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Capitalism K
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Links - Colonization ...................................................................................................................................................5

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Links Outer Space Identity....................................................................................................7

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Alternatives Cosmic Identity...................................................................................................................................9

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Alternative Solvency Cosmic Identity.....................................................................................................................9

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Alternative Solvency Utopia .................................................................................................................................10

Alternative Solvency Utopia ....................................................................................................10

Impacts Space War.................................................................................................................................................11

Impacts Space War...................................................................................................................11 ****AFFIRMATIVE ANSWERS****......................................................................................12

Space Key - Colonization Key..................................................................................................................................13

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Space Key- Extras.....................................................................................................................................................13

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Satellites Good..........................................................................................................................................................14

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Capitalism Good.......................................................................................................................................................15

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1NC Shell
The development of space programs are driven by the military use of space. Spence 94 (1994- Capital and Class: Issue 52 Lost in Space by Martin Spence a producer at Trade Films in
Gateshead, England, pg. 53-54)JJ All space programmes have relied, directly or indirectly, on rocket systems initially developed for nuclear arsenals. Space agencies have wrapped their activities in a universalist, humanist rhetoric, and have portrayed their use of military technologies as a hi-tech case of swords into ploughshares. But the reality is that military priorities have always driven and underwritten space programmes, including nominally civilian programmes The primary military use of space is for spying: about 75 per cent of all satellites launched
since the 1960s have been military spy satellites (Marsh 1985, 100; RIIA 1988, 29). By the 1980s, the USA and USSR between them were launching about 150 such satellites each year. In the 1960s and '70s, despite public commitments, both the

USA and USSR also explored the use of space for the deployment of weapons systems. Both developed anti-satellite weapons, and the USSR also devised a system of orbiting nuclear bombs capable of being dropped out of orbit (Humble 1988, 48-50). In the USA anti-satellite work led eventually to Reagan's Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI, popularly known as Star Wars), a space-based system intended to destroy not only satellites but also missiles. Although SDI is now dead, the Pentagon is acutely aware, as a result of the Gulf War, of the intelligence value of spy satellites, and therefore of the importance of anti-satellite weapons as a way of denying that intelligence to an enemy. However, the Pentagon may be thwarted by two factors. Firstly, a commercial market in satellite information now exists.
Planners, oil companies and others regularly buy information from remote-sensing satellites which are also capable of gathering militarily-sensitive information. Any country intent on denying satellite intelligence to an enemy would therefore have to face the political consequences of destroying commercial satellites owned by non-belligerent third countries (Kiernan 1993). In addition, any putative anti-satellite system must pick its target from among the growing quantity of 'space junk'bits and pieces of discarded space hardware left in orbit.

Thus, with dissatisfaction of capitalism; we embrace the new world order, that of which has no oppressorShaoqi 39
(Liu Shaoqi, was a Chinese Revolutionary, statesmen, and theorist, How to be A Good Communist: The Cause of Communism is the Greatest and Most Arduous Undertaking in Human History, published in 1939, [online]: http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/liu-shaoqi/1939/how-to-be/ch05.htm) What is our most fundamental duty as Party members? It is to achieve communism. As far as the Communist Parties of different countries are concerned, in each country it is for the Communist Party and the people there to transform it by their own efforts, and in that way the whole world will be transformed step by step into a communist world. Will the communist world be good? We all know it will be. In that world there will be no exploiters of oppressors, no landlords and capitalists, no imperialists and fascists, nor will there be any oppressed and exploited people, or any of the darkness, ignorance and backwardness resulting from the system of exploitation. In such a society the production of both material and moral values will develop and flourish mightily and will meet the varied needs of all its members. By then all humanity will consist of unselfish, intelligent, highly cultured and skilled communist workers; mutual assistance and affection will prevail among men and there will be no such irrationalities as mutual suspicion and deception, mutual injury, mutual slaughter and war. It will of course be the best, the most beautiful and the most advanced society in human history.

Allowing capitalism to take a new frontier allows for wars to be waged outer space for investments and profit Dickens 11
(Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the Cosmos- To What End? published in November 2010, pp. 19)JJ
The kind of theory mentioned above also has clear implications for the humanization of the cosmos. Projects

for the colonization of outer space should be seen as the attempt to make new types of spatial fix, again in response to economic, social, and environmental crises on earth. Outer space will be globalized, i.e., appended to Earth, with new parts of the cosmos being invested in by competing nations and companies. Military power will inevitably be made an integral part of this process, governments protecting the

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zones for which they are responsible. Some influential commentators argue that the current problem for capitalism is that there is now no outside.11 Capitalism is everywhere. Similarly, resistance to capitalism is either everywhere or nowhere. But, as suggested above, the humanization of the cosmos seriously questions these assertions. New spatial fixes are due to be opened up in the cosmos, capitalisms emergent outside. At first, these will include artificial fixes such as satellites, space stations, and space hotels. But during the next twenty years or so, existing outsides, such as the moon and Mars, will begin attracting investments. The stage would then be set for wars in outer space between nations and companies attempting to make their own cosmic fixes.

