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Metropolitan Museum 66.123.1 Gift of J. Lionberger Davis, 1966


By Henry George Fischer
Curator Emeritus of Egyptian Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

The Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 1996

Typeset in New Baskerville Digital hieroglyphs by James P. Allen Designed by Henry G. Fischer and Peter Der Manuelian Copyedited, typeset and produced by Peter Der Manuelian, Boston, Massachusetts Copyright © 1996 by Henry George Fischer All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, without permission in writing from the publisher isbn 0-87099-755-6 Printed in the United States of America by Henry N. Sawyer Company, Charlestown, Massachusetts Bound by Acme Bookbinding, Charlestown, Massachusetts



Names and Titles on an Old Kingdom False Door 3.-Nr.CONTENTS Preface List of Plates List of Figures Abbreviations 1. On the Interpretation of Names of Pyramids 7. Egyptian Doors.s 3. Sacerdotal Titles and Epithets of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties vii . ⁄¢y-∞w. On the Reading of Some Old Kingdom Titles 1. A Later Tomb Chapel in the Mastaba of Ónty-k£ 2.f and ⁄¢y-n. A Late Old Kingdom Overseer of the Two Treasuries Excursus I: Metropolitan Museum 04. Words and weapons at Thebes 8. Ny-m£™t-R™ 2. Stelae from Naqada 2. Inside and Out 9. Some Theophoric Names of the Old Kingdom 1. Provincial Inscriptions of the Heracleopolitan Period 1. 1/85 Excursus III: Manchester 10780 Excursus IV: British Museum 65953 4.4–6 Excursus II: Berlin (West) Inv. R-N∞n 2.2. The avoidance of the old perfective in theophoric names Excursus I: ¢z¡ and dw£ Excursus II: Some exceptional transpositions Excursus III: Two names mentioning Horus 6. The reading of xi xiii xvii xxi 1 7 13 29 32 34 36 43 43 45 50 55 55 60 61 67 69 71 73 79 79 83 91 103 in titles 5. Z¢y-n†r 3.

The evolution of the signs for “herdsman” (A24. Comparative evidence: the seat 4.viii CONTENTS 107 111 117 123 128 129 130 141 141 145 148 149 151 151 152 153 157 158 177 177 180 187 190 192 194 201 205 208 210 214 216 219 222 225 227 237 10. An Old Kingdom variant of (T25) 12. The groups and Addenda to Volumes I. A Shrine and Statue of the Thirteenth Dynasty Excursus I: The colors of MMA 69. Notes on Hieroglyphic Palaeography 1. The Old Kingdom form of (V37) 13. An unusual variant of (Y5) 16. The signs (O22) and (W4) 10. The assimilation of (M12) and (M22) 9. A Middle Kingdom variant of (F12) 4. Comparative evidence: the back 5. The representation on the back 7. II & III . Variants of the Old Kingdom form of (F29) 6. The representation: the figure of the owner 8.14 Excursus III: MMA 63. The hieroglyph (G26) and other writings of the name of Thoth 8. A Statuette of the Late Middle Kingdom 11. 47) 2. The representation: the k£-emblem 9. 33. Comparative evidence: the legs 3. The hieroglyph for “east” (R15) 11.30 Excursus II: MMA 68. Construction and materials 2. Archaisms in a Statuette of Middle Kingdom Style Addendum 12. Comparative evidence: the materials 6. The sign as dual of (D2) in the Old Kingdom 3. The sign 5.154 13. Semi-reversed forms of (F39) 7. A Chair of the Early New Kingdom 1. 25. The inscription Excursus: Middle Kingdom epithets referring to nb t£wy 14. Variants of (W14) 14. A detail of the sign (Y3) 15.

Titles. by Peter Der Manuelian A. Pyramids. Occupations and Selected Epithets C.CONTENTS Indexes. Words and Phrases E. Buildings and Places D. Groups and Arrangement of Signs ix 243 243 249 255 256 259 262 . Personal Names B. Estates. Forms of Signs F.


on more than one occasion. who typed the manuscripts and helped in many other ways. The final appearance of the book owes much to his skill and patience. The firm that produced the earlier volumes in this series is. And another chapter (1) deals with a scarcely less interesting situati0n. alas. one of whom was evidently named for the other. who. some will undoubtedly show their age. where inscriptions formerly attributed to a single individual have conversely been re-assigned to two persons. I have not. As before. Thus the adjective “nova” may seem a trifle misleading. This series of articles also offers fewer reunitings of dispersed inscriptions than its predecessor. and so too the research on which it is based. like its predecessors. a few of them were written as long ago as 1978. to whom acknowledgment will be made in the following pages. That is so much the case that I very much doubt whether the original format could have been reproduced by computer without the ability of Peter Der Manuelian. has enabled me to secure information that otherwise seemed unobtainable. Egyptian Studies I. In addition to all this. for. he has also volunteered to assemble the index. who has stepped in where others had failed. I am particularly indebted to Adela Oppenheim for preparing the list of abbreviations. has provided proofs that have been remarkably free of errors. both from myself and from my readers. thanks to his Egyptological training. although all but one of the articles that comprise it (14/4) are unpublished. which account for a third of the text. Perhaps. xi . He has not only solved every problem. but.P R E FA C E The present series of varia is more disparate than its predecessor. no more. I have also received assistance from colleagues in many other institutions. has been financed by a fund established by the late Lila Acheson Wallace. This volume. and above all to James Allen. While an effort has been made to keep all the articles up to date. as well as Gertrude Magnus and my wife. and most of the others were written in the 1980’s. he too deserves many thanks. and in a further sense. and what was readily accomplished by letterpress now poses a formidable challenge to the manipulators of cold type. I must thank my former assistants Janet Thorpe and Veronica Hamilton. although the one that is offered (7/2) is of considerably greater historical importance. I should here make special mention of Jean Leclant. But the chief difference in the present compilation is the much more extensive series of discussions concerning palaeography. including a great many forms that are not to be found in the standard fonts. Among the several persons who have had a part in this enterprise. however. however. included further examples of palaeographic variants in the terminal list of addenda to Volume I. Needless to say. who has computerized the numerous hieroglyphic quotations.


Pl. 9 10a 10b Chapter 8.132 Rogers Fund. Pl. 1 2 3a 3b Chapter 3.4–6 Gift of Darius Ogden Mills. after Roeder Leiden chapel of Ìtp-¢r-£∞ty. 4 5 6 7 Chapter 4.3. Pl.2.18 Rogers Fund. Stockholm. 1912. Harkness Gift. after Boeser xiii . 1912 Turin Suppl. MM 11415 Courtesy of the Museum Berlin 7779 Courtesy Staatliche Museen Metropolitan Museum 04. and Edward S.1 Gift of J. 8 Chapter 7. 1914 Cairo CG 70001. 11a 11b 12 Metropolitan Museum 66.123. Pl. Pl. 1292 Courtesy Museo Egizio Strasbourg 345 Courtesy of the University Florence.182. 1904 Berlin-Charlottenburg 1/85 Courtesy of the Museum British Museum 65953 Courtesy of the Museum Metropolitan Museum 12.L I S T O F P L AT E S Frontispiece Chapter 2. 1966 Copenhagen 5129 Courtesy of the National Museum Details of Copenhagen 5129 Strasbourg 2541A Courtesy of the University Medelhavsmuseet. Lionberger Davis. Museo Archeologico 7595 Courtesy Soprintendenza alla Antichitá Metropolitan Museum 14.

Copenhagen. Lila Acheson Wallace Gift.1 Rogers Fund.59. Copenhagen. Pl. 1968 . 1965 Metropolitan Museum 65. after Junker Exterior of sarcophagus. MMA field photograph Interior of same sarcophagus University Museum. 1976 Metropolitan Museum 68. 21 22a 22b 23 24 25 LIST OF PLATES Shrine of Mrr-w¡-k£. ÆIN 932 Courtesy of the Museum Berlin 4435 Courtesy Staatliche Museen Louvre E 11576 Courtesy of the Museum Cairo J 345572.xiv 13a 13b 14a 14b Chapter 9.30 Detail of Metropolitan Museum 63. Pl. 15 Chapter 10.14 Purchase.59. 59–23–1 Courtesy of the Museum University Museum. Cairo J 47267.1 Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. 17 18 19a 19b 19c 19d 20 Chapter 12. 16 Chapter 11. after Strekalovski Dummy doors in tomb of Sßm-nfr II. Edmundo Lasalle Gift. after Kamal Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Philadelphia. Pl. Dr. Lila Acheson Wallace Fund Gift. 1969 Detail of Metropolitan Museum 69.383 Purchase. Pl.¡.30 Purchase. and Mrs. Philadelphia. 1963 Brussels E 6749 Courtesy Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire Metropolitan Museum 1976. ÆIN 595 Courtesy of the Museum Metropolitan Museum 69. E 3381 Courtesy of the Museum Metropolitan Musem 65.154 Pulitzer Bequest Fund.

before restoration Rear view after restoration Oriental Institute. Metropolitan Museum 12.3. El Kab. Metropolitan Museum 25.3. Lasalle Gift.LIST OF PLATES 26 Chapter 13. Chicago.183. 1963 Metropolitan Museum 68. Patricia R.58.58 Louvre N 3312 Courtesy of the Museum Detail from tomb of Rnn¡. Pl. Pierpont Morgan. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Theban Tomb no.308 Rogers Fund.154 Purchase. 10550 Courtesy of the Museum Hearst Museum. after Tylor . 6–1024 Courtesy of the Museum Metropolitan Museum 19.32 Rogers Fund. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Detail of Cairo J 56720. Berkeley. Joseph Pulitzer Bequest. 1919 Theban Tomb no. 1925 Detail of Metropolitan Museum 68. 22.58 Detail of Metropolitan Museum 68. 60.58 Rear view of Metropolitan Museum 68.58 Purchase.58 Detail of Metropolitan Museum 68.4 Gift of J. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art xv Chair from model boat. 1912 Fragments of ivory overlay from a chair Courtesy American Museum of Natural History Remains of a chair. 1968 Metropolitan Museum 68. 27 28 29 30 31a 31b 32a 32b–c 33 34 35a–b 36 37a–d 38 39 40 41a 41b Metropolitan Museum 63.

Harkness. 1928 Pencase of Tutankhamun. Pl. 45 46a 46b 14/11. SS 76 Courtesy of the Museum Metropolitan Museum 28. 47 LIST OF PLATES Theban Tomb no. Pl.1877 Courtesy of the Museum .5 Gift of Edward S. 126 Courtesy Kunsthistorisches Museum False door at Saqqara Courtesy Egyptian Antiquities Organization Fitzwilliam Museum. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Museum of Fine Arts. 359. 178. Nr. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Vienna Inv.9. 44 14/8. Boston. Cambridge. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Theban Tomb no. Pl. 06.xvi 42a 42b 43 Chapter 14/6.

Berlin 7779 Layout of texts on stela Hieroglyph in B (1) False door of Pt¢-∞™. after Dunham and Simpson xvii . Manchester 10780 Detail on offering slab. After Newberry Detail of relief of Djoser. except 3c. Shepherd Hieroglyphs representing doors Twelfth Dynasty scene at Beni Hasan. 1292 Stela of ⁄n-¡t.S. combining Strasbourg 345 and Florence 7595 Doors from Middle Kingdom models. late New Kingdom. After Jéquier Entrance passage of mastaba at Giza. After James. Fig. 3d) Stela of D£g in the University of Rome Possible alterations of the problematic title Anonymous stela.R. Turin Suppl. (c) Mother of Mr-sy™n∞ III. After Brunton and Engelbach Old Kingdom titles mentioning Anubis (rearranged from columnar inscriptions. Turin. BM 65953 Alabaster fragment. Fig. Fig. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Chapter 11. After Lepsius False door in mastaba of Mrr-w¡-k£.f.f. Fig.f ’s mother. 1 2 Chapter 7.¡ Drawing by S. After James Column between false doors. Drawing by Lindsley Hall Limestone model naos. 1 2 3 4 5 Chapter 4. after Smith. with restorations Stela of Ípss-Pt¢. Fig. 1 2 False doors naming Ónty-k£. IV relief of Ówfw-∞™. Smith Women’s wigs: (a) Archaic stela. After W. Fig.LIST OF FIGURES Chapter 1. 1 2 Chapter 3. (b) Dyn. 1 2 3 4 Chapter 8.

rightward and leftward : (a.f in an offering list. Fig. XII– XIII Inscription on the fragmentary statuette of ™n. IV statuette. XIX hieroglyph. (b) Dyn. Fig. pattern of cords in seat Dyn. VI craftsmen at Meir. After Old Kingdom variant of Old Kingdom variant of Old Kingdom variant of Junker . b) Old Kingdom. XVIII . XVIII herdsman. herdsman. Dyns.¡-snbw.¡-nn in the name Hnn. MMA 1976. E 17499. After Ziegler Arrows in Old Kingdom hieroglyphs Combinations of Variations of Dyn.xviii 3 Chapter 12. (b. After Weigall Dyn. after Smith. 1 2 3 4 5 Chapter 14. from a photograph Hair of servant girl and comparable examples. From a photograph.383 Structure of New Kingdom chairs Chair of Rn. After Davies Dyn. Fig. c) Similar hieroglyphs Middle Kingdom examples of Detail of Old Kingdom relief in the Louvre. After Bissing Dyn. After Calverly Dyn. XIX hieroglyph. After Calverly Old Kingdom mrt-goddess. IV statue of Nfrt. After Blackman (a) Element from the necklace of Ônmt. After Lindsley Hall Dyn. V singer. After Davies Dyn. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 LIST OF FIGURES Women’s cloaks: (a) Dyn. side view Chair of Rn. 1 2 Chapter 13. XII singers. Dahshur.¡-snbw. XII. XVIII tomb at El Kab. (c–d) Dyn. XIX mrt-goddess. after Calverly Scene from Dyn. (e) in the name ⁄t.

XVIII : (a–c) Old Kingdom. IX or later. XVIII. (h) . After Newberry Post-Old Kingdom variant of . Dyn. After Epron Detail of Old Kingdom false door Determinative of ¡n™t . XII. IV example of Dyn. Beni Hasan Woman holding staff. Dyn. I. From a photograph Scribal kit on panel of Ìzy-R™. After Newberry Woman holding staff in the same tomb. From a photograph Old Kingdom variants of Old Kingdom variants of Old Kingdom variants of Old Kingdom variants of Detail of Dyn. I example of Dyn. From a photograph Variants of Dyn. Aswan Dyn. Cairo CG 1747. From a photograph xix Middle Kingdom writing of the title “overseer of the eastern deserts. Fig. (d–g) Dyn. VI writing of the title “elder of the court. Beni Hasan. Saqqara. From a photograph Early Middle Kingdom gameboard. Louvre E 11254.” Saqqara Elongated bag in the mastaba of Êy. Leipzig. BM 55586 Tubular pencase. Cairo J 49804 Dyn. 1 2 Detail of archaic palette. VI relief.” Beni Hasan.LIST OF FIGURES 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Addenda to Vol. V representation of feathers.


Leiden F. Leipzig 1913–1924 American Journal of Archaeology. Gîza ÄF Aeg. 2 vols. vols. Gem-ni-kai Bissing. New York Bulletin de l’Institut français d’Archéologie orientale. Die kleine Festdarstellung by F. II.W. Hatnub Ägyptologische Abhandlungen.W. II. Aufbau und Bedeutung der altägyptischen Opferformel (ÄF 24). Glückstadt. Deutsches Archäologisches Institut. AJA Anthes. Die gro∫e Festdarstellung by H.W. Badawy. Leipzig 1928 Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Egypte. Berkeley 1978 W. New York Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Königlichen (or Staatlichen) Museen zu Berlin. Opferformel BdE BES BIFAO BiOr Bissing. Inschr. von Bissing. Kairo A. Kees. 2 vols. III. Princeton. Wiesbaden Abdel-Moneim Abu Bakr. The Tomb of Nyhetep-Ptah at Giza and the Tomb of Ankhm™ahor at Saqqara. Cairo Bibliotheca Orientalis. New Jersey R. Cairo 1953 Ägyptologische Forschungen. von Bissing and H. Glückstadt 1968 Bibliothèque d’Etude (IFAO) Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar. editor. Berlin 1905–1911 F. Excavations at Giza 1949–1950. Kees ASAE ASE AV Badawy. Cairo Archaeological Survey of Egypt Archäologische Veröffentlichungen. von Bissing. Hamburg. Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub (Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens 9).A B B R E V I AT I O N S ÄA Abu Bakr. Barta. Das Re-Heiligtum des Königs Ne-woser-re (Rathures). Re-Heiligtum xxi . III. Die Mastaba des Gem-ni-kai. Leipzig 1923/1928. Anthes. Nyhetep-Ptah Barta.

Ne-user-re™ Borchardt. London 1912 H. New York P. Leipzig 1907 L. (Part II) Le Stele egiziane del Nuovo Regno.D. Holwerda. Ancient Egyptian Epigraphy and Palaeography. University of Chicago Ph.M. Carter. dissertation.H. London–Chicago 1933–1958 R. Leipzig 1913 S. Meir Blackman and Apted. Rome 1959. London Bulletin de la Société d’Egyptologie. Sammlg. ed.xxii Blackman. Meir BM BMMA Boeser. Holwerda and J. 4 vols. Five Years’ Explorations Carter. ABBREVIATIONS A. New York 1976 J. Boeser. Blackman.E.R. The Hague 1905–1932 Borchardt. 1965 E. Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Ne-user-re™. Dec. Broome. aeg. See CG + number Borchardt. Borchardt. The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos. Rue de tombeaux Carnarvon and Carter. Beschr. 14 vols. OIP). Sa’£¢ure™ Bosticco. Grabd. A.F.. 3 vols. Brussels 1947 Lord Carnarvon and H. London 1923–1933. Beschreibung der aegyptischen Sammlung des niederländischen Reichsmuseums der Altertümer in Leiden. The Tomb of Tut-ankh-Amen Discoverd by the Late Earl of Carnarvon and Howard Carter.H. Apted.M. The Rock Tombs of Meir I–IV (ASE). Borchardt. Five Years’ Explorations at Thebes. Genève Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum. Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Sa’£¢ure™ I–II. by A. Fischer. Une rue de tombeaux à Saqqarah. The Inscribed Material of the First Intermediate Period from Naga-ed-Dêr.A.R.A. 1990 British School of Archaeology. London 1953 The British Museum. The Rock Tombs of Meir V– VI (ASE). Temple of Sethos I Caminos and Fischer. Blackman and M. Stele L. Gardiner (ASE.G.M. Caminos and H. London Bulletin of The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Bosticco. Grabd. Epigraphy and Palaeography Capart. Calverley. Dissertation BSA BSEG CAA Calverley. Museo archeologico di Firenze. Tut-ankh-Amen . assisted by M. Brovarski. Mainz. A. London 1914–1924 A. Carter. Denkmäler des A. Brovarski. (Part I) Le Stele egiziane dall’Antico al Nuovo Regno. Capart. 1977 ff.

Cairo 1912 A. Berlin 1937– 1964 C. Quibell. Daressy. 87). Cairo 1900 CG 1–1294 CG 1295–1808 CG 1308–1315 and 17001–17036 CG 3426–3587 CG 20001–20780 CG 28001–28126 CG 34001–34189 CG 42001–42250 CG 51001–51191 CG 52001–53855 CG 57001–57212 CG 70001–70050 Clère-Vandier. Les Inscriptions hiéroglyphiques et hiératiques du 0uâdi Hammâmât (MIFAO 34).E. Denkmäler des Alten Reiches I–II.J. von Bissing. Lacau.W. 81. Vandier.und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs I–IV. Lacau. Chicago 1935–1961 S. The Egyptian Coffin Texts. Grab. Statues et statuettes des rois et des particuliers I–III + index volume.ABBREVIATIONS CG + number xxiii Monuments in the Egyptian Museum. Kuentz.O. Bijoux et orfèvreries I–II. Cairo 1932 F. Gli Scavi Italiani DAIK Daressy. Cairo 1908 E. Cairo 1927 A. (OIP 34. Borchardt. The Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu. Cairo 1909–1926 G. numbers referring to Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire L. Curto. 49. Textes de la Première Période Intermédiare et de la XIème Dynastie. Hammâmât CT Curto. Le mastaba de Mera (Mémoires presentés à l’Institut égyptien 3). Moret and Dia Abou-Ghazi. Die Denkmäler des Alten Reiches III. 73. de Buck. 7 vols. Mera . Cairo. Brussels 1948 J. Vernier. Cairo 1904–1906 P. 67. Berlin 1911–1936 L. Sarcophages antérieurs au Nouvel Empire I–II. Lange and H. Clère and J. Legrain. 64. Fasc. Schäfer. Metallgefä∫e. Rome 1963 Deutsches Archäologisches Institut. Vienna 1901 H. Montet. Roeder. Gli Scavi Italiani a el-Ghiza. Leipzig 1914 J. Cairo 1978 G. TPPI Couyat–Montet. Couyat and P. Cairo 1906–1925 J. Abteilung Kairo G. I (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca 10). Naos I–II. Stèles du Nouvel Empire I–II. Statuen und Statuetten von Königen und Privatleuten I–V. Obélisques. Berlin 1902–1925 P. Borchardt.

New York 1922–1923 Norman de G. Ramose Davies. Handwerker Dunham. Davies. The Tomb of en-Amun at Thebes. Puyemrê Davies. Amenemhet W. Die Handwerker und ihre Tätigkeiten. London 1901 Nina de Garis Davies and Alan H. Antefo˚er Davies. Oxford 1963 Norman de G. 2 vols. London. London 1915 W. The Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re™ at Thebes. The Rock Tombs of Deir el Gebrâwi I–II (ASE). The Tomb of Puyemrê at Thebes. The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose (ASE). New York 1933 Nina Davies. Deir el Gebrâwi Davies. Davies.V. Saqqara Tombs I Drenkhahn. Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae of the First Intermediate Period. Giza Mastabas 1: The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III. Simpson. Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae Dunham and Simpson..V. Boston 1974 E. Dunham and W. Private Tombs at Thebes IV (GI). 1920 Norman de G. Rekh-mi-Re™ Davies. Rome 1955/1964 Davies. Gramm. The Tomb of Amenemhet (EEF). London 1902 Norman de G.xxiv Davies. Davies. . London 1941 Norman de G. The Mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at Saqqareh I–II (ASE). Davies. en-Amun ABBREVIATIONS Norman de Garis Davies. New York 1943 Norman de G. London 1900–1901 Norman de G. Mersyankh Edel. The Tomb of Nefer-hotep at Thebes. Gardiner. (Publications of The MMA Egyptian Expedition). Drenkhahn. 2 vols. (Publications of The MMA Egyptian Expedition). (Publications of The MMA Egyptian Expedition 5). (ÄA 31). Wiesbaden 1976 D. (Publications of The MMA Egyptian Expedition 11). 2 vols. London 1937 D. New York 1930 Norman de Garis Davies. The Tomb of Antefo˚er (EES). London 1984 R. Dunham. Davies. Edel. The Rock Tombs of Sheikh Saïd (EEF). Sheikh Saïd Davies and Gardiner. Saqqara Tombs I: Mastabas of Mereri and Wernu (ASE). Davies et al. Davies.. Altäg. Davies. Private Tombs Davies. Ptahhetep Davies. Nefer-hotep Davies. Davies et al.K. Altägyptische Grammatik I–II (Analecta Orientalia 34/39).

G. Concise Dictionary Firth and Gunn. Egyptian Studies Fischer. Part I: Reversals. 1988) H. Faulkner. The Minor Cemetery at Gîza (University of Pennsylvania. London 1915 xxv R. Wiesbaden 1984 A. London R. L’écriture et l’art Fischer. L’écriture et l’art de l’Egypte ancienne. Egyptian Titles of the Middle Kingdom: A Supplement to Wm.C. Harageh (BSA). N. Egyptian Grammar. Gunn. Ti I ERA Fakhry. Fischer.O. New York 1977 H. Gardiner. Ward’s INDEX. 1983. New York 1985 C. Gîza Franke.H.ABBREVIATIONS EEF EES Engelbach. Dendera Egypt Exploration Fund. Paris 1986 H. Fischer. Riqqeh and Memphis VI Engelbach and Gunn. Riqqeh and Memphis VI (BSA). Fischer. Personendaten Gardiner. Grammar . Harageh Epron et al. Gunn. Firth and B. Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome. Fischer.G. A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian (GI).M. Egyptian Studies I: Varia. 3rd revised ed. Egyptian Section of the University Museum). Titles Fisher.Y. Coptite Nome Fischer. Fischer.G. Down to the Theban Domination of Upper. 1968 H. (SAE) Cairo 1926 H. Fisher. Egyptian Studies II: The Orientation of Hieroglyphs. London Ahmed Fakhry. 2 vols. Sept tombeaux Faulkner. Sept tombeaux à l’est de la grande pyramide de Guizeh (SAE). Ancient Egyptian Calligraphy. New York 1976. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries Fischer. Excavations at Saqqara: Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (ÄA 41). Engelbach. New York 1979 (2nd revised ed. Oxford 1962 C. Cairo 1935 R. Dendera in the Third Millennium B. 3rd ed. Engelbach and B. Philadelphia 1924 D. Egypt. Franke.G.S.G. Dynasties VI– XI (Analecta Orientalia 40). Fischer. London Egypt Exploration Society. Locust Valley.. Calligraphy Fischer. London 1957 Fischer.G. Rome 1964 H. London 1923 See Tombeau de Ti Egyptian Research Account.

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“‘Der Lebendige’ als Gottesbeiname im Alten Reich. 2nd ed. Part 1. 12 (1954) James and Apted.K. etc. Leiden 1946 Journal of the American Oriental Society.G. Frises d’objets Jéquier.H. Jéquier. Jéquier. London G. Jacquet-Gordon. Apted. Gîza (Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. James. Vienna 1929–1955 H. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Le Monument funéraire de Pepi II (SAE). Junker.H.. Tombeaux de particuliers JNES JSSEA Junker. Boston. 2 vols. Jéquier. Chicago Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities. Cairo 1962 T. “Der Lebendige” . Wien. Brooklyn 1974 Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae. Junker. des reines Jéquier. 1921 G. Cairo. Princeton. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in The Brooklyn Museum I. Fouilles à Saqqara: Les Pyramides des reines Neit et Apouit (SAE).). James. New York Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. De Traditioneele Egyptische Autobiografie vóór het Nieuwe Rijk. Les Noms des domaines funéraires sous l’Ancien Empire égyptien (BdE 34).G. Janssen. Kl. Hieroglyphic Texts xxvii H. Jéquier.R. Jéquier. Denkschriften. La Pyramide d’Oudjebten (SAE). 3 vols. Gîza Junker.G.ABBREVIATIONS Jacquet-Gordon. Egyptische Autobiografie JAOS JARCE JEA Jéquier. edited by T. Khentika Janssen. Cairo 1928 G. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions James. Pyrs. Monument funéraire de Pepi II Jéquier. Cairo 1929 Journal of Near Eastern Studies.H. London 1961 T. Fouilles à Saqqara: Tombeaux de particuliers contemporains de Pepi II (SAE). Les frises d’objets des sarcophages du Moyen Empire (MIFAO 47). Cairo 1936–1940 G. London 1953 J. Toronto H. in the British Museum..” Anzeiger der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Cairo 1933 G. Domaines James. James and M. Phil-hist. Baltimore–New Haven Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 12 vols. The Mastaba of Khentika Called Ikhekhi (ASE). Oudjebten Jéquier.

