with Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010&Jan 2012. Comparison of daily Jang & Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010 with daily Jang & Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012. CHAPTER -5 Data Interpretation Conclusion References

29 30 30 31 31 31 31 32 32 33 33 33 33 34 34 35 35 35 36 37-39 40 41 41 41 42 42 42 42-46 47-48 49-63 64-78 79 80 81 82 83-86 87-88 89-90

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Jammu Kashmir Map

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Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 A Brief account of Kashmir issue
1ndias official position is that Kashmir is an integral part of India. Pakistans official position is that Kashmir is a disputed territory whose final status must be determined by the people of Kashmir. Certain Kashmiri independence groups believe that Kashmir should be independent of both India and Pakistan. India and Pakistan have fought three wars over Kashmir: in 1947, 1965, and 1999. India and China have clashed once, in 1962 over Aksai Chin as well as the northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. India and Pakistan have also been involved in several skirmishes over Siachen Glacier. Since the 1990s, the Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir has been hit by confrontation between the Indian Armed Forces and Kashmiri separatists, including militants who India alleges are supported by Pakistan and the Pakistan Armed Forces, which has resulted in thousands of deaths. In 1947, British rule in India ended with the creation of two new nations, the Union of India and the Dominion of Pakistan and the abandonment of British suzerainty over the 562 Indian princely states. According to the Indian Independence Act 1947, the suzerainty of His Majesty over the Indian States lapses, and with it, all treaties and agreements in force at the date of the passing of this Act between His Majesty and the rulers of Indian States, so the states were left to choose whether to join India or Pakistan or to remain independent. Jammu and Kashmir had a predominantly Muslim population but a Hindu ruler, and was the largest of the princely states. Its ruler was the Dogra King (or Maharaja) Hari Singh.

1.2 First war over Kashmir 1948

In October 1947, Pakistani tribals from Dir entered Kashmir intending to liberate it from Dogra rule. Unable to withstand the invasion, the Maharaja signed The Instrument ofAccession that was accepted by the Government of India on October 27, 1947.

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The irregular Pakistani tribals made rapid advances into Kashmir (Bararnulla sector) after the rumors that the Maharaja was going to decide for the union with India. Maharaja Hari Singh of Kashmir asked the Government of India to intervene. However, the Government of India pointed out that India and Pakistan had signed an agreement of nonintervention (maintenance of the status quo) in .Jammu and Kashmir; and although tribal fighters from Pakistan had entered Jammu and Kashmir, there was, until then, no ironclad legal evidence to unequivocally prove that the Government of Pakistan was officially involved. It would have been illegal for India to unilaterally intervene (in an open, official capacity) unless Jammu and Kashmir officially joined the Union of India, at which point it would be possible to send in its forces and occupy the remaining parts. The Maharaja desperately needed the Indian militarys help when the Pathan tribals reached the outskirts of Srinagar, before their arrival into Srinagar, India argues that Maharaja Hari Singh completed negotiations for acceding Jammu and Kashmir to India in exchange for receiving military aid. The agreement with ceded Jammu and Kashmir to India was signed by the Maharaja and Lord Mountbatten of Burma.

1.3 Kashmir issue in United Nations

The First Kashmir War lasted until 1948, when India moved the issue to the UN Security Council. The UN previously had passed resolutions setting up for the monitoring of the conflict in Kashmir. The committee it set up was called the United Nations Committee for India and Pakistan. Following the set up of the UNCIP the UN Security Council passed Resolution 47 on April 21, 1948. The resolution imposed that an immediate cease-fire takes place and said that Pakistan should withdraw all presence and had no say in Jammu and Kashmir politics. It stated that India should retain a minimum military presence and stated that the final disposition of the State of Jammu and Kashmir will be made in accordance with the will of the people expressed through the democratic method of a free and impartial plebiscite conducted under the auspices of the United Nations. The cease fire took place December 31, 1948.

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At that time, the Indian and Pakistani governments agreed to hold the plebiscite but Pakistan did not withdraw its troops from Kashmir thus violating the condition for holding the plebiscite. Over the next several years, the UN Security Council passed four new resolutions, revising the terms of Resolution 47 to include a synchronous withdrawal of both .Indian and Pakistani troops from the region, per the recommendations of General Andrew McNaughton. To this end, UN arbitrators put forward 11 different proposals for the demilitarization of the region - every one of which was accepted by Pakistan, but rejected by the Indian government. The resolutions were passed United Nations Security Council under Chapter VI of the United Nations Charter. Resolutions passed under Chapter VI of UN charter are considered non binding and have no mandatory enforceability as opposed to the resolutions passed under Chapter VII. In 1965 and 1971, heavy fighting again broke out between India and Pakistan. The IndoPakistani War of 1971 resulted in the defeat of Pakistan and Pakistan Militarys surrender in East Pakistan (Bangladesh). The Simla Agreement was signed in 1972 between India and Pakistan. By this treaty, both countries agreed to settle all issues by peaceful means and mutual discussions in the framework of the UN Charter.

1.4 Widespread insurgency in Kashmir, 1989

In 1989, a widespread armed insurgency started in Kashmir, which continues to this day, India contends that this was largely started by the large number of Afghan mujahideen who entered the Kashmir valley following the end of the Soviet-Afghan War, though Pakistan and Kashmiri nationalists argue that Afghan mujahideen did not leave Afghanistan in large numbers until 1992, three years after the insurgency began. Yasin Malik, a leader of one faction of the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front, along with Ashfaq Majid Wani and Farooq Ahmad Dar alias Bitta Karatay, was one of the Kashmiris to organize militancy in Kashmir. However since 1995, Malik has renounced the use of violence and calls for strictly peaceful methods to resolve the dispute. He developed differences with one of the senior leader Farooq Papa for shunning the demand for independent Kashmir and trying to cut a deal with Indian Prime Minister resulting in spilt in which Bitta Karatay, Salim Nanhaji and other senior comrades joined Farooq Papa. Pakistan claims these insurgents are Jammu and Kashmir citizens, and they are rising up against the Indian Army in an independence Page | 13

movement. It also says the Indian Army is committing serious human rights violations to the citizens of Jammu and Kashmir. It denies that it is giving armed help to the insurgents. The Pakistani government calls these insurgents, Kashmiri freedom fighters, and claims that it gives only moral and diplomatic support to these insurgents, though India believes they are Pakistan-supported terrorists from Pakistan Administered Kashmir. In October 2008 President Asif Ali Zardari of Pakistan called the Kashmir separatists Terrorists in an interview with The Wall Street Journal, these comments by Zardari sparked outrage amongst many Kashmiris, some of whom defied a curfew by the Indian army to burn his effigy.

1.5 Kargil war, 1999

In mid-1999 insurgents and Pakistani soldiers from Pakistani Kashmir infiltrated into Jammu and Kashmir. During the winter season, Indian forces regularly move down to lower altitudes as severe climatic conditions make it almost impossible for them to guard the high peaks near the Line of Control. The insurgents took advantage of this and occupied vacant mountain peaks of the Kargil range overlooking the highway in Indian Kashmir, connecting Srinagar and Leh. By blocking the highway, they wanted to cut off the only link between the Kashmir Valley and Ladakh. This resulted in a high- scale conflict between the Indian Army and the Pakistan Army. At the same time, fears of the Kargil War turning into a nuclear war provoked the then- US President Bill Clinton to pressure Pakistan to retreat. Faced with mounting losses of personnel and posts, Pakistan Army withdrew the remaining troops from the area ending the conflict. India reclaimed control of the peaks which they now patrol and monitor all year long.

1.6 Reasons of the dispute

The Kashmir Conflict arises from the Partition of India in 1947 into modern India and Pakistan. Both the countries have made claims to Kashmir, based on historical developments and religious affiliations of the Kashmiri people. The state of Jammu and Kashmir, which lies strategically in the Northwest of the subcontinent, bordering China and the former Soviet Union, was a princely state ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh, under the paramount of British Page | 14

India. In geographical and legal terms, the Maharaja could have joined either of the two new Dominions. Although urged by the Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten of Burma, to determine the future of his state before the transfer of power took place, Hari Singh demurred. In October 1947, incursions and counter-incursions by Pakistan and India have taken place leading to a war, as a result of which the state of Jammu and Kashmir remains divided between the two countries. Pakistans claims to the disputed region are based on the rejection of Indian claims to Kashmir, namely the Instrument of Accession. Pakistan insists that the Maharaja was not a popular leader, and was regarded as a tyrant by most Kashmiris; Pakistan also maintains that the Maharaja used brute force to suppress the population. Pakistan also accuses India of hypocrisy, as it refused to recognize the accession of Junagadh to Pakistan and Hyderabads independence, on the grounds that those two states had Hindu majorities (in fact, India occupied and forcibly integrated those two territories). Furthermore, as he had fled Kashmir due to Pakistani invasion, Pakistan asserts that the Maharaja held no authority in determining Kashmirs future. Additionally, Pakistan argues that even if the Maharaja had any authority in determining the plight of Kashmir, he signed the Instrument of Accession under duress, thus invalidating the legitimacy of his actions. Pakistan also claims that Indian forces were in Kashmir before the Instrument of Accession was signed with India, and that therefore Indian troops were in Kashmir in violation of the Standstill Agreement, which was designed to maintain the status quo in Kashmir (although India was not signatory to the Agreement, signed between Pakistan and the Hindu ruler of Jammu and Kashmir). From 1990 to 1999 some organizations report that Indian Armed Forces, its paramilitary groups, and counter-insurgent militias have been responsible for the deaths 4,501 of Kashmiri civilians. Also from 1990 to 1999, there are records of 4,242 women between the ages of 7-70 that have been raped. Similar allegations were also made by some human rights organizations.

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In short, Pakistan holds that:

The popular Kashmiri insurgency demonstrates that the Kashmiri people no longer wish to remain within India. Pakistan suggests that this means that either Kashmir wants to be with Pakistan or independent. According to the two-nation theory which is one of the theories that is cited for the partition that created India and Pakistan, Kashmir should have been with Pakistan, because it has a Muslim majority. India has shown disregard to the resolutions of the UN by not holding a plebiscite. The Kashmiri people have now been forced by the circumstances to rise against the alleged repression of the Indian army and uphold their right of self-determination through militancy. Pakistan claims to give the Kashmiri insurgents moral, ethical and military support (see 1999 Kargil Conflict). Recent protests in Indian administered Kashmir show a large number of people showing increased anger over Indian rule with massive rallies taking place to oppose Indian control of the state. Another reason behind the dispute over Kashmir is water. Kashmir is the origin point for many rivers and tributaries of the Indus River basin. They include Jhelum and Chenab which primarily flow into Pakistan while other branches - the Ravi, Beas and the Sutlej irrigate northern India. Pakistan has been apprehensive that in a dire need, India (under whose portion of Kashmir lies the origins and passage of the said rivers) would use its strategic advantage and withhold the flow and thus choke the agrarian economy of Pakistan. The Boundary Award of 1947 meant that the headwaters of Pakistani irrigation systems were in Indian Territory. The Indus Waters Treaty signed in 1960 resolved most of these disputes over the sharing of water, calling for mutual cooperation in this regard. But this treaty faced issues raised by Pakistan over the construction of dams on the Indian side which limit water to the Pakistani side.