Generic Links- Space

New forms of global space are the terrain for expansion of capitalism Jameson 91
(Fredric Jameson, Professor of Comparative Literature, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, published in 1991, pg. 33)JJ What we must now affirm is that it is precisely this whole extraordinarily demoralizing and depressing original new global space which is the "moment of truth" of postmodernism. What has been called the postmodernist "sublime" is only the moment in which this content has become most explicit, has moved the closest to the surface of consciousness as a coherent new type of space in its own right -- even though a
certain figural concealment or disguise is still at work here, most notably in the high-tech thematics in which the new spatial content is still dramatized and articulated. Yet the earlier features of the postmodern which were enumerated above can all now be seen as themselves partial (yet constitutive) aspects of the same general spatial object. The argument for a certain authenticity in these otherwise patently ideological productions depends on the prior proposition that what we have been calling postmodern (or multinational) space

is not merely a cultural ideology or fantasy but has genuine historical (and socioeconomic) reality as a third great original expansion of capitalism around the globe (after the earlier expansions of the national market and the older imperialist system, which each had their own cultural specificity and generated new types of space appropriate to their dynamics). The distorted and unreflexive attempts of newer cultural production to explore and to express this new space must then also, in their own fashion, be considered as so many approaches to the representation of (a new) reality (to use a more antiquated language). As paradoxical as the terms may seem, they may thus, following a classic interpretive option, be read as peculiar new
forms of realism (or at least of the mimesis of reality), while at the same time they can equally well be analyzed as so many attempts to distract and divert us from that reality or to disguise its contradictions and resolve them in the guise of various formal mystifications.

Exploration of the outside means that we allow for capitalism to spread its evils; that has gone too far already-

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Dickens 11
(Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the Cosmos- To What End? published in November 2010, pp. 18)JJ Capital is now also stalking outer space in the search for new resources and raw materials. Nature on a
cosmic scale now seems likely to be incorporated into production processes, these being located mainly on earth. Since Luxemburg wrote, an increasing number of political economists have argued that the importance of a capitalist outside is not so much that of creating a new pool of customers or of finding new resources.10

Rather, an outside is needed as a zone into which surplus capital can be invested. Economic and social crisis stems less from the problem of finding new consumers, and more from that of finding, making, and exploiting zones of profitability for surplus capital. Developing outsides in this way is also a product of
recurring crises, particularly those of declining economic profitability. These crises are followed by attempted fixes in distinct geographic regions. The word fix is used here both literally and figuratively. On the one hand, capital is being physically invested in new regions. On the other hand, the attempt is to fix capitalisms crises. Regarding the latter, however, there are, of course, no absolute guarantees that such fixes will really

Links - Colonization
Space Colonization allows for the expansion of the capitalist state Boyle 05
(Mark Boyle, Department of Geography and Sociology at the University of Strathclyde, Sartres Circular Dialectic and the Empires of Abstract Space: A History of Space and Place in Ballymun, Dublin, Annals of American Geographers, Volume 95 pp 181-201)JJ
The chief concern of the paper is the phenomenon of time-space colonization: the ever growing occupation, dispossession, and reterritorialization of everyday life by the abstract grids and geometries imprinted on the Earths surface by capitalism and the capitalist state (Gregory 1994).What kind of empires do public housing estates represent? According to Derek Gregory (1994, 401), since the advent of capitalism, time-space colonization has consisted of two processes, each of which he claims is doubled.

The first is the deepening commodification of space, which refers to the privatization of parcels of land through the imposition of private property relations, and the associated commodification through space, which involves the etching onto space of capitalist circuits of production, circulation, and consumption. The second is the intensified bureaucratization of space, whereby the capitalist state stakes out its territorial claims to sovereignty, and its parallel, bureaucratization through space, in which the state inscribes its functions onto space in the form of highly regulated public infrastructure and administrative systems. Given that the focus of this article is upon one very particular planned and sanitized landscape deposited by the capitalist state, it is this final bureaucratization through space that will form the object of enquiry here.

The reasons for space colonization is our way of letting go of our dying planet Anker 05
(Peder Anker, From Environmental History, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Apr. 2005), Ecological Colonization of Space pp. 251-252)JJ John Fletcher at NASA was equally excited. He organized a study group at Stanford University "to design a system for the colonization of space" in response to the "finite resources and ominous pollution" on "spacecraft Earth." The result was one of the more imaginative reports from NASA, with colored illustrations of the space colony supported by a diagram of the circulation of water within the capsule (See Figs. 4 and 5). The study group concluded that "Space colonization" was desirable because it offered hope to humanity living in a limited world where the delicate ecological balance of the planet was in trouble. Space offered literally a way out, with the new possibilities of growth and resources.42 It would be, according to one follower, a pollution free-world.43