Naville. Les Stèles égyptiennes. Wiesbaden 1975–1992 See CG + number P. 2 pts.R. Kaplony. edited and revised by E. Leipzig 1913 LD LD Ergänzungsband . The Cemetery of Akhmim. Une Chapelle de Sésostris I er à Karnak (SAE). 9 vols. Chevrier. 1948 Kush. Borchardt and K. editor. Lepsius. El Hawawish Kanawati et al. Kayser. 12 vols..xxviii Kanawati. RI Koefoed-Petersen. Helck. editor. Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service. Mainz a. Paris A. Sydney 1984 P.. Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit. Stèles Kush LÄ Lacau. Westendorf. Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reichs II. Hannover 1964 Kêmi: Revue de philologie et d’archéologie égyptiennes et coptes. Sydney 1980–1989 Naguib Kanawati et al. Ramesside Inscriptions Historical and Biographical 7 vols. and supplement (ÄA 8. Excavations at Saqqara I. Kitchen. Sarcophages Lacau–Chevrier. Oxford 1968–1989 O. Otto. E. (Text and Plates). El-Hammamiya Kitchen. Katalog der Rollsiegel. Wiesbaden 1963–1964 P. 9). El-Khouli and N. Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien.R. Cairo 1956–1969 See CG + number G. Brussels 1981 H. L. 1986 C. Berlin 1849–1859 C. Ergänzungsband. Chapelle de Sésostris I er Lange–Schäfer. Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien. W. Mastaba des Uhemka Kêmi El-Khouli and Kanawati. Saqqara Kaplony. Lepsius. Kaplony. Copenhagen. Die Mastaba des Uhemka. Lacau and H. Rollsiegel Kayser. Lapp.R. Kanawati. Die Opferformel des Alten Reiches unter Berücksichtigung einiger späteren Formen (DAI Sonderschrift 21). edited by W. The Rock Tombs of El Hawawish. Grab. The Old Kingdom Tombs of El-Hammamiya. Sethe. Opferformel ABBREVIATIONS Naguib Kanawati. Sydney 1990 K. Inschriften Kaplony. Khartoum Lexikon der Ägyptologie I–VII.und Denksteine Lapp. 3 vols. Koefoed-Petersen.

of California Publications. Bahrein and Hemamieh (BSA).T. F. Leipzig 1909 P. (OIP 31. Boston Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie orientale. Strasbourg 1925 See CG and number Lutz.R. Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien. edited and revised by E. Duell et al. Macramallah. L. Scènes Moret and Abou-Ghazi. L. III . Berlin The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Hieratische Paläographie I (Alt. Hieratische Paläographie Montet. Cairo Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orientforschung. Les Mastabas de l’Ancien Empire. New York Metropolitan Museum Journal. Les scènes de la vie privée dans les tombeaux égyptiens de l’Ancien Empire. Bahrein and Hemamieh Macramallah. 5 vols. 2 v0ls. Lepsius. Egyptian Archaeology.R. The Tomb of Hetepka and Other Reliefs and Inscriptions from the Sacred Animal Necropolis. Principally of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (GI). Egyptian Tomb Steles and Offering Stones (Univ. Oxford 1971 G.R. Idout Mariette. The Mastaba of Mereruka. Borchardt and K. London 1979 Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Text. Mastabas Martin. Mélanges Maspero. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals Martin. Harding. MIFAO 66 and 67 (1935–1938. Steles Mackay et al. Montet. Mariette.. Martin. Petrie. Chicago 1938 Museum of Fine Arts. Abteilung Kairo. London 1929 R. editor.T. 39). Le Mastaba d’Idout (SAE). 1961) P. Leipzig 1897–1904 H. 2 vols. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. Naville.und Mittel-Hieratisch).ABBREVIATIONS LD Text xxix C. IV). II (Neuhieratisch). Denkmäler des A. Cairo 1935 A. North Saqqara 1964–1973 (EES). Fouilles à Saqqarah..F. Leipzig 1927 Ernest Mackay. Lutz. Martin. Mainz a. New York Georg Möller. Hetepka MDAIK Mélanges Maspero Mereruka MFA MIFAO MIO MMA MMJ Möller. Sethe. Paris 1889 G.

R. El Bersheh. London 1907–1913 P. Osing et al.L. Petrie. London 1894–1908 E. London 1898 W. Two Tombs of Craftsmen Murray. Vienna 1894 A. Murray and K. Denkmäler der Oase Dachla. Rome J.F.M. The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari I–III (EEF).A.. Petrie et al. Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep (AV 21). 2 de Morgan. The Temple of Deir el Bahari..M. Nova Series. Vol.H. Haute Egypte. Beni Hasan. Ptah-hetep Petrie. Dendereh Petrie.A. Newberry. London 1900 W. Mainz a. London 1937 E. 1982 R. 1977 A.M. Paget and A. London 1895 Oriental Institute Publications. XIth Dyn. Naville. 4 vols. Murray. Deshasheh . London 1902– 1904 W.M.E. Index of Names and Titles of the Old Kingdom (BSA). Abydos Petrie.F.E. Petrie. de Morgan et al. Denkmäler Paget and Pirie. Saqqara Mastabas I. 3 vols. Mainz a.M. Altenmüller. (ASE).R..F. (EEF). Mainz a. Chicago Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden Orientalia: Commentarii Periodici Pontificii Instituti Biblici. Newberry and F. Deir el Bahari Naville. Saqqara Mastabas II (ERA)... Temple Newberry.A. London 1905. Pirie. 6 vols. London 1893– 1900 P. Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’égypte antique.A. of Chicago. Murray. Athribis (BSA). Nianchchnum Moussa and Junge.F. Univ. Aus dem Nachla∫ von Ahmed Fakhry (AV 28). Two Tombs of Craftsmen (AV 9).E. I. London 1908 M. De la Frontière de Nubie à Kom Ombos. Naville. The Ramesseum) (ERA). Griffith. Moussa and H.F. London 1898 Naville. 1975 M. (ASE). Abydos. Dendereh 1898 and Extra Plates (EEF). Deshasheh 1897 (EEF). Beni Hasan Newberry. Catalogue des monuments Moussa and Altenmüller. Moussa and F. Petrie et al. The Tomb of Ptah-hetep (with Quibell. Bersheh OIP OMRO Orientalia Osing et al.R. London 1908 W.H. M.M. Sethe. Athribis Petrie. Junge. Index Murray. Saqqara Mastabas ABBREVIATIONS J.

1942 PN Posener-Kriéger. and Extra Plates (EEF).F. Porter and R. assisted by E.E. Petrie.F. 1952 P. Leipzig 1908– 1922. Koptos. Cairo 1907 Revue d’Egyptologie. Les Archives du temple funéraire de Néferirkarê-Kakaï (Les Papyrus d’Abousir) (BdE 65). Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty.A. Murray. London Pyramid text reference. Quibell. I. Quibell. Sedment Petrie and Murray. London 1896 W. 7 vols. Reisner. and his Übersetzung und Kommentar zu den altägyptischen Pyramidentexten. Moss. Medum Petrie. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels (BSA). Oxford 1927–1951. Posener-Kriéger and J. I. Koptos Petrie. 1974–1981 H. 2 vols. A History of the Giza Necropolis I.M. London 1924 Hilda Petrie and M.M. Paris Recueil de travaux relatifs a la philologie et à l’archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes. Medum. Excavations at Saqqara 1905–06 (SAE). Mass. second edition of Vol. I . 2 vols.A. Sethe’s arrangement in Die altägyptischen Pyramidentexte. in terms of K. Abu Sir Papyri PSBA Pyr. 1964. Archives Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. Reliefs and Paintings. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts. Petrie et al. Excavations at Saqqara 1905–1906 RdE Rec. III.M. second edition of Vol. second of two parts. Giza Necr. Brunton..M. London 1892 xxxi W.F. (GI).. Glückstadt 1935–1939 J. PM II2. 2. London 1952 B. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels PM W. Royal Tombs Petrie and Brunton. trav. Die ägyptischen Personennamen. PM I2. Petrie. Paris G. Burney. II. Cambridge. Hist. Petrie and G. edited. PM III2. Cairo 1976 P.W. Posener-Kriéger. London 1968 Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.F. 1972.L. second edition of Vol. Reisner. Ranke.ABBREVIATIONS Petrie. Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum: The Abu Sir Papyri. Glückstadt 1935. de Cenival. London 1900–1901 W. Pt. Sedment I–II (BSA). revised and augmented by Jaromír Málek. 2 vols.

Kl. 2 and 3 by H. (with E. A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom. Wild. Giza Mastabas 3: The Mastabas of Kawab Khafkhufu I and II. Spiegelberg and B.K. Mainz 1979 See Griffith W. Giza Mastabas 4: Mastabas of the Western Cemetery. HESPOK Spiegelberg–Pörtner. Cairo 1939– 1966. Goyon. Tylor and F. Egyptian Stelae II ABBREVIATIONS G. Three Old Kingdom Tombs at Thebes (AV).S. Boston 1976 W. Warminster 1979 Le Tombeau de Ti. Mülhausen. 3 fascicules (MIFAO 65). Fasc. Vienna W. Akad.. 1953–1966 J. Schenkel. Smith. 1939. Wall Drawings and Monuments of El Kab: The Tomb of Paheri. Archaic Period to Second Intermediate Period.K. Ahnas el Medineh) (EEF).-hist. II SAE SAK Saleh. Stewart. London 1949 W. A History of the Giza Necropolis II: The Tomb of Hetep-heres the Mother of Cheops.J. Khafkhufu I and II Simpson. Smith. Simpson. Boston 1978 W. Frühm. London 1900 J. Aegyptische Grabsteine und Denksteine aus suddeutschen Sammlungen I: Karlsruhe. Sitzungsberichte. Naville.K. Philosophischhistorische Klasse. 2nd edition. The Tomb of Renni. Wall Drawings and Monuments of El Kab.W. Cairo Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur. Ph. Terrace of the Great God Simpson. Boston 1980 Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Reisner. Giza Necr. Kawab. Renni Tylor and Griffith. Österr. London 1895 Tombeau de Ti Tylor. Studien Simpson. Mass. Hamburg Mohamed Saleh. Smith. The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13. Qar and Idu Simpson. Stuttgart. Strassburg. Bonn 1962 W. New Haven 1974 W.J. Montet. Simpson. P. 1955 Service des Antiquités de l’Egypte. Daumas.S. Aegyptische Grabsteine Stewart. Simpson. Three Old Kingdom Tombs at Thebes Siut Schenkel.xxxii Reisner–Smith. Griffith. Frühmittelägyptische Studien. Strasburg 1902 H.K. G. Ll.A. F. Paheri . Tylor. Egyptian Stelae II: Reliefs and Paintings from the Petrie Collection. Hist. Pörtner. Cambridge. Epron. Western Cemetery Sitz. completed and revised by W. The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos. Fascs. Giza Mastabas 2: The Mastabas of Qar and Idu. Simpson. Part I. I by L.

III WZKM ZÄS Ziegler. Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache: Die Belegstellen. editors. Catalogue des stèles. Models of Daily Life Wörterbuch Wreszinski. Grapow. Leipzig–Berlin. Helck. Sethe. Vandersleyen. pt.. Vienna Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. Mo™alla Verner. by K. VII: Historisch-biographische Urkunden des Mittleren Reiches. Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles of the Middle Kingdom. Sethe. 5 vols. Beirut 1982 A.A. Prague 1977 See CG + number W.ABBREVIATIONS Urk. The Mastaba of Ptahshepses: Reliefs I/1.E. Ward. IV: Urkunden der 18. Leipzig–Berlin 1935–1953 See Tombeau de Ti H. Manuel d’Archéologie Vandier. Leipzig 1923. Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache. Wb. Belegst. Cambridge. Leipzig 1933. editors. Atlas zur altägyptischen Kulturgeschichte I. Wild. Winlock. Das Alte Ägypten (Propylaen Kunstgeschichte 15). Index Wb. Paris 1990 Vandersleyen. Sethe and W. W. Atlas I. I. Leipzig and Berlin Christiane Ziegler. 1906–1958. 22 parts. Wreszinski. Musée du Louvre. Vandier. Mo™alla: La Tombe d’Ankhtifi et la tombe de Sébekhotep (BdE 18). Dynastie. 2nd ed. Ptahshepses Vernier. Das Alte Ägypten Vandier. Catalogue des stèles . Erman and H. 1955 See Wb. Ti II and III Winlock. Berlin 1975 Jacques Vandier. Leipzig 1935 C. Grapow. 1936 Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Cairo 1950 The Excavations of the Czechoslovak Institute of Egyptology at Abusir–I. III. Bijoux et orfèvreries Ward. Mass. xxxiii Urkunden des ägyptischen Altertums I: Urkunden des Alten Reichs. Models of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt. Paris 1952–1978 J.. by K. Manuel d’Archéologie égyptienne I–VI. Erman and H. 5 vols. peintures et reliefs égyptiens de l’Ancien Empire et de la Première Période Intermédiare. . by K. Leipzig 1926–1931 A.

.3 It is certainly true that the false doors are later. 7 Here and in what follows the reference numbers applied to inscriptions are those used by James. 9. there is less certainty about the date of a secondary burial belonging to another Ónty-k£. which appears in the false doors of Room III and in the burial chamber beneath them. 13. 40.f ∞rw in the offering formulae. He abandons that possibility. pl. T.4 But the false doors were evidently not made by the same hand that executed the inscriptions of the entrance.1 a burial that is situated below Room III. as elsewhere.H. 1 79 (a) (b) *(c) exterior (James and Apted. however. 6 [C 4. James observes that the pair of false doors in this room (Fig. and the only other titles of the vizier referring to Pepy’s pyramid occur in the inscriptions of the main entrance of the mastaba. 5 For the old formulation see Barta. while within the mastaba the form is the more usual (pls. from pl. This fact leads him to consider whether Room III might be a subordinate chapel belonging to the person buried beneath it. 1 . p. pls. To consider this question more closely. the vizier uses the old phrase pr¡ n. D 5]) and in the burial chamber (pl. 1). 6 There are also rather similar forms elsewhere on the 2 Ibid. pp.G. 29). 15. 7. 3 Ibid. list several titles that are not attributed to the vizier elsewhere in his tomb.. one of two rooms annexed from a neighboring tomb.6 rather than . with an asterisk (*) placed before those that are not given the vizier elsewhere:7 78 (a) (b) (c) James and Apted.2 both of which bear the name in question as well as the nickname ⁄∞∞¡. Opferformel. in favor of the conclusion that the chapel. the titles refer to the pyramid cult of Pepy I as well as that of Teti. 16 (Bitte 2). for as James likewise points out. 14]. A Later Tomb Chapel in the Mastaba of Ónty-k£ While the mastaba of Ónty-k£ at Saqqara is securely dated to the early years of Pepy I’s reign.5 Furthermore the inscriptions of the entrance show as the determinative of qrs. In the entrance. 19 [E 1]. 5 [B 4. while the false doors have the newer formulation pr¡-∞rw n NN. but the lettered references for the titles are my own. it will be helpful to compare the titles of each false door. was equipped with false doors after the rest of the tomb was constructed and that their inscriptions list titles that the vizier acquired after the remainder of his mastaba had been completed. Khentika. Khentika.1. 4 Ibid.. 39). pl.

8 while the third. 28 and p. without mention of a specific funerary cult. Cf. namely ∞rp-nsty (f) and ∞rp h£†s km (g) occur in the titularies of two viziers in neighboring mastabas. ⁄b. Ann Macy Roth.¡). JEA 5 (1918). Davies. Mrr-w(.11 no.g.¡) and Êtw. but also in the titulary of the vizier K£(. as James suspected (op. 79 a). 126). 32. Ti II. ibid. an attendant of Êy. 11 [11]). 194 (where the final is. On the other hand. PN I. for the most part. while both have the more modest rank of smr-w™ty (78 c.g. 112. pl. 12 Firth and Gunn. as are ¡my-r sßr (e: Fdnw. 196 (27). note.12 The title zß n s£ ( j) is applied. the titles of the second list are. 133 (33).. 70. and not zß qdt n†r. and especially p. 11 For the reading cf. Ptahhetep II. 153 (51). 152. Egyptian Phyles in the Old Kingdom (Chicago 1991). While the Vizier Ónty-k£ is himself ¡my-r pr nswt “overseer of the king’s domain. that 78 has the higher rank of ¢£ty-™ (a). there is a much greater proportion of dissimilar titles in the second list. Furthermore titles c.¡)-gm. 14 Cf. and Junker. Gîza II. has also made this correction but less felicitously suggests that the title may be ¡my-r ™pr rather than ¡my-r sßr. in particular. occurs not only in the last two cases. .. The fact that sßrw is written out lends a certain emphasis to the title. 132 (16). to a retainer in Room III (B£qt[¡]. 25. 71 (where it belongs to the man behind the prisoner). Blackman. In the first place. p. I am sure that the reading is thus. whose mastaba is also near at hand.. 111). 153 (41. 26.” the lesser title s¢∂ pr-nswt (c) is held by one of his retainers (⁄b. Secondly. 143 (16). 23. assigned to the name following. Ptah-hetep.¡)-k£(. several of the titles of 79 are definitely below the level that would normally be expected of a vizier. p. 132 (21).13 But ¡my-r sßr is probably related to it. fig. probably wrongly. no. pp. pp. 25). for this name.2 A LATER TOMB CHAPEL 78 (d) (e) *(f) *(g) (h) *(i) ( j) (k) IN THE MASTABA 79 (d) *(e) *(f) *(g) *(h) *(i) *( j) *(k) OF ÓNTY-K£ One is at once struck by two points. 151 (14). The latter title occurs very frequently in this con8 Firth text: e..n(. be claimed by a vizier. no. 13 E. where the tmt of no. for example. also Paget and Pirie. to be read Hy). g and probably i constitute virtually the entire titulary on a late Old Kingdom false door of poor workmanship from the same area. pls. zß m∂£t-n†r. 132 (12). but does not necessarily indicate its importance. 42).14 and a vizier would less proband Gunn. PN I.10 no. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. is (Wild. cit. It is true that ¢ry-sßt£ n pr dw£t (i) is a title of some importance—one that might. pl. It is often claimed by the higher level of lector priest. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. inscription no. 298 (17). 123). 148–65. 86). and that 78 has flry-¢bt ¢ry-tp while 79 has only flry ¢bt (b in each case). Furthermore two of the dissimilar titles of 78.9 Thus it is not at all surprising that the Vizier Ónty-k£ should likewise possess them. 77) and s¢∂ ∂b£t (g: [Z ]†w. 108 (45). 10 Not to be read db¢w here or in inscription no. 9 Ibid. p.. 38. pp. 5. 16 should be emended to “ßzptcloth” (for which see JARCE 2 [1963]. in fact. meaning “The Fourth” cf. of lesser importance.

Blackman and Apted. False doors naming Ónty-k£. 10). Otherwise this comparison leaves ¢ry sßt£ n mdw-n†r (f) which is appropriate to any lector priest. 14). p. and there is scarcely any additional evidence of it Junker. 8. alone (or preceded by ) is known for two retainers of Tt¡-¡qr (or ⁄qr-Tt¡) in the tomb of Mrr-w(. pl. this has both variants. 567). 364 with reference to Klebs.17 The present case is remarkable. Deir el Gebrâwi II. no. . 562. more rarely. other examples: CG 1455. Index. 15 See The only exceptions I have noted are: Wild. 16 .16 In the Middle Kingdom both alternatives are attested. and the overseer of sealers is written or. Gîza VI. 15 and VII. fig. 367. w™b 200 (k). 17 Ward. for it is thus far the only evidence of this kind for “overseer of the treasury” from the Old Kingdom. Mera. 1551.15 and ¡my-r ∞tmt (h) “overseer of the treasury. 126.¡) (Daressy. should be added. 31. which does not seem to be a very lofty title.” Probably the last is to be interpreted thus rather than ¡my-r ∞tmtyw “overseer of sealers. After James ably have claimed that title. pl. to which Turin 1447 (wrongly included with no. Meir V. 1634.A LATER TOMB CHAPEL IN THE MASTABA OF ÓNTY-K£ 3 Fig. 1.” since the final is hardly ever added to and in Old Kingdom tomb chapels. While this title is held by two nomarchs (CG 1455 and Davies.¡)-k£(. fig. Ti II. pl. Reliefs und Malereien des Mittleren Reiches [Heidelberg 1922].

Aeg. 43. a high ranking official. Torgny Säve-Söderbergh.18 One of the inscriptions added to the facade of the Sixth Dynasty nomarch Ê£wt¡ at Qasr es-Sayad. At Saqqara. The title also appears (in the form ) on a headrest that is thought to antedate the Middle Kingdom: Berlin 1309 (PM III2. I. 28 Only traces of the first sign are preserved. an overseer of the treasury is among the offering bearers in the early Twelfth Dynasty tomb of ⁄¢y. pl. pp. 187. 196–97. 23 Firth and Gunn.”27 likewise show several titles of the same false door: a. Khentika. as in the vizier’s title. p. until the Theban monarchy of the Eleventh Dynasty.f in the Eleventh Dynasty. TPPI. 284. 517. 20 Note . when it refers to the personal treasury of the king. but there were also overseers of the treasury who were in the service of nomarchs22 as well as other officials. depending on the individual to whom it referred.”26 Two further points may be made concerning the titles of false door 79. 22. pl. although there are at least two exceptions: a single occurrence of ¡my-r ∞tmt m t£ r ∂r. and the Chatsworth stela. Yet another is unknown elsewhere in the mastaba. der aeg. d. k. no. But that seems doubtful.E. 26 Petrie. the same individuals in both cases. Titles. no matter how revered. and even thereafter it evidently varied considerably in importance. 77. p. 22 Ibid.” and the offering bearers who follow him have very modest titles indeed. for the interpretation see Fischer. d (without ) and e. 9 (no. would have ¢m-n†r priests ( JARCE 4 [1965]. nor is that of £∞t. whereas—as we shall see presently—the more commonplace title “overseer of linen” (e) occurs three times. as a position relating to the king’s personal revenues. 52). 78 j. Samml. pp. 40. And the titles of two loose blocks (XIII. 60 (2). 39. pl. Another title on one of these blocks ends with . MDAIK 4 (1933). Inschr.”25 (the well-known Ôty. cf. Blumenthal. 27 James and Apted. Zur Verwaltung des mittleren und neuen Reichs (Leiden 1958). 65 (no. referring to pl. Might it designate the sun-temple of Menkauhor at Abusir. 25 Boeser.19 made by an ¡my-r ∞tmt. In another example of this kind the owner of the stela is of higher rank: CG 20473.24 In the case under consideration it is probable that the title is similarly of minor importance. or from any other source: “inspector of priests of the k£-house of the tomb(? £∞t). official of Nb-¢pt-R™ Mentuhotep) and ¡my-r ∞tmt T£-wr “overseer of the treasure of the Thinite Nome. may possibly be a little earlier than the Upper Egyptian reunification.4 A LATER TOMB CHAPEL IN THE MASTABA OF ÓNTY-K£ prior to the reunification of U. Nomes 1–10 by the Theban King W£¢-™n∞ ⁄n-¡t.” for the latter see Fischer. § 20. XIV) which James says “belong almost certainly to the north wall of Room III. 55). This reference is not made explicit in the title itself. The Old Kingdom Cemetery at Hamra Dom (El-Qasr wa es-Saiyad) (Stockholm 1994). and its interpretation is not certain. namely a. p. ZÄS 114 (1987). but neither a nomarch nor a vizier. 365a).21 the title is an exceedingly important one in the period of the Theban rulers. £∞t-R™ ? 24 . Dendera. 19 18 Clère CG 20561 and Louvre C167 (Gayet. in ¡my-wt and “libations. for example. III. 135). LD II. e. this and his inscription II are certainly later than the Old Kingdom (see next note).23 In another case of the same period. 21 Helck. 34. and not so early as is maintained on p. Abydos I. an overseer of the treasury brings offerings to an official who has no other title than ¡my-r pr “steward. 13 (I). Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. k. most recently discussed be E.20 As has been noted by Helck. Besch. Stèles de la XIIe Dynastie [Paris 1886]. 114 (e).f “overseer of the treasury in the entire land. p. this can hardly refer to the tomb of Ónty-k£ since no non-royal person. for it is mentioned only once. 853). They include all three of those that occur in the burial chamber below.”28 and Vandier. Evidently “overseer of the treasury” did not acquire its elevated status. and probably refers to a pyramid cult.

b. between the pair of false doors (Fig.36 One inscription in Room III has not yet been examined. is found in the tomb of Ì£-¡ßt. Blackman.A LATER TOMB CHAPEL IN THE MASTABA OF ÓNTY-K£ 5 It may also be observed that the Ónty-k£/⁄∞∞¡ of these blocks has a shoulder-length wig that is not striated. Meir IV. Several examples are known from Akhmim. PM III2. Blackman and Apted. 30. 615. as it is in the reliefs of the vizier.30 Yet another late feature is to be noted in the burial chamber. n. p.32 This feature evidently was applied later to the seals of jars than to those of chests and bolts of cloth. but these seem later: cf. pl. 44. 10. 34 As compared with that of Ì£-¡ßt. Meir V. pls. no. 42. and the style and palaeography throughout the burial chamber and the room above. 80. 198 and n. and were only applied to the shoulder-length wig at the end of the reign of Teti and later. 30 See Fischer. 42(243). and f of that false door as well as “hereditary prince. II. 29 (where the ends of the tie are scarcely disengaged from the lid) and Junker.35 the details of the burial chamber. furthermore it lacks the son’s recurrent title of “lector priest. pl. but only rarely before the reign of Pepy II. but shows the horizontal rows of overlapping locks that were originally confined to the shorter type of wig. doubtless dating to the reign of Pepy II. 1. 8. 35 In particular. where the recesses are of lesser height. The different rendering of the top of the legs in Room III is evidently attested as early as the reign of Pepy I. 17. 19. pl. 14): the chair in which the deceased is seated shows the side rail enclosed by the rounded tops of the leonine legs. and it contains titles j. figs. pls.f but not that of ⁄¢y. as described (with references in note 30 above). From its orientation (≤) it is evidently associated with false door 78. It is the vertical column.29 A still later feature appears in the reliefs of the south wall of Room III (James’ pl. n. . 32 The question of dating is discussed in a forthcoming article for Hommages à Jean-Philippe Lauer.” which 29 Cf. Gîza VIII.f. note that the recessed areas flanking the offering scene are the same height as the panel on which this scene is represented. 33 I know of only two examples that are earlier than the end of the Sixth Dynasty: Petrie. figs. 20. which in turn resembles that of ⁄¢y (Firth and Gunn. Besides the early example from the tomb of N∞bw (Giza 2381). pl. 31 Blackman. 784. pl. most of which are later than the reign of that king. JARCE 1 (1962). 9. Kanawati. shown in James and Apted.34 so too the false doors. as is concluded on p. p.33 The presence of the title “overseer of the treasure” raises the question whether the reliefs of Room III may be even as late as the Middle Kingdom. and only two legs are visible. 4. 18 (b). c. The treatment of the wig is exactly what one would expect at the end of the Old Kingdom. It seems improbable that the late false door of this type. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. referring to ⁄z¡ of Edfu. h. 80. As far as I can detect. 17. 83. Deshasheh. Qar and Idu. Coptite Nome. where the lids of ointment jars show a seal with the upturned ends of a cord on either side. 21. p.. 14. Khentika. 23. or are omitted altogether. 22 [a]) which may be equally early. there is nothing that confirms that possibility.” 36 The treatment of the tops of the legs. 16. 24. there is a second example from Akhmim (Kanawati. VII. 32.31 as well as on the ointment jars of most of Jéquier’s Tombeaux de particuliers contemporains de Pepi II. belongs to the vizier’s eldest son. Meir IV. El-Hawawish VI. and the front profile of each leg is reduplicated. El-Hawawish I. 64. In the reliefs of the vizier the bottom of the rail runs straight across the tops of the legs. for further examples see Simpson. 2). unlike the false doors shown ibid. fig. Dendera. The upturned ends of the cord are likewise added to the seals of chests and bolts of cloth in a Sixth Dynasty burial chamber at Meir. the adjacent jambs of which show the same orientation. 54. 46. 39). 25. 14. fig. 24. 67–75. figs.

for two have been inserted into other scenes among the vizier’s reliefs. like the son of a funerary priest in the service of the vizier M¢w. for this name has replaced another. Fig. with restorations 37 JARCE 4 (1965). 115). It is also probable that the Ónty-k£ of Room III contrived to introduce himself in the procession of offering bearers that advance towards the vizier’s own false door. After James. and should be assigned to the vizier’s later homonym. that of £∞¡ on pl.37 In any case he did not merely usurp part of the vizier’s mastaba. and all of them likewise seem to represent a later generation. inside and outside of the mastaba. with islands of raised surface between them. three of the names have been repeated beside more than one figure. 39 The name B£qt(¡) is inserted in the scene on pl.38 Four of the five names added to the offering bearers in Room III are different from those attached to the vizier’s attendants. To make up for this deficiency. At any rate the erased title is one that the later Ónty-k£ does not claim.39 However the relationship of the greater and lesser Ónty-k£ is to be explained. but could not be completed because space was lacking. . 21 (115). Note further that there are many such additions in the scenes of the vizier. Perhaps ¡myr swt ßpswt pr ™£ was intended. 28 (167). 9–10 of the publication in question. 51.6 A LATER TOMB CHAPEL IN THE MASTABA OF ÓNTY-K£ occurs elsewhere in the inscriptions of the vizier. 9 (42). that the reliefs and inscriptions of Room III were made at a later date than those elsewhere. whereas many of the offering bearers of the later Ónty-k£ are unidentified. one may draw the following conclusions: first. From the foregoing considerations. it is certain that titles 26–33 and 51 are to be removed from the titulary of the vizier. which were intended for names that were never added. 2. and were made for the burial beneath them. and was therefore inserted at a later date (no. to increase his own chances of receiving offerings. less charitably. There is no indication that he was a descendant. A funerary priest (¢m-k£) again has the name Ónty-k£. as presented on pp. but set up a false door for the vizier beside his own. by is odd. but is evidently not the same 38 The replacement of individual as the one named on pl. but who was of lesser rank and status. and may have been given the vizier’s name for that reason. so that both would receive the offerings that were made to him or perhaps. belonging to a man who bore the same name and nickname as the vizier. more probably he belonged to a later generation of the vizier’s funerary personnel. Column between false doors. in Room VII.