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1.7 July 2010 protest and Kashmir issue

The 2010 Kashmir unrest was a series of protests in the Muslim majority Kashmir Valley in Indian Administrated Kashmir which started in June 2010.These protests occurred in response to a civil disobedience movement lunched by Hurriyat Conference led by Syed Ali Shah Gillani and Mir Waiz Umer Farooq in Indian Administrated Kashmir in June 2010.Who called for the complete demilitarization of Jammu and Kashmir. All Parties Hurriyat Conference made this call to protest, citing human rights abuses by Indian troops. Protesters shouting pro-independence slogans, defied curfew, attacked security forces with stones and burnt police vehicles and government buildings. The Jammu and Kashmir Police and Indian Para-military forces fired live ammunition on the protesters, resulting in 112 deaths, including many teenagers. The protests subsided after the Indian government announced a package of measures aimed at defusing the tensions in September 2010.

1.8 Background of the protest

On April 30, 2010, the Indian Army claimed to have foiled an infiltration bid from across the Line of Control, at Machil Sector in Kupwara district of Jammu and Kashmir by killing three armed militants from Pakistan. However it was subsequently established that the encounter had been staged and that the three alleged militants were infect civilians of Rafiabad area, who had been lured to the army camp by promising them jobs as porters for the Army ,and then shot in cold blood, in order to claim a cash award. On June 11, there were protests against these killings in the downtown areas of Srinagar. Police used massive force to disperse the protesting youth during which a teargas bullet killed a seventeen year old Tufail Ahmed Mattoo who was playing cricket in Gani memorial Stadium. Several protest marches were organized across the Valley in response to the killings which were met with indiscriminate firing by the security forces deployed in the region. Thereafter a vicious circle was set, killing of a boy was followed by protest demonstrations and clashes with police and CRPF in which another boy was killed which led to another protest by the boys till several youth lost their lives. However, Indian intelligence agencies claimed that these protests and demonstrations were part of covert operations of Pakistani intelligence agencies and were sponsored and supported from them. Page | 17

1.2 Pakistan Media Scene

1.2.1 Background & General Characteristics:
In 1947 when the British agreed to partition British India into the two self-governing countries of India and Pakistan, only four major Muslim-owned newspapers existed in the area now called Pakistan: Pakistan Times, Zamindar, Nawa-i-Waqt, and Civil and Military Gazette, all located in Lahore. However, a number of Muslim papers moved to Pakistan, including Dawn, which began publishing daily in Karachi in 1947. Other publications moving to Pakistan included the Morning News and the Urdu-language dailies Jang and Anjam. By the early 2000s, 1,500 newspapers and journals exist in Pakistan, including those published in English, Urdu, and in regional languages; and the press remains strong and central to public life in spite of government efforts to control it.

1.2.2 Statistics:
According to the Statistical Department of Pakistan there were 1464 newspapers in all languages published in four provinces of Pakistan 1) SINDH English: 45, Sindhi: 35, Urdu: 28. 2) PUNJAB Urdu: 268, English: 40, Punjabi: 17. 3) NWFP Urdu: 677, English: 26, Pashto: 25. 4) BALOCHISTAN Urdu: 363, English: 22, Pashto: 8, Balochi: 8.

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1.2.3 Prominent Newspapers Chains: Due to certain reasons, there have been many drastic changes in the journalism in Pakistan, besides international impact, which have collectively changed the colour and taste of journalism. Explicitly journalism in Pakistan has been operating on western lines, and has not remained merely a symbol of past missionary zeal. It has become a full fledged industry. Similarly newspapers and journals have been placed in groups as well as individual institutions. Today, it is becoming just impossible for an individual to bear the increasingly heavy expenses of running a newspaper. The administrative set-up of the newspapers and journals can be studied from the following point of views.

I.

National Press Trust of Pakistan:

Under this set-up, the following newspapers are working. It also consists of the Progressive papers Limited Lahore, besides Mashriq Limited, Lahore and National News Publication, Karachi. National Press trust of Pakistan is an official agency or organization. 1. Progressive papers Limited (PPL) controls and supervises The Pakistan Times, Lahore and Rawalpindi; Imroze Lahore and Multan, and the monthly Sports Time. 2. Mashriq Limited consists of daily Mashriq Lahore, Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar; and weekly magazine Akhbar-i-Khawateen. 3. National News Publication, Karachi publishes daily Morning News.

II.

Herald Publication:

It is owned by Haroon family and is also called as Haroon group. Under its aegis, daily Dawn Evening Star, Hurriyat, Hearld, Spider and Aurora are published.

III.

Independent Newspapers Corporation Ltd:

In this group are included, daily JangDaily News, Jang international London; Mag (a weekly English journal); and weekly Akhbar-i-Jahan.

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IV.

Other prominent publications

In this group are included the following publications: 1. Nawa-i-Waqt, from Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi and Multan. 2. Jasarat and Aman are published from Karachi 3. Maghribi Pakistan published from Lahore and Wafaq published from Lahore, Rawalpindi. 4. Hilal-i-pakistan and Mehran (sindhi) and Basharat(urdu) are published from Hyderabad. 5. Zamana, Sachai, Nara-i-Haq, Quetta 6. Jehad,Shahbaz, Inqilab, watan, Al-Jamiat, Sarhad, Al-falah and Jiddat Peshawar. 7. Karawan from Bahawalpur 8. Nawa-i-Multan and Daily Business Report from Multan 9. Business Recorder and Pakistan Economist are published from Karachi. 10. Khyber Mail and Frontier post are published from Peshawar. 11. Baluchistan Times from QuettaMuslim from Rawalpindi 12. Nation andView-point is published from Lahore.

1.2.4

Daily Jang

Jang was first published in 1939 by Mir KhaIil-ur-Rehman. Daily Jang is being published from Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi, Quetta and Landon. It is the only sound Pakistan newspaper which is also published form outside the country Landon. Jang has the largest circulation in Pakistan. It is the first newspaper which used computerized Urdu calligraphy in Pakistan. This has a large impact on Urdu journalism. Other newspapers influenced by its popularity, also began to use computer. At present, Nawa-i-Waqt, Pakistan, Mashriq and Musawat are also using computerized calligraphy. For the strict economy of Space, Jang puts more and more headlines on the front page. Their text is carried to the inner pages. This style is being adopted by, all newspapers of the country its photo coverage of local, national and international events is remarkable and praise worthy.

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Considering is large circulation, it has shown tremendous growth and is financially strong and pays better wages to its large editorial staff fang is the first newspaper which introduced a weekly magazine on Fridays and now all national dailies publishes weekly magazines of Fridays. It goes to the credit of Jang that newspapers took their roots in the low class people fang is also the first to produce separate colored editions consisting of articles on youth, women children and political affairs.

1.2.5 Daily Nawa-i-Waqt

It is rightly being one of the oldest Urdu newspapers of Pakistan. In the beginning it was the weekly but changed into a daily in 1944. Nawa-i-Waqt wielded a deep and penetrative influence in all the periods of the history of Pakistan. In the formative phase of Pakistan, Nawa-i-Waqt played a pivotal role, not only in the history of journalism of the sub-continent but also in the history of the movement of Pakistan. It fully rendered its support to the demand of Pakistan to the Muslim League. It was established as a putab1e newspaper, wielding a deep influence especially among the Muslim population of Punjab. After the partition of the subcontinent and the existence of Pakistan, it made the Mamdot government, the centre of its support. Afterwards, the Nawa-i-Waqt established itself as the organ and the mouthpiece of the opposition parties; rather it is well-known fact that Nawa-i-Waqt a ways served the interest and represented the and against the existing governments. Its peculiar role was most note-worthy during Ayub Khans martial law and psidentia1 elections of 1964; during heroically and boldly advanced the view-point of the opposition parties and vehemently opposed the views and opinions of the governments agencies and official circles. It is known and which has basically changed the tone of Journalism in Pakistan. Nawa-i-Waqt is also being published from Rawalpindi, Lahore Multan and Karachi simultaneously.

1.2.6 Quality of Journalism: General Comments:

The press in Pakistan holds significant power and has suffered much under various political leaders, only to emerge resilient and more committed to freedom of speech. The press's existence is remarkable given the often harsh means used by government officials and military dictators to control it.

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The press is, in fact, central to public life in Pakistan because it provides a forum for debating issues of national importance. As the national English-language daily The News notes, "[The press] has in fact replaced what think tanks and political parties in other countries would do. Columnists engage in major debates and discussions on issues ranging from national security to the social sector." The competitive nature of politics helps to ensure press freedom, because the media often serve as a forum for political parties, commercial, religious, and other interests, as well as influential individuals, to compete with and criticize each other publicly. Islamic beliefs, which are taught in the public schools, are widely reflected by the mass media. Although the press does not criticize Islam as such, leaders of religious parties and movements are not exempt from public scrutiny and criticism. The press traditionally has not criticized the military; the Office of Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) closely controls and coordinates the release of military news. In general, the quality of journalism is high. English language newspapers tend to present more foreign news than Pakistani papers in other languages.

1.2.7 Physical Characteristics of Newspapers

The typical Pakistani newspaper is of regular rather than tabloid size, averaging about 20 pages per issue. Most newspapers have a weekend, midweek, and magazine section. All the leading newspapers, including Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Dawn, The Nation, The News International, and Business Recorder, have online editions.

1.2.8 Circulation Information

The All-Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS) estimated that the total combined circulation figure for daily newspapers and other periodicals was 3.5 million in 1997. Print media included 424 dailies, 718 weeklies, 107 fortnightlies, and 553 monthlies. Deficient literacy rates, urban orientation of the press, and the high price of newspapers are considered primary factors contributing to low circulation rates.

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Jang is the top daily newspaper with a circulation of 850,000. Nawa-e-Waqt holds second place with 500,000, followed by Pakistan (279,000), Khabrain (232,000), The News (120,000), Dawn (109,000), and Business Recorder (22,000). The three most influential newspapers in Pakistan are the daily Dawn in English, the daily Jang in Urdu, and the daily Business Recorder in the area of business and finance. The average price of a newspaper varies from Rs 5 to Rs 15. For example, Business Recorder costs Rs 7 per issue.

1.2.9 Printing Methods

Newspapers in Pakistan are mostly printed on offset. Printing and editing technologies have improved newspaper production over the years; however, the impact on circulation has not been significant.

1.2.10 Press Ethics in Pakistan

Origin: A press Consultative Committee was appointed by the Government. It consisted of newspaper editors and government which passed the Press Code of ethics on March 17, 1972.

Press Code of Ethics:The said press consultative Committee passed the following press code of ethics. Conforming to the preamble in the United Nations International Code of Ethics wherein it is stated: Freedom of information and the Press is a fundamental human right and is the touchstone of all the freedoms consecrated in the Charter of the United Nations proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human-Rights, and it is essential to the promotion and to the preservations of peace: And believing that it is necessary to observe a voluntary code of conduct to ensure its functioning in freedom in the most beneficial manner to society, this general meeting of the Press Consultative Committee, held at Karachi on March 17, 1972, decides to adopt the principles of the code as herein set forth:Page | 23

1. The profession of journalism, which is a public institution, should not be used as an instrument to serve anti-social ends, or interests which are not compatible with this profession. Nor should it be used to the detriment of national and public interest. 2. The following are to be avoided in any form of publication, such as articles, news items, photographs and advertisements. a. Immorality or obscenity. b. Vulgar and derogatory expressions against individuals, institutions or groups. c. Libelous or false allegations against individuals, institutions, groups or newspapers or publications. d. Religious sectarianism, arousing one sect against another. e. Glamorization of Crime. 3. The right of the individual to protection of his reputation and integrity must be respected and exposure of and comment on the private lives of individuals must be avoided unless this is imperatively in the public interest. 4. Presentation of news items and comments on events should be fair and objective and there should be no willful departure from facts. 5. Headlines should not materially distort the contents of the news. 6. Off-the-record briefing should not be published. 7. The journalist should be entitled to protect his sources of information and respect confidence placed in him. 8. Embargoes on release dates of news articles and pictures should be rigorously observed. 9. All paid commercial announcement or advertisements should be published in such a way as to have no doubt that they actually are paid commercial announcements or advertisements.