Space Colonies do not hold the key to our problems on EarthAnker 05

(Peder Anker, From Environmental History, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Apr. 2005), Ecological Colonization of Space pp. 255)JJ

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Ernst F. Schumacher, whose Small Is Beautiful had reached a large audience, argued sarcastically that he was "all for it" because space colonies would allow large-scale technocrats to emigrate "out of the way."6T3 he solar energy advocate Wilson Clark did not see a reason to generate solar energy in space when this could be done more easily on Earth. Dennis Meadows, coauthor of The Limits to Growth report, also thought one should focus on solving problems on Earth instead of trying to solve them in outer space. Likewise, Garrett Hardin argued that emigration into space was not a solution for human population growth.64 The population biologists Paul and Anne Ehrlich recognized that O'Neill's vision shared "many elements with that of most environmentalists: a high quality of life environment for all peoples, a relatively depopulated Earth in which a vast diversity of other organisms thrive in a non-polluted environment with much wilderness, [and] a wide range of options for individuals." Yet they argued that space colonization was not a solution to population growth, and that biologists simply have no idea how to create a large stable artificial ecosystem."65 Environmentalists and ecologists such as Stephanie Mills, Eric Alden Smith, David Brower, Hazel Henderson, and Peter Warshall also voiced criticism. The biologist and Nobel laureate George Wald viewed space colonies "with horror" as the logical extension "of dehumanization and depersonalization that have already gone much too far on Earth."66 Most furious perhaps was the poet and environmentalist Wendell Berry, who accused Brand of supporting big government, capitalism, militarism, and "the cult

Links Resources
The affirmative focuses on the exploitation of resources which are vital to capital and our diseased way of lifeNardi 08
(Sarah Nardi, Life at the End of Empire, 21 August 2008, Chicago based- freelance writer, http://www.adbusters.org/magazine/79/life_at_the_end_of_empire.html)JJ
"What most of us experience when it comes to addiction

is a pattern of continually seeking more of what it is we dont really want and, therefore, never being fully satisfied," Sally Erickson, the films producer, told AlterNet. "And as long as we are never satisfied, we continue to seek more, while our real needs are never being met." It is this definition of addiction that encompasses the Western human experience. Our insatiable modern appetites have created a civilization based entirely on consumption of products, of resources, of space. But no matter how much we buy or how large we grow, we can never seem to fill the yawning expanse of collective need. And, like the addicts that we are, we live with the hope that satisfaction is just one more hit away one more car, one more handbag, and one more war to secure the resources vital to our diseased way of life. The planet is giving us every indication that it can no longer support our habits. Peak oil, mass extinction, catastrophic climate change. With every passing day, the signs are becoming more and more difficult to deny. But we deny them anyway. We swear well curb emissions, we promise to halt growth. We pledge to actively pursue an alternative energy policy. We dont have a problem. We can stop anytime we want. Just not today.

Space is only seen as an outside to capitalism for increased exploitation of labour and resources- Dickens 11
(Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the Cosmos- To What End? published in November 2010, pp.18)JJ
In the early twentieth century, Rosa Luxemburg argued that

an outside to capitalism is important for two main reasons. First, it is needed as a means of creating massive numbers of new customers who would buy the goods made in the capitalist countries.7 As outlined earlier, space technology has extended and deepened this process, allowing an increasing number of people to become integral to the further expansion of global capitalism. Luxemburgs second reason for imperial expansion is the search for cheap supplies of labor and raw materials. Clearly, space fiction fantasies about aliens aside, expansion into the cosmos offers no benefits to capital in the form of fresh sources of labor power.8 But expansion into the cosmos does offer prospects for exploiting new materials such as those in asteroids, the moon, and perhaps other cosmic entities such as Mars. Neil Smiths characterization of capitals relations to nature is useful at this point.

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There is no reason why capital should spread into space, but profits push our greed towards space resources Spence 94
(1994- Capital and Class: Issue 52 Lost in Space by Martin Spence a producer at Trade Films in Gateshead, England, pg. 78)JJ There is no necessary, predestined reason why a capitalist space sector should develop at all beyond this point. There is no manifest destiny pushing humanity out into the universe. Space may simply be used as a place to put more and more communication satellites and orbiting billboards, until saturation point is reached. And yet, there are profits to be made in deep space, profits to be made from microgravity production or lunar mining, if only private capital can gain access. The obstacles to such access are political and financial rather than technical. There is nothing new about microgravity manufacturing: the Russians have been doing it for years. There is nothing exotic about a lunar base: existing space hardware is quite adequate for the task
(Furniss 1993). But setting up an orbiting factory or a lunar base are high-risk ventures: private capital alone will not undertake such projects. A commercial expansion into deep space will only take place on the back of a publicly-funded infrastructure providing regular and cheap access to Earth orbit and beyond. The key challenge for private capital is to use public investment to underwrite its own operations in space.