1 I. pp. 180 [18]). first published in Mariette.1 This had already been listed in Margaret Murray’s Index of Names and Titles of the Old Kingdom as (pl. For other references see PM III2. A third name is read ⁄rt (PN I.2 and thus reads nfrtj “who has to do with the throat” (in slaughtering). 2 Cf.3 it must be considered whether may not belong to the name of a divinity. Apart from the lack of other evidence for such a designation referring to butchers. p. 319 [10]) and another as Nj-k£w (PN I. 265 (30). since all of them are of a pattern that would ordinarily lead one to expect the preceding signs to designate a divinity. he reads one of the names as S∞m-™n∞ (PN I. curious that all four Copenhagen 5129. 79) has proposed to recognize an otherwise unknown term for “butcher” on a false door from Mariette’s excavations at Saqqara. He connects the supposed title with Fairman’s Ptolemaic evidence for nfrt “throat. 54 (F 35). to be sure. although some examples are cited for the Heracleopolitan Period and later. I. 26. to be sure. does not make that assumption. Although there is some evidence that Old Kingdom theophoric names may occasionally have been abbreviated by omitting the name of the god. The fourth name. 40 [26]) for which there is again no further evidence from the Old Kingdom. Ny-k£w-Pt¢. p. 65–66. presumably because the inscription is incomplete. with the sign for tm correctly oriented. 180 (20). is completely overlooked by Murray and Ranke. citing the Copenhagen false door as the sole evidence in both cases. facing both right and left) in the labels of two pairs of offering bearers. now in the Copenhagen National Museum (Pls. 3 PN 7 . it should be noted. 1–2). Following Murray. Ranke. 319 (11). Gîza IX.4 it seems improbably coincidental that this sort of abbreviation should have occurred in all four cases. namely Nfrtm. But the traces that precede it strongly suggest that the initial group of signs is again . as pointed out below. reversed on both outer jambs of the false door. 456. reversed (and. Most of these cases involve k£.” which is evidently of ancient origin. Names and Titles on an Old Kingdom False Door Gunther Vittmann (GM 42 [1981]. ending with ∞™. Inasmuch as there is abundant evidence for Old Kingdom names such as S∞m-™n∞-Pt¢. following the copy of Mariette). 105.2. gullet.f. 270–71 (reversed). ⁄rt-Pt¢ and Pt¢-∞™. 265 (13). pp. Fischer. II. the names of the four offering bearers present a very serious obstacle to Vittmann’s suggestion. 4 Junker.f. but Vittmann more accurately transcribes it as and takes the third sign to represent the butcher’s whetstone. Mastabas. and many of them can be interpreted differently. Calligraphy2–3. It is also.

JEA 70 [1984]. 8 Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. in this case. 11 Medelhavsmuseet.12 Ì£p-Ônmw. 15 Cf. For the photograph used here. who con2541A.11 This shows a row of offering bearers. 11) to be added to those of later date (PN I.” possibly to be read Ônmw-¢£p(w).f. II.15 And it may be noted that. As it happens. when the name Nfrtm-m-z£. 12 (U 15). 10. 234. and Urk. 12 Cf.n-Ônmw14 and Ìtp-Ônmw. B£k-n-Pt¢ (PN I. Bengt Peterson. 164 (10). at least four of whom bear theophoric names referring to Khnum: B£k-n-Ônmw. 1 [a] and Habachi. I. but this part is rather too thick and rectangular to suit the whetstone.¡)-nfr. PN I.f and Snfrw-b£. BM 1324. I saw this among photographs stored at Saqqara in 1956. It is quoted as by Kees.7 And in at least one of these cases the form of tm is comparable to the clearest example of the same sign on the Copenhagen false door (at the extreme left): (≥) (Junker. 290.” 6 PN I. fig. 6. III.10 In this case the frequent allusion to Snfrw may not seem surprising since K£(. Edel. where Ranke notes that Junker’s example is now published in his Gîza VIII. 30). 51. it is much more like . At the opposite side of the false door the main part of the sign is slightly different ( ). The width is 28 cm at the baseline.¡)-nfr was the son of that king and was in charge of his father’s funerary cult at Dahshur. scribe of a phyle. fig.f is also attested (PN I. 14 Cf. But the name Ny-™n∞-Nfrtm is attested from a fragment of late Old Kingdom relief in Strasbourg (Pl. a god who is little known from Old Kingdom personal names apart from these examples. Stockholm. This may be the oldest recorded example of ¢£p (Wb. apparently dating to the very end of the Old Kingdom (Pl. MIO 1 (1953).1). and permission to publish it. The name is preceded by the titles mty n z£ “regulator of a phyle.H. fig. which.8 NAMES AND TITLES ON AN OLD KINGDOM FALSE DOOR offering bearers should have theophoric names referring to Nfrtm. the same false door in Copenhagen has given rise to another problem. 9 Urk. 328 (A. I am indebted to Dr. I. concerns a title. 5 No. pl.” ¡my-r sßr “overseer of linen. 91 [6]. Abu Sir Papyri.t¡-Snfrw. There is accordingly every reason to conclude that the title of the supposed butchers actually belongs to their names.f on the false door of the King’s son K£(. which are to be read S∞m-™n∞-Nfrtm.5 Furthermore at least three Old Kingdom examples have been cited for the personal name . 6) (Copenhagen false door) Even more comparable examples of for tm are to be found in hieratic8 and hieroglyphic9 texts of the same period. But a closer analogy may be seen in a fragment of relief from Saqqara. 10 T. 3b). 39 (27). ⁄rt-Nfrtm and [Nfr]tm-∞™. 13 No name of this pattern is known to me. PN I. no fewer than eight of the twelve men who flank the offering scene have theophoric names compounded with that of Ptah. which is probably as early as the Sixth Dynasty).” and smr zß n z£ “companion. 3a). 1).G. which is not otherwise attested before the Middle Kingdom. MM 11415. . p. I am indebted to Jacques Parlebas for permitting me to publish my own photograph.13 ⁄r. pl. 370. For the recurrence of one and the same divinity in a series of otherwise diverse theophoric names one may compare a series of three offering bearers named Dw£. Ny-k£w-Nfrtm. on the Copenhagen false door itself. Gîza VIII. [10]). 383. 75. Heqaib.6 presumably referring to the divinity in question. to say nothing of the owner himself (Pl. II. 200 (24). Hieroglyphic Texts I2. 200 [27]) as well as two examples of Z£t-Nfrtm (Ahmed Moussa. citing CG 1731. 276 (6). Pal. The meaning would be “Khnum is hidden. Snfrw-∞™. 7 For the use of the names of gods as personal names in the Sixth Dynasty see PN II. 113 (6). fig. which is early in the reign of Pepy II. This name is also known from the Middle Kingdom. James.

Probably another example is to be recognized in Bissing and Kees. 231 (11 = Cairo J 15048). one would expect it to precede the standard on the Copenhagen false door. For the interpretation see Fischer. like them. As for the reading of the seal-standard. ibid. 28 (= ASAE 26 [1926] 54). and Index. ßmswt is in turn adopted by Kaplony. der Wis. p.. 119–20. p. 23 Attested by (1) CG 1307.1). and that all the examples except the present one place the seal itself in front— doubtless because it was felt that it should precede the loop. pl. (3) Ibid. At any rate the reading ßmswt should be abandoned. Re-Heiligtum III pl. Ogden (Varia Aegyptiaca 3 [1987]. 19 (316). 32 (7). no. CG 1484 (= Mariette. follows the usual orientation of normally vertical signs that are presented horizontally with the top foremost (Fischer. which evidently regards them as two. 6. pl. 19 Kaplony. 1922). pp. 312). Hassan. fig. 107 and fig. Kl. but this must be distinguished from (Dw£) which occurs elsewhere in the same titulary and is the only alternative that is known from Old Kingdom titles. p. Re-Heiligtum III (Berlin 1928). 923a. 25 f. p.”16 suggesting that reasoning is followed by Reisner and Smith. 271) is probably right in taking Horus-Anubis as a single divinity. Index. 307. in reference to an occurrence of on a 18 and the same interpretation of this occurrence Fifth Dynasty seal impression from Giza. 4. der Bayerischen Akad. pp. Saqqâra Tombs I.21 He also observes. n.19 Helck isolates ¢m-n†r 20 in the present example.201. p. And there is distinctly more space between the standard and than between the latter and . and for other examples see Urk.NAMES AND TITLES ON AN OLD KINGDOM FALSE DOOR 9 siders it to be a variant writing of the well-known title “Priest of Horus-Anubis Who Presides is therefore to be read ßmswt. 21 20 . 53. Fischer. 214 (Wp-m-nfrt). 49. on the other hand.22 If ßmswt were the reading of the seal-standard.e. trailing off to the right at the end of the column as does the title on the adjacent jamb. It is true that the fifth example in the foregoing list has an even more indeterminate form ( ). p. p. op. fig. p. It is therefore much more reasonable to suppose that represents a separate title. (1) bear a feather. Gîza I. Hist. The present example of . is written normally. ZÄS 85 (1960). it may well be simply ∞tm. 121–22). and Werner Kaiser likewise quotes it as . stating that Bissing and Kees regard this as possibly giving the is not to be conphonetic reading of the standard. (2) W. This is quoted identically by von Bissing and Kees in Untersuchungen zu den Reliefs aus dem Re-Heiligtum des Rathures I (Abh. Mastabas. It should be noted that the present example and no. pl. with the sign inadvertently omit23 and that ted. if correctly copied. 145.17 His over the House of the Retinue. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels. may refer to the epithet ∞nty. 22 ASAE 49 (1949). 186 and fig. For Middle Kingdom examples see Ward. despite CG 1484. p. without reference to Kees. although the rounded end of the incomplete emblem does not seem to represent either end of a seal. that fused with the standard . 18 Reisner–Smith. (5) Mariette. loc. p. 500. Wild. 52 (8). 900. 20. p. “solely presiding over”). p.. and rightly favors Junker’s explanation of the former as a seal. (4) Jéquier. 209. 19. leaving the last word unexplained. where no interpretation is attempted.¡]-m-nfrt). 179 (= MMA 08. pp. Daressy. cit. Davies et al. 83. 16 Beamtentitel. 9.-Hist. 149 and pl. Titles. cit. i. 34 (R™-wr: the first example written . 183–85.. I. 32/1. Ti III. Mera. Giza Necr. Munich. 28 (= ASAE 43 [1943]. Mastabas. where w™ty. 113B (K£[. Rollsiegel II.. Egyptian Studies II. 15 ( = Mariette. II. 51–52 and fig. 17 Bissing and Kees. 67).V. Oudjebten. pls. Ph. 569 (false door of Mr-Tt¡). no.. II. Petrie and Murray. not follow it. 11*. with miscopied as ).

10 NAMES AND TITLES ON AN OLD KINGDOM FALSE DOOR Plate. 1. Copenhagen 5129 Courtesy of the National Museum .

Details of Copenhagen 5129 . 2.NAMES AND TITLES ON AN OLD KINGDOM FALSE DOOR 11 Plate.

Stockholm. 3a. 3b.12 NAMES AND TITLES ON AN OLD KINGDOM FALSE DOOR Plate. MM 11415 Courtesy of the Museum . Strasbourg 2541A Courtesy of the University Plate. Medelhavsmuseet.

732. pls. pp. 5. Gozeiriya (ibid. 465. 36. 42. creating a rhythmic pattern. from Giza (1–5). and is not simply a means of filling space. this case is discussed below. It is there dated to the period between the Old and Middle Kingdom. p. The funerary formulae are presented in A 1 and A 3. while others have suggested that it is as late as the Eleventh Dynasty. 12 c). A Late Old Kingdom Overseer of the Two Treasuries The stela Berlin 7779 (Pl. among other stelae of the late Heracleopolitan Period and Dyn. Thus far the inscription may accordingly be translated as follows: A (1) An offering which the king gives. Who is Upon His Mountain. 461. Thesaurus Inscriptionum Aegyptiacarum. To begin with. which is said by Brugsch to be “aus Memphis” on the word of a Cairo antiquities dealer. 1484–86.” and assigned to the Middle Kingdom.1 This question will be considered in the following pages together with the provenance. Abydos (6). But A 4 may also be taken as a continuation of A 2. in Excursus I. 290. pp. Who is in the Place of Edith Varga and Steffen Wenig. and Anubis. 14 [c]. pls.A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 3. The length is 63 cm. Edfu (7). it is also mentioned on p. no. illustrates the stela on a small scale and very indistinctly. 62–63 and figs. although a conclusive answer can be offered in neither case. but the presentation of the titles is even more singular. five times. Dendera. a much earlier overseer of the treasury. Dendera (ibid. because the principal title is repeated twice and another. 21–23). Naqada (8). the stela is said to be 1 “probably early Middle Kingdom” and the provenance is assumed to be Saqqara. This arrangement is unexpected. similarly repeats his principal title on a group of blocks from his tomb. 49 ff.2 The area occupied by the principal figure. There can be no doubt that the repetition is intentional. and Akhmim (Ann McFarlane. p. and pl.. subordinate to it. 4 and Fig. As it happens. 2). 219 (VII). to which some comments may be appended. fig. The format evidently derives from that of Old Kingdom architraves in which the tomb owner. 13 . will be designated as A (Fig. and his name and titles. p.. Aegyptische Kunst: Sonderausstellung der Ägyptischen Abteilung der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin (Budapest 1963). GM 100 [1987]. 8. in his Manuel d’Archéologie II. probably dating to the mid-Fourth Dynasty. 71). standing at the left. 1) is unusual in so many ways that it deserves more attention than the copies provided by Heinrich Brugsch. p. Dynastie(?). is confronted by a row of figures on a smaller scale. the height 47 cm. it will be useful to give a systematic description and translation. along with a text containing the funerary formula. fig. p. In PM III 2. A 4). Also examples from Saqqara ( JAOS 4 [1965]. 16. Furthermore it seems highly likely that the repetition of the first title is implied before each repetition of the second. Vandier. 120. dated “11. 29). and in the museum’s Aegyptische Inschriften I. with one or more lines of text above them. 2 Fischer. each followed by titles and the name (A 2. XI.

Under-supervisor of the Treasury and Overseer of Scribes of the Two Houses of Gold.c (The Overseer of Two Treasuries).a Under-supervisor of the Treasuryb and Overseer of Scribes of the Two Treasuries.e (The Overseer of the Two Treasuries). Judiciary ™∂-mr Official and Overseer of Two Treasuries.d (The Overseer of the Two Treasuries).f Ípss-Pt¢. Under-supervisor of the Treasury Who Takes Stock of the Productioni of Upper and Lower Egypt and All Foreign Lands.14 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES Fig. Under-supervisor of the Treasury and Overseer of Scribes of the Two Workshops. Stela of Ípss-Pt¢. Ípss-Pt¢. Under supervisor of the Treasury and Overseer of Scribes of the Two Chambers of the King’s Regalia.g (3) An Offering which the King gives. One Revered with Ptah-Sokaris. . that funerary offerings go forth to himh who is revered with Osiris and with the Great God: (4) (The Overseer of the Two Treasuries). Lord of the Sacred Land. 1. Berlin 7779 Embalming. that he be buried in the necropolis. (2) The Chamberlain of the King and Overseer of the Two Treasuries.

El-Khouli and N. 7a. 6. 6 CG 1586 (Kanawati. but in one case the old man holds a scepter as well as a staff. with sagging breast. 2. pl. 91. combined with similar differences in attitude as well as clothing. Tombeaux de particuliers. who was the first to discuss this peculiarity (ZÄS 42 [1905]. Kanawati. illustrated and discussed by Heinrich Schäfer. 4 Blackman.6 It occurs on a very small scale at the bottom of two false doors from Saqqara. 6 (2). Quseir El-Amarna (Sydney 1989). Meir II. 7 J. 14 (2) and p. In two other exceptional cases this type of figure likewise wears a short kilt (Barsanti. but the examples in relief sometimes hold a scepter (e.7 and in the other he lacks a staff. fig. dating to the end of the Heracleopolitan Period. V. Simpson. 312. with mention of the pyramid of Merykare.. and the second of these again looks younger. 36. p. 9). Saad.E. while the other makes the gesture of address. Von ägyptischer Kunst.g. pl. 14. both hands being empty. while the other hand holds a staff. El-Hawawish Vll. Layout of texts on stela The owner is depicted with the conventional attributes of advanced age: he is wigless and wears a long kilt. pl.Y. his torso is paunchy.8 At Meir it reappears in one of the Twelfth Dynasty tombs. dating it between the Old and Middle Kingdom) and Berlin 15321. the edge of which is held with an open hand. 111. pl. fig. Z.9 but does not seem to have been used elsewhere during the Heraapplied to a younger short-kilted figure. ASAE 40 [1940]. The manner in which the rearward arm is “folded over” to touch the border of his long kilt is characteristic of this type of representation and is most frequently encountered at the Memphite cemeteries in the late Old Kingdom. 9 Blackman. type XVI E). 68. 2. pl. . fig. Qar and Idu. 34.4 Quseir el-Amarna. Several statues of the same period similarly show the apparent right hand touching or holding the border of the kilt (Vandier. (Wiesbaden 1963). 5. 34a). Jéquier. fig. pl. ASAE 1 [1900]. 65–69). it should be noted that the influence of the Old Kingdom was particularly strong at this necropolis. 48. where one hand rests on a staff. 7. 8 Quibell. Capart. he also notes the present example (p. pl. 155. Manuel d’Archéologie III. very probably the same date. pls. 291. as shown by the initial example of H. p. Quibell.5 and Akhmim. For the attitude cf. pls. 3 Exceptionally Kêmi 15 [1959]. 9. 16. 13. see also Goyon. pls. 77). Excavations at Saqqara (1906–1907) (Cairo 1908). 5 A.A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 1 2 15 A 4 1 3 4 5 6 7 3 B 2 5 Fig. 4th ed. Excavations at Saqqara (1905–1906). Madsen.3 but is also known from Sixth Dynasty examples at Meir. Rue de tombeaux. fig. 16. Meir IV.

41. figs. in other words. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 246. are unusual in that the hair is detailed. 2 (Theban tomb 131. Brovarski. like the men behind her. 8. El-Khouli and Kanawati. Her skirt is the Schäfer. 53. Schäfer. A single bracelet also is found in Blackman. 9. Davies et al. fig. H. ASAE 17 (1917). who. 1926). pl. Khentika. Saqqara Tombs I. it is not to be expected.11 the pair of bracelets less often. showing a diminutive figure of a man censing in this manner before the owner.. pl. a repetition of the title flry tp [nswt]. fig. The closest parallel for the present group is Blackman-Apted. but this must have been in paint. 24. 77. Blackman. Bersheh I. though with heavier torso. pl. 8) is less comparable. This change of fashion seems generally applicable elsewhere in Dyns. 5. Meir IV. cf..V. p.. 24. figs. fig.. cit. 14 (2). Vandier describes the present case as an infelicitous innovation. VIII (Kanawati. in vol. Schäfer... Meir IV. temp. cit. 10 (1). Meir V. 4. loc. 6. 28. 70 (1). for the date cf. 13 Cf. 48a. Meir V) he does not use a lid. This motif evidently became very infrequent after the Old Kingdom. 6. likewise wigless and beardless. 5. Perhaps it was a later addition. 58.14 A small figure facing the owner. pl. Firth and Gunn. 66–68. pl. loc. Dendera. 21 (D2. Pt.13 Brugsch copied above the staff. Khentika. For later examples see BMMA 21 (Dec. Qar and Idu.. but wearing a short kilt. Capart. IV. 9. Denkmäler. 36. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. VII. The last examples. This representation is nonetheless unusual in that the figure leans slightly forward. Priestergräber (Leipzig 1908). Simpson. which it certainly is not. ibid. pl. 21. 13. Western Cemetery. 465. 17 In some cases elsewhere a fillet is added: e. figs. James and Apted. the small figure kneels above the offering table. 7. 15 For the specific motif. p. 1928). 78–79. pl. in view of her preëminent position. 16 Cf. (two bracelets). 28 (Dyn. figs. Cairo CG 1586. whereas the inscriptions pertaining to all the other minor figures are reversed.16 again beardless. (also two bracelets). (1906–07). divided into rows of rectangular or circular locks. he mentions an earlier example. which show the long lappeted wig. 10. Jéquier. pl. pl. and an even later one in Newberry and Griffith. although a later example is to be found in Osing et al. Quibell. Oudjebten. 8. Qar and Idu. VI–VIII stelae (as grouped in Fischer. it has proven to be an accidental chip in the stone. JNES 18 (1959). Gîza VI. op.17 she has close-cropped hair or a short wig.16 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES cleopolitan Period or the Middle Kingdom. BMMA 23 (Dec. ZÄS 50 (1912). 18. 23. 24. cit. Excavations at Saqqara (1905–06). 187) as opposed to those of later date. XI example (Blackman. but he gives no references.12 The apparent presence of a beard is illusory. but not 14). A Theban Dyn. and may have had only the Meir examples in mind. 30. p. 6. It also appears on a few false doors at Saqqara which are equally late: Firth and Gunn. 6. although short hair is worn by women in two tombs at Akhmim which seem to be later than Dyn. II. 26. and lacking collar and bracelets. E2. figs. for there is no trace of it today. Simpson. 34 (two bracelets).10 The broad collar is found fairly often in Old Kingdom examples. Blackman.g. . V. may be the owner’s wife. Simpson. but adds a piece of incense. but curiously describes it as representing a physical deformity. 134 (Q£r of Edfu).j Area B shows (1) a figure similar to the owner. Beneath him (2) is a woman. 25 (but not 26. where three figures of this type become more erect as they progress (reading from right to left). 16. 15.. 68. 33). pls. 11 Barsanti.15 His name (A 5) is Sßm-nfr. pp. pp. 21. fig. i. fig. using a censer of Old Kingdom style. IX–XI. 16. figs. Tuthmosis III). offers incense. Von ägyptischer Kunst 4. and (like the example in Blackman and Apted. for the form of the censer cf. 11. old age is more definitely suggested than in other cases. indicates that it continued down to the Middle Kingdom. Qar and Idu. In accordance with the style of the late Old Kingdom. relatively late. 10. 25. Junk10 er. El-Hawawish I. the variation of this type of figure in Simpson. Quseir El-Amarna. 134 f. and from a close examination of the original by K. 51. so far as non-royal women are concerned.e. 37 (but not 9. 3. pl. 39. CG 1586. 16 (right). El Khouli and Kanawati. Priese. 12 Bracelets (more usually one only) appear on some of the earlier representations of long-kilted portly men. loc. the architrave of Mn¡ from Akhmim. W. 82. JEA 17 [1931]. however. pls. although there are a few still later occurrences. F2). loc. pl. 30). cit.. fig. pl. 8. cit. 243.-H. in Mélanges Gamal eddin Mokhtar (Cairo 1985). he is: The Scribe ™n∞-swt-NN. XXVI). 14 For meaningless additions of this kind see MMJ 9 (1974). In his Manuel d’Archéologie II. pl. pl. 1. At Dendera short hair generally appears on the Dyn. James and Apted. as would be expected. Qar and Idu.k All the signs retain rightward orientation. pl. fig.

21. 41. des reines. . Gîza. 20 E. pl. Her title and name are: The King’s Acquaintance. pl..t. Medum.. [e. fig. no. 22. Gîza V. p. 20. p. Deir el Gebrâwi I. Hence the pairing that is indicated in the translation. 6. leaving an increasing amount of space above the heads. 88. II. pl. pl. Mackay et al.. all wigless and identically clad in a broad collar and short projecting kilt. MMJ 11 [1976]. Jéquier. Gîza II.q (7) The Functionary of tenant-landholdings. The five are identified as (3) The Inspector of Custodians of Property of the Treasury. 97a). Kanawati et al. 12) and in the provinces (Blackman.p (6) The Inspector of Custodians of Property of the Treasury. 75 (6). may well be as early as Dyn.¡). p. is certainly right in regarding ¡my-∞t as “Untervorsteher. as is again to be expected (ibid.A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 17 usual close-fitting kind. CG 1576 [Abydos]). Blackman.r ⁄p¡.” army” (ibid. (Abu Bakr. standing (and seated) women often hold a long-stemmed lotus in reliefs of the late Sixth Dynasty at Saqqara (e. Thus (Fisher. “aide (of) the commander of the sor of directors of the army. fig. p. Fischer.. In a few cases diminishing height indicates a difference in age. pl. the example shown in MMJ 11 (1976). 53). 44 [2]) “King’s acquaintance and under-supervisor. 145 [g] and cf. 14.g. for there are a number of other cases where a series of figures tends to be diminished from left to right. The early Old Kingdom chapels at Medum often place the smallest figures first.n (4) The Inspector of Scribes of the Treasury. h] and 144 [a]). the Revered Q£r. des reines. 3.. 7. and all carrying a staff and scepter.. the Revered Ów¡. 37. Junker. 19 Similarly. 12.20 The arrangement of the hieroglyphs above them is also rather careless. Dendereh. pl... 3. 139). Gîza. (5) The Inspector of Custodians of Property of the Treasury. This negligence is at variance with the elaborate presentation of the owner’s titles. fig. 25. 16 and n. 136). 10. 5. as 18 E. pp. Dunham. pl.g. Edel in Form und Mass: Festschrift für Gerhard Fecht (Wiesbaden 1987). Excavations at Saqqara I. or to a hereditary successor. p. Petrie. p. Pyrs.. ⁄w. Abu-Bakr. 22 (a). Pyrs. fig. 6. pls. The lesser height of the last three may possibly be significant. pls. Gîza V. The reduction in height is more marked in some of the later examples: Junker. 33. 186 [33/18]). 39. 35). pls.g. pl. 16–17. but is more probably unintentional. Three Old Kingdom Tombs at Thebes.). Hassan. Jéquier. Junker. 130 (= de Morgan. with wide shoulder straps that are partly covered by a broad collar. 170]). 19. fig. 35.g. Catalogue des monuments. These occurrences of isolated ¡my-∞t can hardly refer to a simple “helper” in either case. Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom [Chicago 1960]. Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae. 187 [36/ 3]).l Behind her are ranged a series of five standing men. Simpson. 9. Mastabas.f-n(. 8. p. although there are a few later examples (e. 44 [1]) is evidently “under-supervi21 and not as Rowe translates.” and I doubt that it ever means “assistant” in Old Kingdom titles (as Junker sometimes interprets it in his Gîza series). and (as in many representations of the late Old Kingdom) the straps do not meet at the center. in other cases the height is irregular). 21. pl. Giza. Davies. the same man. 14. Meir IV. on the drum lintel of his offering niche.” while another man. Simpson. see BES 9 (1987/88). (LD II. on his wife’s stela is simply (ibid. Saleh. Qar and Idu. 184 [to p. 22. (with additions. 21 Cf. (b) Wb. fig.19 while the other hangs empty at her side. Hemamieh. 186 [33/3]. VIII (see Ancient Egypt in the MMJ [New York 1977]. Athribis. 10 (≥. fig.o the Revered Ípss-Pt¢. Davies. It may also be noted that z£b ™∂mr follows flry-tp nswt. 7. 17. 33. 5. p. 229 f. has no other title but ¡my-∞t (ibid. Comments (a) Note that the title ¡my-r prwy-¢∂ normally follows flry-tp nswt and z£b ™∂-mr (Klaus Baer. Mariette. figs.m the Revered ⁄p¡. 23. 9. Petrie. Meir IV. 24. 12. figs. pl. Qar and Idu. I. regardless of orientation: Petrie.18 One hand raises a lotus blossom to her nose.. fig. Deir el Gebrâwi I. Gîza IX.