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10. The press shall not publish news or comment, photographs or security of the State or solidarity of the nation. 11. The Press shall refrain from publishing anything likely to undermine the loyalty and allegiance of the armed forces of Pakistan. 12. The Press shall not publish anything apt to create ill- will between different sections of the people, but it shall not be constructed to preclude legitimate airing of grievances. 13. In dealing with any situation, the Press shall restrict itself to factual reporting of eventswithout in any way encouraging or providing any form of distortion. 14. No newspaper shall accept in any form or shape any financial and pecuniary advantage or obligation from or on behalf of any foreign country or concern. 15. The personnel of the Press must never accept any form of bribe or permit personal interest to influence their sense of justice and impartiality. The above-cited is actually the summary of the Press code of ethics, composed by press consultative committee, an organization which consisted of the representatives of the press as well as the government officials. With reference to the said code, it was explicitly given the understanding that Government would not unilaterally take action against a newspaper and instead bring its complaints to the committee for disposal. Furthermore the said code was not approved and signed accordingly by several leading newspapers even the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors(CPNE) did never offer it commitment officially to the code.

1.2.11 Press freedom in Pakistan

Pakistan is a part of this world, but is developed enough to afford the press a large measure of freedom, perhaps larger then that prevailing in most of the Afro-Asian countries. Freedom of the press is recognized as one of the fundamental rights of the citizens. The provision in the constitution is as follows. Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of a speech and expression subject to any reasonable restriction imposed by law in the interest of the security of Pakistan,

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friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence. Thus the nature of restrains is the same as that prevalent in even the most advanced countries. However, there is one difference that it is largely the Executive, rather than judiciary that has power to impose the penalties. According to all the previous governments it was a temporary phase necessitated by the requirements of a new society yet in the making and as the society made progress, freedom of press too would make a corresponding progress. However, much is to be desired as yet. Laws that wholly or partly affect press in Pakistan The laws that wholly or partly affect press in Pakistan are listed bellow Pakistan Press and Publication ordinance of 1963 as amended in 1964. Registration of Press and Publication Ordinance, 1988. Official Secret Act, 1923, made applicable to press in 1955. Foreign Relations Act, 1932.States protection Act, 1934. Pakistan Panel Code, 1960.Security of Pakistan Act, 1952. Telegraph Act, 1885. Post office Act, 1898.The sea Customs Act, 1878. Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. West Pakistan Maintenance of Public Order ordinance. Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority Act, (PEMRA 2002).

1.2.12 Press-State Relations

The press has traditionally experienced the often harsh effects of Pakistan's political instability. When partition resulted in the establishment of Pakistan as an independent homeland for the Muslims, the Muslim League as a political party struggled with the tasks of leading the new country into stable statehood. Factionalism, however, quickly contributed to instability, internal strife, incompetence, and corruption. The press at this point was largely a remnant of the Moslem press present during the struggle for independence, and it was seen as aggravating the problems being faced by keeping these issues out in front of the people.

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Thus, the government began its long history of attempting to control the press through arrests, the banning of certain publications, and other punitive measures. Between 1948 and 1956, political turbulence intensified with the assassination of the country's first Prime Minister, Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan, in 1951 and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in 1954. However, by 1956, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan was enforced; it contained an article specifically devoted to freedom of speech. The 1956 Constitution lasted less than three years when it was abrogated by the imposition of martial law in October 1958. A new enforcement of the constitution in 1962 occurred with the removal of martial law by President Ayub Khan. Although this constitution continued the recognition of an initial concept of freedom of expression, in reality, a military ruler imposed the constitution, and it contained no separate chapter on fundamental rights. The press and the public commented on the implications of living under a constitution devoid of mention of such basic rights, which resulted in Constitutional Amendment No. 1 to the 1962 Constitution. However, in 1963, just one year after the adoption of the new constitution, the Press and Publications Ordinance (PPO) came into being. This ordinance contained the harshest of laws curtailing freedom of expression and the progressive development of the media and leading to the March 1969 relinquishing of power by President Ayub Khan to General Yahya Khan who imposed martial law. General Khan relied heavily on one of the measures of this ordinance, the system of "press advice" given out by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in order to avoid publication of news and reports deemed unsuitable for public consumption. It was also during this period that newspapers and magazines known for their independent and progressive views were first taken over by the government. Eventually the National Press Trust, created in 1964, took over these journals and acted as a front to control a section of the press. In 1960, the Western Pakistan Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance was promulgated. On the outside, the aim was to consolidate into one law different provisions for "preventive detention of persons" and "control of persons and publications for reasons connected with the maintenance of public order." The real aim was to refine and reinforce the mechanism of repression. With amendments in 1963 and 1964, this law empowered the government to ban Page | 27

the printing of publications, to enter and search premises, and to prohibit import of newspapers, among other measures. These powers have been used by succeeding governments right up until the government of Musharraf. In 1961, the government also took over the principal news agency of the country, the APP, arguing that "administrative and financial breakdown" justified such a move. Instead of allowing private enterprise to improve the quality of the news agency, the government saw this as an opportunity to control what news would be supplied to the print media, to radio, and to the outside world. In spite of such repressive times, the press took a bold stand in providing alternative sources of news through an independent press. It was also during this time that the Press and Publications Ordinance collected under one law a number of excessive regulatory measures and punitive concepts that had previously existed in different laws and were now applied heavily to control the press. This press law (PPO) endured for 25 years before being repealed in September 1988. In December 1971, when the break-up of Pakistan and the birth of Bangladesh occurred, General Yahya Khan handed over power to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as President and Pakistan's first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator who continued to use martial law up to April 1972 when an interim constitution was adopted, prior to the enactment of a new constitution by the National Assembly in August 1973. Bhutto however, reacting to criticism by various members of the press, imprisoned editors and publishers on the pretext of national security. The next five years, from 1972 to 1977, represented the beginnings of democracy; however, they were marred by repressive actions toward the press. The new constitution, although formulated on the principles of democracy, human rights, and freedom of speech, did not deliver on these promises. The PPO remained, as did the National Press Trust. Furthermore, through coercion and manipulation, the government insured that the only other news agency in the country (aside from the government-owned APP), the Pakistan Press International (PPI), was brought under its authority. In 1977, General Zia ul Haq ousted Bhutto from the prime minister position and once again imposed martial law under which abuse of journalists became public rather than covert. Page | 28

Journalists were flogged in public at Zia's whim. Although martial law usually ends with a Supreme Court-imposed deadline by which elections must be held, Zia was given no such deadline, and his time in office up to August 1988 had a deleterious effect on the mass media. Not one single law or regulation of any progressive character was created during Zia's rule. The only positive outcome of Zia's rule was the restoration of the news agency PPI to its original shareholders. Since then PPI provides a valuable alternative news source to the government-controlled APP. In 1985, Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo was elected to the National Assembly, based on nonparty elections, and lifted martial law in December 1985. Even though Junejo was a more democratic political figure, the PPO remained in place under him, and he relied on the old media laws. However, in May 1988 President General Zia ul Haq dissolved the National Assembly and dismissed the Government of Prime Minister Junejo, replacing them with a cabinet of his own and no prime minister. This arrangement only lasted 11 weeks as Haq was killed in a suspicious plane crash in August 1988. This incident resulted in the Chairman of the Senate, Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, succeeding to the office of President as per the constitution. A caretaker government provided transition to a full-fledged democracy, which included repealing the press law that had coerced the media for so long. A new law, known as the Registration of Printing Presses and Publications Ordinance came into effect in 1988. A key change in this law made it mandatory for the District Magistrate to issue a receipt to an applicant for the issuance of a declaration for the keeping of a printing press or the publication of a journal to provide the applicant with proof that would help avoid government interference. The most significant change made in the press law of 1988 was the removal of power from the government and the right of an applicant to be heard in person by the authority before any punitive action was taken, like the closure of a press. Appeals were also now allowed. In addition, newspapers were no longer obligated to publish in full the press notes issued by the government.

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For a variety of reasons, the press law of 1988 continued to be re-promulgated as an ordinance through 1997, even though the Supreme Court ruled such re-promulgation unconstitutional. One key reason for this was the recurring demands by representative bodies of the press to revise the 1988 law even further to remove any executive power to control the press. The November 1988 elections saw Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, the first Muslim woman prime minister of the world, assume office. She brought with her a new phase of liberalism toward the mass media laws and regulations. For example, Bhutto's government allowed government-controlled radio and television to provide daily and well-balanced coverage of the speeches and statements of its opposition in news bulletins and current affairs programs. Because the print media reaches such a small percentage of the population, this change had a significant impact on the public, but was returned to the old, one-sided coverage after only four months because of pressure on Bhutto by her party, the Pakistan People's Party. The independent press grew stronger during this phase; the Urdu press and the English press, as well as the regional language press, such as Sindhi language newspapers, showed a new energy in reporting the news and in analyzing the issues of the day. In addition, new technology and use of computers and desktop publishing allowed a more timely and in-depth reporting of the news. Bhutto also ended the manipulative government practice of using newsprint as a means of controlling the press. Specifically, the Ministry of Information no longer required issuance of permits to import newsprint and allowed a free and open system of importing newsprint at market prices. In 1990, President Ishaq Khan dismissed Bhutto's government, charging them with misconduct, and declared a state of emergency. Bhutto and her party lost the October elections, and the new Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, took over. For reasons not apparent to the public, Sharif restored the issuance of permits system for news-print import. The charges against Bhutto were resolved, and after a bitter campaign, the PPP was returned to power in October 1993, and Bhutto was again named prime minister. She was ousted again in 1996 amid charges of corruption, a caretaker government was installed, and Sharif defeated Bhutto in the February 1997 elections. Page | 30

In Sharif's two and one-half years in power, he used many heavy-handed methods to deal with journalists who dared to criticize his government. He put tremendous pressure on independent journalists, using both covert and overt means of retribution. His Pakistan Muslim League party (PML) achieved a landslide electoral victory in the National Assembly, which made Sharif believe he had been given a "heavy mandate" to rule the country as he saw fit. He was able to cast aside all democratic checks on his power, except for the press. In the end, the press survived whereas Sharif did not. The press, in fact, through its wide reporting of Sharif's abuse of power, prepared the Pakistani people for General Pervez Musharraf's military coup on October 12, 1999. In May 2000 Musharraf's regime was strengthened by a unanimous decision by the Supreme Court to validate the October 1999 coup as having been necessary; at the same time the Court announced that the Chief Executive should name a date not later than 90 days before the expiry of the three-year period from October 12, 1999 for the holding of elections to the National Assembly, the provincial assemblies, and the Senate. In Pakistan today a cooperative effort appears to be underway between Musharraf's government and the journalism community. In general, Musharraf's administration seems to follow a more liberal policy towards the press with fewer restrictions and much less manipulation. However, reports vary widely. Whereas the Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) reported continued harassment of and dangers to journalists, some journalists currently working for Pakistani newspapers offer another version of the situation. A. R. Khaliq, assistant editor for Business Recorder, reported that "the press, by and large, is not faced with any coercion or abuse under Musharraf."