Links Outer Space Identity

The outer space identity is something we fear as a symbolic representations of breaks in the discursive order of capitalism Shukaitis 09
(Stevphen Shukaitis, Professor at the University of Essex: Essex Business School, The Sociological Review: Space is the (non)place: Martians, Marxists, and the outer space of the radical imagination, May 15, 2009, pp. 99)JJ
One way to approach this question, which might seem odd at first, although hopefully will ultimately become clear, can be found within a recent collection on the history of artistic collectivism and practices of social imagination since 1945 edited by Blake Stimson and Greg Sholette (2007). In their introduction they argue that there was a transformation in artistic collectivism in the

postwar era, which they identify as a change in the composition of avant-garde artistic practice. The main reason for this is a movement away from communism as an ideological backdrop (although admittedly
the relation between the avantgarde artistic practice and communism had been fraught with tension for some time), with existing connections and relations of affinity almost as strong if not stronger with various currents of anarchist thought and politics (Lewis, 1990; Weir, 1997; Antliff, 2001/2007). Putting aside the particular details, this argument is made of part of a broader observation of the forced removal of forms of collectivism from political, economic, and social life of various forms. This can be seen in the blatant attacks on all forms of collectivism through political witch hunts, the purging of more radical organizers from unions, and the general rise of McCarthyism in the US. Paradoxically the destruction of forms of working class collectivism and forms from political life is directly connected to the rise of ingenious forms of capitalist collectivism, such as mortgages, stock options, retirement plans, and so forth, which are then employed in dual capacities as means of discipline and social support for populations enmeshed in them. What is of interest here is the relation between the disappearance and destruction of certain forms of collectivism, and their reappearance in others. As Stimson and Sholette observe, the disappearance

of collectivism from the political realm lead to these forms returning in a mutated and often contradictory form within the cultural realm (2007: 8). It means that the rise of science fiction films in the 1950s with their imagery of bizarre alien races functioning by some sort of incomprehensible totalitarian collectivism, in many ways reflect the recoded and redirected imagery of communism (Smith et al., 2001). The spectre of communism
reappears as a UFO. This is perhaps not a new argument in itself, for the imagery used in genre science fiction has been interpreted as coded for communism before, with Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956) as the most commonly used example (Brosnan, 1978; McCarthy and Gorman, 1999; Von Gunden and Stock, 1982). But what is interesting about the Stimson and Sholette spin is their argument for a displacement of energies from the economic and political sphere, embodied in working-class resistance, into mutated forms in the cultural sphere. This can be read as a form of recuperation or co-option in some senses; but it is not so straightforward. As I have previously argued (2007), the Plan 9 from the capitalist workplace is not a clear-cut case of the integration of energies of social resistance into the workings of capitalism, not one that is irreversible. The mutated and contradictory forms of

collectivism that appear might start with imagery of an alleged collectivist communist-totalitarianism, but their ambivalence is also a space of possibility, one that can be turned to other uses. The despised other is often also the secretly desired other, a dynamic that can be viewed as imaginal forms, held out as examples of an

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Other to be rejected, start to be drawn back into other forms of politics, other forms of usage, and the pleasure of these usages. This

a dynamic that emerges more clearly in the 1960s and 1970s, as the utopian traces of a repressed communism, congealed within the imaginal form of outer space imagery, are slowly reclaimed and brought to other uses.

We fear the outer space identity because its seen as the existence of intergalactic socialism Shukaitis 09
(Stevphen Shukaitis, Professor at the University of Essex: Essex Business School, The Sociological Review: Space is the (non)place: Martians, Marxists, and the outer space of the radical imagination, May 15, 2009, pp. 102)JJ
Further back in the history of the diffuse wonders of the wingnut international, one can find the baffling case of Juan Posadas and the Fourth International Posadas was an Argentinean Trotskyist and, at one point, a relatively well known football player. During the 1940s and 1950s he came to the leadership of Fourth International affiliates in Latin America, known later for their role in the Cuban revolution. Beginning in the late 1960s Posadas also become quite renowned, or rather infamous, for his views on UFOs. Posadas logic flows in quite a simple way: as Marx tells us, more technologically advanced societies are

more socially advanced. Because of this, the existence of space aliens demonstrates the existence of intergalactic socialism, as the level of technology and social cooperation necessary to advance interstellar travel could only be produced by a communist society. The goal of the party, therefore, should be to establish contact with the communist space aliens, who would take part in furthering revolution on this planet. While Trotsky argued against the possibility of communism in one country, Posadas took the technological fetish to its logical conclusion, that there could not be communism on one planet
(Salusbury, 2003). While this was greeted with derision by much of the left, as China Miville explored in a recent article (2007), the derision was for entirely the wrong reasons. Putting aside the existence or non-existence of aliens, the problem was rather the conclusions that Posadas drew from their existence. If the longstanding problem of authoritarian communist and socialist political organizing is the contradiction of their implementation from above, Posadas transfers this problem to another level, literally. Posadas politics necessitate socialism from above, way above, an outer space that can only be hoped to intervene in the