”29 pp. (c) “Scribes of the treasury” are fairly well attested. One (Hassan. Two Aspects of the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom. 136. Petrie and Murray. 40 and pl. 24 Goyon. Catalogue des stèles. 14. 41 (center) gives several examples of isolated . Couyat-Montet. In the other case (von Bissing. loc. 41 [right]).26 is again clearly subordinate to ¡my-r prwy ¢∂. 67) and that of ⁄z¡ (Louvre C 164: Ziegler. 12.27 as well as a s¢∂ “inspector” of them. Index. p. no. In other cases he is the son of such an overseer (H. pl. fig. fig. pl. figs. Hardly ¡my ∞t r-pr. in another (LD II. and Ogden Goelet. Deshasheh. 84.28 but this. Murray. p. Louvre C 250. And the of von Bissing.. pl. nos. Gîza V. 27 Murray. ever. Saqqara Mastabas I. 29 Ibid. 176–77). p. who is “overseer of scribes of the two treasuries. no. pp. while his father is ¡my-r pr-¢∂. VI/3.¡)-db¢. 32–33). Ptahhetep. The sign is supplied by an unpublished facsimile by Alexander Badawy. 38 [center]) and (for which cf. 25 . Mariette. Mastabas. Mastabas. Titles. the former evidently later than the Old Kingdom).¡) (Hassan. Sometimes the official in question is an overseer of the treasury (Excursus III below and Mariette. pl. which looks like a scribal error. Malek gives two other references (PM III2. 11 (CG 1432).D dissertation. 115 (l) read (cf. 53. pls. Gîza I. III. 12 and 11. 19 (177). title. 117 (m) read (for which cf. 142. It might be considered whether the first of these titles is to be linked with the preceding one as *¡my-r wpt z£(w)-pr “overseer of commissions of police. Gem-ni-kai I. Gîza VI. 70). 12) the context is incomplete. loc. Helck. p. since it seems doubtful that examples of isolated ¡my-r “overseer” and s¢∂ “inspector” are attested in Old Kingdom titularies. Lacking the terminal ¢mw-k£ : Mariette. p. 7. 10. pl. Columbia University Ph. Von Bissing. 7. but none is beyond doubt. 67. 246. and it is interesting that a repetition of the lesser title suffices to echo the combination of both. 19). Hassan. 300 and pl. and in LD II. Urk. figs. 254. Furthermore one is struck by the prominence that ¡my-∞t pr-¢∂ is given in some other titularies such as that of K£(. funerary priests. Nouvelles inscriptions. 81–83. cf. 19 [8]) is . 278). under-supervisors of funerary priests. Petrie and M. CG 1689. indicates that an example is to be found in a titulary that ends with (no. Petrie and Murray. fig. referring to Junker. Gem-ni-kai II. 85). her pl. 40. 1934]. although the examples where it is isolated are admittedly rare. 209. 114) or an attendant (Davies. Mastabas. 53 [a]) the signs are damaged. where a son is ¡my-∞t pr-¢∂. cit. in Daressy. 1982. Murray’s pl. Mastabas. 1) is unexpected. apart from the Sixth Dynasty false door of the Overseer of the Two Treasuries ⁄z¡ in the Louvre (C 164). For the position of the ¡my-∞t below the rank of s¢∂ cf. Beamtentitel. Gîza X. 85. loc. 4.” 26 Cf. p. Gîza III. 758). Gîza VI/3. Catalogue des stèles. but this is evidently to be read as a single title: ¡my-r ¢m(w)-n†r. 27.”25 In the present case ¡my-∞t pr-¢∂. the false door of K£(. l. cit. fig. 134. In two other cases (Petrie. Hammâmât.18 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES Rosemarie Drenkhahn argues. Hassan. 23 The examples of isolated ¡my-∞t are interesting. 278) or under-supervisor (Hassan. Murray. 107. 20. p. as seen from pl. which probably contained the rest of the 23 22 Handwerker. On the other hand the sequence of z£-pr. In LD II.¡)-pw-R™ in the University of Pennsylvania Museum. for s¢∂ pr-™£ see Murray. fig. Gîza I. fig. 83). but that they were held concomitantly and had a somewhat different function. p. 135. Mera. howperhaps to be read ¡my-r pr. to be read r∞ nswt s¢∂ pr-™£. 28 Petrie and Murray. pp.22 Another title which Junker translates “Unterhausverwalter” (Gîza XI. Hassan. pp. is the sole mention of an overseer of such scribes. Philadelphia (Mariette. This seems to imply that the superior title did not supplant the other one. 585 ff. 219) is written (his fig. See also Junker. 41– 42. 380 (CG 1418). to my knowledge. 107. Murray. cit. I. ¡my-∞t (pr).24 Thus ¡my-∞t may be somewhat different in nature. pls. Another indication is the sequence from greater to lesser in “inspectors of funerary priests.. 406 (CG 1492). p. ¡my-∞t z£ pr (MIO 7 [1960]. figs. 1) there is a lacuna before . 32 and p. Gîza V. index. 251 (Ziegler. 562. 20 (42) is incomplete. pls.n(. Bulletin van de Vereeniging tot Bevordering der Kennis van de Antiecke Beschaving 9/3 [Dec. Saqqara Mastabas I. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels.. 133.

. Die gesellschaftliche Stellung der äyptischen Kunstler im Alten Reich (Sitz. pp. Excavations at Saqqara III. Saqqara Mastabas I. pp. for the second see Firth and Gunn. I believe another example is to be seen in : Fakhry. at right.38 and another overseer of the two treasuries (Louvre C 164.30 and by Rosemarie Drenkhahn. 63.” (e) The phrase ¡zwy flkrw nswt is easily recognized despite the anomalous form of flkrw. Akad. 42 CG 272. 37 Davies. 78. 67. 40 Firth and Gunn. 45. 123. 1353. 233/1. 177 [9]. 4–6. CAA Hildesheim 1. fig. 147–48. n. 2. 154 (54). 223).”42 There is also an odd example of “inspector of scribes of the treasury and of the king’s regalia. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 30 For the first variant see Murray. 75). fig.. cols. 177 [10]. 35. Deir el Gebrâwi I. 172 and fig. III. 31 Handwerker. (Mariette. JEA 71 (1985). cf. 70 and p. pl. who may or may not have been a painter. Mastabas. CG 1490. Sept tombeaux. Ptah-hetep. pls. . WZKM 54 (1957).33 a painter (zß) and a sculptor ( ). fig.-hist.36 but that meaning is difficult to apply in the present context. 13. 93. pl. see also Macramallah. Chicago. pp. Idout. 39 . which resembles . Gîza IX. The inscriptions he cites only refer to mr¢t m ¡zwy (Urk. III. is known from two monuments. 21. he is also zß flkrw nswt (cf. 15. p. 38 CG 1316. where there is a parallel series of scribal titles. 1316. p.31 Drenkhahn quotes titles referring to ¢mwt “craftsmen” in this connection.A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 19 (d) The uses of w™bt. 7 (and pl. 33 Paget and Pirie. 1353 (the last two belonging to the same individual. although there are at least two examples of “scribe of the king’s regalia. Saqqara Tombs I. p. Phil.” but also. 106 (15). there is explicit evidence that the production of craftsmen was recorded by scribes. to which may be added “inspector of stonemasons of the 34 king’s workshop. 34 LD II. 65. 32. Gîza I. here designated “scribe of the southern w™bt. Jéquier.V. 136 (81). 178 [6]) and ¡zwy is not restricted to oil any more than pr-¢∂ is to clothing (ibid. 3 (2). 114. 32 For “inspector of craftsmen of the workshop” correct the reference to Junker. pp. The word order is indicated by the frequent title ¡my-r ¡zwy flkrw nswt/ ¡my-r ¡zwy n flkrw nswt. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 10618). James and Apted. figs. since the individual in question is represented in the act of painting a statue. Hassan.”35 There is no doubt about the meaning of zß in the example she cites. Davies et al.32 as well as carpenters. 23–25. Monument funéraire de Pepi II.41 This title is often preceded by ¡my-r w™bty. Handwerker. which is abbreviated on a second statuette of the same person (10621) Ny-k£w-⁄npw. 178 [5]). 9. 1959). I. 35 Kees. in fig. 34 (e). CG 1323.37 and such records would have enabled Ípss-Pt¢ to “take stock of the production. 38 above). which should be p.” for which see Excursus III below. comment b above) has the title zß w™bty “scribe of the two workshops. p. cf. fig. pl. p. The overseer of scribes does not seem to be otherwise associated with the king’s regalia. although another zß w™bt.” and “overseer of builders of the workshop. Gîza V. Khentika. 149) is somewhat misleading. 17 b. 111 (5).. Also (Oriental Institute. figs. Nyhetep-Ptah. 12. pl. fig. : Eva Martin-Pardey. 279). 42). 45 and pl.39 Presumably the last element is honorifically transposed in the 40 or present case as in several examples of the aforementioned title.” No other overseers of “scribes of the workshop” seem to be attested. followed by Drenkhahn. this also occurs on an unpublished offering slab of ™n∞-¢£. 3). overlooked on p. 6. W. 21. pls. which she mistakenly translates “Untervorsteher der w™bt der Nekropole” (p.f from Reisner’s G 2011. “scribe of royal linen of the king’s regalia. 13. 115. Österr. 36 See now Badawy. written . Furthermore. referring to the place of embalming and more generally to “workshop” are discussed by Junker. n. Hassan. Kl. 82.” Helck’s characterization of the ¡zwy n flkrw nswt as the source of oil (Beamtentitel. 10. 41 Strudwick. Also (Hassan. 1467. Gîza I. p.

Hassan. A Tenth Dynasty writing much like the one from Abydos is (Siut III. 13–14 and pl. replacing the older pr¡ n. Dissertation. 1 above. fig. 28). 152 (34) and 153 (35. and a possi45 ble emendation is “one who assessed ( ) the production of the nomes of southern 46 Upper Egypt (Ôn-N∞n) which were to be assessed(?). Brovarski has independently discussed this inscription and concludes (Dissertation. also Couyat-Montet. has independently proposed the same restoration. 11–13. pp. 27. fig. Junker.¡) ¡∞t nb(t) ¡pt “I assessed everything that was to be assessed” (Urk. 1968). as it also is beneath the Thinite emblem at the end of the same inscription. 154. Gîza II. IX. Dendereh. in a series of additions and corrections to his Dissertation (Dec. 372 (15–16). Dendera. where the present example is cited. W. 98. (i) The term ™wy “production” is known from Sixth Dynasty inscriptions at Deir el Gebrawi and Meir. pp.” This suggests a smaller delimitation for the term in question. for which see p. 94) has more recently published a Twelfth Dynasty inscription in Wadi Hammamat (reign of Sesostris I). A further parallel for this epithet is to be found on a late Sixth Dynasty statue in (western) Berlin. 9. p. (g) The name is transcribed in accordance with the views expressed in pp. The term similarly refers to Upper Egypt in an early Dyn.V. 6. 47 The problem is that ¡pwt seems to agree with sp£wt rather than with ™wy as would be expected. The same term evidently appears in a Twelfth(?) Dynasty epithet: . Davies et al. . the writing of ¡ry as is not attested until the Ninth Dynasty (Fischer. 1990). pl. § 7). p. 326 (19). no. however. III. XI. which extends. and by Janssen. SS 76: ). 12 (6). 114. A scribal error? Brovarski.”47 If so. p. 106 (16) and 107 (32).43 See also a reference to the workplace and(? of?) the two houses of gold in Excursus III. IV titulary (Junker. 33. II. Some Decorated Tombs of the First Intermediate Period at Naga ed-Der (Brown University Ph. Gîza III. 61–66 below. Beyond the Memphite cemeteries it is also known from Meir (Blackman. VIII “overseer(?) of the nomes of Ônw-N∞n” see Edward Terrace. 7. Carolyn N. 21. based on Settgast’s publication of Berlin (West) 1/85 (Excursus II below). I.44 followed by a separate title beginning with ¢ry-sßt£. X since a ¢ry-tp ™£ of the Thinite Nome would not be expected after it had been brought under the control of Thebes. cit. dissertation. 6. Besiedlung. pl. Brovarski. XI (Gabra. or a sign such as . from Petrie. to all of Egypt and to the foreign lands. where the title in question is replaced by ). 10) and even later (Schenkel. Egyptian Paintings of the Middle Kingdom (New York. E. dated Dyn. pl. 106 [7–8]). Abydos I. 46. Egyptische Autobiografie I. For a Dyn. 44 Petrie. p. where ™wy is used in the more general sense of “produce. Gîza VII.” the inscription is discussed in Excursus II. 340. g) below. It does not seem to have been used after the Old Kingdom until it was revived in the Late Period.f ∞rw. 94. 45 The sign for “nome” is undetailed. this is much like the present case. Meir IV. 1958). Even if there may be doubt about the form of (twice copied thus. which refers (line 13) to “Thebes (in) Ônw-N∞n and the Thinite Nome (in) the Head of Upper Egypt. 68). ZÄS 75 [1939]. fig. 15. 138 (16). ¡p(.D. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 85. 114. Yet 43 In addition to the first five examples of ¡my-r prwy nbw in Murray. (h) For this formulation. pl. 40. but the “two houses of gold” are commonly associated with ¡my-r w™bt in the title ¡my-r prwy nbw. see p. Index. pp. and by E. 14). Most of the references for Ônw-N∞n are also given by Gomaà. p. pp. 119. 46 For this term see Wb. figs. 35. misdated to the Sixth Dynasty on p. And Annie Gasse (BIFAO 88 [1988]. pp. 54..20 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES (f) No scribes of the two houses of gold are attested. twice ). It is similarly transcribed by Ranke. Excavations at Saqqara I. MDAIK 32 [1976]. cf. figs. 470) that it can be no later than Dyn. Frühm.. To judge from Janssen’s other evidence (op. 48. 147–48). discussed in JARCE 13 (1976). pp. Index. VI/3. Firth and Gunn. 6. 2 [4] and pl. see also Murray. PN I. the epithet sr m ¢£t [r∞yt] is not attested before Dyn. within the larger confines of Tp-Ím™w. fig. 86 (c. p. 297–301. 88. XII. Studien. 9. The preceding sign could be . see Hassan. The “seven nomes of ” are attested in Dyn. pl. Cambridge. Hammâmât. Saqqara Tombs I. 9) and Abydos (Fitzwilliam Museum. pl. Peck.

295 ff. 398 (= 1461). Allam. Giza Necr. 54 This meaning is evident from the juxtaposition of “Upper and Lower Egypt. IV. 605. Gîza I. 123(17). Western Cemetery. in the phrase m££ k£t. Junker. Nianchchnum. III. Hist.54 (j) PN I. 263).. pl. I. but is fairly common at the Giza necropolis. pp. 141 (11).3081: Reisner. II. The only alternative is “singers of Lower and Upper Egypt. p. 309. VI/3. 30. JARCE 23 (1986). i. Hassan.” which seems unlikely. 4). This would not be the first time that has been misread as . a damaged inscription mentions . Index. 147 (a). 1–3. (k) It would be natural to assume that zß and the sign after it constitute a title. cit. Apparently not known later than the Old Kingdom. fig. 50 Mistakenly recopied in the text. Archives. 147. 67 and pl. Êt¡ was based at the trade center of Aswan. 152. as . MDAIK 14 (1956). 89. pl. 395. ASAE 71 (1987). 65 b (top). I. Gîza I. 396 (= Cairo CG 1328). where he made his tomb. fig. I. 320 (17). The first two signs are more usually written . p.” It is true that ∞£st may simply mean “upland” as opposed to the Nile Valley (Wb. p. p. is actually . 191. 159. fig. 13–14. both of whom were concerned with expeditions . [1421]. Phonetic usually precedes this sign. In Urk. Reisner. 76. Gîza XII. Junker. III. and Borchardt.). I. But ∞£st nbt probably always refers to “every foreign land” or “all foreign lands” (Wb. which also occurs as a title. 190. probably dating to the Fifth Dynasty. Hassan.” for the same individual was “one who presides over the ornaments of the dancers of the Great House”52 and “keeper of the diadem in the place (storeroom?) of the king. also fem. 2. Gîza VII. Gîza IV.¡) at Giza. but . and I was initially inclined to regard the second sign as a variant of the sign for cloth. I. as Borchardt has transcribed it in Denkmäler des Alten Reiches II. For flrt “products” (of a place) Faulkner. Junker. ibid. 102. figs. 65 b).. 44 (1). Simpson. the last name of Cairo CG 1707 is rather than . Mastabas. the Old Kingdom title ¢ry sßt£ ∞£swt nbt which was held by at least two Old Kingdom officials (Petrie and Murray. 53 Urk. Hist. Hist. however. And has conversely been misread as . showing ∞£st as the nearby habitat of fruit trees. Hassan. 39 [1]). Similarly “(the work) that was done on them (a pair of false doors) in the stp-z£ was supervised throughout the day” (Urk. pl. pp. where the last words are corrected from my own copy. 234 [10]).g. cf.A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 21 another example of the same term occurs in the title of a “keeper of produce” (or “production”) for a Fifth Dynasty sun temple and pyramid. 46. p. figs. 397 (= CG 1420. I. cf. 34). discussed in Excursus IV. 52 Cf.. cites Urk. p. Gîza III.” In this case “production” refers to “handiwork. figs. Murray. 257.e. And it seems highly doubtful that would refer to the mrtsingers of Upper and Lower Egypt (mentioned in titles: Junker. 82. Roquet in Mélanges Vercoutter [Paris 1985]. 1461). 234 [7]. fig. And finally. for stp-z£ see Goelet. I. as the assessor of such revenue. p. also Moussa and Altenmüller. cf. pp. a peculiar form Gîza VI/3. moreover the preceding title is not . Mariette.48 which again seems to refer to the “production of Lower and Upper Egypt. the name transcribed as by Mariette. 51 For m££ meaning “see to. 13. 118 (3.” “supervise” cf. p. in the chapel of Sw∂£-k£(. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels. Giza Necr. 23. 140 (17). the southern and northern lands are specified as Punt and Byblos. Ìs “singer” is occasionally written as : Posener-Kriéger. 395. Mastabas. Mourad Z. 195.” One might also compare the epithet of a Sixth Dynasty expedition leader named Êt¡: “one who brings back the produce of the southern and 53 northern lands for the king. recorded as . 180 (CG 1484 g). 148. 163. 31. and Reisner. Also “it (the making of the tomb) was done in the presence 49 48 Hassan. e. “he who supervises the production. I. pl. pls. 58. as Sethe suggests. fig. can hardly be anything but 50 51 . must have lived at a center where all the production of Egypt and the foreign lands was ultimately accumulated. Giza Necr. figs. crafts.” As an official concerned with expeditions. whereas Ípss-Pt¢.”49 The preceding signs. figs. of the king himself at the opening of the pillared hall while his majesty supervised the daily requirements thereof every day” (Boston MFA 21. Concise Dictionary. op. 15.

22 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES of (V33)55 somewhat resembling the sack at the end of the name Q£r in B (5).s and her nurse (mn™t) Ny-sy-N∞bt (Cairo J 55618. Quibell and A. Philadelphia. that the doubtful sign represents an animal facing right. In both periods the only titles concerning “linen” as such involve “overseers” and “keepers” (Junker. 55 For this variant of Old Kingdom see Junker. a graffito of uncertain date in Davies. p. 59 f. 544).”56 the closest comparison is (or the like) “scribe of royal linen. two other cases. 11).E. pp.-H. Mus.. p. E 15729: “scribe of the king’s linen and (scribe) of phyles. 3.” An Eleventh Dynasty “scribe of linen” is known from a fragment from Dendera: (University of Pennsylvania Museum. 199). 360. p. p. Monument funéraire de Pepi II III. Gli Scavi Italiani. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. and I know of no other Old Kingdom “scribe of linen. 2966-672B). 223. as would be expected. Fig. 279. nos. along with the other signs. 1868 and Cairo CG 1682. p. which has been taken as a title meaning “Schreiber für die Leinwand” (ibid. where a lance or arrow protrudes from the back of the crocodile of the Denderite nome emblem: WZKM 57 (1961). Mastabas. belonging to the latter. pp. pl. 22. however. JEA 78 [1992]. 229. fig. 1868 it is placed upon . This hieroglyph in fact occurs in Old Kingdom writings of the name Ny-™n∞-N∞bt. 188. But the identity of the animal is perplexing. Gîza IX. and it is not known to be surmounted by a fla59 The head is rather more like that of a bird than a crocodile. and bearing a flagellum on its back. cf. citing Turin Inv. VI/3. Univ. based on a clumsy hieratic version which was not understood by the scribe who laid out the inscription. the surface of the stone is too friable to permit a rubbing. I cannot confirm the presence of the flagellum in the last two cases. 70 and p. North Side [Cairo 1927]. cf. I became convinced. but apparently not in the case of the Cairo examples (belonging to one person). In this case and Turin Inv. 58 But cf. 171 (15). Unless the flagellum is actually a harpoon. Teti Pyramid. Gîza V. 29.” Other scribes of royal linen: Hassan. as seen from the original. 67. Index. Gîza IX. 50. conceivably represents a . Philadelphia. Gîza V. which in turn may be compared with in Jéquier. Ward. It does not seem to be a crocodile on a shrine since the foreleg is not indicated. 56 The phrase (Junker. Sheikh Saïd. cit. 57 Mariette. PN I. and beside it a freehand drawing of the interior. Priese. Otherwise this title does not seem to be known in the Middle Kingdom either. also on the same false door. pl. Abdalla. 228–29. fig. similarly in Firth and Gunn. also (Firth and Gunn. Egyptian Studies I. for which cf... For further examples (using ) see 59 .58 Furthermore there does not appear to be any evidence for before the Twelfth Dynasty. Hayter. 100). But the two forms are not really the same. 200 (37).”57 While making the drawing shown in Figure 1. 57. The form is also known from Eleventh Dynasty names at Saqqara: N∞bt-m-z£. is actually a caption: “writing down the (amount of) linen. and the entire sign gellum. 28b) and again in Bologna B 1901 (Fischer. p. figs.60 A more remote possibility is which occurs as the abroad. fig. op. Figure 3 shows the external outline of this. ( J. 10). Hieroglyph in B (1) made from the original by K. but it appears in the Turin example (Curto. dating to the Heracleopolitan Period and the Middle Kingdom. 5). . to which may be added CG 1700. 60 Ranke.

Firth and Gunn. 2. 67 PN 66 Conveniently . N. pl. but this is only recorded from a sketch. Aeg. 428 [16]) is not really comparable. although Middle Kingdom examples are occasionally attested. the suggested interpretation is certainly more plausible than Swt-™n∞. Pyr. 69 CG 20556c. Also in a tomb chapel of the early Fifth Dynasty: Junker. pl. p. Gîza IV. Posener-Kriéger. 1723a N. In two other cases an erect falcon likewise bears the flagellum: in ¡mnt “western” (Saleh. 2015c N. 1211a M. The name Swt-k£w (PN I. pl. Gizeh and Rifeh.s-n(.67 with the addition of the fem. (El-Khouli and Kanawati. Gîza II. cit. 59 (15). pp. name Ìtp-Ônmw(?): Junker. Inschr. no. listed by Helck. 14. p. Excavations at Saqqara II. ASAE 11 [1911]. 6. all the same man. Junker. Ptahshepses. pl. Simpson. I. Three Old Kingdom Tombs at Thebes. (London 1907) pl. p. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. N. Edel. where the first writing should be ). Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts 51 [1972]. Index. pl. Capart. Verner.65 The closest comparisons are (Ranke. pl. 332 [15]). 17. 385. also (Blackman. 8.f-n(. 4). fig. El Hammamiya. while the names of several royal pyramids likewise come to mind. pl. and it may be doubted whether the god would be identified by the ideograph alone. Archives. 7A. dating to Sahure and Neuserre. 189. Gramm. II. I [1951]. 10. also a single Middle Kingdom example in Ward. 405). Also Firth and Gunn.64 Although no parallel is forthcoming.t).. I.62 and which could represent the god of Letopolis as an independent ideogram in the present case. Simple is uncommon: Junker. 22 (15. Felsengräber der Qubbet el Hawa II/1/2 [Wiesbaden 1970]. ending (. 141.776 (Bodil Hornemann. Khentika. 207). The overall shape of the sign speaks against this alternative.). Archives II. 1670a M. p. 648. 124. Junker. 195 [17]) and see p. 2086c N. 171). 52) the latter evidently representing ¡t¡wy (for which see Edel. II. 5. and the context of the scene is incomplete and uncertain. 63 Simpson. as in the Middle Kingdom (PN I. 65 Roeder. Western Cemetery I. name ⁄w.777. Posener-Kriéger. Types of Ancient Egyptian Statuary II [Munksgaard 1953]. dating from the late Fifth to early Twelfth Dynasty. Petrie. pp. Hassan. pl. I.70 (n) Ranke. Ranke. 64. 6–7. 537. Altäg. which may well be later than the Old Kingdom. 76) and “of the granary”(loc. 597. Gîza IX. Khafkhufu I and II. Cairo J 57019 (ibid. figs. 24–27).68 It is remarkable that the feminine version has not become ⁄w. Rollsiegel. PN I. 15 [4]). 68 MIO 7 (1960). The writing of is particularly characteristic of the Old Kingdom. 648. both Fifth Dynasty. also (PN I. 16. Deshasheh. 42. Gîza II. 62 (26-3-153). 62 Pyr. 32–33. 64 (2). fig. § 100. ZÄS 102 [1975]. One might also compare on an Old Kingdom block from Giza showing a wine-pressing scene. The Pyramid Texts of Merenre and Pepy II often add the same determinative to another designation of the same god. 69. but *St-™n∞ is not attested. 20474 (= Simpson. Meir IV. p.69 (m) The title s¢∂ ¡ryw-¡∞t pr-¢∂ is attested by only a few other occurrences. showing a retrograde sequence that is well known in theophoric names of the Old Kingdom. p. 70 Junker. 61 Urk. 298 (24). in LÄ V. ZÄS 75 (1939). 14 (7). Kaplony. 11 and pls. pls. 79 (52). pls. Chapelle de Sésostris I er. 810b N. 40. 5–6. 15. it is analogous to St-k£ (PN I. James and Apted. cols. p. In the provinces: Petrie. 301 and n. 339. Archives. 6. 9 (57). 618. 5. however. PM III2. 29. Rue de tombeaux. pl. 341 [10]. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. PN I. Cf. Another example is possibly to be seen in the fem. 199. 31.” Cf. 1864b N. 298 [23]).A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 23 determinative of in the tomb of M†n61 and in the Pyramid Texts. for which other evidence may be cited in Old Kingdom names. Boston MFA 31. The same form appears in the Middle Kingdom: Lacau-Chevrier. 64 Edel. pl. The same determinative occurs after S†t (Weigall. 41. 34. PN I. ZÄS 75 (1939). pl. Posener-Kriéger. 64 below. p. Kawab. 34 and fig. no. Terrace of the Great God. 273 [5]) and (ibid. 45). as the name has been read previously. 191 (Reisner’s G 7211).63 In any case the name is evidently to be read ™n∞-swt-NN. 34. p.¡). PM III2.¡).. 237 f. there interpreted as “Die Ônmt zeigt(e) sich gnädig.66 (l) This is evidently the masc.