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CHAPTER 2

Research Methodology

2.1.1 Rationale of the Study

Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan has been a key issue for both the countries. Owing to its significance, delicacy the issue warrants to be dually highlighted in Pakistan media. However, the recent boom of electronic media coupled with acute competition among them has forced the media to go for as many issues as they can in order to feed their 24 hours transmission. As a result it is observed that Kashmir issue has failed to find any space and time in contemporary Pakistani media. Now a days except Pakistan Television and perhaps a few newspapers are giving Less then due coverage to this issue. Pakistan considers Kashmir issue as his No.1 problem on international level, three wars fought between India and Pakistan because of this dispute. The relation with India is not normal because of this issue. Pakistan economy is not sustainable because a huge amount is allocated for defense. There is possibility of another war in South Asia because of Kashmir dispute. According to many scholars peace of South Asia is connected with the solution of Kashmir issue. If Pakistan saying that Kashmir is his No.1 problem so it is very important to know that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by Pakistani mainstream Urdu newspaper. How much material is published on Kashmir issue out of total material?

2.1.2 Statement of the problem

The problem of this study is to investigate the content of the newspaper namely daily Jang Rawalpindi edition and Nawa-i-Waqt Rawalpindi edition to find out that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by these two newspapers, and also compare the coverage given to Kashmir issue by the said newspapers.

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2.1.3 Research Question How much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by two mainstream Urdu newspaper of Pakistan daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt? 2.1.4 Objectives The main objective of this study is 1. To find out the how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt? 2. To find the corresponding coverage given to Kashmir issue during the two different level of uprising in Kashmir. I.e. July 2010 and January 2012. 3. To find out the ratio of news stories columns/articles, editorial, pictures, special pages and letters-to-editor regarding Kashmir issue in two dailies. 4. To compare daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue coverage.

2.1.5 Data Collection

For data collection the researcher have chosen two daily newspapers (Jang & Nawa-i-Waqt Rawalpindi editions).Fortunately researcher found these newspapers in the library of Journalism and Mass communication department and central library of University of Peshawar. So because of systematic record of library researcher has to fewer struggles for collecting the data.

2.1.6 Universe of the study

The researcher had selected two mainstream Urdu newspapers, i.e. daily Jang Rawalpindi edition and daily Nawa-i-Waqat Rawalpindi edition. One month issues (July 2010) when the uprising was accelerating by the Kashmiri people against India. The same data was then compared with the coverage given to Kashmir issue in the month of January 2012 when there was comparatively less spark in the uprising.

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2.1.7 Sampling
124 issues of the said dailies selected randomly have been examined for the said period i.e. July 2010 and January 2012.

2.1.8 Unit of Analysis

Number of news stories, space given to news stories, opinion and editorial pages, Letters- toeditor, as well as special edition pages and Pictures highlighting Kashmir issue has been examined.

2.1.9 Time Period

This study covers newspapers appeared from 1st July 2010 to 31 July 2010 and from 1st January to 31 January 2012 thus making a total of 62 days.

2.1.10 Data Treatment

Total pages of each issue except sports and showbiz are scanned for collecting data. Two types of contents are calculated i. Number of news stories, editorials, columns/articles, and letters to- editor, pictures were counted. Similarly special edition pages regarding Kashmir issue have also been dually examined. ii. Since the space in terms of editorials, columns/articles, letters-to-editor and pictures regarding Kashmir issue is not counted as the researcher has found no significant difference in that category. iii. In case of the editorials only the number is counted and not its space size as it has no significant difference.

2.1.11 Significance of the study

The significant of the study can be justified on the following ground. a. It will be identity the approach of both newspapers towards Kashmir issue. b. It provides a basic study of comparison of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt. Page | 34

c. It will be identity the ratio of coverage to Kashmir issue as a big problem of Pakistan. d. It will be of some use for readers interested in studies may be press in Pakistan as well as Kashmir issue e. It can help future researcher to investigate the coverage of Kashmir issue in other newspaper in this pattern.

2.1.12 Nature of the study

The study is explanatory in nature with quantitative approach of measurement. The technique used in this research is content analysis.

2.1.13 Purpose of the study

The main purpose of this research is to know the coverage of Kashmir issue in mainstream Urdu newspaper namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during quit Jammu Kashmir movement in July 2010 and to compare the mentioned period with January 2012 in order to know in which period much coverage is given to Kashmir issue.

2.1.14 Scope of the Study

The study is only limited to the content analysis of two mainstream Urdu newspaper of Pakistan namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt.

2.1.15 Topic Selection

This world is facing a lot of problems which gives birth to news stories every time and everywhere. And everyone interested in such a news story which is related to him, his village, city, country, religion, friends or enemies. Therefore I have selected the issue of Kashmir which is 63 years old issue and regularly creating problem for Pakistan and India. Three wars fought between India and Pak on Kashmir. I am a student of Journalism and mass communication and belong to Kashmir so therefore I am interested to know the coverage of Kashmir conflict in mainstream Urdu newspapers of Pakistan. I want to know that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by mainstream Urdu newspaper of Pakistan and what is ratio of different item regarding Kashmir issue in selected newspaper. My teacher Inam ur

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Rehman suggested me to do research on Kashmir issue and its coverage in Pakistani newspapers.

2.2.1 Research design

1. R.L. Acle off: In his book the design of socials research has defined it as design is the process of making decision is to be made 2. P.V young: Has stated in his scientific social survey and research that a research design is the logical and systematic planning and directing of a piece of research. 3. Vimal Shas: As per to him, as stated in research design is the plan of study and such it is planned in every study, uncontrolled as well as controlled and subjective as well as objective. 4. F.N. Karlinger: his works foundation of nature research (1978) defines research design as a planned structure and strategy of investigation conceived so as to obtain answer to research (Sajay Narula: research Methodology, p. 86-87) This study will employ the content analysis method

2.2.2 Quantitative Research Design

These experiments are sometimes referred to as true science, and use traditional mathematical and statistical means to measure results conclusively. They are most commonly used by physical scientists, although social sciences, education and economics have been known to use this type of research. It is the opposite of qualitative research. Quantitative experiments all use a standard format, with a few minor inter-disciplinary differences, of generating a hypothesis to be proved or disproved. This hypothesis must be provable by mathematical and statistical means, and is the basis around which the whole experiment is designed. Randomization of any study groups is essential, and a control group should be included, wherever possible. A sound quantitative design should only manipulate one variable at a time, or statistical analysis becomes cumbersome and open to question.

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Ideally, the research should be constructed in a manner that allows others to repeat the experiment and obtain similar results.

2.2.3 Advantage
Quantitative research design is an excellent way of finalizing results and proving or disproving a hypothesis. The structure has not changed for centuries, so is standard across many scientific fields and disciplines. After statistical analysis of the results, a comprehensive answer is reached, and the results can be legitimately discussed and published. Quantitative experiments also filter out external factors, if properly designed, and so the results gained can be seen as real and unbiased. Quantitative experiments are useful for testing the results gained by a series of Qualitative experiments leading to a final answer, and a narrowing down of possible direction for follow up research to take.

2.2.4 Disadvantages
Quantitative experiments can be difficult and expensive and require a lot of time to perform. They must be carefully planned to ensure that there is complete randomization and correct designation of control groups. Quantitative studies usually require extensive statistical analysis, which can be difficult, due to most scientists not being statisticians. The field of statistical study is a whole scientific discipline and can be difficult for non-mathematicians. In addition, the requirements for the successful statistical confirmation of results are very stringent, with very few experiments comprehensively proving a hypothesis; there is usually some ambiguity, which requires retesting and refinement to the design. This means another investment of time and resources must be committed to fine-tune the results. Quantitative research design also tends to generate only proved or unproven results, with there being very little room for grey areas and uncertainty. For the social sciences, education, anthropology and psychology, human nature is a lost more complex than just a simple yes or no response. Page | 37

2.3.1 Content Analysis

In the 1931, Alfred R lincle smith developed a methodology to refute the existing hypothesis, which became known as a content analysis Techniques and it gained popularity in the 1960 by Glaser and is referred to as the content comparative method of qualitative analysis (Google). The content analysis is a specific research approach used frequently in all areas of the media. This method is popular with mass media researchers because it provides an efficient way to investigate the content of the media such as the number and types of commercial or advertisement in broadcasting (P 163 mass media research).

2.3.2 Definition of content analysis

Kerlinger 1986 define, the content analysis is a method of studying and analyzing communication in a systematic objective and quantitative manner for the purpose of measuring variable (p 163, mass media research). Ole holsti 1969 offers a broad definition of content analysis as any techniques for making inferences by objectively and systematically defying specified characteristics of messages (Wikipedia the free encyclopedia). Barnard Berelson defined content analysis is a research technique for the objective, systematic and quantitative method (media effort research page 21). Earl Bobbies define it is as the studying or recorded human communication, such as books, websites painting and law (yahoo). Define it is any systematic procedure devised to examine the content or recorded information (p 169 mass media research).

2.3.3 Steps in Content Analysis

In general, a content analysis is conducted in several discrete stages. Although the steps are listed here in sequence, they need not be followed in the order given. In fact, the initial stages of analysis can easily be combined. Nonetheless, the following steps may be used as a rough outline.

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1. Formulate the research question or hypothesis. 2. Define the population in question. 3. Select an appropriate sample from the population. 4. Select and define a unit of analysis. 5. Construct the categories of content to be analyzed. 6. Established a quantification system. 7. Trains coder and conduct a pilot study. 8. Code the content according to established definitions. 9. Analyzed the collected data. 10. Draw conclusions and search for indications.

2.3.4 Limitations of Content Analysis

Content Analysis cannot serve as the sole basis for claim about media effects. Another limitation of content analysis is a lack of messages relevant to the research. The findings of the particular content analysis are also limited to the framework of the categories and definitions used in that analysis. Different researcher may use different varying definitions and category system to measure a single concept. Finally content analysis is frequently time consuming and expensive.

2.3.5 Theoretical Framework

The underlying inferences for this study or mainly drawn from the agenda setting theory.

2.3.6 Agenda Setting Theory

This term used to describe the way media set the order of importance of current issues specially in the reporting of news. In broadcasting the agenda is more assertive then newspapers where the reader can ignore the order of priorities set by the paper editorial team Page | 39

and turn straight to small ads or sports pages. In broadcasting one item following after another hence its agenda is unavoidable, except by switching off or turning to another channel. This study is conducted to know the agenda of two mainstream Urdu newspapers namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue coverage. This study is also done to know the different agendas of two leading newspapers of Pakistan regarding Kashmir issue coverage. Their treatment with the news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, special pages and letters to editor of Kashmir issue, how it accept? And why reject? This is all because of agenda setting theory.