earthly realm and obeyed. The imaginal machine animated by outer space in Posadas politics therefore contributes almost nothing to the further development of collective composition in social movement, and through its vanguardist nature, if anything, tends to act against the development of autonomy and selforganization. It
is, however, rather amusing. Although Posadas died in 1981, Posadaist sections of the Fourth International have been able to continue to produce apparently new material from him for some time since then, due to what seems to be a very large reservoir of taped materials he left behind. Among the more interesting rumoured aspects about the Posadaists of the Fourth International, although very difficult to verify (except by some members of the Marxist Ufologist Group), Posadaists have been known to appear at CND

rallies passing out flyers demanding that China launch a pre-emptive nuclear strike against the US as a first step toward creating socialism. While one of the main subtexts of this chapter, following the excellent work of Jack
Bratich on conspiracy panics, is the idea that even the most bizarre-sounding ideas often contain some sort of merit or can be learned from as a form of subjugated knowledge (2008), this, along with Posadas fondness for dolphins based on the belief that they were a highly sentient alien race, cannot but lead to some chuckling, at least, if not a belly laugh or two.

Links AstroPolitik
Space Security key to entrepreneurialism which succumbs to capitalism Hoover 83
(Roger K. Hoover, B.A. in Law at Rutgers University, Law and Security in Outer Space from the Viewpoint of Private Industry Journal of Space Law, Volume 11, Number 1&2. [Online]: HeinONline)JJ
Much has been written about the effect of the use of outer space on national and international security. Also, there is much written on

the principle of reserving outer space for peaceful uses only and the effect of this principle on selfdefense and, in turn the ability of nations to maintain their security. These are important and complex issues to be addressed and, hopefully, resolved within the context of international law and space law. In this paper I would like to address the issues of law and security in outer space, not from the point of view of the world, of national alliances, or of nations, but from the point of view of private industry. I will review what "security" and some of the elements thereof are to private industry, how these relate to private industry engaged in space activities, the stent to which they are covered by existing space law, the effect of such coverage on private industry and some arms which gill need to be addressed by space law to provide security for private industry in outer space. What does security mean to private industry? Webster defines "security" as "the quality or stare of being secure; freedom from danger; safety; freedom from fear or anxiety; freedom from want or deprivation." This definition fits nicely into the concept of

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security for private industry; the desires of private industry for security translate into a desire for freedom from danger, fear, anxiety and deprivations relating so do right to conduct business, its equipment, and its employees, its technology and its profits. Once private industry has taken necessary actions internally, it relics on the legal regime in which it is operating for additional assurances of security. The legal regime to support the security of private industry must provide for the authority of private industry to operate in the geographical area and in the business area in which it is interested. It should provide for protection against interference by others in the private industry's legitimate business and protection from harm or damage by others or she industry's technology, equipment, employed and general right to operate. With regard to non-space activities from the very nature of the existence of private industry to varying degrees around the world. We can conclude that the legal regime as encompassed in local, national, and international law provides so private industry a sufficient degree of security to permit it to continue and even to thrive.

The Exploration of space allows for investments in space programs that allow for threat construction Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ
But, at the same time, restructuring

within the space industry is following some very familiar lines. Close links and mergers are taking place between large monopolistic companies and the smaller enterprises celebrated by the Space Renaissance Initiative. For example, Northrop- Grumman, one of the leading U.S. defense manufacturers, has recently bought Scaled Composites, the latter having pioneered lightweight materials used for space tourism vehicles. Northrop-Grumman has for many years designed and constructed satellite-guided drones used in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. This merger raises the prospect of skills and technologies originally designed to take wealthy people into outer space being developed to observe and eliminate warlordsand othersback on earth.

Alternatives Cosmic Identity

Thus, our alternative is to accept that were all citizens to the cosmos which helps our understanding of the cosmos and our place within it Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ The Ancient Greek philosopher Diogenes (412-323 BCE) was once asked where he came from. I am a citizen of the Cosmos, he replied. All of us are, and should consider ourselves citizens of the cosmos. It belongs to all of us. But this does not necessarily mean our physical presence in the cosmos and travelling vast distances into the solar system, often creating formidable hazards. It means much more: creating an understanding of the cosmos and our place within it. The cosmos is important for human identity. Knowledge of the cosmos can provide humanity with at least provisional answers to some fundamental questions. How did we get here? What is humanitys place in the cosmos? How is the structure of the universe developing? Is there life elsewhere? In what ways are humans, and other entities, part of the cosmos? What cosmic processes can we actually observe on an everyday basis? The point is that it is by no means necessary to visit outer space to understand what the cosmos is like. The heavens and Earth are one. To be sure, cosmologists making such arguments find little support from mainstream science and its funding institutions. Yet they offer the kind of humanized cosmos that is needed: one that helps people understand and be part of the cosmos without colonizing, owning, or conquering it.