(o) The arrangement of signs in the preceding and following titularies suggests the sequence is (cf. comment m). But despite this consideration, the reading is probably s¢∂ zßw pr-¢∂, which is well known from Giza and Saqqara.71 (p) Ranke, PN I, 333 (9); II, p. 391; Murray, Index, pl. 14. The final sign is often (bag with a handle), but also , as in Mereruka I, pl. 83, Macramallah, Idout, pl. 12; Simpson, Qar and Idu, figs. 36, 39, 41, as compared to , figs. 15–32. In the latter form it is also known from Edfu (Daressy, ASAE 17 [1917], 131, 134, 135), Abydos (CG 1575) and Dendera (Fischer, Dendera, pl. 10 b), and written at Aswan (de Morgan, Catalogue des monuments I, p. 198). At least two occurrences may be later than the Old Kingdom, both from Akhmim: CG 1669 (with det. : Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, fig. 29a) and ibid., pls. 14–16 (det. ). (q) PN I, 267 (12); Murray, Index, pl. 11. This form of the name (with final rather than ) is more common in the Old Kingdom than later, but continues in use down to the Middle Kingdom. It is known at Meir (Blackman, Meir IV, pls. 9, 15), at Aswan (de Morgan, Catalogue des monuments I, pp. 148, 158) and at Abydos (CG 1431, 1578) as well as at the Memphite cemeteries (Hassan, Gîza II, fig. 94; Drioton, ASAE 43 [1943], 502 f.). (r) Although ¡my-st-™ is well known as an Old Kingdom term for “functionary,”72 it rarely occurs in titles of that period, and then only in two examples of .73 A later example (probably late Dyn. XI) occurs in the tomb of the Overseer of U.E. 21–22 ⁄p, at El-Saff, near Atfih, written .74 In view of the fact that follows in all three cases, it seems likely that it is not a separate title; possibly it represents ∞nt-ß “plantations” or “holdings” rather than ∞ntyw-ß, which is usually translated “tenant landholders.” In the present instance the replacement of ™ by ™wy might possibly be a meaningless assimilation from the ™wy of the tomb owner’s epithet in A(4). But this is not necessarily the case since the related term provides earlier evidence for ™wy, as is pointed out on p. 181 below. To sum up the preceding comments, all of the personal names are well known from Memphite tombs of the Old Kingdom except , which is evidently a feminine form of ⁄w.f-n(.¡), as it is written in that period (comment l), and , not otherwise attested, but which apparently shows a retrograde sequence that is applied to Old Kingdom theophoric names. Ów¡ is attested later than the Old Kingdom, although less frequently, and Q£r still less frequently. Only ⁄p¡ is equally well known in both the Old and Middle Kingdom. Neither Ípss-Pt¢ nor Sßm-nfr seem to have been current after the Old Kingdom came to an end. Furthermore none of the names suggests a provenance other than the Memphite cemeteries, although one or another of them makes an occasional appearance in the Upper
Junker, Gîza X, fig. 53; Hassan, Gîza I, figs. 136, 142; III, fig. 114; V, figs. 67, 70. Saqqara: Petrie and Murray, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels, pl. 14; Mariette, Mastabas, p. 278; Davies, Ptahhetep II, pl. 33. 72 Gardiner, PSBA 34 (1912), 261, n. 14. See also Fischer, MDAIK 16 (1958), 132, and the later examples of ¡my-st-™ in Ward, Index, p. 55, especially
71 Giza:

(439). 73 Bissing, Gem-ni-kai I, p. 19 (17) and pl. 10; II, p. 19 (175); for the latter cf. also p. 16 (100); Mereruka II, pl. 120 (2). 74 Fischer, The Tomb of ⁄p at El Saff (New York 1996), p. 25 (18).





Egyptian provinces. The same is true of the divinities that are invoked: Anubis, in the offering formula, and, after the epithet “revered with,” Osiris, The Great God, and Ptah-Sokaris. The titles of Ípss-Pt¢ essentially conform, in sequence and in content, to those of the Old Kingdom except for certain details, which do not necessarily indicate a later date, since they are not known elsewhere. These titles are: (1) flry-tp nswt (2) ™∂-mr z£b (3) ¡my-r prwy-¢∂ (4) ¡my-∞t pr-¢∂ (5) ¡my-r zßw prwy-¢∂ (6) ¡my-r zßw w™bty (7) ¡my-r zßw ¡zwy flkrt nswt (8) ¡my-r zßw prwy nbw All but one of the four scribal titles are new in some respect—no. 6 because, while scribes thus designated are known, they are not otherwise known to have an overseer; no. 7 because, in addition to this point, the only scribes thus designated are simply zß flkrt-nswt; no. 8 because neither scribes of this kind nor overseers of such scribes are attested, although the title ¡my-r prwy nbw is frequently claimed by other “overseers of the two treasuries,” as are ¡my-r w™bty and ¡my-r ¡zwy-flkrt. Thus it is the scribal emphasis of these titles that is noteworthy, and that emphasis is borne out by the terminal epithet “who takes stock of the production of Upper and Lower Egypt and all the foreign lands.” Most of the titles of the subordinate figures are equally familiar from the Old Kingdom, although there are slight differences in the last of them: (1) r∞t nswt (f.) (2) s¢∂ ¡ryw-¡∞t pr-¢∂ (3) s¢∂ zßw pr-¢∂ (4) s¢∂ ¡ryw-¡∞t pr-¢∂ (5) s¢∂ ¡ryw-¡∞t pr ¢∂ (6) ¡my-st-™wy ∞nt-ß Here one misses pr ™£ in no. 6, and ™wy, instead of ™ is somewhat unusual. It seems doubtful that the omission of a reference to the palace indicates a provincial source later than the Old Kingdom, since titles (1) and (7) of Ípss-Pt¢ do refer to the king, and since his entire titulary, from “overseer of the two treasuries” downward, necessarily refers to the central administration. It is true that the title “overseer of the two treasuries” is to be found in the titularies of some high-ranking provincial officials, all of whom are nomarchs or overseers of Upper Egypt, and one a vizier.75 But the treasury titles, like most of the personal names, are more frequently and completely attested at the Memphite cemeteries, and there is no indication of a provincial connection among the titles listed here. The feminine title r∞t
Deir el Gebrâwi II, pl. 9; Kanawati, El-Hawawish III, fig. 8; Blackman and Apted, Meir V, pp. 16 ff. The last is the vizier.
75 Davies,





nswt is rarely attested in the Memphite cemeteries or in the provinces after the Old Kingdom, although a few examples may be cited.76 Other orthographic peculiarities must now be examined, as well as those of palaeographic interest. Some of these are probably to be ascribed to carelessness: the sign in place of (comment e), the problematic sign (comment k), and the omission of the final of ¡m£∞w in B 3, 4, 6 (not uncommon in the Old Kingdom). The reduplication of in ¡my-st ™wy (comment r) is probably not to be included among these lapses. But the abnormal forms of , , and must be considered more seriously. The sign , with two pellets below the land-sign instead of three, is known from a great many inscriptions that are later than the Old Kingdom, at Dendera and elsewhere,77 but it also occurs in late Fifth Dynasty hieratic at Abusir78 and in Sixth Dynasty inscriptions at Abydos,79 Deir el Gebrawi,80 and Sheikh Said,81 as well as at Giza, where, in most cases, the pellets look like grains.82 Sixth Dynasty examples are known from Saqqara,83 as well as some Eighth Dynasty examples in the pyramid texts of Ibi.84 In the sign the reduplication of the attachment at the top anticipates the Middle Kingdom form , but it appears in Sixth Dynasty tombs at Deir el Gebrawi85 and Sheikh Said,86 and there are several Old Kingdom examples at Giza,87 one as early as the Fourth Dynasty.88 I have found fewer examples from Saqqara that are definitely as early as the Old Kingdom,89 although some occur in the Pyramid Texts of Unis;90 at this cemetery the old form normally persists as late as the Twelfth Dynasty.91 The form of , with a splayed top, is only rarely encountered in inscriptions from Saqqara dating to the end of the Sixth Dynasty or slightly later.92 It also occurs on a small
From Saqqara: Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, pl. 75. From Akhmim: Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, p. 23 and fig. 14. Some slightly earlier occurrences, thought to belong to the Eighth Dynasty, are published by C.N. Peck, Some Decorated Tombs of the First Intermediate Period at Naga ed-Deir, pls. 2, 5. Two Twelfth Dynasty occurrences are known from Beni Hasan (but not Meir or Bersha): Newberry, Beni Hasan I, pl. 18; II, pl. 24. 77 At Dendera Mrr¡ and Sn-n∂sw-¡ have this feature in contrast to their predecessors, while the later Mn¡ and Ê£wt¡ resume the normal form; for their sequence see Fischer, Dendera, p. 187. For Theban examples see Clère and Vandier, TPPI, §§ 13, 14, 16 (fragment), 17, 20, 22, 23, 24, etc. 78 Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival, Abu Sir Papyri, Pal. pl. 7 [16]. 79 Throughout the autobiography of Wn¡ the Elder, Urk. I, 102–104. 80 Davies, Deir el Gebrâwi II, pls. 11, 12. 81 Davies, Sheikh Saïd, pls. 19, 25. 82 Junker, Gîza VIII, figs. 41, 43 (both ), 66, 70; Hassan, Gîza VI/3, fig. 9; Simpson, Western Cemetery, Pt. I, figs. 16 (also ), 18. Three grains are also attested: e.g., Junker, Gîza IX, fig. 44. 83 CG 1434, 1483 (also in both cases), Kanawati et

al., Excavations at Saqqara I, pl. 29; Jéquier, Oudjebten, fig. 37; Pyrs. des reines, pl. 7 (34), 13 (346), 30 (767–68); Pyramide d’Aba (Cairo 1935), pl. 29 (c). 84 Jéquier, Pyramide d’Aba, pls. 5 (cols. 160–62), 11 (col. 526), 12 (cols. 608, 634), 13 (col. 779), 16(Z); but also , pl. 14 (col. 735). 85 Davies, Deir el Gebrâwi I, pl. 18 (less clearly in pl. 14). 86 Davies, Sheikh Saïd, pl. 28. 87 Junker, Gîza VII, fig. 108; VIII, figs. 59, 66, 70; IX, fig. 30; Simpson, Qar and Idu, figs. 96, 33 (once thus, twice with the normal form); Simpson, Western Cemetery, Pt. I, fig. 41; Badawy, Tombs of Iteti etc., (Berkeley 1976), fig. 19 (and pl. 18). 88 W.S. Smith, JEA 29 (1933), pl. 23. 89 CG 1326; W.V. Davies et al., Saqqara Tombs I, pl. 26 (right outer jamb). 90 A. Piankoff, The Pyramid of Unas (Princeton 1969), pls. 5 (474), 39 (137 ab), 60 (28), but not 18 (308). 91 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, pl. 83. 92 Cairo CG 57016; Jéquier, Oudjebten, fig. 37; Tombeaux de particuliers, figs. 97, 98; W.V. Davies et al., Saqqara Tombs I, pl. 4; Kanawati et al., Excavations at Saqqara I, pl. 12; MMJ 11 (1976), 172, fig. 12 (esp. left outer jamb). Also James, Hieroglyphic Texts I2, pl. 36 (3), of unknown provenance.





architrave from Abydos93 and on a series of inscriptions from Naga ed-Deir, belonging to the same period.94 The style of the Naga ed-Deir inscriptions is quite distinctive, however, and cannot be associated with the one under discussion. The present case also shows, in B 3–6, a progressive evolution towards , which becomes most clear in B 5–6. This “semi-reversal” is encountered throughout the Old Kingdom and, to a lesser extent, somewhat later; it is discussed more fully on pp. 194–201 below. The sign is an infrequent variant of the form . The latter is known from Sixth Dynasty inscriptions at the Memphite cemeteries95 and at those of the Upper Egyptian provinces.96 The variant with two projections in front occurs on Sixth Dynasty stelae from Edfu,97 and Naqada;98 there are also somewhat later examples from Balat,99 Dendera,100 Naga ed-Deir101 and Thebes.102 I have not found any evidence of it at the Memphite cemeteries except for two or three examples from Saqqara that are no earlier than the end of the Heracleopolitan Period (reign of Merykare),103 and another, at Memphis itself, that is at least equally late.104 Some Twelfth Dynasty examples105 are a little different: . One might also consider the form of , which is less angular than usual and has a more pronounced indication of the shoulder, but there is evidence for both these features in late Old Kingdom inscriptions.106 A few of the other signs are somewhat clumsily executed in
1591. Dunham, Naga ed-Dêr Stelae, nos. 20, 65; Lutz, Steles, nos. 42, 45; CG 1607; also the tomb described by Sayce, Rec. trav. 13 (1890), 64 (for which cf. Fischer, Dendera, p. 94, n. 423). 95 Giza: Junker, Gîza VIII, figs. 59, 62, 74; Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 33; Urk. I, 260 (11); MIO 7 (1960), 303. Saqqara: Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, pl. 58 (1, left), 65 (5–8); ASAE 40 (1941), p. 681, fig. 72; Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara III, figs. 33, 34b; W.V. Davies et al., Saqqara Tombs I, pl. 11. 96 Blackman and Apted, Meir V, pl. 21; also on the architraves of Q£r of Edfu (Urk. I, 253 [3], as well as [11], which should be corrected). Davies, Deir el Gebrâwi II, pl. 11 has . 97 Louvre E 14329 (Ziegler, Catalogue des stèles, no. 9): Alliot, Tell Edfou (Cairo 1935), pl. 14 (1–2). The same form occurs on the stela of Nfr : Bruyère et al., Tell Edfou 1937 (Fouilles Franco-Polonaises I, Cairo 1937), pl . 15 (1). 98 Fischer, Coptite Nome, pl. 4; here the orientation of the top of the sign was wrongly reversed and corrected. 99 Osing et al., Denkmäler, pls. 53, 56, 58. The dating of the epigraphic material is discussed by Leprohon, JSSEA 16 (1986), 50–56. A few of his late criteria are known from Dyn. VI: for the raised border of the offering table see now Cherpion, Mastabas et hypogées d’Ancien Empire (Brussels 1989), p. 50 (fig. 35); for covered bowls see i.a. Blackman, Meir IV, pl. 21 (there are also many examples from Saqqara); for the different determinatives of Osiris and Khentiamentiu see CG 1574. On the other hand, yet another criterion of later date may be added, namely the
94 93 CG

small jar (W24) with lugs (Osing et al., Denkmäler, pls. 58– 59), discussed in ZÄS 100 (1973), 20 (comment M). 100 Petrie, Dendereh, pls. 8 (top), 9 (bottom right), 11B (top left = Fischer, Dendera, fig. 31), 37A (heading, above col. 326; the same inscription shows one projection in the heading above col. 571, pl. 37C); perhaps also pl. X A (right, fourth from top), although this is less clear in pl. X (top center). 101JAOS 76 (1956), 102 (two coffins, late Heracleopolitan Period). 102 CG 28022, from Qurna: Lacau, Sarcophages, pl. 5. 103 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, pl. 24 (cf. the stela of the same man, pl. 27 [B]) and p. 195 (in hieroglyphic type); Cairo J 55618 (N∞bt-m-z£.s). The apparent Sixth Dynasty example in pl. 58 (4) is eliminated in James and Apted, Khentika, pl. 39 (217). 104 Lilyquist, JARCE 11 (1974), 27 ff. and pl. 2 (b). 105 CG 20021; E. Grébaut, Le Musée Egyptien I (Cairo 1890–1900), pl. 17, said to come from Akhmim. Another of Dyn. II is likewise somewhat different: (Brussels E2161: MMJ 9 [1974], 25, fig. 34). Two other examples from Saqqara and Gebelein are said to have the form (CT II, 177 j; III, 296 l). This form also appears in Cairo J 55618 (cf. Abdalla, JEA 78 [1992], 98). 106 E.g., Capart, Rue de tombeaux, pl. 11; W.V. Davies et al., Saqqara Tombs I, pls. 11, 20; CG 1483. For the compressed form cf. Wild, Ti, pls. 182, 184; Junker, Gîza VII, fig. 101; Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 7. For the shoulder see ibid., fig. 33; Davies, Deir el Gebrâwi II, pl. 8. For later, more anomalous examples see Fischer, Coptite Nome, nos. 17, 18 and p. 55, n. 2.





the captions of the last five subordinate figures (B 3–7), and notably , in which the tip of the shaft does not appear above the macehead; similar examples may be found in late Old Kingdom inscriptions, however.107 The same is true of the shrine beneath Anubis ( ) in the initial funerary formula, the sides of which slope inward toward the bottom.108 Finally it should be noted that the dominant rightward orientation of the hieroglyphs has been retained in the first of the subordinate figures in area B, and that a semi-cursive ( ) appears in the name of this figure. Among the features that conform to Old Kingdom usage, as compared to later preferences, one may note the determinative in ¡mywt (rather than or the like)109 the determinatives (in this sequence) after flrt-n†r,110 the form ¡m£∞w rather than ¡m£∞y,111 and written fully (rather than or the like),112 and the ligatured group , which is common in the Sixth Dynasty, but becomes less frequent after the Old Kingdom, when the two signs are usually at least slightly separated.113 Older tradition is also followed in the phrase m flrt-n†r rather than nfr etc.; the addition of nfr begins to appear in late Sixth Dynasty inscriptions, and becomes customary after the Old Kingdom.114 This evidence carries much less weight, to be sure, than the peculiarities that have been enumerated, since most of it could occur at a later date. Even if Sixth Dynasty parallels can be found for these peculiarities, they are sufficiently numerous to indicate that the stela is relatively late—quite probably as late as the Eighth Dynasty. That late a date is also suggested by the rather slovenly style of the hieroglyphs and the lesser figures. So too the size of a stela, which is very modest for an official of such importance, although it may have supplemented a false door. The format and composition of the stela must particularly be taken into consideration. Although it is clearly related to architraves from Giza and the provinces, showing the owner approached by members of his family or offering bearers, its height is abnormally great in relation to the length, resembling the proportions of late Old Kingdom stelae from Upper
E.g., Simpson, Western Cemetery, figs. 16, 20, 32, Fischer, JAOS 3 (1964), pl. 15. 108 Cf. James and Apted, Khentika, pls. 7 (12), 20 (a–b); Simpson, op. cit., figs. 16, 17, 24; Simpson, Qar and Idu, figs. 26, 28, 32; Kanawati et al., Excavations at Saqqara I, pl. 12; Davies, Deir el Gebrâwi I, pls. 8, 12 (the latter variable). 109 For the occasional survival of the older form in the provinces see Schenkel, Frühm. Studien, § 11 (b, c); not surprisingly it sometimes survived as late as the Middle Kingdom at Saqqara: Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, pls. 82, 83. 110 Hassan, Gîza VI/3, fig. 207; Paget and Pirie, Ptah-hetep, pl. 39; Davies, Ptahhetep II, pl. 29; Herta Mohr, Mastaba of Hetep-her-akhti (Leiden 1943), p. 33; Capart, Rue de tombeaux, pl. 11; Badawy, Tombs of Iteti, etc., fig. 19. The sequence of is reversed on a late false door, with among the determinatives at the bottom of the jambs, CG 57200; for this determinative see Caminos and Fischer, Epigraphy and Palaeography, p. 39, n. 41. The same group is

again reversed after £b∂w in CG 1572, which may be even later. 111 See Schenkel, Frühm. Studien, § 16 (b, d), 18 (d); even though he has subsequently found Sixth Dynasty evidence for this form (Festschrift Elmar Edel [Bamberg 1979], pp. 385–86), it certainly was not common until after the Old Kingdom. In the Eleventh Dynasty (by the reign of N∞t-tp-nfr-⁄ntf ) the y-ending, or no ending at all, became prevalent. Schenkel, Frühm. Studien, § 16 (d), rightly regards an early Dyn. XII example of ¡m£∞w as an archaizing feature in CG 42005. 112 Fischer, Dendera, p. 131 and n. 578; Egyptian Studies I, p. 52. 113 ZÄS 100 (1973), 18 (A). 114 See Barta, Opferformel, Bitte 4, pp. 27, 39, 47, where nfr is given for the first time after Dyn. VIII. But Sixth Dynasty occurrences are known from Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 33; Davies, Sheikh Saïd, pl. 23, and the uppermost architrave of Q£r of Edfu (Urk. I, 253 [11]).

The last of the titles of the subordi116 115 Fischer. Furthermore the reference to taking stock of “the production of Upper and Lower Egypt and all foreign lands” clearly points to the royal residence. 21–22). Although. the iconography (especially the figure of the owner. 118 It should be noted. But the southern provinces provide no evidence of officials who were solely preoccupied with the treasury—even at Abydos. 3 = 1267. as noted carlier. that the difference in height is.” the sequence of the remaining blocks is probably correct. in the Heracleopolitan Period.4–6 29 Egypt. or the end of a long architrave above an adjacent false door. Block 6 belongs to the uppermost register of the scene at the right. titles or offering formulae. with block 5 at the upper left is impossible because its height is 5. however.118 It does not seem impossible. and—to a lesser extent—the style. as Strudwick says. That possibility is also suggested by the early appearance of in that region. 1382 (zß n pr ¢∂).EXCURSUS I: METROPOLITAN MUSEUM 04. since the left margin and vertical dividCoptite Nome. as does 6. which was the center of royal power in Upper Egypt in the late Old Kingdom. for 7 cf. of somewhat later date. i. Excursus I: Metropolitan Museum 04. “an unknown number of blocks is lost. I believe the date is more probably the end of the Old Kingdom.115 or a more elongated example from the Thinite Nome. at the same time. no. because there is not the same amount of space above the signs. has already published and discussed these blocks (Pl. 5) and rightly notes that the present arrangement. pp. too little to be explained by the presence of a drum lintel above it.116 Since no stela of comparable format has yet been discovered at Memphis or the Memphite cemeteries. 430 (one example). consider this case as an amalgamation of two architraves. the orthography and phrasing. JEA 71 (1985). as well as the rather clumsy style of the figures and inscriptions. Many of the titles are.4–6 . One might.. cannot be excluded. 4 = no.4–6 Nigel Strudwick. no. 1–2.117 but that late a date is difficult to accept in view of the purely Old Kingdom repertory of personal names. and to the beginning of the inscription. the short hair of the woman and the detail of censing). the question of dating becomes more difficult. Block 5 probably goes above 4 rather than below it. and this indication is reinforced by the lack of any specific provincial associations in the names. Louvre C 300 (BES 9 [1987/88]. If the provenance is Memphite. He might have added that it cannot belong to the uppermost course of stones. 45 (¡my-r ¡zwy n flkrt nswt). EXCURSUS I: METROPOLITAN MUSEUM 04. 8. 191 (¡my-r prwy nbw). it must be considered whether the provenance might not in fact be Upper Egyptian. while blocks 4 and 5 belong to the left edge.2. however. for 5 cf. for Old Kingdom traditions persisted longer at the Memphite Cemeteries. although a slightly later date. 15 and figs.2. but not title 2 (and 4– 5). for 8 cf. in fact. no.e.7 cm less than the block next to it (6). 1226. the Eighth Dynasty. nate figures (6) is likewise found at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. 117 In Ward’s Index the owner’s title 1 = no. known from the Middle Kingdom. moreover. All things considered. no. to suggest an alternative arrangement. 45–51. like an example from the Coptite Nome in which an upper architrave adds two horizontal lines that extend the full length of the lower one.2.

p. 180. If blocks 5 and 4 were spread apart. It is also evident that Cheops’ name was preceded by more titles than in the case of any of the other rulers. The lack of space between the hieroglyphs on these two blocks might be explained by some loss along the edge of one or both. so that we may translate: (1) The Overseer of the Treasury and … of/for Sneferu. The point of this unique presentation of the titulary is certainly to boast of a long tenure of office—35 years under Cheops and Redjedef. 64. 10. p. 33. The closest analogy. Furthermore the second alternative would produce a gratuitous recurrence of the principal title between the mention of Cheops and Redjedef.” in the last column. . … Overseer of the Chamber [of the King’s Regalia. 98 (12. I. 123 E. shown in this location. Kawab. 121 Gauthier. fig. 15).119 But the character and size of the titulary are so unusual that we cannot be sure that such a figure was present. ASAE 25 (1925). for there is every reason to believe that the latter ruler succeeded the former. Standing: ibid. the Overseer of the Treasury for [Chephren]. 46. In any case the sequence of the blocks is evidently 6–5–4. dating to the early Fifth Dynasty.g. 22. …. a fact that would accord with the considerable length of his reign. Taking into account the minimum that is to be restored below 6. perhaps half a dozen years under Sneferu and a few under Chephren. 122 Hassan.123 but as far as titular119 Seated: LD II. fig. one or more titles would have to be introduced before the names of the first three kings. but do not do so if 5 is placed below. 254 (1–3). In this case 5 and 4 must be placed at least one course lower than 6 for the reasons stated initially. (4) [The Overseer of the Treasury for] Redjedef. 32. 39. and/or the plaster between them. pl. representing a total of about 45 years of active duty in the same important position. Urk. [Overseer of the Treasury] for Cheops. and would suggest that the career of the anonymous overseer of the treasury occupied a lesser portion of Sneferu’s long reign. Khafkhufu I and II. This is an exceptionally large proportion of text if one supposes that it belonged to a large representation of the tomb owner which was placed below it.. even assuming that he was seated. Egyptian Studies I. from Redjedef to Sahure. Gîza IV. 19–21. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels. Possibly the attendants advance towards a false door beyond the inscription. and did not continue far into the reign of Chephren. I am not aware of any parallel for a chronological succession of royal names in a titulary to make the point that the official in question served these kings. Although the repetition of a similar title is known from the considerably later monument discussed in the preceding article. 14 (where the end of the title is to be read ). 25. is a case where the epithet ¡m£∞ ∞r “revered with” is repeated before each of six consecutive rulers..121 while in another case a son of Chephren repeats the same epithet before the name of that king and four successors. as compared with that of his successor. 142 (9–11). the original height of the inscription comes to at least 90 cm if block 6 is not moved still higher. For the title in its present form see Fischer. 120 Cf. Simpson. but it is clear that the title “overseer of the treasury. with his name before him. immediately preceded a royal name. 30. fig. also: Petrie and Murray. presumably Chephren.]120 (3) ….122 In inscriptions of the later Old Kingdom we hear of officials who exercised various offices under a succession of kings. in fact. Scribe of Royal Decrees. The small figures on the right obviously address the owner and it is therefore likely that he was. …. 19 (e) and n. 3 (5).30 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES ing line coincide exactly if arranged thus.

op. Egyptian Stelae II. figs. compares the caption in the chapel of W¢m-k£. cit. 30–34. 28. 32. however. I have independently come to the same conclusion.134 Although the palaeographic evidence does not provide further support for this early a date.”126 With this example one may compare a Fifth Dynasty false door on which the wife of the tomb owner is identified as “his wife.f ∂t “his ‘son of the funerary estate. but the meaning “My k£ is not opposed” is almost synonymous with the well known Old Kingdom name Nn-∞ft-k£(. loc. pp. Gli Scavi Italiani. it does not speak against it. he is called z£. 81. 131 Ibid. 48–51.124 The caption applied to the first of the three small figures at the upper right is also unusual.2. Simpson. and differentiated by a series of striations radiating from the crown.EXCURSUS I: METROPOLITAN MUSEUM 04. in discussing this. n. more probably “his children and snw-∂t. 30–32.” otherwise attested from the Middle Kingdom and later. for which see also JARCE 3 (1964).” missing.f. 32 and pl. op. 1.”133 The scribe Pt¢-¢tp (or Ìtp-Pt¢) brings up the rear. p. 134 JNES 18 (1959). 58. 135 The sign is discussed by Strudwick.’”130 Junker. by the wigs of the first two attendants. given the presumed dating to the reign of Chephren.. In addition. as in the present case. 132 Strudwick. two series of attendants labelled msw. respectively. A rare exception is .” but is. JEA 67 (1981). which he takes to mean “(seine) Stiftungskinder und -brüder..” Here they are actually the children of the tomb owner. p. for whom (he) has provided. 127 Cairo CG 1417. op. those that name kings are nearly always associated with funerary cults. 3 and n. 123.129 while another chapel of the same date shows an attendant who is “his ‘child of the funerary estate. 133 PN I.135 124 Urk. 130 Junker. cit. 188.4–6 31 ies are concerned. 125 Uhemka. that the high priest of Ptah held office in the reign of that king. which provides an Old Kingdom example of ksm “obstruct. in a Fifth Dynasty tomb chapel. fig. For msw-∂t see also Urk. Mastabas. pl.f nw ∂t “his children of the funerary estate” are assigned to the tomb owner and his son. 238–39 and fig. 46. cit. 126 Cf. fig.” as Strudwick translates. 6. Harpur. 168 (21).”131 The “son of the funerary estate” is further identified as “the judicial scribe Ênt¡” and he is followed by a scribe whose name is correctly interpreted by Strudwick as N-ksmm-k£(. That date is borne out. 195.. in which the uppermost tier of overlapping locks is larger than the rest.¡). indicating.¡ at Hildesheim. the ‘daughter of the funerary estate. Not “his son. 25. 4. The style of the figures and hieroglyphs is decidedly mediocre. This example is shown in Kayser. For a further example of a z£ n ∂t see Stewart. among more recent discussions.. 37 (4). p.’”127 The same term is doubtless to be recognized in the captions of a wife who is identified as “his 128 although the reference to the funerary estate is daughter and his funerary priest(ess). cit. 25 (2): “These are the priests whom I have designated as msw-∂t to do w™b-service for Hathor. 128 Mariette. This is particularly telling because it is applied to figures of such small scale. I. The sign has already been compared with other forms in ZÄS 93 (1966). which is evidently to be read wr-∞rp(w)-¢mwt n Wn¡s. p. I think. 3 v). 129 Curto. cf. . and likewise provides the earliest evidence for passive s∂mm... 28 f.M. fig. where it may be seen that it resembles another Fourth Dynasty example (fig.’”125 a term that must mean much the same thing as the more familiar sn ∂t “brother of the funerary estate.132 It is not attested elsewhere.¡) “my k£ has no opponent. Y. it is clearly implied by the second designation. Gîza II. I.