2.4.1 Explanation of important terms 2.4.2 Mass Media

It is generally believed that Mass Media are the eyes and ears of a society as they are responsible for the pictures in our head (Lippmann, 1922). Mass media refers collectively to all media technologies, including the Internet, television, newspapers, and radio, which are used for mass communications, and to the organizations which control these technologies. Mass media plays a significant role in shaping public perceptions on a variety of important issues, both through the information that is dispensed through them, and through the interpretations they place upon this information. .They also plays a large role in shaping modem culture, by selecting and portraying a particular set of beliefs, values, and traditions (an entire way of life), as reality. That is, by portraying a certain interpretation of reality, they shape reality to be more in line with that interpretation. Contemporary research demonstrates an increasing level of concentration of media ownership, with many media industries already highly concentrated and dominated by a very small number of firms.

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2.4.3 Types of Mass Media

Mass media are media, which can be used to communicate and, interact with a large number of audiences. Be it the pictorial messages of the early, ages, or the high-technology media that are available today, one thing that we all agree upon, is that mass media are an inseparable part of our lives. Entertainment and media always go hand in hand, but in addition to the entertainment, mass media also remain to be an effective medium for communication, dissemination of information, advertising, marketing and in general, for expressing and sharing views, opinions and ideas. Mass media is a double-edged sword which means that there are positive effects of media as well as negative influences of media. Here are some of the different types of mass media:

2.4.4 Print Media

The print media includes newspapers, magazines, brochures, newsletters, books and ever leaflets and pamphlets. Visual media like photography can also be mentioned under this subhead, since photography is an important mass media, which communicates via visual representations. Although, it is said that the electronic or new media have replaced the print media, there exists a majority of audiences who prefer the print media for various communication purposes. Public speaking and event organizing can also be considered as a form of mass media. 2.4.5 Electronic Media For many people, it is impossible to imagine a life without their television sets, be it the daily news dose or even the soap operas. This mass media includes television and radio. This category also includes electronic media like movies, CDs and DVDs as well as the new hottest electronic gadgets.

2.4.6 New Age Media

With the advent of new technologies like Internet, we are now enjoying the benefits of high technology mass media, which is not only faster than the old-school mass media, bit also has a widespread range. Mobile phones, computers and Internet are often referred to as the newPage | 41

age media. Internet has opened up several new opportunities for mass communication which include e-mail, websites, blogging, Internet TV and many other mass media which are booming today.

2.4.7 Mainstream
Oxford advanced learners dictionary define the mainstream in the idea and opinions that are through to be normal because they are shared by most people.

2.4.8 Mainstream Newspaper

Mainstream newspaper can simply be defined as the highly circulated English and Urdu language newspaper which cover almost every part of the country in every issue smaller or bigger of national interest.

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Chapter 3 Literature Review

3.1 Theoretical Framework

The underlying inferences for this study are mainly drawn from the agenda setting theory.

3.2 Agenda Setting Theory

We are living in a world where millions of events are taking place simultaneously. Media organizations and institutions have employed thousands of people to observe those events and report them. The news media tell us which issues are important and which ones are not. We have never seen the war situations of Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine and Kashmir with our own eyes. Even then we have pictures of these disputed areas in our minds. The media's daily reports inform us about the latest events and changes taking place in the world beyond our reach. As a result of this phenomenon, most of our perceptions about the world are a secondhand reality created by the media organizations. There is no assurance and no guarantee that this reality is an accurate picture of the world. Media organizations do not just passively broadcast information repeating the words of the official sources or conveying exactly the incidents of an event. They also do not select or reject the day's news in proportion to reality. Through their selection and display of the news stories, the reporters and the editors focus their attention and influence the public's perceptions of what are the most important issues of the day. Our pictures of the world are shaped and refined in the way journalists frame their news stories. This function of media is called the agenda-setting function of media (McCombs 2002). Agenda Setting is one of the most important media theories of the present times. The concept of agenda setting took its name from the idea that the mass media have the ability to carry the salience of items on their news agendas and then transfer it to the public agenda. Usually journalists deal with the news in several important ways. First of all, they decide which news Page | 43

to cover and which to ignore. Then they assess all of these available reports. In the words of McCombs (2002), in a typical daily newspaper, over 75 percent of the potential news of the day is rejected and never transmitted to the audience (p.4). Newspapers don't have enough space to print each and everything that is available. There is no way other than choices. These are the first steps in gate-keeping routine. But the news items that pass through the gate of the media organizations do not receive equal treatment when presented to the audience. Some news stories are published in a greater length and prominently displayed. Others receive only brief attention. Newspapers very clearly state the journalistic salience of an item through its page placement, headline and length etc. Agenda setting claims that audiences obtain this salience of the issues from the news media, incorporating similar sets of priorities into their own agendas. Agenda setting describes the transmission of these saliencies as one of the most important aspects of mass communication. The news media not only inform us about the world at large, giving us the major elements for our pictures of the world, they also influence the prominence of those elements in these pictures. This study is conducted to know the agenda of two mainstream Urdu newspapers namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue coverage. This study is also done to know the different agendas of two leading newspapers of Pakistan regarding Kashmir issue coverage. Their treatment with the news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, special pages and letters to editor of Kashmir issue, how it accept? And why reject? This is all because of agenda setting theory.

3.3 Beginning of Agenda Setting Theory

It was Lippmann's theory that the mass media create our pictures of the world. However, he understood that the pictures provided by the media were often incomplete and unclear. We can see only reflections of reality (not reality itself) in the news media. Yet, those reflections provide the basis for our pictures (Lippman, 1922).

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After a long period of four decades, Bernard Cohen presented his idea in 1963 by saying: Press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling readers what to think about (pp.232-233). The notion that the news media influence the pictures in our heads was put to an empirical test in 1972. Two researchers Maxwell McCombs & Donald Shaw from the University of North Carolina thought whether the topics selected by the news media to represent the world outside limited the kinds of events that people used to interpret the world. They also thought whether the public's perception of reality depended on the topics highlighted by the news media or not (McComb & Shaw, 1972).

3.4 Chapel Hill Study

During the 1968 presidential election of the USA, McCombs and Shaw conducted the first test of Lippmann's theory in Chapel Hill, NC. At that time, the existing theory was that the mass media had only limited effects on the public. Earlier studies conducted by some scholars stated that exposure to campaign information had little influence on the public's voting behaviors (Lazarsfeld. Berelson, & Gaudet, 1948, Berelson, Lazarsfeld, & McPhee, 1954). According to this limited effects model, voters relied on social groups and their perceptions to guide their voting decisions. The news media only supported and to some extent reinforced voters' preference for some particular politician or party. Joseph Klapper (1960) summarized his research in the words that mass communication ordinarily does not serve as a necessary and sufficient cause of audience effects, but rather functions among and through a nexus of mediating functions and influences (p.8). It was a tremendous beginning of a new mass communications theory, which can be divided into two aspects. The first aspect relates to the transmission of issue or object salience from the media agenda to the public agenda. The second aspect tells us about the news media's role in framing those issues and objects in the minds of people. McCombs and Shaw (1972) tested the notion that the mass media influence public perception about the important issues of the day through their daily selection and display of the news in their news bulletin etc. Especially, they believed that with the passage of time the priority issues of the news media organizations would become the priority issues of the public. The Page | 45

media audience can easily feel the priorities of the news agenda. In newspapers the size of the headlines, the length of the news story, and the page placement where the story appears indicate the prominence of the news story. In television broadcasts the position of an item in the newscast and the length of the story can determine its importance. These signals help the audience in making their priorities among a small number of issues selected for attention in the daily news broadcasts and outlets. While conducting their research during the 1968 Chapel Hill study, McCombs and Shaw focused their attention on the most important problem facing the country. It was an openended question, What do you think is the most important problem facing this country today? They also asked another question What are you most concerned about these days? That is what are the two or three main things which you think the government should concentrate on doing something about? (p.178). the researchers then made ranking order of the issues according to the percentage of voters stating the position of each issue. A number of other researches adopted the similarly worded open-ended questions to measure salience (Erbring, Goldenberg, & Miller, 1980; Iyengar, 1979; Neuman, 1990, etc.). Smith (1987) measured the public agenda in his research study, investigating a relationship between local newspaper coverage and public concern about community issues, by asking, What do you think are our community's most important problems and needs? Edelstein (1974) highly praised this approach because it allows respondents to explain what problems are important to them rather than choosing from a list provided by the researcher. On the other hand, the alternative approach is the closed ended question which has some other advantages. Use of a closed ended or short question in which respondents are asked to rank a series of issues provides a more detailed picture of the public agenda. This practice can provide a comparison of agenda on a variety of issues' importance. The content of the news media was the independent variable in the Chapel Hill study. The researchers compared responses of their open-ended survey questions with a content analysis of the nine major news sources used by the voters of that particular area. Television, radio, newspapers, and news magazines were included in the sources. As a result of the open-ended survey question five major issues of importance were found to the voters of Chapel Hill. Page | 46

These issues were foreign policy, law and order, fiscal policy, civil rights, evaluation of the news coverage across three weeks of the last presidential campaign (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). The public agenda of the issues of the study was rank-ordered according to the number of voters naming an issue. These five issues were rank-ordered on the news agenda according to the percentage of news coverage on the issues falling into each category. There was a strong and significant relationship between the public's and the media's agenda about the issues. This transfer of salience from the media agenda to the public agenda was called as the agenda-setting role of mass communication. The basic purpose of the McCombs and Shaw's study was to investigate a link between the content of the news agenda and the public agenda. The researchers tried to avoid the misleading idea of possible effects, which occurs when only media content is studied. For example, it cannot be assumed that people watching televised violence will repeat the same act of violence in their real lives. Only after analyzing television content and the public's reactions the researchers can say that a correlation exists. Secondly, McCombs and Shaw wanted to examine effects on people that resulted from some specific content of the media messages. Earlier media effects studies did not attempt to establish a link between the effects and specific media content. This study tried to determine a relationship between media and public regarding acceptance of media messages. The Chapel Hill research study provides a methodological ground for the agenda-setting research. However, there is some criticism on this study. Some people argue that a content analysis of the media joined with public opinion surveys provides only one approach to media influence on the pictures in our minds. It might be better for the researchers to arrange a field, or a laboratory experiment to find out the existence of agenda setting in mass communication.

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3.5 Agenda Building

Researchers Gladys Engel Lange and Kurt Lang (1933) studied the relationship between the press and public opinion during the water Gate scandal and they stressed that original notion of the Agenda sitting must be explained in order to explain the most difficult chapter the American history. They suggested that the concept of a setting could be explained through the agenda building. They divided in the following six points. 1. The press highlights some events and activities to stand out 2. Different kinds of issues required different kinds of coverage to attain attention, but water gate scandal was continuous issue therefore it was prominent in press. 3. The events and activities in the focus of attention must be formed but water Gate was a huge issue of corruption so it was highlight during election campaign. 4. The language used by the media can affect the perception of the issue. Therefore water Gate was first taken as caper but however later on it was called Scandal. 5. The media link the activities or events that have become focus of attention. But people need the basis for taking sides on the issue. 6. Agenda building is accelerated when well-known and credible persons start speaking. Agenda building is complicated than the agenda setting hypothesis. It means that the codes used in making play a vital role well known individuals can also accelerate it. Thus we come to know that it (Agenda setting) goes through several stages. 3.6 Need for Orientation Agenda setting cant take place to the same content, in the same way for all individuals. Newcomb and Weaver have suggested that individuals differ in their need for orientation and this may also determine that whether agenda setting on place or not. Need of orientation is based on two factors. 1. Relevance of information 2. The degree of uncertainty regarding to the subject of information.

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3.7 Who sets Media Agenda?