Alternative Solvency Cosmic Identity

Alternative Solvency - Space should not be used as an extension of private ownership, but should be the service of good-

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Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ
So outer space technology can be used for tackling a number of immediate social and political issues. But these strategies do not add up to a philosophy toward outer space and the form humanization should take. Here again, the focus should be on the development of humanity as a whole, rather than sectional interests. First, outer space, its exploration and colonization, should be in the service of some general public good. Toward this end, the original intentions of the 1967 UN Outer Space Treaty should be restored. Outer space should not be owned or controlled

by any economic, social, and political vested interest. The cosmos should not, in other words, be treated as an extension of the global environment, one to be owned and exploited. We have seen enough of this attitude and its outcomes to know what the result would be. Spreading private ownership to outer space would only reproduce social and environmental crises on a cosmic scale.

Alternative - Utopia
Space creates a world beyond our own, so the alternative is to purpose the world of Utopia Shukaitis 09
(Stevphen Shukaitis, Professor at the University of Essex: Essex Business School, The Sociological Review: Space is the (non)place: Martians, Marxists, and the outer space of the radical imagination, May 15, 2009, pp. 99)JJ Within the imaginal space created through the imagery of space travel one can find an outer space of social movement, a smooth space and exteriority made inhabitable through a labour of collective imagination. The image and idea of space, through its circulation and elaboration within stories, myths, and artistic forms, composes a terrain of possibility that operates as an outside to the world as is. For even if it is not possible literally to step outside the world or existing reality, the capacity to imagine other possible worlds creates a terrain where it becomes possible to work towards the creation of another world.
Perhaps the best example of this is Visit Port Watson, an unsigned fake travel pamphlet written by Hakim Bey/Peter Lamborn Wilson and included in the Semiotext(e) SF Collection (Rucker et al., 1991). When Wilson received mail and questions about actually visiting the utopian destination of Port Watson described in the pamphlet, he responded by saying that Port Watson is that place where one is in the moment where one actually is when you believe that Port Watson could exist: a mobile territory of possibility rather than a fixed location. Port Watson is the location of realizing possible utopias that begins from the space of possibility

opened in the imagination. At its best outer space operates in the same way, opening a space of possibility within the present through which other realities become possible.

Alternative Solvency Utopia

Alternative Solvency- Utopian Imagination is an essential part to change.
Jameson - Professor of Comparative Literature @ Duke- 2004 [Frederic, New Left Review, Number 25, p.436]JJ Utopia would seem to offer the spectacle of one of those rare phenomena whose concept is indistinguishable from its reality, whose ontology coincides with its representation. Does this peculiar entity still have a social function? If it no longer does so, then perhaps the explanation lies in that extraordinary historical dissociation into two distinct worlds which characterizes globalization today. In one of these worlds, the disintegration of the social is so absolutemisery, poverty, unemployment, starvation, squalor, violence and deaththat the intricately elaborated social schemes of utopian thinkers become as frivolous as they are irrelevant. In the other, unparalleled wealth, computerized production, scientific and medical discoveries unimaginable a century ago as well as an endless variety of commercial and cultural pleasures, seem to have rendered utopian fantasy and speculation as boring and antiquated as pre-technological narratives of space flight. The term alone survives this wholesale obsolescence, as a symbolic token over which essentially political struggles still help us to differentiate left and right. Thus
utopian has come to be a code word on the left for socialism or communism; while on the right it has become synonymous with totalitarianism or, in effect, with Stalinism. The two uses do seem somehow to overlap, and imply that a politics

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which wishes to change the system radically will be designated as utopianwith the right-wing undertone that the system (now grasped as the free market) is part of human nature; that any attempt to change it will be accompanied by violence; and that efforts to maintain the changes (against human nature) will require
dictatorship. So two practical-political issues are at play here: a left critique of social-democratic reformism, within the system; and on the other hand a free-market fundamentalism. But why not simply discuss those issues directly and openly, without recourse to this, seemingly literary, third issue of utopia? Indeed, one could turn the question around and say that we are perfectly free to discuss utopia as a historical and textual or generic issue, but not to complicate it with politics. (In any case, has the word not always been used by some of the most eminent political figures on all sides as an insulting slur on their enemies?) Yet the waning of the utopian idea is a fundamental historical and political symptom, which deserves diagnosis in its own rightif not some new and more effective therapy. For one thing, that weakening of the sense of history and of the imagination of historical difference which characterizes postmodernity is, paradoxically, intertwined with the loss of that place beyond all history (or after its end) which we call utopia. For another, it is difficult enough to imagine any radical political programme today without the

conception of systemic otherness, of an alternate society, which only the idea of utopia seems to keep alive, however feebly. This clearly does not mean that, even if we succeed in reviving utopia itself, the outlines of a new and effective practical politics for the era of globalization will at once become visible; but only that we will never come to one without it.