1/85 .¡). Ìtp-n(. “game”). (2) . For the second and third titles.” which is known from the late Old Kingdom (Fischer.. II. 20. Overseer of the h King’s Repast. RdE 8 (1951). 74. 258 [14]).136 but without clear views of the inscriptions or a complete translation of them. 10 on p.-NR. This pair of titles is therefore to be translated “overseer of all the king’s repasts. as here. the Old Kingdom evidence for it seems to be confined to the Pyramid Texts. Commander of the King’s Scribes. 156 [reversed rubbing] and Urk. as well as “god” (CG 1482). The base gives the owner’s name Ìtp-n(. and Heaven. Godron.¡). ASAE 1 [1900]. who reads the name of the divinity as Ìt on the basis of archaic seals. In the present case the term for “heaven” (Wb. it also precedes the name of Anubis (CG 1385 and Davies. reversed (≤) as usual: (1) Beloved of his father. 58 and pl. has been illustrated by Jürgen Settgast. (b) See MMJ 8 (1973). but may be recognized by the very similar context if taken as a continuation of the title that precedes it: (Z. V.c The proper right side is covered with four columns of inscriptions: (1) The King’s Chamberlain. Sheikh Said. in Chapter 14.Y. Titles. 7. EXCURSUS II: BERLIN-CHARLOTTENBURG INV. Staff of the Commoners. section 2. The proper left side has five horizontal lines of inscription. overseer of the produce of all the deserts (scil. This epithet is comparable to an Old Kingdom title in which ™wy is written rather differently. (4) Revered with the King.a followed by the rather unusual presence of the determinative b and preceded by the archaic title . 7 [289d]). Ìtp-n(. Comments (a) For the name see not only PN I. which evidently pertain to judicial functions.¡). 91 and n. which heaven gives and earth creates. fig.d Ìtp-n(. It is probably an abbreviated version of a name such as Ìtp-n(. cit.¡). Saad.f Who Takes Stock of Troops of Men and Cattle in the Two Housesg (4) . 30) is unusual. p. (c) Discussed by Godron. op. The meaning of the sign is unclear.” It is analagous to ¡my-r ∞t nbt ddt pt qm£t t£ “overseer of everything that heaven gives and earth creates. 193 [11–12]). Royal Excavations at Saqqara and Helwan [1941–1945] [Cairo 1947]. p. He has kindly supplied the photographs shown in Plate 6.¡). comment i.¡)-Pt¢ (PN I.” The use of the sign for ™wy is discussed below. (2) whom his mother praisedi (3) Ìtp-n(. cf.¡). 136 Jahrbuch Preu∫ischer Kulturbesitz 20 (1984). One Who Takes Stock of the e Production of the Deserts. I. 91–98. 3). see Helck. (e) Evidently an empty epithet. and his permission to reproduce them.-Nr.32 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES Excursus II: Berlin-Charlottenburg Inv. Pillar of the Knmt. always in this sequence and often followed by ¢m-n†r M£™t. Marshlands. p. Marshlands and Heaven (3) Commander of the King’s Scribes. pl. 28. Ìtp-n(. The other titles of the official are also concerned with provisioning as well as the supervision of clothing (∂£t). 1/85 The Old Kingdom statue mentioned on p. p. 258 (12) but Vol. 163–68. (d) The first three titles occur repeatedly in Old Kingdom titularies. 380. 19 = Barsanti. Beamtentitel. in which ™wy cannot be understood as “handiwork. Priest of M£™t.” or “production” but in a more general sense such as “produce. Who Takes Stock of the Production of the Deserts.

The same association occurs on an alabaster disk from Byblos (Montet. 37. Nr. that the meaning is changed by the rearrangement. § 639 j. 44–45). (i) For ¢zw see Edel. 10. Like the initial titles. “overseer of the king’s repast” is known from the late Old Kingdom139 but the combination of and is an archaic borrowing. while the epithets beginning with ¡p “who takes stock. and notes. (g) The combination of troops of men and cattle is curious. Junker. see the comment (e) above. fig. pl. Altäg. p. For the reading (™bw-r). but here it takes the form. 137 For (≥) see Petrie.” and Helck. 77. flesh. also II. 99 and pl. illustr. Mariette. 41. In these cases Junker (Gîza I. 182 below. 150) suggests that it has much the same sense as “overseer. It seems doubtful. apparently. Eg. Gîza I. Lutz. Nach– träge. 1980.137 The addition of “in the Two Houses” is applied to many Old Kingdom titles. n. Hassan. 18. 12. Gîza IX. 1. no. fish and fowl. 17. A parallel for the present example is to be found on a late Old Kingdom provincial stela that is illustrated in the Sotheby Parke Bernet Catalogue. MDAIK 13 [1944]. pls. Medum. 211. and LÄ V. pl. pl. 681. Two Tombs of Craftsmen. Titles. 21. 20065 (ZÄS 93 [1966]. To his references for ⁄rwk£-Pt¢ may be added: Moussa and Junge. 62. Hodjash and Berlev. Meir V. The signs and orthography are generally normal. 1/85 33 (f) This title is associated with and in most cases is written (CG 1426–1430.n-k£-Pt¢. the unusually disparate arrangement of the inscriptions. 1690. which are in vertical columns on one side and horizontal lines on the other. p. . and this also occurs without the other title elsewhere (CG 1490. Beamtentitel. 75. Gramm.g. and Dorman. Urk. and the owner’s name is clumsily fitted in at the bottom of col. is of the same opinion. fig. ibid. Firth and Gunn. Settgast rightly points out that the statue cannot be earlier than the late Sixth Dynasty. § 38. lines become progressively more crowded. the spacing is not well planned. pl. 67). the horizontal ularly exceptional. 4. Simpson. 36. see p.” are novel and unexpected—particularly in respect to the strange use of ™wy to designate. col. Both (≥) and (≤) are to be found in Junker. 84).f (Edel.. 303. the sequence and repetition of the others seems arbitrary. pp. 47). Hassan. Excavations at Saqqara III. Egyptian Reliefs. Brovarski. however. May 16. 33a. Blackman and Apted. Western Cemetery. p. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. The more usual phrasing is mry (n) ¡t. 306.f. in this connection. 119). Hommages à Jean Leclant (Cairo 1994) I.EXCURSUS II: BERLIN-CHARLOTTENBURG INV. Apart from the normal sequence of the initial titles of the first column. Kêmi I [1928]. citing ASAE 40 (1940). 4.” while zß †zt “scribe of troops” is applied to people. I. New York. 23. Egyptian Studies II. . Gîza II. CG 17002. and the reversal of in both inscriptions is not partic138 On the other hand. ¢zy (n) mwt. the third sign is omitted in the last of them.. Mastabas. (h) For this and other titles referring to the king’s repast. p. p. 3 instead of being repeated at the very end. no. 189. CG 1689. Hassan. Tomb Steles.-NR. I. p. 138 Fischer. 19. Berlin Inv. also ⁄r. fig. 29 (3). 458–62. fig. 16. In the Old Kingdom the title ¡my-r †zt is regularly applied to the “overseer of the herd. and the vertical columns are poorly aligned. for (≤) see ibid. Scribes: e. 17 b. Colloques internationaux du CNRS 595: L’Egyptologie en 1979 II [Paris 1981]. as in the present case.. Excavations at Saqqara III. 253 [6]. 6. no. 139 And there is at least one Twelfth Dynasty example: Fischer. pls.

139 ff. In the meantime she has also extended the same favor to Nigel Strudwick (RdE 38 [1987]. p. as also the incomplete inscriptions on the right jambs. one revered with the great god. Sept tombeaux. Crossbar: An offering which the king gives. along with her permission to reproduce it. Above and behind the figure censing: It is his brother of the funerary estateb who acted for him when he was buried in the goodly west among those who are revered. (c) The location of the name is unusual.140 But at least one other title similarly specifies the nature of royal documents of the palace: “overseer of the registry of royal documents of 141 It therefore seems more judicious to take the present the palace for serfs and for fields. 2. which would yield three titles that are known from other sources: Scribe of royal documents of the palace. 4) may nonetheless be useful. pp. 15. Priest of (King) Sahure. 140 Ahmed Fakhry. a thousand of beer. but my drawing (Fig. cf. Below the offering table: A thousand of bread. 226.f Left inner jamb: Under-supervisor of the Treasury. and Anubis. (b) For other cases where the sn/snt ∂t claims to have provided the burial see Hassan. Left outer jamb: [Ny-k£w]-Pt¢.d [Ny-k£w]-Pt¢. fig. Who Seals the Best of the King’s Food. 20 above (comment f and note 43). MIO 7 (1960). But a few more signs could be seen at the top of the right outer jamb. and my interpretation of the inscriptions differs from his in some particulars: Above the owner: The Scribe of Royal Documents of the Palace in(?) the Workshop of (? and?) the Two Houses of Gold. 51–52 below.c The Inspector of Scribes of the Treasury and of the King’s Regalia. Gîza II.34 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES Excursus III: Manchester 10780 This limestone false door was in the private collection of a Sir Richard Cook when Margaret Murray published it in Ancient Egypt (1917). Fischer.f. and the cutting of the remaining signs has not been completed here or at the bottom of the column. fig. 141 EXCURSUS III: MANCHESTER 10780 . 62–64. made from a photograph kindly supplied by Dr. In her judgment the pitted surface of the right inner jamb was never inscribed. W™b-priest of the King. and these have been restored in my copy. Who Presides over the Divine Booth. in both cases they may have been supplied in paint. that <he> may be buried in the cemetery. Priest of Re in (the sun temple of Userkaf) N∞n-R™. pp. Right outer jamb: Great of bzt.” title at face value.e Overseer of the Treasury.a Ny-k£w-Pt¢. fig. Before the same figure: Pt¢-∞™. Comments (a) It is just possible that the last part of this title should be emended to . Ann Rosalie David. and (of) the two houses of gold. For the last two titles see p.). 7. p. 301. Ny-k£w-Pt¢. Overseer of the Workshop. Right inner jamb: uninscribed.

f.EXCURSUS III: MANCHESTER 10780 35 Fig. Manchester 10780 . False door of Pt¢-∞™. 4.

I. wr ∂¢™ “great of leather” (Brovarski. The sign probably refers to b¡ty.143 Its use in bzt can hardly be derived from “Kopfschmuck. which begins 142 See Wb. He suggests. 455). Domaines. 20 (18) and R. 69. JNES 32 [1973]. p.” For the form of the title cf. p. 30 and p. both words occurring in the Pyramid Texts). 46. 62. Dendera. HESPOK. 107). as it evidently does in the case of £zb. n. Ny-¡m£t-Pt¢. 133 (1039.” or the like (Wb. 94..e. Excursus IV: British Museum 65953 In the second edition of Hieroglyphic Texts I. n. 144 He 145 has kindly supplied the photograph used here. cf.H. 2 [3. that variations of scale and proportions significantly distinguish this sign from the other contexts in which it appears.” If I am right in suggesting that the determinative of bzt conveys brilliance. pp. fig. cf. in all these cases wr is evidently the equivalent of wr m “great in. 324). 19 above (comment e and note 41). 423). 376 (F9). p. “abounding in..” or “leopard skin. the meaning of wr bzt would be “abounding in brilliant objects” (of silver and gold). that the determinative of bzt may represent a clothes-bag. p.O.142 Possibly there is a connection between the brilliance of gold ornaments and the brilliant coat of the leopard. this also takes the form . (e) Only after restoring this title did I see that Grdseloff had already recognized it in Murray’s photograph: ASAE 42 (1943). cf.” i. p. 27. A more promising clue is to be found in the use of the sign as the determinative of (Pyr. Coptite Nome.36 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES (d) An unusual compound title. to which add Curto. 7)144 inscribed for a certain Ny-¡m£t. pl. cf.” rather than “honey” even though this element precedes ∂f£w in only one out of four cases. n. Gli Scavi Italiani.. Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts III (Warminster 1978). PN I. 171 (2. wr ¡dt “great of incense” (Wb. And the title is at least once written (Hassan. as he does. p. 249) bzt may well have the same meaning. but scribes of the king’s treasure are attested elsewhere. “King of Lower Egypt.e. 22 (3).G. In the name of an estate (JacquetGordon. p. of which the present name may be an abbreviated form. 3). 4]). wr ßm™w “great of Upper Egyptian grain” (Fischer. 245–54. In the meantime it has been discussed at greater length by David Silverman in For His Ka: Essays Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer (Chicago 1994). “The Regalia of Pepy” (ibid. T. 2).” In later texts the determinative is replaced by . 152 [12]). 1 [11]) since here functions as a phonetic borrowing from “power” (ibid. James shows a double offering slab (Pl. Faulkner. but James’ reading is undoubtedly correct. “diadem. p. (f) For this and comparable titles see Fischer. 127. but in both the the two examples he cites. which never occurs in the title. Nor can I see. The second sign resembles rather than . 198). I. Helck.145 A single long title. where only the context shows that the second sign is to be read bzt rather than b£ “leopard. on the basis of iconographic evidence. I. 143 For the coloring of ( yellow. fig. EXCURSUS IV: BRITISH MUSEUM 65953 .. with black spots) see Smith. Gîza III. the head of the bag is certainly bovine rather than feline. in the epithet £zb ¡£∞w “fiery of burning. Beamtentitel.” i.

MDAIK 21 [1966].EXCURSUS IV: BRITISH MUSEUM 65953 37 on the right edge and continues along the lower one. Other such examples occur in the funerary temple of Userkaf (as seen in the notes of William Stevenson Smith). Ptahhetep II. Die altägyptischen Gaue (Wiesbaden 1974). nor is it reversed. also Borchardt. I. pl. 148 See Helck. (and for the Pyramid) Mn-swt-Nywsrr™. 149 It . and it is evidently crucial for the meaning. 146 rests directly upon the standard in the inscription of M†n (Goedicke. Detail on offering slab. it seems hazardous to accept the translation of this part of the title as “keeper of the production of jewelers. the reversal of the arrow would be quite unexpected. BM 65953 For other titles beginning with ¡ry see ZÄS 105 (1978). 3). “stringers (of necklaces). as in some other cases. 151. section 5. as it is in the same sign in the parallel line at the top. The reading of the emblem may be Tp-∞pß.R. it can hardly be understood otherwise than ¡ry ™wy “keeper of (manufactured) production” or “of (agricultural) produce.” Fig. and the only nome emblem that satisfactorily fits the available space is . 147. pl. referring to Lower Egyptian Nome 2. this could refer to “jewel147 ers. in Chapter 14. immediately north of that of Memphis. 21 (CG 1419). And on the other hand. 54–55. and despite the omission of . for which see my Egyptian Studies I. and Davies. pl.148 If this is so.”146 Conceivably the last sign might represent a variant of like . however. Denkmäler des A. The sense of is fairly clear. particularly since the last sign is damaged.” tempting as this may be. In the face of these difficulties. the sign appears to have fused with the standard beneath it.149 The meaning of the entire title would then be: “Keeper of produce/production of the Letopolite Nome (for) Re in (the Sun Temple) Ízp-¡b-(R™). on the western edge of the Delta. 147 The form and use of the sign are discussed below. is much more difficult to interpret. 5. The only alternative that comes to mind is to restore a nome emblem.” lit. mounted upon a standard. pp. 122. cf. Figure 5 shows this and the preceding signs. traced from the stone itself. 15.” But the form of the conjectural is indistinct.

38 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES Plate 4. Berlin 7779 Courtesy Staatliche Museen .

5.4–6 Gift of Darius Ogden Mills. Metropolitan Museum 04.6 .4 Plate 5.A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 39 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 02.2.2. 1904 04.

Berlin-Charlottenburg 1/85 Courtesy of the Museum .40 A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES Plate 6.

A LATE OLD KINGDOM OVERSEER OF THE TWO TREASURIES 41 Plate 7. British Museum 65953 Courtesy of the Museum .

238 [14]) in which is replaced by . 2 Evidently a variant writing of (PN I. 30 (33). pl. 27.6 as well as further emblematic uses of hieroglyphs on a contemporaneous stela and coffin. but it is more difficult to explain why should have been added. pl. XIth Dynasty Temple III. 24 (5). 289. p. 8). R-N∞n On a Twelfth Dynasty coffin from Meir in the Metropolitan Museum. the signs have been placed at the very bottom of this area so that the first of them supplies a mouth to supplement the pair of eyes. Faulkner. beyond the fact that these two signs had long been associated in the juridical title r-N∞n “mouth of Nekhen. On the Reading of Some Old Kingdom Titles 1.”4 The Middle Kingdom example is evidently more literal in that the sign actually represents a mouth. He points out that the signs and are emphasized. p. 3 From G. Scepter I.2 a pair of w∂£t-eyes occupies the usual position on the area reserved for a “false door.1 belonging to the Overseer Of Treasurers W∞-¢tp son of Ìpw ( ). Gurob (London 1927). 125–26 and fig. Blackman in JEA 21 (1935). The present case. Concise Dictionary. pl. 192. 1 MMA 86. and the coffin is described by Hayes. ASAE 12 (1912). fig.182. Brunton and R. by color and detail.1.7 There is no question. Engelbach. 7 MMJ 5 (1972). which I have discussed elsewhere. 19–20 and fig.1. 2.”5 One may compare the Schriftspielereien of other coffins of the same period that are discussed by Borchardt. 6 ZÄS 35 (1897). however. There are also some cases where appears between the eyes of concubine figures. R-N∞N 4. 116–17. that the addition of N∞n probably provides a graphic pun. pp. Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Médineh (1934–1935) (Cairo 1939). p. and on a bronze votive plaque: Naville. 2. Even more complete examples of hieroglyphic “faces” are known from the late New Kingdom (Fig. Aegyptiaca (London 1891). 43 . r n ∞n “mouth of an utterance” or “mouth for utterance. as in the later writing of the name of Nb-¢pt-R™ Mentuhotep. p. in the inscriptions on the front and on the head end. 4 The w∂£t-eyes and nfr may go back to Middle Kingdom devices such as the one discussed by A. III. 109-–10. in any case. another example in Chas. Scepter II. and this point is of some importance because. The texts are published (in hieroglyphic type) by Ahmed Bey Kamal. and MMJ 11 (1976). 265). 5 This term for “utterance” is known from the Middle Kingdom onward: Wb.” I think. 1). 316. adds a most unusual feature. however. while the title in question is MMA 12. that the first sign is intended to provide a mouth. pl.132. 1.2 (Hayes. 45.” behind which the face was turned to receive offerings and other benefits from the outside world (Pl.3 but in these cases the mouth is formed by a bowl ( ) in a configuration that may perhaps be read ptr(w) nfr(w) nb “behold all beauty. Also on the collar of an anthropoid coffin. Nicholson. but without an indication of the mouth: B. Bruyère.

15 SAK 11 (1984). 42). p. for example. Gunn. Alabaster fragment.v. RdE 27 (1975). in for ¡my-r “overseer. this is a survival of the old. JEA 65 [1979]. p. Gardiner. line 5. commented upon by Gardiner.G.15 which the coffin of W∞-¢tp so clearly confirms. 281. p. 6–7. note 69 below. Faulkner. who observes that “in their respective usages and never interchange. as noted in MMJ 13 (1978).” 9 So. 145. § 7. also translates “Mouth(?) of Nekhen. albeit only rarely: MMJ 10 (1975). but. p. 55. The present discussion was originally scheduled for MMJ 14 (1979). r “mouth”). also attested as a writing of ¡ry in the Old Kingdom. “s. 70). 274. s£b ¡ry N∞n. discussed in MMJ 13 (1978). T.11 and scarcely ever as r. reading ¡ry(?) N∞n (but r N∞n in MMJ 13 [1978]. title z£w (or mn¡w) N∞n. Mélanges Maspero I/4. P.v. errs in transliterating an archaic example as ¡ry N∞n. dating to Sesotris I). 209. 66. that r-N∞n “mouth of Nekhen. s. n. Sethe in Murray. Fischer. Beamtentitel. N∞n. p. The writing is attested from the Middle Kingdom. p. de Bourget. 210–11. s. Helck. G. J. 61. p.” without a query. Beni Hasan I. Detlef Franke. p.v. pp. has presented much the same arguments for the reading. 50–52. for flry. 13 Schenkel.H. which include but not writings in which the initial element is either or 10 Con. 78. no. versely. warden of Nekhen” (but contradicted on p. 14 Newberry. 390 (5) (probably based on Gardiner’s conclusion in ZÄS 42 [1905]. 660.v. Inschriften.”9 The Wörterbuch’s interpretation is supported by other Middle Kingdom occurrences of the title. p. 1. p. II. for example.” while (see below) is translated “Mouth of every Butite. and quite distinct. Année Lexicographique II (Paris 1981). de Cenival. 44. Grammar. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 7.8 most Egyptologists have preferred to read it ¡ry-N∞n “keeper of Nekhen. p.”13 Thus the Middle Kingdom writing can hardly be read otherwise than r-N∞n. s. Private-Name Seals. ZÄS 81 (1956). Fruhm. z£b ¡ry N∞n. 210. which is sometimes written . p. . in Firth and Gunn. but not in the context of a formal titulary. p.T. Nouvelles Inscriptions.v. Studien. Compare the writings of ¡myt-r staves. K. 12. 575. as Gardiner has pointed out. ZÄS 42 (1905). while occasionally appears in Old Kingdom titles as a writing of ¡ry. n.” Kaplony.14 Since these remarks were written. pls. 14. late New Kingdom. 133.v. Franke (SAK 11 [1984]. Martin. p. MIO 7 (1960). 13. Archives. 7. Saqqara Mastabas II. quotes an Old Kingdom example of as a writing of the title ¡my-r. s.3291. s. 12 Edel.12 it was frequently applied to r rather than ¡ry in Middle Kingdom titles such as.” is to be accepted as a provisional reading). 449. pp. 11 ZÄS 105 (1978). Paule Posener-Kriéger. also . After Brunton and Engelbach interpreted as “mouth of Nekhen” by the Wörterbuch. 188. Dimitri Meeks. but this is more probably .44 ON THE READING OF SOME OLD KINGDOM TITLES Fig. 145. 12. as would at least occasionally be expected for writings of ¡ry in that period. The sign does not have this value before the Heracleopolitan Period (ZÄS 105 [1978]. Grabund Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches III. n. s. 5) also cites (Goyon. 10 Many examples in the index of Lange-Schäfer. 53 and note 55. s£b. Concise Dictionary. Cf. 20. is 8 Wb. following Gardiner. 122. 184. James likewise transliterates the first of these titles as r N∞n in Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions. 304. 9.-L. s£b ¡ry N∞n. remains undecided: “r N∞n mouth of (or ¡ry attached to) Nekhen.

10]. pp. 390 (4). 73. ) appears in a very few Old Kingdom inscriptions and in a limited number of contexts (Fig. p.” and which. See also Franke. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. Schenkel. 19 For the fullest discussion. pp. (5) Leipzig 2897 and Berlin 15302–3 (W. (3a) Cairo CG 1564. nos. 21 The same reading had already been advanced for an archaic example by Scharff in Studies in Honour of F. Gîza IX. who categorically endorses the accepted reading.17 Against that alternative is the fact that titles beginning with ¡ry normally refer to keepers of things. theoretically possible that represents a reinterpretation of the Old Kingdom titles with old *¡ry N∞n only secondarily read (or misread) as r-N∞n. he reads ¢ry-sßt£21 and dispenses with any explanation. 369. 2 [1a–c] and possibly [5]). 169(7). 74. VII. It is by no means certain. and . Onomastica I. 22 [9]. 518 [fig. 9]). 7 [9]). 14/4. (2a) Cairo CG 1417. which the Wörterbuch rightly interprets as r P nb “mouth of every Butite. however. 211. (3c) ibid. VII. 57. 51–52) interprets some of the titles in question as an alias of Anubis (Fig. Beni Hasan (p.Ll. e. figs. 72–73. s. (1b) Cairo CG 1385. Ward. 37 [8]). 231 [8]). derived from the same alias (Fig..w nbw (Beamtentitel. 17 As suggested by W. 16 fig.w) in Gîza X. II.S. Peter Kaplony (Kleine Beiträge zu den Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit [Wiesbaden 1966]. 37 [7]. Gîza XII. Index. (3b) Junker. p. (1c) Cairo CG 1385 and Firth and Gunn. (3d) ibid. was sometimes written . pp. 521 [fig. 90. which goes back to offering formulae of the Sixth Wb. but nonetheless interprets the other title as s£b ¡ry N∞n. p. to be sure. p. Urk. 5 [10].Z Z ¢ -YN Ê R R . Helck in Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reichs. 7]. 76.. referring to “the patricians. 6 [4. equally early examples of this are to be found at Aswan (Urk. There is much more reason to regard the Middle Kingdom writing of ¢ry-sßt£ simply as one of the several ingenious substitutions that are used in contemporaneous inscriptions. 1058). 16–17. SAK 11 (1984). Junker adopts the same reading. see below.” 2. r£ Pj. Contemporaneous examples of and as ¢ry-sßt£ appear at all three cemeteries: Aswan (Urk. and from the reign of Sesostris II. 2 [2–4]. Z¢y-n†r The group (var. 2)20 as well as on some inscriptions of earlier date. which occurs only at Beni Hasan. and this is repeated by Hassan. (2b) Cairo CG 1564 (father of same person). 38 [8]). p. Studien. I. 74–75. 1 [16]). figs. Here as in his Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit (pp. 89. But Helck transliterates ¡ry Pj. dating to the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty. 54–55. pp. For contemporaneous examples of .18 Virtually the only exception to this pattern is the old title 19 which is difficult to explain otherwise than as ¡ry-p™t. Asyut (p. in the Middle Kingdom. p. For cf. not of places or people. p.2. 18 See ZÄS 105 (1978). Z¢Y-N†R 22 . Chap. Griffith (Oxford 1932) p. doubtless because he considers it self-evident that this reading is supported by the Middle Kingdom titles where ¢ry-sßt£ is certainly to be recognized in and . (4) Cairo J 15048 (Urk. twice) Cairo CG 1417.w nb. AJA 46 [1942]. VII.. 171. 348. 58 [18]) and in the reign of Sesostris II at Beni Hasan (p. p. 449a–556. see Gardiner. Selim Hassan inconsistently transliterates this title as r P nb (or r Pj. . Asyut (p.w. 20 (1a. and possibly [5]) and others as a designation of a funerary officiant. 22 All three of these writings seem to have been created in the reign of Sesostris I. §7 (d).22 The application of the new phonetic value of is probably based on nothing more than a graphic allusion to this writing of Anubis. p. Smith. 65 [6]). p. For the Middle Kingdom cf.v. ÌY -N† 45 A similar interpretation must be applied to the old title . that such a connection exists. pp.w nb.g.16 It is. Gîza V. 144). as does Gunn (note 8 above). for ¢ry-tp and for ¡my-r. Frühm.

except 3c.46 ON THE READING OF SOME OLD KINGDOM TITLES Fig. 3d) . 2. Old Kingdom titles mentioning Anubis (rearranged from columnar inscriptions.