Many research studies have shown that media agenda and its possible affect on the public agenda. But the main question that who sets the media agenda was answered by the Wellesley. According to him that in some cases special interest groups or pressure groups were able to boost an agenda setting for media.

3.8 How Does Agenda setting work?

Despite of all researche an agenda setting still some questions come in our mind that how agenda setting works on peoples mind? Why the people give importance to it? Whether it is due to the coverage of newspapers or electronic media to that event? What role interpersonal communication plays in promotion of the agenda setting? Many of the questions focus on the processing of information by the individual.

Conclusion
On the basis of the detailed discussion and the findings of different research studies, it can be concluded that the mass media can play a pivotal role in changing the minds of the people. Because of the agenda setting role of mass media, the media agenda becomes the public agenda with the passage of time. The theory supports the concept of the strong media effects. Now it becomes the responsibility of the media organizations to play a responsible role in their agenda setting, because ultimately it will become public agenda. The theory puts a high responsibility on the shoulders of media organizations because their irresponsible behavior can damage the national interest. 3.9 Literature Review The purpose of the literature review is to review the published scientific materials on a particular topic. When during research scientists need to be aware of prior and current research being done in the field. And also need to understand the large picture of where the research fit and how it will contribute to solving the problem being, investigated

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3.10 Definition of Literature Review A literature review is a body of text that aims to review the critical points of current knowledge on a particular topic. A comprehensive survey of publications in a specific field of study or related to a particular line of research. A summary and explanation of key studies relevant to proposed project. An extensive search of information available on a list of references to books, periodicals, and others materials on the topic. A process and documentation of the current relevant research literature regarding a particular topic or subject of interest. Research of existing articles, publication and other documents pertaining to a specific field or body of knowledge. The following researches have been done on the topic. Muhammad Ashraf khan Chairman Department of mass communication Bahauddin Zakariya University did study on A comparative study of editorial treatment on indo - pak conflict in Daily dawn and the Nation A war and peace journalism perspective. His research explored a comparison of War and Peace framing in editorials of Daily Dawn and The Nation in coverage of Indo-Pak conflicts. His study presents content analysis of 107 editorials from both dailies during six month time period during July- December 2009. His research points out that both newspapers given much coverage to Kashmir issue during the intended period of July to December 2010. Result shows that Daily Dawn 15% and the Nation 30% editorials published on Kashmir issue. Durga Ray student of mass Communication at University of South Florida did research on the topic of Frames in the U.S. Print Media coverage of the Kashmir conflict. His study examined the frames used by the U.S. print media The New York Times, The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times in their coverage of the Kashmir Page | 50

conflict and the parties involved in it from 1989 to 2003. His study is consisted on 15year period of coverage and divided into four phases 1989-1990, 1991-1998, 19992001, and 2002-2003 and focused on the coverage of seven subjects. It then identified sources and keywords from 180 news reports and placed them into categories from which it isolated thematic clusters or frames. The study found that in the first two phases, the conflict was described as a violent Kashmiri separatist movement, a frame that changed to one depicting it as ongoing violent conflict between India and Pakistan. In all phases, Kashmirs were predominantly identified as armed militants fighting for secession of Kashmir from India, a goal that decreased in prominence in the last two phases. India was depicted initially as a country suppressing the rebellion in Kashmir through violent means with the help of its armed forces, a frame that shifted later to a military force fighting Pakistani troops and non-Kashmiri Islamic fighters. Pakistan was consistently identified as a country supporting the Kashmiri separatist movement with arms and training, and later as a country itself participating in the conflict through its military. The United States was consistently described as a country concerned with peace and security in South Asia. The dominant frames in all periods were found to be portraying the conflict as a war and in the last two phases, a potential nuclear war. The Indians, Pakistanis and Kashmirs were always characterized through their religious identities Indians as Hindu, and Pakistanis and Kashmirs as Muslim or Islamic. Official sources were consistently greater in number than unofficial sources for India, Pakistan and the United States but for Kashmirs, unofficial sources scored over official ones in all four periods. Mr. Tejas Patel student of M. Phil in school of political science and international studies at the University of Queensland did research on the topic of News coverage and conflict resolution: Aid or Impediment. He tested the concept of Galtung regarding news coverage of conflict and peace journalism. Galtung is a peace researcher and presented concept of peace journalism-preventing and resolving conflict through media. Galtung says that the world is divided into nation-states where the citizens and the media are supposed to Page | 51

identify themselves with their states. In such a situation, the reporting of conflict is based on the communiqus from the top Military command that would reflect their worldviews. Galtung says that in the present scenario, media legitimize violence by constantly giving coverage to it and mostly ignore peaceful outcome of conflict. Mr. Tejas Patel did his research to test the claims of Galtung regarding news coverage of conflict. The India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir was chosen as a case study. He selected four leading English language newspaper of India i.e. The Hindu, The Telegraph, The Indian Express and The Times of India in order to find out whether these newspapers focuses only on violence event coverage or following the concept of Peace journalism? The finding of his study confirms that the news coverage of conflict invariably focuses on violence and details of violent events. Such coverage potentially aggravates already volatile conflict by failing to highlight peaceful alternatives and anticipating further violence. His study shows that the Indian English language newspapers presents the violent events and related stories because they are following policies of Indian state regarding Kashmir conflict instead of peace journalism Mr. Teresa Joseph did research on the topic of Kashmir Human Rights and the Indian Press. His study is consists of three month period started from 1 December 1991 to 29 February 1992. He selected three mainstream English language newspapers of India i.e. The Hindu, The Indian Express and The Times of India to know the coverage of Kashmir and specially news reports about Human Rights violation. Researcher counted all news reports about Kashmir in three newspapers during the selected period total 423 news reports were published about Kashmir. Researcher findings shows that 78% news reports were filled by Indian government, only 7% filled by Kashmir resources, 8% were filled by Pakistani resources and 8% were filled by other resources. Researcher findings show that no single news report was published by the selected newspapers of India about Human Rights violation during three months of his study period.

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Mr. Teresa said in his research that although human rights organizations, both national as well as international, and also other media sources have documented in detail gross human rights violations in Kashmir by both the militants as well as the security forces, the general reader does not get any such picture of the situation from the mainstream Indian press. On the contrary, the entire issue has been portrayed purely from a state-centric approach. The Indian press has consistently projected the government's stance on Kashmir and, in this particular context, its position that the reports of human rights violations in the Valley are merely the result of propaganda by Pakistan and the militants of Kashmir. Even the condemnation of human rights violations in Kashmir by other countries, is often blocked out. The extent of nearjingoism in the press becomes evident when one considers its staunch criticism of reports of human rights' violations in India, while reports of violations in Pakistan are quoted verbatim. The underlying determinant of the nature of the reports on Kashmir is the identity of the sources on which they are based. The over-dependence on government sources appears to be the bane of the Indian press reports on Kashmir giving them an inherent bias towards the government position on the issues concerned, while ignoring the ground reality. It cannot be denied that a basic responsibility of the press to society is to ensure the accurate reporting of events. However, it is beyond doubt that in the context of Kashmir, the press has failed to play its role as the watch-dog of democracy, as it has by-and-large collaborated with the government in not revealing actual occurrences in the Valley. It thus has not helped in any way to alleviate either the sense of alienation among the people of Kashmir, or the atrocities committed against the common citizen, or even to provide a clear picture of events in the Valley to the Indian general public. On the contrary, by its continued reiteration of the official version of events in Kashmir, the Indian press has helped only to increase the sense of alienation among the people of Kashmir, and to keep the general public ignorant of what is really happening in the Valley.

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Chapter 4 Data Presentation

In two month study (July 2010&January 2012) researcher counted and measured all news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and lettersto-editor those published in daily Jung Rawalpindi edition and daily Nawa-i-Waqt Rawalpindi edition. Researcher also counted all those news stories, editorials, column / articles pictures and letters -to -editor which were published on Kashmir issue in order to find out percentage of Kashmir Issue coverage out of total coverage of daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 and January 2012. This study consisted of two periods i.e. July 2010 and January 2012. In the first period July 2010 researcher counted and measured all news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and letters-to-editor those published in two dailies namely Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt, and then researcher counted and measured all those news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and letters -to- editor which were published on Kashmir issue. Finally researcher presented the total coverage and Kashmir issue in pie chart in order to show the percentage of Kashmir issue out of total 100% during the period of July 2010. The same practice was followed in second period (January 2012). The researcher counted and measured all news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and letters- to- editor those were published in two dailies namely daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt and then researcher counted and measured all those news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and letters -to- editor those were published on Kashmir issue. Finally researcher presented the total coverage and Kashmir issue in pie chart in order to show the percentage of Kashmir issue coverage out of total 100% during the period of January 2012. In final stage researcher did comparison between daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010) regarding Kashmir issue coverage. The researcher also compared daily Jung with Nawa-iWaqt (January 2012) regarding Kashmir issue coverage. Finally the researcher did comparison between daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010) with daily Jung and Nawa- iwaqt (January 2012) regarding Kashmir issue coverage.

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BREAK- UP of THE CONTENTS MEAUSERED: Total newspapers Total issues Number of pages scanned Total pages scanned 12*124 31*4 2 124 12 1488

1. CONTENTS COVERED OR MEASURED:

Story text and headline (column size in column centimeters) Editorial text (column size in column centimeters) Column text (column size in column centimeters)

Pictures (column size in column centimeters) Letters to editor (column size in column centimeters) Individual coverage Total coverage given by mainstream media

Page | 55

First period July 2010 Table 1:

In this table we can see the break -up of various contents such as news stories, editorials, columns, articles, pictures, letters-to-editor and special edition pages etc on the pages of two dailies (Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt) in the month of July 2010. One month coverage of different items in selected newspaper.

Daily Jang July 2010 News Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special pages

5091

51

334

630

55

34

Daily Nawa-e-Waqat July 2010 News Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special pages

3904

60

377

1067

68

60

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Table 2 :( News stories wise break-up)

These particular tables describe the total number of issues covered as well as number of news stories about Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two dailies namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010. In these tables we can also see the difference of coverage between Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue.

Table 2.1:
This table shows that how much coverage is given to all stories and what was the number of Kashmir issue by the daily Jang in the month of July 2010. Daily Jang July 2010 No. of all stories 5091 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 42 Percentage 0.82499

Chart (2.1) represents percentage of all news stories, and also of those news stories which is published on the issue of Kashmir in one month in daily Jang (Jang July 2010)

Daily Jang July 2010

All Stories kashmir issue

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Table 2.2: (News stories wise break-up) This table shows that how much coverage is given to all stores and what was the number of Kashmir issue stories by the daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 No of all stories 3904 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 54 Percentage 1.3832%

Chart (3.2 )represents percentage of the all stories, and also of those stories which is published on Kashmir issue in one month newspapers of daily Nawa-i-Waqat ( July 2010)

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010

All Stories Kashmir Issue

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Table 3: (space wise break-up of news stories)

These particular tables describe that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of July 2010. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.

Table 3.1:
This table shows that how much space is given to all stories and to Kashmir issue stories by the daily Jang in on month of July2010. Daily Jang July 2010 Space of all stories 55451.914 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 3177.54 Percentage 5.73026

Chart (3.1) represents percentage of the given space to all stories and also of the Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of the daily Jang 2010.