Impacts Space War

Galactic Colonialism supports arms race in outer space which leads to outright warDickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ
But even

manufactured risks may be minimal in scope, compared with another risk stemming from cosmic colonization. This is outright war. Armed conflict has long been a common feature of past colonialisms; between colonizing nations as well as between the colonizers and aboriginal peoples. Satellites are already a means by which territories and investments on Earth are monitored and protected by governments operating on behalf of their economic interests. But the prospect of galactic colonialisms raises the distinct possibility of hostilities in space. Galactic wars may therefore be the product of galactic colonialism. Such a scenario was prefigured by the Star Trek science fiction television series in which the main role of The Federation is the protection of capitalist mining colonies.24 It is a discomforting fact that both China and the United States are now actively developing their own versions of full spectrum dominance.
China demonstrated its capabilities in January 2007 by shooting down one of its own defunct satellites. In February 2008, the U.S. Navy demonstrated a similar capability, destroying a faulty U.S. satellite with a sea-based missile. An arms race in outer space has

already started.

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****AFFIRMATIVE ANSWERS****

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Space Key - Colonization Key

Space Colonization is key to prevent omnicide Anker 05 (Peder Anker, From Environmental History, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Apr. 2005), Ecological Colonization of
Space pp. 251-252)JJ The colonization of space was of key importance for ecological debate, methodology, and practice. This endeavor grew out of military efforts to improve submarines and shelters, and make humans less vulnerable to atomic attack through the dispersion of populations. With the space program of the 196os, ecologists aimed at building cabin-ecology systems for astronauts that later served as models for ecological remodeling of life on Earth. When humans were seen as astronauts, environmental ethics became an issue of trying to adopt the lifestyle of space travelers recirculating their material resources within a closed ecosystem. Measured in terms of influence, space ecology was a successful endeavor. Space cabin technologies, such as computer-simulation programs, sewage systems, air rinsing methodologies, energy-saving devices, and solar-cell panels have become regular ecological tools for biological survival. The rationalist and managerial ideals for measuring a
spaceship's "carrying capacity" of astronauts also became a standard for organizing practical as well as moral life onboard Spaceship Earth. The ecological colonization of human space seems nearly complete.

Space Colonization Key to all of our problems

Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ society is undergoing massive social, environmental, and population crises because it is thinking too small. The energy of the sun can, for example, be made into a source of clean power from outer space, which would solve societys energy shortages at a stroke. The Initiative argues that opening up the cosmos to humanitycolonizing the solar system, and opening up resources in the moon, Mars, and the asteroidscould be central to social and environmental salvation. The progress made by the private sector in developing technologies and efficiencies for space tourism means that commercial enterprise can now start planning to venture still further afield.
In short, the Space Renaissance Initiative argues,

Space Key- Extras

A presence in space is key to deter any existential threats Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ
Meanwhile, a

presence in outer space is being developed by other societies. This is partly because such a presence is seen as an important symbol of modernization, progress, and social unity. The Indian government has announced a manned mission to the moon in 2013, the European Space Agency envisages projects to the moon and beyond, and the Chinese government is planning a similar project for 2020. This last development has caused some consternation over Obamas plans. One suggestion is that the United States may after all be the next to send manned missions to the moon, because Chinas space project is seen by some as a military threat that needs forestalling.3

The Global Economy on earth proves Space Exploration resilient Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ
What evidence is there that economic, social, and environmental crises lie behind the growing humanization of the cosmos? One indication is that, between 2004 and 2009, the global space economy (this including commercial satellites, military hardware,

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space tourism infrastructure costs, and launch services) increased

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by 40 percent.12 So, while the global economic crisis starting in 2008 has been grabbing the headlines, the sectors involved in the outer space economy have experienced very rapid growth. In 2009 space industry and government budgets involved in outer space rose by 7 percent to $261.61 billion. A 2010 survey of the global outer space economy puts this as follows: amidst a widespread international economic crisis, the space industry proved resilient, demonstrating growth and expansion into 2010. While several other leading industries suffered dramatically, and many governments struggled to remain fiscally viable, the space industry defied the upheaval and broadened its fields of endeavour.13

Privatization of space key to space exploration Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ
All this suggests not just that the

outer space economy is doing well while other sectors are doing less well, but that growing investment in the solar system is a response to global economic crisis. Again, this growth of the private space economy underlines the significance of President Obamas shift toward private sector solutions to space humanization. The private sector has long argued that, in terms of creating technological innovation and reducing costs, it is superior to NASA and other government agencies. Nowand, it should be noted, with extensive earlier financial backing from NASAit is advancing itself as capable of taking over large parts of the space program.