27. where is restored in another inscription. 2 (3c). I think. 337. while that of Teti has . 298 (22). 326. while the second is even later. Mariette. 58.23 As for the use of ¢ry-sßt£ as an alias of Anubis. p. 2 (3c). 23 (56b). 18.Ê Ê 47 Dynasty. it is in any case clear that Fig. pl. I am quite certain that the supposed (broken at the top) is . Re-Heiligtum II.”25 It should also be noted that. des Fürsten von ⁄wnw.. z¢y-n†r ⁄npw. so that smsw “elder” is indicated rather than sr ( ). The composite sign quite frequently replaces in the epithet of Anubis ∞nty z¢ n†r. 12). The correct solution. 2 (2b) the shrine is omitted. as also in epithets such as ny ¡b n†r. VI. Whatever reading is adopted.26 And with sr eliminated. 24 The Belegstellen for Wb. Sauneron [Cairo 1952]. p. there is no reason to interpret as a transposed reference to ⁄wnw “Heliopolis. but it seems unlikely that the sportive writing is. this does not seem to be attested any earlier than the Roman Period. but his copy is mistaken. and only rarely at that late a date. 26 b (N). fig.24 The alias may be based on the previous use of . Egyptian Stelae II.. In this connection it should be noted that there is no other Old Kingdom evidence for ¢ry-sßt£ + name of god. Sethe (Übersetzung und Kommentar III. Dendera. and the shrine is necessarily placed beneath. which is followed by wt “embalmer” and ¢ry-sßt£. III.f refers to the king. Here the hieroglyphs are arranged in a horizontal line. p. and Papyrus Rhind I (pp.C. 391) notes that this is to be read as in Pyr. It is therefore quite impossible to interpret the title as Kaplony does: ¢ry-sßt£ Ìry-sßt£ sr-⁄wnw “Geheimrat des Geheimrats (= Anubis). based on the prior use of ¢ry-sßt£ as a divine epithet.). IV. . and especially at Giza: Junker.28 But if separate title and can hardly have the same reading as the second. 212.. 211.29 The title 30 in one of the Sixth Dynasty tombs located at Qasr of Neuserre. The same error is made by Lauer. Rituel de l’embaumement (new edition by S. is to read the group just as it appears. then the first element is a orifically transposed. 84 (14). 189 [8–9]). 750 d). in both cases. p. But here n†r. for which we have no evidence. s0 that Anubis is no longer “over” (¢ry) the shrine. p. But in Fig. Gîza II.C.” see JNES 18 (1959). pp. p. 295. 26 Fischer. is decidedly bent forward. b) cannot be combined with ¢ry-sßt£. 2 (2a. 27 Assuming that Kaplony’s reading is prompted by the Heliopolitan ¢wt-sr (Wb. A final objection to the reading ¢ry-sßt£ (although it is scarcely needed) is the fact that and are repeatedly written side by side in Fig. i.. etc.e. with the god’s name honand ¢ry-sßt£ are not combined. written is given by Stewart.2 . Inschriften. 25 Kaplony. 72. Mastabas. ASAE 55 (1958). 7 (1). etc. 268. conversely. which follows it in CG 1417. 81–83.f “who belongs to the heart of his god. as a sportive writing. It is only on monuments of much later date that we find titles such as “he who is 23 privy to the secrets of Ptah” (CG 667).f “he who is privy to the secret(s) of his god” (examples in CG 1485. p. Another Old Kingdom example. xiii) dates the first to about 50 B. which belongs to the father of the same individual. include two references. 28 One might possibly see an exception in ¢ry-sßt£ n n†r. 9 B. pp. 11. where is attributed to a lector priest in the Sun Temple are mentioned (Pyr. whereas in all the other cases the arrangement is columnar. 29 The version of Merenre is thus. Additional support for this reading is to be found in the Pyramid Texts.” and he identifies z¢ n†r as the structure over which Anubis presides. Egyptian Studies I.”27 If the reading *¢ry-sßt£ Ìry-sßt£ is precluded for CG 1417. “das allgemeine Personendeterminativ der Pyr. 130. Sauneron (p. Z Ì YYNN R R ZÌ . pl. fig. and reappears as For examples of this date see Fischer. the same is true of Fig. so that the title is actually the familiar ∞rp z¢. 30 Bissing. since this phrase does not follow in CG 1564. figs. after reexamining the fragment in question. 628. IV. 11 [10]). 28. p.







es-Sayyad.31 In the Middle Kingdom it reappears in various forms: ,32 ,33 ,34 ,35 which are not to be confused with Middle Egyptian ,36 “councillor” or the like, i.e., “belonging to the council.” While none of these parallels is identical to the case at hand, there being no mention of Anubis, one of them, at Meir, appears in the context of funerary rituals, as is also true of the Sixth Dynasty example at Qasr es-Sayyad, and in the same context it is replaced by , which is patterned on one of the common epithets of this god “who presides over the divine booth.”37 Thus, as Blackman has perceived,38 the meaning is not “councilor of the god,” but “one who belongs to the divine booth;” one might translate it less literally as “Anubite.” Applying this conclusion to the various examples shown in Figure 2, we may interpret the first of them as z¢y-n†r ⁄npw, “he who belongs to the divine booth of Anubis.” In the second title the reading is (a) ¡wn smsw ⁄npw z¢y-n†r and (b) ¡wn smsw ⁄npw, perhaps “senior pillar of Anubis.”39 The third title (3a) confirms the fact that Anubis is himself called z¢y-n†r: it is “¢m-n†rpriest of Anubis, He of the Divine Booth.” Since the possessor of this priestly title is als0 “¢m-n†r-priest of W£∂t,” title 3 b, c cannot well be understood as Junker translates it: “Der Priester der Gotteshalle des Anubis in Aphroditopolis.”40 The parallel indicates that it is “¢m-n†r-priest of Anubis, He of the Divine Booth, and of W£∂t.” The omission of before
Torgny Säve-Söderbergh, The Old Kingdom Cemetery at Hamra Dom (El-Qasr wa es-Saiyad) (Stockholm 1994); the inscription in which this occurs (pl. 20) is not “giving a libation to the temple,” as stated on p. 46, but “the giving of a libation (by) the z¢y-n†r.” A reference to ¢wt-n†r “temple” does occur in another caption below this, but the form of ¢wt is different, as is the context. 32 Blackman, Meir III, pl. 23 and p. 32 (cf. n. 37 below). 33 J.E. Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara (1906–1907) (Cairo 1908), pl. 7 (3); this is probably the earliest of the Middle Kingdom examples quoted here, but it is not necessarily earlier than the Twelfth Dynasty. The official in question is also a w™b ™£ “great w™b-priest.” 34 Engelbach and Gunn, Harageh, p. 26, note 11, and pls. 71, 74 (3). 35 Berlin Pap. 10003: Borchardt, ZÄS 37 (1899), p. 98. This reference is cited by Gunn (see preceding note) as well as another z¢y n†r in F.Ll. Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob (London, 1898), pl. 21 (25). Two of the preceding references have also been cited by Grdseloff, ASAE 51 (1951), 139–40, and others by Ward, Index, no. 1322, where z¢y n†r is translated as “counsellor[sic] of a God.” 36 Wb. III, p. 466 (7–9); z¢y-n†r is not given. Cf. Faulkner, Concise Dictionary, p. 237, citing Gardiner, Notes on the Story of Sinuhe (Paris 1916), p. 34, l. 5. A connection between these titles might appear to be suggested by in Griffith, Inscriptions of Siût, pls. 16 and 19. Gunn (note 33 above) evidently reads this as z¢y-n†r mry.f, but Janssen more plausibly reads z¢y mr n†r.f (Egyptische

Autobiografie I, p. 135 [III T 1]; II, p. 173, and there translated “een raadgever dien zijn god liefhad.” An anomalous writing of z¢y is probably to be recognized in the phrase “I was a great councilor, whom [his] lord loved” (Petrie, Abydos I, pl. 54, a Middle Kingdom inscription misdated to Dyn. VI). Brovarski has independently made the same observation in his Dissertation, p. 474 (c). 37 Blackman, Meir III, pl. 21 and p. 28. It may be added that the priestly officiants of the Graeco-Roman temples of Dendera and Edfu included (Wb. III, p. 465 [12]), var. (M. Alliot, Le Culte d’Horus à Edfou I [Cairo 1949], p. 183); here there does not seem to be any specific connection with Anubis despite the similarity to the epithet of that god. 38 See notes 32 and 37 above; the other translation is offered by Gunn (note 34). 39 Janssen, Egyptische Autobiografie II, p. 174 (E), takes the second element separately as “zuil van den ouderdom” or “van den grijsaard;” but “pillar of old age” is not otherwise known before the Middle Kingdom. Other epithets mentioning ¡wn are discussed here and in JAOS 76 (1956), 107; ZÄS 90 (1963), 39–40. A closer analogy is perhaps to be seen in personal names such as (PN I, p. 17 [15]); (PN I, p. 17 [17]); (Hassan, Gîza VI, pt. 3, fig. 26, p. 33): “pillar of Min,” “pillar of (my?) k£,” “pillar of Re,” although these names might mean “my support is Min,” etc. 40 Junker, Gîza IX, p. 156.

2 . Z Ì YYNN R R ZÌ - - Ê Ê


in 3d may be accidental, although perhaps it was considered sufficient to refer to Anubis by his epithet alone. It is also possible, but I think less likely, that this example combines Fig. 2 (1) and ¢m-n†r W£∂t. Title 4 is apparently ∞rp ¡zt ⁄npw z¢y-n†r “director of the troop(?)41 of Anubis, He of the Divine Booth,”42 and 5 is “stm-priest of the temple of Anubis, He of the Divine Booth, Presiding over the Sacred Land.”43 It will be noticed that is often unaccompanied by in these titles, raising the possibility that, in such cases, z¢y is the correct reading, rather than z¢y-n†r. The absence of is, in fact, much less common in funerary formulae invoking Anubis ∞nty z¢-n†r.44 There is nonetheless little doubt that alone is to be read z¢-n†r, as may be seen from writings such as (Pyr. 2100 c N)45 and .46 The use of in titles may be explained by the fact that it is written thus in archaic examples of .47 On the other hand is not necessarily to be considered as an epithet in all cases where it appears beneath the figure of Anubis. It seems unlikely, for example, that it represents an epithet in ,48 in which Anubis normally appears as : “¢m-n†r-priest of Horus-Anubis who presides over the house of the ret49 inue.” The same may be true of Fig. 2 (2a). And the group is obviously the precursor of , which became a common writing of Anubis from the Sixth Dynasty onward, as mentioned earlier. This discussion does not take account of several cases where the group in question occurs in Old Kingdom seal impressions that are incompletely preserved.50 The tabulation equally necessarily omits the supposed title , which Kaplony quotes from Cairo statue CG 62, and which actually represents an incorrect transcription of the personal name .51

41 Given the context, it is difficult to believe that this is to be isolated as the rather modest title “overseer of the troop(s),” for which see Junker, Gîza III, p. 179; IX, p. 47. 42 For this title see Kaplony, Inschriften, note 1798. The same title is probably to be seen in what Kaplony reads (Inschriften, p. 368) as s¢∂ ⁄npw on the First Dynasty stela of S£b.f (Petrie, Royal Tombs I, pl. 30). 43 This approximates one of the alternative interpretations of Kaplony in Inschriften, note 1811, save for his transcription of ¢ry-sßt£ (= Anubis). In Kleine Beiträge zu den Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit, p. 51, he evidently prefers his other alternative: “¢ry sßt£ dessen, der im Friedhof wohnt (∞nty-t£-∂sr, Anubis) im(?) Tempel.” 44 See Junker, Gîza II, p. 116, who points to examples on the sarcophagus of Mnw-∞™.f (Cairo J 48852: JEA 19 [1933] pls. 21–24). But Old Kingdom examples of normally show the sign within (as in the case of Cairo CG 1495, 1587, 1788); in the case of J 48852 this and other signs show no internal detail whatever. 45 The same writing also occurs in the epithet of Anubis

∞nty z¢-n†r: LD II, pl. 18; Junker, Gîza IX, fig. 117, p, 257. 46 Martin, Hetepka, pl. 31 (73), again in the epithet ∞nty z¢-n†r. Compare, in the same context : Lutz, Steles, pl. 3 (4). 47 See Kaplony, Inschriften, notes 1809, 1810, and figures 119, 315, 335, 337, 482, 812. 48 Petrie and Murray, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels, pl. 15. 49 For the normal writing see p. 9 above. 50 Borchardt, Grabd. Ne-user-re™, p. 132; Reisner–Smith, Hist. Giza Necr. II, figs. 50 (34-12-8) and 57, the latter perhaps to be read s¢∂ wtw ⁄npw “inspector of embalmers of Anubis,” and [wtw] is thus perhaps to be restored in an incomplete First Dynasty seal impression (Emery, Great Tombs of the First Dynasty III [London 1958], pl. 82 [43]). Kaplony (Inschriften, p. 368) takes this as s¢∂ ⁄npw, as also on the stela of S£b.f, but the latter is probably ∞rp ¡zt ⁄npw ; see note 42 above. 51 Kleine Beiträge, p. 58. Correctly transcribed by Ranke, PN I, p. 263 (10), as seen from the statue itself in Cairo.

3. THE









3. The reading of

in titles

In my Coptite Nome, pp. 126–29, I concluded that, although there is ample evidence for s∂£t “seal” in the Old Kingdom, the determinative, when present, is consistently , and that this determinative was evidently not replaced by until the Middle Kingdom. Futhermore, while there is not a great deal of evidence for phonetic writings of and in Old Kingdom titles, which are interchangeable, all of that evidence consistently shows as a phonetic complement to these signs, indicating ∞tm or ∞tmt. Despite these indications, I still hesitated to abandon the prevailing preference for the reading of as s∂£wt/s∂£wty in most titles, since it seems unwise, in such cases, to replace a standard reading, however doubtful, by another that cannot be proven conclusively.52 In this particular instance, however, I now believe that my conservatism was misplaced. Had I pressed my inquiry more earnestly, I should have realized that there is at least one late Middle Kingdom writing of the most recurrent title which clearly betrays the root 53 ∞tm; can hardly be read in any other way than ∞tmty B¡ty, or, more precisely ∞tmwty-B¡ty “treasurer of the King of Lower Egypt.” There is further phonetic evidence for the 54 word ∞tmt “treasure” on which this title is based; the Old Kingdom title is at least 55 once written in the Middle Kingdom, i.e., ¡ry ∞tmt, lit. “keeper of what is sealed,” and an Old Kingdom caption to an offering scene mentions ∞tmt flrt sty-¢b 56 “treasure (or “that which is sealed”) containing festival scent.” In addition there is ample evidence, in Old Kingdom inscriptions, for humbler “treasurers” whose title is usually written but also , , , pl. , , ∞tmwty(w).57 The terms ∞tmt and ∞tmwty are doubtless also to be recognized in titles referring to “the treasure of the god,” as has long since been advocated by Yoyotte and Sauneron.58 60 “sealbearer,” Evidently a distinction is to be made between ,59 “overseer of sealbearers” and the phrase (var. ), which occurs in the following series of titles:
that I discussed in Egyptian Studies I, p. 56, one must therefore fall back on the first alternative, i.e., that it derives from a deformation of hieratic. By the same token I absolve Detlef Franke from this particular objection to his own predilection for the reading of as ∞tm (GM 83 [1984], 114). On the other hand I cannot agree with Wolfgang Boochs’ reinterpretation (Siegel und Siegeln im Alten Ägypten [Sankt Augustin 1982], pp. 105–106) of the evidence I presented in my Coptite Nome; the use of and in Pyr. 1523 does not indicate a difference in the reading of these two signs, but is to be explained as a case of graphic dissimilation, for which see Sethe, Die Altägyptischen Pyramidentexte IV, § 151; Drioton, ASAE 49 (1949), 57–68; also van de Walle in Ägyptologische Studien (Hermann Grapow Festschrift: Berlin 1955), pp. 366–78. 53 Cairo CG 20334, illustrated by Simpson, Terrace of the Great God, pl. 27 (17.4). Checked on the original in Cairo.
52 To explain the odd writing of

As exemplified by Cairo CG 1369, 1443, 57196; Junker, Gîza VI, fig. 83, p. 215; VII, fig. 50, p. 135. 55 Cairo CG 20080 (= Petrie, Abydos III, p. 164; cf. Ward, Index, no. 539). 56 Simpson, Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, fig. 30. 57 All quoted in Fischer, Coptite Nome, loc. cit. 58 BIFAO 51 (1952), 166. 59 Junker, ZÄS 75 (1939), 64. I think a defective writing of the same title is probably to be recognized in the of James and Apted, Khentika, pl. 9 (48). But the caption , above one of three scribes who are shown in the act of writing (LD II, pl. 56) is more problematic. Kent Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000 (Boston 1994), p. 22 [1.8(2)], translates “writing its balance of the treasury,” which may be right, despite the reversed orientation and the lack of n after *∂£t.s. 60 Cairo CG 1564.


3. THE



1. 2.


6. (a) (b) (c)

68 69 70 71

7. 8. (a)

3. (a) (b) (c) 4. 5.

63 64 65 66 67

(b) 9. (a) (b) 10.
75 73 74


The distinction between title 1 and is indicated by title 3(c), which shows that 76 probably the difference of terms reflects a differonce again contains the stem ∞tm; ence of meaning, and the absence of in the first case may also be significant, although this is likewise absent in titles 3(b), 5, 6(c), 9(b) and 10. Title 3(c) also indicates that ∞tmt is feminine, as does title 6(b). And the examples assembled here further show that the preceding word is flr or flry; it does not seem likely that the phonetic complement would be included in some cases—2, 3(b), 4, 6(b), 9(b), 10—and that a feminine ending would not appear just as frequently if this ending existed. Thus the reading seems to be flry (or flrw) shows that it is not to be ∞tmt “containing what is sealed.”77 The occasional absence of
Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, p. 153 (38); Gunn, Notebooks XIV.46.1 (false door of Êtti, Saqqara). For another example, on an alabaster headrest at Durham University, see J.G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians I, 2nd ed. (London 1842), p. 214; here is accompanied by , and this detail has been verified from the original. 62 Fakhry, Sept tombeaux, fig. 7, p. 15. 63 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pls. 4, 6, 8; Mariette, Mastabas, p. 266 (here, as in a few other cases, the critical group is written but this arrangement is doubtless purely calligraphic). 64 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, p. 107 (34). 65 Capart, Rue de tombeaux, pl. 11. On pl. 9 the writing is apparently ; the sign below is partly obscured by a round accretion, as I have been able to see from a clearer print of the photograph (archive of the Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth [Brussels], Cat. No. 1371). 66 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 230. 67 LD II, pl. 64 (b). Cf. (Murray,

Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. 4); (LD II, 46). 68 Urk. I, p. 282 (3); Hassan, Gîza V, p. 62; Gunn, Notebooks (Griffith Institute, Oxford) XIV.46.2. 69 Gunn, Notebooks XV.12 (lintel of Êtti, Saqqara). 70 Gunn, Notebooks XIV.46.2 (false door of Ónw, Saqqara). 71 Hassan, Gîza VII, figs. 98–100, pp. 103–104. 72 Both (a) and (b): Hodjash and Berlev, Egyptian Reliefs, p. 41. 73 Cairo CG 101, 208, 1515. 74 Verner, Ptahshepses, pp. 137, 167 (140). 75 Ibid., (141). 76 Contra Helck, Beamtentitel, pp. 71–72, who does not mention title 3 (c). Also contra Boochs, Siegel, p. 121, who ignores this example despite the mention of it in my Coptite Nome, p. 127, n. 3. My previous discussion also provides examples of ∞tm written both as and . 77 For the use of masculine flry compare the term flryw-™, which, as I have suggested in ZÄS 105 (1978), 55–56, may refer to “authorizations” and which is similarly linked to ™w-nswt “royal decrees.”







read, but it appears so frequently that its inclusion is probably meaningful. The Wörterbuch supposes the meaning to be something like “versiegelte Akten,”78 which suits the generic determinative as well as the scribal titles 6–9. But in the Coptos Decrees79 flry ∞tmt is on the same basis as pr ™w nswt, pr ¢ryw w∂b and pr m∂£wt “the house of royal decrees, the house of those in charge of reversion offerings and the house of documents.” The passage in question refers to the ¡z “bureau” of each, and the inscriptions of a somewhat earlier official include a series of titles that parallel this association;80 he is ¡my-r ¡zwy “overseer of the two bureaus” of the flry-∞tmt, the pr m∂£wt and pr ¢ry(w) w∂b, as well as the “serfs” (who 81 Perhaps, then, flry ∞tmt is best translated “registry,” as also appear in titles 2 and 5). Goedicke has suggested.82 The various titles would then mean (l) “overseer of the registry;” (2) “overseer of the registry of royal decrees of the Great House for serfs and for fields;”83 (3) “overseer of the two bureaus of the registry;” (4) “overseer of the two bureaus of the registry of royal decrees;” (5) “overseer of the two bureaus of the registry of serfs;” (6) “overseer of scribes of the registry;” (7) “overseer of scribes of the registry of royal decrees;” (8) “inspector of scribes of the registry of royal decrees;” (9) “inspector of scribes of the registry;” (10) “scribe of the registry.”
Wb. III, p. 396 (6). Urk. I, pp. 281(8) and 284 (15). 80 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 230. 81 Compare also Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. 4, where title 3 (a) is followed by ¡my-r ¡zwy mrt “overseer of the two bureaus of serfs.”
79 78

Hans Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, pp. 87, 166 (the latter in reference to Urk. I, p. 296 [15]): “Registratur der gesiegelten Dokumente.” 83 Less probably “overseer of the registry of royal decrees and of the Great House, etc.”









Plate 8. Metropolitan Museum 12.182.132 Rogers Fund, 1912

1. NY-M£™T-R™

5. Some Theophoric Names of the Old Kingdom

The interpretation and transcription of Old Kingdom names are not infrequently obscured by one or the other of two factors, or both: honorific transposition and irregularity in the sequence of signs.1 Honorific transposition was applied with greater consistency in the Old Kingdom than in later periods, but there are, as Ranke notes, a certain number of exceptions,2 and he has exploited some of them to explain the pattern of their transposed counterparts; their usefulness for this purpose has not, however, been exhausted. To cope with the second factor one must beware of isolated cases and must attempt to gather a sufficient number of examples to eliminate the possibility of a meaningless orthographic anomaly. This study accordingly emphasizes the quantitative aspect of the Old Kingdom evidence.

1. Ny-m£™t-R™
The importance of the aforementioned points is well illustrated by Westendorf’s discussion of the pattern Ny-m£™t-R™ which he takes to be *Ny-R™-m£™t.3 Very little of the Old Kingdom evidence for names of this pattern particularly favors this alternative, although it is not precluded by normal writings such as . Moreover Westendorf correctly points out that the feminine examples of the well-known name that is invariably written cannot be read Nyt-™n∞-Ìt¢r “A possessor of life is Hathor;” he fails, however, to see that it can be understood as Ny-™n∞-Ìt¢r “Life belongs to Hathor,” in which the element ny is invariable,4 conforming to the pattern of Ny-sy-nswt, “She belongs to the king.”5 The alternative reading that he proposes cannot be proven by the various eccentric writings he has tabulated in favor of the sequence ny + NN, for the position of the initial is
Cf. JEA 60 (1974), 249 and note 1. II, 13, note 4; delete, however, , for which see his p. 347, correcting PN I, 64 (15). 3 Wolfhart Westendorf, MIO 7 (1960), 316–29. His views are rejected by Edel in Altäg. Gramm. II, p. LXVII, Nachträge to § 366, and GM 2 (1972), 16–17, but Westendorf has subsequently presented further evidence in SAK 11 (1984), 381–97. Gilula, without citing Westendorf,
2 PN 1

agrees with his position (RdE 20 [1968], 59 and n. 4); for the first of his examples see notes 51–52 below, and for the second see note 17. 4 This objection also excludes Barta’s interpretation of Ny-m£™t-R™ as “Der zur Weltordnung des Re gehörige” (GM 85 [1985], 10). 5 PN I, 177 (23).


. probably to be read Ìtpn(. and 18 is usual in other names. 1 (2). 340 (1). An identical writing of this name appears on the detachable limestone base of a statue. is probably to be read Ìnwt.215: see MMJ 8 (1973). 16 PN I. Inschriften III. 17 PN I. fig. 12. Berlin. This is actually the same as PN I. 9 Blackman. . although it may possibly be read on the pattern of K£(.. 12.¡).19 6 Gardiner. 43). which is not to be read as .¡)-Nbw. GM 2 (1972). 417 (17). one finds the following (numbered according to the list in SAK 11[1974]. 512 (fig. 178 (4). For the earlier example see Kaplony. 8 Junker.-Ph. 14 O. Kaplony reads the Horus name and Golden Horus name correctly.¡) “My k£ is one who commands that I 11 A second name. p. which is K£(. For the case in question see Wm. also : PN (ibid. PN I. La Pyramide à degrés V (Cairo 1965). pl. 171 (6).17 his no. Smith. Meir IV. 430 (12). p. Junker suggests P¢-n-k£w.” . pl. II. the first two or more signs may have been interchanged.¡)-w∂-™n∞(. 1. This name is also dealt with by Edel. To begin with those from the Old Kingdom and earlier. Lauer and P. but needlessly restores ¢m-n†r after the first and misreads the name in the cartouche. read ™n∞-n. 339 (8). 386– 87): (1) (4) (5) is is is (earlier 7 8 )6 (8) (11) is is 9 10 In another of Westendorf’s Old Kingdom examples (no. 7 J.¡.14 It is more difficult to explain . formerly belonging to Ernst Kofler at Lucerne. fig. Rollsiegel II. to be discussed presently. 76 (32). 11 and n. pl. II. Pl. 39 and fig.¡)-Ônmw. Lacau. 10) the initial does not belong to the name. moreover. 266 (1). the sequence of signs in is influenced by the exigencies of available space. 180 (28). for which see ibid. ( ). no. comparing (Gîza III. less certainly indicating *Ny-R™-wsr.¡)-n†r(. 368. Catalogue des bas-reliefs et peintures égyptiens (Copenhagen 1956). This is probably the same name. pl. it is not zß-flr(t)-™ but flry-™ ∞rp z¢ “assistant of the director of the dining pavilion. 9. Koefoed-Petersen. 430 (4). in Vol. fig. Thus all three names belong to the same king. 16. Peet and ◊ern≈. 18 PN I.16 In the case of .¡-¡t. 3). for which see n. no. 6. 44 below. 15 Brooklyn Museum 49. 9. 70: Here the prominence given to has displaced . AJA 46 (1942). 49. pl. 305 (17). 12 The reading of his no. but may well have been considered a more pleasing arrangement than . with a query. 192 (6). A displaced also seems to occur in the name beside it. 19 PM III2. not considered by him. from an offering basin on the market. 10. remains uncertain. p. S. 11 PN II. where the smallness of has had the same effect. Gîza III. written sign-by-sign in a column is actually S£¢w-R™. Another example like this one has more recently been published by El Khouli and Kanawati. Sinai I.15 and occurs twice again in Ny-k£(. which is thought to be live. to be read in reversed sequence. since it occurs twice. the preceding name belongs to the offering formula. II. Kaplony. since is written thus on the same false door. p. Perhaps ™n∞-n(. The golden Horus name oddly forms the top of the cartouche beneath and the name Sahure is separated from it by a horizontal line. 273 (10). from Boston MFA 27.13 In a third name.1131. El-Hammamiya. for in that case one might expect ny-sy to be written . 244 [1]) rather than Ny-sy-¢nwt. 56 (Giza 1171).¡)-ny NN. 10 Cf. 54. 96 (377). 13. 12 P. a similar interchange is attested in the name . 64 (10).56 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM frequently more ambiguous than he indicates. 25. the same example is miscopied on p. which is not cited either. as in (1).” 13 Junker. 295 (29). Gîza IX. The owner’s title is also misread.