Daily Jang July 2010

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% All Stories Kashmir Issues 5.73%

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Table 3.2: (space wise break-up of news stories) This table shows that how much space is given to all news stories and to Kashmir issue stories by the Daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 Space of all stories 63335.459 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 4676.648 Percentage 7.38393%

Charts (3.2) represent percentage of the given space to all stories and also of the Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of Nawa-i-Waqat

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% All Stories Kashmir Issue 7.38%

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Table 4 :( Editorial wise break-up)

These particular tables show total Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the two different dailies named Nawa-i-Waqat and Jang in the month of July 2010. Editorial column centimeter measurement method is not adopted in this study, because of its particular same space. Table 4.1: This table shows the total number of Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of July 2010.

Daily Jang July 2010 Total editorials 51 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 1 Percentage 1.96%

Chart (4.2) shows percentage of the all editorial and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Jang (July 2010)

Daily Jang July 2010

Total editorial Kashmir issue

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Table 4.2: (Editorial wise break-up)

This table shows total number of editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-waqat in the month of July 201.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 Total editorials 60 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 7 Percentage 11.66%

Chart (4.1) shows percentage of the number of all editorial and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat ( July 2010)

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010

Total Editorial Kashimir Issue

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Table 5 :( Columns/articles wise break-up)

These tables show total number of columns/article and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by two dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.

Table 5.1:
This table shows total number of columns/ articles, and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in one month of July 2010.

Daily JANG July 2010 Total Columns 334 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 4 Percentage 1%

Chart (5.1) shows the percentage of the number of all columns and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month Newspaper of the daily Jang (July 2010)

Daily Jang July 2010

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 1.00% 0% Total Columns Kashmir Issue

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Table 5.2: (Columns/articles wise break-up) This table shows total number of columns/articles and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010

Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 Total Columns 377 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 21 Percentage 5%

Chart (5.2) shows percentage of the number of all columns/articles and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Nawa-e-Waqat (July 2010)

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Total Columns Kashmir Issue 5.00%

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Table 6 :( Special pages wise break-up)

These tables show total special pages and number of those which published specially on Kashmir issue by the two different dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010.

Table 6.1:
This table shows total special pages and number of those special pages which published on Kashmir issue by daily Jang in the month of July 2010.

Daily JANG July 2010 Total special Pages 55 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 3 Percentage 5%

Char t (6.1) shows percentage of the number of all special pages which published on the issue of Kashmir issue by the daily Jang (July 2010)

Daily JANG July 2010

Total Special Pages kashmir Issue

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Table 6.2: (Special pages wise break-up) This table shows total special pages and number of those which on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 Total Special pages 60 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 5 Percentage 8%

Chart (6.2 )shows percentage of the number of all special pages and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat ( July 2010)

Dily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010

Total Special Pages Kashmir Issue

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Table 7: (Pictures wise break-up)

These tables show the number of total pictures and number of those which represents people of Kashmir while protesting against India which published by the daily Jang and Nawa-iWaqat in the month of July 2010.

Table 7.1:
This table shows total pictures, and number of those which shows Kashmiri people while protesting against India which published by the daily Jang in one month (July 2010).

Daily JANG July 2010 Total pictures 630 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 3 Percentage 0.47619

Chart (7.1) shows percentage of the number of all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published by Jang (July 2010).

Daily Jang July 2010

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0.47% 0% Total Pictures Kashmir Issue

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Table 7.2: (Pictures wise break-up) This table shows total pictures and number of those which shows people of Kashmir while protesting against India which published by Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 Total Pictures 1067 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 6 Percentage 0.56372

Chart (7.2) shows the percentage of the all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month of newspaper of the daily Jang (July 2010).

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010

120%

100%
80% 60% 40% 20%

100%

0.56%

0%
Total Pictures Kashmir Issue

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Table 8 :( Letters-to-editor wise break-up)

These tables show that how many letters to editors written and what was the number of Kashmir issue which published by two dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.

Table 8.1:
This table shows total letters to editor and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of July 2010.

Daily JANG July 2010 Total letters 55 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 0 Percentage 0%

Chart (8.1) shows percentage of number of all letters and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily JNAG (July 2010)

Daily JANG July 2010

Total Letters Kashmir Issue

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Table 8.2: (Letters-to-editor wise break-up) This table shows total number of letters to editors and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Nawa-i-Waat in the month of July 2010.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 Total letters 68 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 0 Percentage 0%

Chart (8.2) shows percentage of the number of all letters and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat (July 2010)

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010

Total Letters Kashmir Issue

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SECOND PERIOD JANUARY 2012 Table 1:

In this table we can see the break-up of various contents such as news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, letters to editor and special pages published by two dailies Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat during the period of January 2012. One month publications of different items in two selected dailies.

Daily Jang January 2012 News Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special pages 34

4632

51

304

857

51

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 News 3432 Editorial 60 Column 377 Pictures 702 Letters 94 Special pages 34

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Table 2 :( News stories wise break-up)

These particular tables describe that how much coverage is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much coverage they have given to Kashmir issue.

Table 2.1:
This particular table describes that how much coverage is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much coverage they have given to Kashmir issue.

Daily Jang January 2012 No of all stories 4632 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 11 Percentage 0.23748%

Chart (2.1)represnet percentage of all storeis and also of those stories which ppublisehd on the issue of kashmir in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012

No. of all Stories Kashmir Issue

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Table 2.2: (News stories wise break-up)

This particular table describes that how much coverage is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue . Daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012 No of all stories 3432 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 17 Percentage 0.49534%

Chart (2.2) represents percentage of all stories and also of those stories which published on the issue of Kashmir in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012

No. of all stories Kashmir Issue

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Table 3: (Space wise break-up of news stories)

These particular tables describe that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.

Table 3.1:
This particular table describes that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.

Daily Jang January 2012 Space of all stories 46244.514 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 402.082 Percentage 0.91736

Chart (3.1) represents percentage of the given coverage to all stories and also to Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0.91% 0% All Stories Kashmir Issue

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Table 3.2: (Space wise break-up of news stories)

This particular table describes that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-e-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 Space of all stories 59665.63 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 1199.896 Percentage 2%

Chart (3.2) represents percentage of the given coverage to all stories and also to Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012

120%

100%
100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 2.00% 0% All Stories Kashmir Issue

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Table 4: (Editorial wise break-up)

These particular tables show total Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the two different dailies named Nawa-i-Waqat and Jang in the month of January 2012. Editorial column centimeter measurement method is not adopted in this study, because of its particular same space.

Table 4.1:
This table shows the total number of Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012 Total Editorials 51 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 0 Percentage 0%

Chart (4.1) shows percentage of the Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.

Daily Jang Januray 2012

Total Editorial Kashmir Issue

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Table 4.2: (Editorial wise break-up) This particular table shows total Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the two different dailies named Nawa-i-Waqat and Jang in the month of January 2012. Editorial column centimeter measurement method is not adopted in this study, because of its particular same space.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 Total Editorials 60 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 3 Percentage 5%

Chart (4.2) shows percentage of the all editorial and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012

Total Editorail Kashmir Issue

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Table 5: (Columns/articles wise break-up)

These tables shows total number of columns/article and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by two dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012. Table 5.1 This table shows total number of columns/articles and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Jang in the month of January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012 Total columns/articles 304 Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage

100%

0%

Chart (5.1) shows percentage of the number of all columns/articles and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Jang January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0.00% 0% Total Columns Kashmir Issue

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Table 5.2 :( Columns/articles wise break-up) This table shows total number of columns/articles and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 Total column/articles 377 Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage

100%

2%

Chart 5.2) shows percentage of the number of all columns/articles and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 2.00% 0% Total Columns Kashmir Issue

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Table 6: (Special pages wise break-up)

These tables show that how many special pages and hat was the number of Kashmir issue which published by two different dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.

Table 6.1:
This table shows total number of special pages and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012 Total special pages 34 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 0 Percentage 0%

Chart (6.1) shows percentage of the number of all special pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Jang January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012

Total Special Pages Kashmir Issue

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Table 6.2 :( Special pages wise break-up) This table shows total number of special pages and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Nawa-i-Waat in the month of January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 Total special pages 34 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 1 Percentage 3%

Chart (6.2) shows percentage of the number of all special pages and number of Kashmir issue that published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat in January 2012.

Daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012

Total Special Pages Kashmir Issue

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Table 7: (Pictures wise break-up)

These tables show total pictures and number of those which published especially on Kashmir issue by the two different dailies named Jang and Nawa-eWaqat in the month of January 2012.

Table 7.1:
This table shows total pictures and number of those special pages which published on Kashmir issue by daily Jang in the month of January2012.

Daily Jang January 2012 Total Pictures 857 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 0 Percentage 0%

Chart (7.1) shows percentage of all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month of the daily Jang January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012

120% 100% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0.00% 0% Total Pictures Kashmir Issue

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Table 7.2: (Pictures wise break-up) This table shows total pictures and number of those which on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-e-Waqat in the month of January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 Total Pictures 702 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 1 Percentage 0.14245%

Chart (7.2) shows percentage of all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012

120% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% . Total Pictures 0.14% Kashmir Issue 100%

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Table 8: (Letters-to-editor wise break-up)

These tables show the number of total letters and number of those letters which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.

Table 8.1:
This table shows total letters and number of those letters which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012 Total letters 51 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 0 Percentage 0%

Chart (8.1) shows percentage of the number of all letters and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.

Daily Jang January 2012

Total Letters Kashmir Issue

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Table 8.2: (Letters-to-editor wise break-up) This table shows the number of total letters and number of those letters which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 Total letters 94 Percentage 100% Kashmir Issue 0 Percentage 0%

Chart (8.2) shows percentage of the number of all letters and number of those which published in daily Nawa-i-Waqat on Kashmir issue in the month January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012

Total Letters Kashmir Issue

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Graph1 These graphs show percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by two selected newspapers Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010. These graphs also compare Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding the coverage Kashmir Issue. Graph 1.1 This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Jang in the month of July 2010.

Daily Jang July 2010

7.00% 6.00% 5.00% 4.00% 3.00% 2.00% 1.00% 0.00% 5.73% 5%

2% 0.82% News Space of news Editorial 1.19% 0.48% Column Pictures 0% Letters Special Pages

Graph 1.2 This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir in daily Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010

15.00% 12% 10.00% 5.00% 1.38% 0.00% News Space of news Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages 0.56% 0% 7.38% 5.57% 8%

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Graph: 2 These graphs show percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by two selected newspapers Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of January 2012. These graphs also compare Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding the coverage Kashmir Issue. Graph 2.1 This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Jang in the month of January 2012

Daily Jang January 2012

1.00% 0.80% 0.60% 0.40% 0.20% 0.00% News Space of news Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages 0.24% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.86%

Graph 2.2 This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir in daily Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012

6.00% 5.00% 4.00% 3.00% 2.00% 1.00% 0.00% News Space of news Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages 0.50% 2.01% 1.00% 0.14% 0.00% 2.00% 5.00%

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Graph: 3 This graph shows collective percentage of all items which published on Kashmir issue in two different eras July 2010 and January 2012 by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat. This graph also compares daily Jang July 2010&January 2012 with daily Nawa-e-Waqat July 2010&January 2012 to know that how much coverage was given to Kashmir issue. Graph 3.1 This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue in daily Jang July 2010&January 2012.

Daily Jang July 2010 and January 2012

4.00% 3.00% 2.00% 1.00% 0.00% News Space of news Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages 0.53% 1.66% 0.62% 0.20% 0.00% 0.00% 3.51%

Graph 3.2 This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue in daily Nawa-e-Waqat July 2010&January 2012.

Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 and January 2012

20.00% 15.00% 10.00% 5.00% 0.00% News Space of news Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages 4.77% 0.96% 3.71% 0.39% 0.00% 6.00% 17.00%

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Graph: 4 This graph shows collective percentage of all items which published on Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat in two different eras July 2010&January 2012.This graph also compares two eras July 2010&January 2012 to know that in which era much coverage was given to Kashmir issue Graph 4.1 This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat in July 2010.

Daily Jange & Nawa-i-Waqat in July 2010

15.00% 10.00% 5.00% 1.06% 0.00% News Space of news Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages 6.61% 3.00% 0.53% 0.00% 14.00%

6.00%

Graph 4.2 This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat in January 2012.

6.00% 5.00% 4.00% 3.00% 2.00% 1.00% 0.00%

Daily Jang & Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012 5.00%

1.51% 1.02% 0.34% News space of news Editorial Column 0.14% Pictures 0.00% Letters Special Pages 1.00%

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Chapter 5 Interpretation of data

Kashmir issue is one of the top issues between Pakistan and India, Because of its importance Pakistani newspaper giving much coverage to this issue. Kashmir issue is not less than 65 years old issue so it is hard to conduct study which explore or find out that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue during the past 65 years. Therefore the researcher selected the period of July 2010 when there was surge in the uprising against India. During this period Pakistani Urdu a newspaper given much coverage to Kashmir issue and exposes the cruelty of Indian Army against Kashmiri freedom fighters. The second period which researcher selected was January 2012, a period relatively calm in Kashmir valley therefore less coverage has given to Kashmir issue. Researcher selected two mainstream Urdu newspaper i.e. daily Jung Rawalpindi edition and Nawa-i-Waqt Rawalpindi edition. In this study researcher did comparison between daily Jung July 2010 with daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010 to daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012 in order to know in which period much coverage is given to Kashmir issue. Nawa- stories, editorials, columns /articles, pictures, letters to editor and special edition pages have been chosen as a unit of analysis for the purpose of this study. During the period of July 2010 daily Jung published 0.82% news stories about the uprising in Kashmir as compared to daily Nawa-i-Waqt which published 1.38% news stories about uprising in Kashmir. Similarly daily Jung July 2010 given 5.73% space to Kashmir issue stories while daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010 given 7.38% space to Kashmir issue which are comparatively more than daily Jung July 2010 coverage. In case of editorials daily Jung July 2010 published only 1.96% on the issue of Kashmir, while daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 11.66% which are comparatively 20% more than daily Jung.

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Similarly daily Jung published 1.19% columns/ articles during the period of July 2010, and daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 5.57% columns/ articles in Kashmir issue which are comparatively more than daily Jung publishing. Daily Jung during the period of July 2010 published only 0.48% pictures about Kashmir issue while during the same period daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 0.56% pictures in Kashmir issue. In case of special edition pages daily Jung July 2010 published 5% and daily Nawa-iWaqt published 8% special edition pages about Kashmir issue. Both newspapers unable to publish single letter about the Kashmir issue which show the lack of interest or absence of information among the people of Pakistan regarding Kashmir issue. It also shows that people do not know about Kashmir issue. The above comparison shows that daily Nawa-i-Waqt gives much coverage to Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010 as compared to daily Jung. During the second period January 2012 daily Jung published 0.23% news stories about Kashmir issue while daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 0.49% news stories about Kashmir issue. Similarly daily Jung give 0.91% space to Kashmir issue stories while daily Nawa-iWaqt give 2% space to Kashmir issue as the period of January 2012. In case of editorial, daily Jung published o% as compared to daily Nawa-i-Waqt 5% during the period of January 2012. No columns/ articles, pictures, letters to editor and special edition pages published in daily Jung during the period of January 2012, while daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 2% columns/ articles, 0.11% pictures, 3% special edition pages and 0% letters to editors out of 100% during the same period regarding Kashmir issue as compared to daily Jung. The above mentioned figures shows that daily Nawa-i-Waqt give much coverage to Kashmir issue while daily Jung given less coverage to Kashmir issue Infect most of the figures shows 0% coverage to Kashmir issue, during the period of
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January 2012 finally researcher did comparison between the period of July 2010 & January 2012 regarding Kashmir issue coverage. During the period of July 2010 daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt collectively published 1.06% news stories about Kashmir issue while during the period of January 2012 daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt collecting published 0.34% news stories as compared to first period July 2010. Figures show that daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt published much stories about Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010 as compared to second period January 2012. Similarly daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 give 6.61% space to Kashmir issue stories as compared to daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012 who give only 1.51% space to Kashmir issue. In case of editorials daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt wrote 13% editorial in Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010, while daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of January 2012 published only 5% editorials on Kashmir issue. Daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt published 3% columns/ articles on Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010, while the same newspaper published only 1.02% columns/ articles in Kashmir issue during the period of January 2012. In case of pictures, daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt published 0.53% pictures about Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010 while the same newspapers published only 0.14% pictures about Kashmir issue during the period of January 2012. No single letters to editor published by daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010, the same situation was with dually Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of January 2012.

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During the period of July 2012 daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt collectively published 6% special edition pages on Kashmir issue, while daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt published only 1% special edition pages on Kashmir issue during the period of January 2012. Figures of daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 shoes high rate of coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to figures of daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of January 2012. Many news stories published in both newspapers i.e. daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt in July 2010. The reason behind these stories was the incidents were taking place, people protesting against India and demanding right of self determinacy. Occurrence of event is very important for news stories newspaper has bound to publish new events, happing. Newspaper cant express its policy through news stories. An editorial shows the policy of newspaper, newspaper has authority to publish this or not. No need of event for writing editorial at any issue. Editorial has great importance among the readers, if newspapers not publishing editorial on Kashmir issue it mean there is no value of this issue in that newspaper. Columns/articles are personal writings column is always writs on the current issues letters to editor shows the interest of people regarding any issue no people has not interest in this issue. Special edition pages always publish on the special days. The selected newspaper published special edition pages in the Kashmir issue in the special days.

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CONCLUSION In 1947 British rule in India ended with the creation of two new nations, India and Pakistan all the princely states were let to choose whether to join India or Pakistan or to remain independents Jammu and Kashmir had a predominantly Muslims

population but a Hindu ruler, and was the largest of the princely states. The Muslim population wants to join Pakistan but Hindu ruler joined India. India& Pakistan have taught three wars over Kashmir. In 1947, 1965, 1999. During the past 65 year media specially print media playing very important role in high lighting Kashmir Issue n national and international level. Government state channel PTV reproduced well researched documentaries in the issue of Kashmir and exposed brutal of Indian army other side Pakistani newspaper also publishing news stories column, editorial on this issue in order to create awareness among the people of Pakistan. Researcher selected only two newspapers namely daily Jang and Nawa-i- waqt in order to know how much coverage was given to Kashmir issue during the selected era of July 2010, January 2012. News stories, editorials, column articles, pictures, special pages and letters to editor had chosen as a unit of analysis for the purposive study, for data collection two national dailies i.e. daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt chosen by the researcher. In this study researcher did comparison between daily Jung and daily Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue coverage. Researcher also compared two different periods i.e. (July 2010 & January 2012) in order to explore that in which era newspaper give much coverage to Kashmir issue during the era of July 2010as compared to daily Jung. Nawa-e-waqt is ideological newspaper, it started depute before the creation of Pakistan that time this newspaper give full support to Muslim league and propagate the concept of two nation theory. When Pakistan come in to being in 1947 and
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Kashmir issue arise this newspaper supported Pakistan point of view and strongly condemn the brutal action of Indian army, from 1947 to 2012 daily Nawa-i-Waqt giving much coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to any other newspaper. According to founding father of daily Nawa-i-Waqt Hamid Nizami Pakistan is incomplete without Kashmir. Daily Jung newspaper is also very important newspaper in the history of Pakistan. It was launched during the World War two, 1939. So therefore its name is Jung and it was launched by English person and letter handed to Muslims. Daily Jung always remained and considered anti- government so therefore it give less coverage to Kashmir issue. Many column/articles and editorial published in daily Jung stressing to solve the Kashmir issue and establish peace in south Asia. Finding show that daily Jung give less coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to daily Nawai-Waqt. Research technique adopted in this study is called content analysis a research technique for making replicable and valid reference from data to their context. The research method which is used in this study is called Quantitative method. In such a case all news stories were counted and measured their space on all page in order to find out ratio of Kashmir issue coverage out of total coverage of newspaper. Two national dailies were selected by the research i.e. daily Jung and daily Nawa-iWaqt, total 120 issue, 1440 pages were scanned in two dailies during the era of (July 2010 & 2012). News stories editorial, column/ articles letters to editor, pictures and special pages were selected as a unit if analysis. Daily Nawa-i-Waqt gives much coverage to Kashmir issue during (July 2010) as compared to daily Jung. Both newspapers give much coverage to Kashmir issue in July 2010 as compared to era of January 2012.

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References Websites
www.pakistanewspapers.com "About Us." Pakistan Press Foundation. Available from http://www.oneworld.org . Ali, Owais Aslam. Pakistan Press Freedom Report 2000 . Available from http://www.oneworld.org . All Pakistan Newspaper Society. Available from http://www.bol.ucla.edu . "Country Profile: Pakistan." Facts on File News Services. Available from http://www.2facts.com Menon, Kavila. Pakistan: The Press for Change: A Special Report . Committee to Protect Journalists, Briefing Index 2000. Available from http://www.cpj.org . "Pakistan." CIA: The World Factbook . Available from http://www.cia.gov . "Pakistan." UNICEF Statistics (Last updated 1 Feb. 2002). Available from http://www.unicef.org "Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation." Available from http://www.radio.gov.pk . "Pakistan History." Official Pakistan Government Web site. Available from http://www.pakistaninformation.com . www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov.arnelerender.fegt

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Books
Hafeez ur Rehman, Kashmir; The jugular vein of Pakistan, (Rawalpindi; Kashmir Liberation cell, 1998) P.14 Dr. Mehdi Hasan, Dr. Abdul Salam Khurshid, Journalism For All, (Lahore;Aziz Book Depot, 2007), P.185 Mirza Muhammad Yousaf, Exploring Journalism, (Lahore; A-One Publisher, Oct 2009), P.252, 54,55,70,82 Inam Pushkalawati, Of Journali Bhatti, Razia. A Profile in Courage: The Newsline Editorials of Razia Bhatti, 1989-1996 . Karachhi, Pakistan: OUP, 2001. Blood, Peter R., ed. Pakistan: A Country Study. 6th ed. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1995. Bonk, Marie Rose, ed. Worldmark Yearbook 2001. Vol. 2. Farmington Hills, Mich.: Gale Group, 2001. sm, (Peshawar; Crystal Publication, April 20 Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. Courage in Journalism: The Right to Know. Seminar on the Right to Know and Presentation of the First Nisar Osmani Award Lahore, Pakistan: Author, 1996. Jabbar, Javed, and Qazi Faez Isa. Mass Media Laws and Regulations in Pakistan and a Commentary from an Historical Perspective . Singapore: Asian Media Information & Communication Centre, 1997. Niazi, Zamir. The Web of Censorship. Karachi, Pakistan: OUP, 1994. . The Press under Siege . Karachi, Pakistan: Karachi Press Club, 1992. . Press in Chains. Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1987.

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