Space Exploration key to human access to deep space Spence 94 (1994- Capital and Class: Issue 52 Lost in Space by Martin Spence a producer at Trade Films in
Gateshead, England, pg. 54)JJ
Civilian satellite communications, microgravity production, and military uses of space, are all confined to Earth orbit. But beyond

Earth orbit lies deep space. Currently, humanity has only reached into deep space for scientific research. From the 1960s onwards, automated probes were sent to visit other planets: the US Pioneer and Voyager probes in
particular were enormously successful and still send back data from the edge of the Solar System. More recently, however, the loss of the expensive Mars Observer probe in 1993 reinforced a trend towards multiple, quick, cheap missions rather than high- cost prestige operations However, deep space holds temptations beyond astronomical curiosity. The Moon and

asteroids, and possibly other planets, are rich in mineral resources including precious metals, hydrocarbons, and water ice. Once a supportive technical infrastructure were in place, extra-terrestrial mining could provide the rationale for a commercially-driven expansion into deep space. The obvious first step in the commercial exploitation of these extraterrestrial resources would be to establish a permanent presence on the Moon: obvious both because it is close and because a lunar settlement might by itself be a profitable enterprise. The economic case for a Moon base centres on mining for lunar minerals which are rare on Earth, such as titanium (McDonogh 1989, 98); on a more speculative proposal to build and launch solarpower satellites to beam energy to the Earth (Glushko 1988, 132; McDonogh 1989, 96); and on using the Moon as a long-term nuclear waste depository (Koelle 1993). The next target after the Moon would almost certainly be Mars. A Martian colony would lack

the immediate commercial rationale of a lunar base, but might act as a 'gateway' to mineral- rich asteroids and outer planets (Humble 1988, 111), playing a key role in the development of an industrial infrastructure in deep space. Living conditions on Mars would actually be more comfortable than on the Moon and all the
resources exist locally for air, building materials, food and fertiliser (Gwynne et al. 1991). Much of this may read like science fiction, but detailed plans and much of the hardware already exist for missions to both the Moon and Mars. The real questions concern

not the technology, but the political and economic conditions for a human expansion into space.

Satellites Good
Satellites are key to the global economy Dickens 11 (Peter Dickens teaches at the University of Brighton and Cambridge, UK, The Humanization of the
Cosmos- To What End? Volume 60, Issue 6, November. [Online] http://monthlyreview.org/2010/11/01/thehumanization-of-the-cosmos-to-what-end)JJ

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Yet among these plans and proposals, it is easy to forget that outer

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space is already being increasingly humanized. It has now been made an integral part of the way global capitalist society is organized and extended. Satellites, for example, are extremely important elements of contemporary communications systems. These have enabled an increasing number of people to become part of the labor market. Teleworking is the best known example. Satellite-based communications have also facilitated new forms of consumption such as teleshopping. Without satellite-based communications, the global economy in its present form would grind to a halt.

Capitalism Good
Capitalism supports democracy which makes war less desirableBandow 05 (Doug Bandow, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute. Spreading Capitalism is good for Peace,
[online]: http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=5193)JJ
Thus, while "democracy is desirable for many reasons," he notes in a chapter in the latest volume of Economic Freedom in the World, created by the Fraser Institute, "representative governments are unlikely to contribute directly to international peace." Capitalism is by far the more important factor. The shift from statist mercantilism to high-

tech capitalism has transformed the economics behind war. Markets generate economic opportunities that make war less desirable. Territorial aggrandizement no longer provides the best path to riches.

Communism fails in practice and a common ground is best Larry 08 (Larry, The Barefoot Bum, A Critique of Communism, Friday May 9th, 2008, [online]:
http://barefootbum.blogspot.com/2008/05/critique-of-communism.html)JJ To be more precise, it is the part of Communism that specifies a state-planned economy that results in inefficient distribution of commodities. The problem is practical (or information-theoretical); it's not per se a problem in Communism's fundamental economic assumptions. In theory, a planned economy should be more efficient than a distributed free-market economy, but in practice information-theoretical laws of diminishing returns and exponential complexity of large formal systems doom the notion of central commodity distribution planning. The information-theoretical analysis does not, however, entail that a state-planned capital allocation system would necessarily be worse that the Capitalist alternative; capital allocation is centralized under Capitalism in the capital-owning elite. Furthermore, a mixed system, where capital was partly state-owned and partly worker-owned, might have the advantages of both central and distributed planning, and would not violate the spirit of economic Communism.

Communism promotes freedom, but that same exact freedom magnifies flaws within practice Larry 08 (Larry, The Barefoot Bum, A Critique of Communism, Friday May 9th, 2008, [online]:
http://barefootbum.blogspot.com/2008/05/critique-of-communism.html)JJ There's no doubt that Communism as practiced has massively and inexcusably denied individual liberty and freedom, but it is again the specifically totalitarian component of political Communism, which politically privileges a specific party, that entails the denial of individual freedom. But economic Communism does not necessarily entail the denial of freedom. Indeed, under ideal circumstances, everyone is free of economic coercion; they are entirely free to apply their productivity to suit their personal preferences. Even under non-ideal circumstances, people would be expected to have at least greater choice in allocating their personal productivity as desired. Since economic communism does not permit exploitation or economic coercion, it has to be expected that some people will choose to be unproductive or less productive than they would have been under Capitalist work-or-starve economies. Since we have never seen economic communism in practice, it is an open question whether a great many people would choose to be negatively productive, and whether those who do choose negative productivity are those who would be very productive if coerced.

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