4 (= pl. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. pl. 94. see PN I. 17 (p. 9. Western Cemetery. 49. 59). fig. p. Tableau V. a greater number of examples of this kind: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) 20 21 Ny-™n∞-W£∂t 25 . C. Abu Sir Papyri. is to be found in Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. NY-M£™T-R™ 57 20 or For the displacement of one may compare names in which is written 22 or is written . pp. fig. Reisner. 180 [8] and XXIV [for which see PM III2. 173 [11]. Ny-™n∞-Ônmw 31 Ny-¢pt-Pt¢ 32 Junker. 5. 37 Hassan. pl. 30 Hassan. fig. 32 [26]). pl. 180 [9]). S. 65 (35). . same as PN II. 26 PN I. 34 PN I. Gli Scavi italiani. 8. 3 b) and pl. pl. Ny-ßpss-nswt (PN I. 29A. Blackman. 29 Ibid. Cf. 179. p. 28 (b). Hist. 72 c. pl. 422 (22). 204. Junker. 12). Nianchchnum. 64 (22). 22). Gli Scavi italiani. p. 57 (b). Giza. (PN I. PN I. AJA 46 (1942). in fact. pl.24 There are. 90 (and 92). 83. 8. Moussa and Altenmüller. Curto. 423 (5). 23 Hassan. 276 and pl. : Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. Cf. 22 Abu-Bakr. VII. miscopied). 35 Hassan. 33 Mereruka I.1. fig.e. 25 Wm. 127. 4. 295 (27). SAK 8 (1980). Mariette. BSEG 6 [1982]. Giza Necr. 5–6. Gîza I. 44). 171 (18). 303 (19). and other names of the same pattern: (Moussa and Altenmüller. Gîza III.. 537. 130. Gîza II. ten other examples are all written normally. 180 [16]). § 100. 171 (21.. similarly Ny-ßpss-R™ (PN I. fig. 102). 38 BM 1603 ( James. pl. Simpson. CG 1590. 11 (1). 513. Ptah-hetep.¡)-Ìr 38 Ny-k£w-Nt 39 Ny-™n∞-R™ 29 Ny-™n∞-Ìt¢r 30 . Also (Málek. For this name cf. Reliefs des alten Reiches [Heidelberg 1915]. Gîza VI/3. 155). Leipzig 2557 has the sequence (PN I.23 This comparison suggests that theophoric names . fig. pl. 27 Curto. 41 [1]). p. fig. also PM III2. (PM III2. 39 PN I. 296 [1]). SAK 16 (1983). excavated by Abu-Bakr at Giza: . Cf. 24 Edel. Christiane Ziegler. Another example occurs on the false door of (PM III 2. 95A. 48 a. Mastabas. fig. reading sbn (with a query). figs. (PN I. Gîza VI/3. p. A similar name. 36 Moussa. Gramm. also Málek. Gîza IX. cf. pl. i. 44 (1). Gîza VI. fig. for which see Klebs. 127].n-Ìt¢r (Hassan. Gîza V. fig. 33). 171 (11). 38. 47. Boston). noted in PN II. p. Altäg. p. Archives I.¡)-R™ 37 Ny-k£(. ZÄS 85 (1960). 247. 94 a. c. p. Egyptian Studies I. Gîza X. since the sequence then becomes retrograde. Giza. 694–96. Junker. pl. For the more normal sequence in a name of this pattern see JARCE 30 (1993). Nianchchnum. 204. Hassan. Smith. Gîza III. 180 [17]. I. 32 Abu-Bakr. fig. 104. 4. fig. I. Cf. Abu Sir Papyri. Posener-Kriéger. and a retrograde sequence likewise appears in some other tripartite theophoric names of the Old Kingdom. p. also S™n∞. also Fischer. figs. cf. Ny-™n∞-Pt¢ 26 Ny-™n∞-N∞bt 27 Ny-™n∞-nswt 28 (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) Ny-¢pt-R™ 33 Ny-∞£swt-nswt 34 Ny-swt-Pt¢ 35 Ny-ßps-Pt¢ 36 Ny-k£(. 12 (top). 222 (also the normal writing). NN-x-ny instead of Ny-x-NN. 207. 82. Edel. for which see PM III2.21 and of the type that is under discussion should even more frequently show at the end rather than at the beginning. Cairo CG 1682 and 1700 (belonging to the same person) show the normal form. 117). no. 294 (3). records of MFA. Junker. (Reisner’s G 2435. 12 (also normal on pls. The normal form predominates in this tomb chapel and elsewhere. For the normal writing see also PN I. 47 (not illustrated). fig. LD II. fig. Cf. For the normal writing see ibid. 31 Paget and Pirie.. Meir IV. Catalogue des stèles. 80–81. 28 PN II.

cit. The apparent transposition of the last two elements . figs. Gîza VII. The writings of similar pattern are all to be eliminated: PN I. 24]). II. fig. 17. This is correctly interpreted by Ranke in PN I. Gîza VI. The other exception cited by Ranke is likewise invalid: PN I. 45 Notes 37–38 above. 131. Lacau and J. pl. once each. Abu-Bakr. 18. 13. 13 and 14 versely favors Ìtp-n(. 10. 226. 347. II. figs.¡)-ny-™n∞. 22. The same two writings of the name occur. One might be tempted to read the first seven examples as ™n∞-n(. also attested by Louvre E. 50 As proposed by Ranke. BSEG 6 [1982].f “My k£ is one who belongs to its lord. Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. 24 (but . Giza. pl. 9 (although he admits the possibility of k£(. 6). 11161 and 25408 (Christiane Ziegler. 271 (6. 42 So Ranke.¡)-Pt¢ is also well attested: PN I. PN I.43 On the other hand I have omitted names such as because the weight of evidence con44 While the inclusion of nos.. p. 21.¡)-ny-nb. 95 A. 214). Gîza XI. 12 and 13 in the foregoing list.j)-nj-nbty is advocated in PN I. 68 (d 1.j)-nj-nswt is advocated in PN I. as the appended documentation shows. 173 (5) should be read identically. the first is known from at least seven sources. the name Ny-¢tp-Pt¢ is read on pl. 180 (12. Ny-nfrt-Mnw (Edwards. I. 8. The same pattern may occur in K£(. The name (pl. 422 (16). 14). virtually always show at the end. 180 [14]). 15. ™n∞-NN (cf. 422–24. pl. PN I. 270. and this is listed correctly in Vol. Junker. n.45 Ranke is probably right in reading 46 47 and as K£(. Abu Sir Papyri. figs. 10. P. Catalogue des stèles. the only variable element being the transposed name of the owner. 652. 417 [7.¡)-wr. 172 (7). in the case of PN II. Domaines. This would be the only case in which k£ is transposed in a personal name. 29. 13. Vol. II. 340 (8). and a second example (pl. 5. In the index of names given by 40 Posener-Kriéger.¡)-ny-¡t. 294 (17).” since these two names. fig. pls. n.¡)-Êy 41 (17) Both names are consistently written in this form. 32) may similarly be Ìtp-n(. § 99. but PN I. 64 (21) is discarded in Vol. Pyramide à degrés V (Cairo 1959). 147. 38b). 38 c. the initial is (Junker. be read Ny-™n∞-k£(. and Ny-nfrt-Êy 40 Ny-k£(. Gramm. 43 See notes 25–31 above. Murray. p. An example of (Blackman. British Museum Quarterly 16 [1951]. but may be Ìtp-n(. 66 [19].-Ph. read Khenemhotpe on p. which need not 50 but is more probably K£(. 5).¡)-NN. PN I. 53–54). 366 (referring to I. p. 97 e) is clearly Ìtp-Pt¢. Ny-nfrt-nswt PN II. figs. 148. 47). Archives II. fig.¡)-NN rather than Ny-¢tp-NN. 359. 7) should be read Ny-™n∞-NN . cf. 271 (7). 65 (2). 341. Ptah-hetep. 69.” (although it is possible K£(. 46 PN I. p. nos.. cf. Jacquet-Gordon. n.”49 that the sign belongs to nb). The reading k£(. 14). nos. 9. p. 166. but this is by no means certain. 258 (14). I. 41 Jacquet-Gordon. figs.¡)-Ônmw (or B£) as shown by the more frequent writing in the same tomb chapel (ibid. The name is probably to be restored thus in Hassan.¡). 8]. 16 and pl. 270 [23. Giza. 341 (6). 46.¡)-ny nbty/nswt “My k£ is one who belongs to the king. figs. and by Edel. 136. 37. 49 Ibid. 271 [3. 47 Reisner. 64 (22). 258 (13). B. 294 (2) or. cf. seems warranted by other examples of Ny-k£(. 64 below. see also pp. Cf. Junker.48 also in This pattern would also explain the apparent transposition of k£ in . the second from at least three. 269. 340 (9). 24]. 208. PN II. I. Gîza II. no. 339.¡)Ônmw. fig. 44 Thus (Abu-Bakr. there is ample evidence for the reading given here. and cf. PN I. Hist. Giza Necr. III. 20. 48 Discussed in JEA 60 (1974). 13). Gîza VI/3.. Meir IV. 74 [A]) is read Ny-¢tp-wr. 18. 65. II. in Paget and Pirie. II.¡)-ny-™n∞ on p.f “My k£ belongs to his father. while not very common. Altäg. Ìtp-n(. 248. 171 (9. 68 (d 2. 10) is Ìtp-n(. Hassan. 11. Saqqara Mastabas I. 38. 7). fig. 24 (but . 22).¡)-NN. The reading K£(. see also pp.42 but. loc. 99 and pl. Fitzwilliam SS 77 (Málek.58 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM The terminal position of notably: (16) also appears in some names of Old Kingdom estates. 19). CG 57192. Lauer.

written in Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. 75 (Q). from the same source) is to conclude that has been moved up in the first case and moved down in the second. O. Altäg. I. with which it is linked. fig. as may be seen from Anthes. Gîza VI/3.P. in other words. . and therefore offers conclusive evidence for the pattern Ny-x-NN. It was certainly uncommon. Edel. This difference is clearly demonstrated by and which are consistent58 As will be indicated presently distinguished from one another in the rock tombs at Meir. which may be an abbreviation of Ípss-Pt¢. Giza. 38) one may compare (twice. . p. Abu Sir Papyri. 180 (10). 626 and two more in the auction catalogues of Sotheby’s. is 51 Although it is rightly read Ny-k£(. ™n∞-Ppy: ibid. For another example of the first combination see PM III2. see also E. Giza. 54 For which see PN I. 57 PN 1. § 100. in which ßpss is a verb rather than a noun. passim. not mean “Zu meinem Ka gehörig ist das Leben. 422 Ranke (PN I) compares . in addition to the example of quoted by Edel (Abu-Bakr. 17. p. since ™n∞ is a divinity. June 8. (Boeser. Beschr. pls. Blackman and Apted. 326 (19). 14) and both and (Fisher. 320 (11). no. 70). Index. 51 PN I. but normal in pl. ly. The argument for as the origin of ⁄mpy is actually weakened by the two cases where ⁄mpy is associated with other names. the remaining Old Kingdom name which Westendorf has put forward in defense of his interpretation. 1. referring to PN II. (Cairo CG 1384). fig. 1984.1. it properly belongs midway between the other two elements in the name.” this name is dealt with on p. Murray. 20.56 since he takes these two names to be abbreviations of a hypothetical . 53 clearly shows the same pattern. I. and of (Hassan.” This case is particularly significant because it is one of the theophoric names in which honorific transposition does not occur. referring to an individual named . Nor is Westendorf deterred by the fact that the same nickname is also linked with and . it does abundantly attested and almost invariable. fig. 11) and (my no. (A 2). Cf. Gramm. Hatnub. pl.” however. Koefoed-Petersen. on p. (his no. where it should be noted that the first example is also combined with ßpss-Pt¢). 52 Junker. 9). 26 (13. 56 Referring to PN I. 1981). Meir V. taken up Ranke’s suggestion that the name ⁄mpy may have derived from . NY-M£™T-R™ 59 The only way to reconcile an example such as (Westendorf’s no. The same is true of Ípss. 51 [2]). Nor is it the only example of its kind. Atlas.¡)-™n∞. Catalogue des bas-reliefs. Mariette. in section 3. L. the first is probably to be read ™n∞-Ppy and it should not in any case be regarded as an abbreviation of the second. 172 (5). which he reads Ny-Pt¢-ßpss The only evidence for this prototype (my no. pl. Westendorf has also. in defense of his interpretation of these names.. 6. instead of the more usual writing (PN I. 40 [22])exemplifies the retrograde sequence mentioned by Edel. 12) precludes this reading.52 The correct interpretation is therefore “My k£ belongs to ™n∞. Meir IV. pl. 77 (B). aeg. as Junker has pointed out. 389. p. June 20. (chapel A 1). New York. It is true that the title ¢m-k£ consistently shows transposition in the few cases where the signs are separated..H. 58 Ny-™n∞-Ppy: Blackman. in 55 which case the latter should be read Ny-Pt¢-k£w. 128. pl. pl. “‘Der Lebendige’. and The Breitbart Collection. 40). 55 SAK 11 (1984). but this is a Middle Kingdom name ΢wty-n∞t/N∞t-΢wty. Mastabas. but is a name of different pattern. whereas occurs frequently—so frequently57 that it can hardly be regarded as an abbreviation. 69 and pl. 22 (B). All these cases are doubtless explained by the apparent precedence of in the normal composite writing of the title as . Hieroglyphische Inschriften des Alten Reiches (Opladen. 53 So Ranke PN I. 1990. 6a. but probably not of Ny-ßpss-Pt¢. The name 54 Ny-™n∞-Ss¡. In contrast to all the examples considered thus far. Samml. 50. 178. 45 (A).

which is known from at least five sources.f and ⁄¢y-n. ibid. xxiv. p.59 If the Old Kingdom evidence against the pattern Ny-NN-x may seem to have been presented with excessive minuteness. 66. 2. is not transposed. like the godly epithet Nfrt.f was only used when NN was not. 65 JAOS 70 (1950) p. Monument funéraire de Pepi II. for the example in question see Bosticco. when it was truly the name of the god. p.f rather than s∂m. however. 62 There are two other sources for no. it is also clear that .67 This piece of evidence speaks against Brunner’s suggestion that the pattern NN-s∂m. for the other see BM 534. p. strictly speaking. The three occurrences of no. Stele I. pls. 64 Quibell.69 cannot be interpreted as Ny-sw-⁄¢y. p. Gîza II. In the absence of further evidence it seems hazardous. the name of the god. Vernus. 151) further examples may be found in ASAE 37 (1937).f-NN. 67 Another name that similarly fails to transpose ⁄¢y: Mr-sy-⁄¢¡ (PN I. but not to this effect. to assume that the Middle Kingdom interpretation of such names differed from that of the Old Kingdom. 65.s Ranke has quoted the Old Kingdom name Nfrt-wnn. 69 PN II. Hammamat inscr. and in Engelbach and Gunn. PN II.f. BM 560. 171 (19) and p. . besides Ranke’s two sources (Cairo CG 1483. written ..65 An additional example is provided by . 11. 91 and 569. pp. p. JEA 77 (1992). LXVIII (to § 367). 77 (3). Le Surnom au Moyen Empire (Rome 1986). 62 PN I. Hieroglyphic Texts II. Harageh. III. 98.64 the monument on which this occurs is in such close proximity to the other that both doubtless came from the same workshop. as proposed by Ranke70 and Edel. no. 14 (but note that the same individual is twice . 180 (20). that is because the sparse evidence from the Middle Kingdom would otherwise favor it. 44 (26). 110. pl. the name of the god ⁄¢y. and that. 44 (26).66 ⁄¢y-∞w. II. 17 (6). 344. the pattern was s∂m. 267 (4). no evidence whatever for such a distinction between these two categories of theophoric names. for which see Abdalla. 2) is probably . 38. Gramm. 35).63 And there is another source for no. 61 PN I. although that conclusion is difficult to avoid so far as these particular cases are concerned. 3 are more difficult to explain. p. P. referring to Vol. since. pl.68 There is. 258 and PN I. 63 For the latter see Jéquier.60 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM by two more cases where it is linked with Mr-Pt¢-™n∞-Mryr™ and Ìnn¡. Excavations at Saqqara 1905–1906. 68 ZÄS 102 (1975) p. 29. 71 Edel. One of Westendorf’s examples is to be eliminated. p. 8 (6). ⁄¢y-∞w. In view of the lack of honorific transposition in Old Kingdom names mentioning ⁄¢y. 70 PN II. I. 35 (151). in fact. 95. as will be emphasized presently. 60 59 66 Cited ibid. Cf. moreover. 35). They are particularly striking because names of this type were very much less frequently used in the Middle Kingdom. referring to Cairo J 55618.s to demonstrate that theophoric names of this pattern are to be read NN-s∂m. 29 and n. 33. 3.71 since this would normally be written like PM III2. pl. fig.f-NN. 421 [10] = Hassan. (his no.60 This leaves two examples: (3) 61 (7) . 31. 7. figs. one of which is part of the name . Altäg..

Egyptian Studies I. Edel (Altäg. for which see p. figs. where -wy is the intensive ending added to a participle. Gîza IX. XXIX (cf. 332 (9). .80 To begin with.¡) “I have a child”74 and ⁄w. but its extent and implications are not fully realized.f-¡t. both of which fail to show honorific transposition. The correct reading is certainly ⁄¢y-n. In PN II. 174 (13). in this scene. and by Junker. 141 (5). PN I.s. Gramm. 424(20). Gîza. Fischer. The avoidance of the old perfective in theophoric names Since it is certain that the old perfective occurred in theophoric names as late as the New Kingdom and even after—notably in the royal name Amenophis (cuneiform Aman∞atpi)78—it is only reasonable to assume that this form must have been even more prevalent in such names during the Old Kingdom. as clear an indication of the old perfective as he supposes. These names uniformly employ the predicative participle in place of the expected old perfective form: Mn-⁄¢y 81 Nfr-⁄¢y 82 Q£-⁄¢y 83 Nfr-M£™t 84 PN I. a name such as is generally read Pt¢-¢tp rather than Ìtp-Pt¢. Etpemounis). Murray. unless there is specific evidence to the contrary. 332 (11). as it clearly does in Ìtpwy-sy. 114. 52 and p. 79 This is generally the policy of Ranke. p.). 80 Some of this evidence is considered by Ranke in PN II. 81 PN I. may well represent ™n∞wy-Pt¢ and Ìtpwy-Mn.”73 The point. 71. PN II. p.f “A son for his father. Gîza VI. 74 PN I. 61. 87 PN I. also Abu-Bakr. for Pt¢-¢tp see PN I. 76 PN I. pls. Junker.f “He belongs to his mother. there are Old Kingdom names referring to the god ⁄¢y and the goddess M£™t. in much the same way as a calf called in an Old Kingdom scene: “the ⁄¢y of the cattle” or “an ⁄¢y for the cattle. 289 (23).f-n-mwt. meaning “She (the mother) has an ⁄¢y. p. ¡w-n.”75 and perhaps Z£-n-¡t.”77 3. 30–31 (referring to the same individual). 77 PN I. 258 [9] M. leading the rest of the herd to safety. 27. also p. 56. 196 (17). that it seems useful to reexamine the question. 86 Junker. pp. 150 (4). 237. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries.f “A son for his mother. Firth and Gunn. 28. § 573) observes that names 73 72 N∞t-M£™t 85 Ìtp-M£™t 86 Q£-M£™t 87 such as .f. citing several examples. 69 below and n. 206.3. 277 (15). 84 PN I.f-mwt.f. which is not. SAK 7 (1979). 13. 283 (5). 13. 13 (cf. 83 PN I. however. he concedes that this reading is not certainly preferable to Ìtp-Pt¢. THE 3. Moussa and Nassar. not explained. fig. Thus. 47). 85 PN I. where it is also noted that the cuneiform and Greek transcriptions likewise provide evidence for Ìtp-⁄mn (Hatpimunu. 78 See Ranke. however. 82 PN I. is that the calf is held in a boat s0 as to induce its mother to go through the water.79 The Old Kingdom evidence to the contrary is so abundant. 75 To be distinguished from ¡w-n.72 where the theophoric element Wsrt similarly fails to show honorific transposition. 30. Saqqara Mastabas I. Gîza VI.K. THE AVOIDANCE OF THE OLD PERFECTIVE AVOIDANCE OF THE OLD PERFECTIVE 61 . fig. 195 (12). I. pl. Here he mentions the occasional addition of an ending -w. 156. For the interpretation of the name one may compare Ôrd-n(.” Here ⁄¢y must be regarded as an exemplary son.”76 and Middle Kingdom Z£-n-mwt.

where Ì™py is sometimes honorifically transposed.” cf . no. Hodjash and Berlev. pl. all of which likewise fail to show honorific transposition: £∞-Nbty 89 ⁄£m-Nt 90 Wr-Ì™py 91 Nfr-™nqt 92 Nfr-⁄npw-nb-Z¢-n†r 93 Nfr-Sߣt 94 Ìtp-B£ 95 . 68. however. 69–71 below). the New Kingdom names Ì™py-™£. 312 [12]) may be Z£-Ízmtt. 109. Hassan. p. Another apparently Old Kingdom name mentioning Ì™py is to be found in Blackman and Apted. Junker. 100 PN I. . Gîza IX. . the reference to Junker is Gîza II. The only alternative is to read Nbty “Ombite” (Wb. 15. but here the meaning is probably “a great Nile. 91 BM 529: T. and is not transposed: Nbty “The Ombite” (Seth). 96 PN I. Stèles. 92 PN II. Ì™py-wr (PN I. Obélisques [Cairo 1932]. fig. it would not. Schafik Allam. PN I. fig. fig. p. 3 (2). . 238. n. Ìtp-Zpt 97 Ìtp-Nfrt 98 Ìtp-R™ 99 Ìtp-Ônmw 100 Ìtp-Ônmw(?)101 Ìtp-Q¡sy 102 Ìtp-Nbw 96 In a few of these examples the theophoric element is an epithet of a kind that customarily retains its syntactical position. fig. 23 above. I do not know of any other clear evidence for . Nt “Neith. the final belongs to ¢tp. cf. For Wr-Ì™py cf. 9 and pl. This has been verified from a copy by Newberry in the Griffith Institute. 90 Hassan. 258 (19). The name (PN II. 259 (7). 48: Îf£(. 258 (20). 13 and pl. Beiträge zum Hathorkult (Munich 1963). 234 [8. Or it may feminize the entire name.¡)-Ì™py. 3). Meir V. 102 Curto. Gîza IX. 308 (24). pls. 18). Riqqeh and Memphis VI.103 Q¡sy “The Cusite” (Ukh). PN I. 24. 98 PN I. exceptionally. Egyptian Reliefs. In the remaining cases the theophoric element would ordinarily show honorific transposition: ™nqt “Anukis. also probably LD II. have received a feminine ending. p.H. p.” ⁄¢y. 13. p. Gîza II.G. 298 (13) and M. possibly. 9]). 22. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. this should be added to the Middle Kingdom examples of Ranke. 95 PN II. 101Junker.” Nbw “Gold” PN I. James. Nfrt “The Beautiful One” (Hathor?). Gîza IV. Rapport sur les fouilles de 89 88 Tell Edfou (1933) (Cairo 1935). 93 Engelbach. 264 (6). While is regarded as a feminine epithet.62 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM One name referring to M£™t is . 107 and p. for there is no feminine ending after . p. as would be expected if the form were old perfective. 242 [6]). involving feminine divinities. fig. B£.88 and here the theophoric element seems.” ⁄npw “Anubis. Gli Scavi Italiani. pp. 103 Cf. 76. 426 (27). 25. pl. Zpt is more difficult to explain. 94 Cairo CG 17002 (Charles Kuentz. pl. sometimes not. 181 [5]) is written . and the final t may belong to m£™t ∞rw. designating Hathor. 145. in the Old Kingdom. Some other cases of this kind. 152. 26. Gîza VI. Alliot. 406 (16). fig. will be examined later. 131. but it evidently refers to a divine entity or possibly to a “divinized” individual (for which see pp. Ranke’s (PN I. p. 375–76. The same pattern is attested by a number of other theophoric names of the Old Kingdom. 97 PN I. 6–7 (= Koefoed-Petersen. PN II. p. to be transposed (Ó™-M£™t). 99 Junker. II. where the divinity is taken as feminine Ônmt.

in which the phonetic complement is optional. p. 114 . 198 (14). § 11. 23–24). 257 (27)..124 Furthermore the writing more usually follows the name of a divinity in this group of 126 127 . Also BM 46629 (A. 36. 121 Petrie.” Ônmw “Khnum. Medum.113 but none of these cases is by any means conclusive. 258 (16). excavated by Abu Bakr at Giza. fig. cit. 9. points out. 118 Blackman. 122 123 . 14. p. 119. VI/3. in fact. and . Gîza I. 105. 192 (1). 298 [29]). fig. 259 (4). If Ìtp is less frequently written or . fig. 258 (23). that a feminine name often lacks if this element appears elsewhere nearby. 14. op. A Handbook to the Egyptian Mummies and Coffins [London 1938].125 ples may nonetheless be found in .13: Notable Acquisitions 1965– 1975. pl. 19. 423 [29]. pp.. PN I. Uhemka. for the second see Hassan. 123 Mariette. as in writings of Ìtp-¢r. and . see Excursus II. . 28. 111 Junker. in this connection. fig. 169. 75 (9) (= Junker. 119 Fisher. p. 3 (and 36. Mastabas. 127 PN I. with honorific transposition. 82.132 Here names: . 122 Drioton. pp. 258 (19). but his examples (ibid. 188. Gîza IX.111 has. A very clear example of such an abbreviation is Nfr-¢tp. 73. Ìetepka. 72. fig. . Janssen. p. 33. sometimes been recognized in examples as . Gîza IX. Egyptische Autobiografie I. 54. and Hans Kayser. pl. Simpson.131 . Simps0n. fig.¡)104 The 105 may. In such cases one would expect the other element to display a feminine ending if the form were old perfective. reference to Junker: Gîza II. 125 Martin. 18). Junker. Other indications are provided by theophoric names of the same period. post-Old Kingdom).130 . The same writing sometimes appears in the offering formula ¢tp d¡ nswt (ibid. fig. 13. 107 PN I.W. 129 PN I. where the name was subsequently revised to .E. 7. Shorter and I. 108 From the unpublished false door of Snw. Hassan. MMA 68. 17. ASAE 43 (1943). .” not only is the feminine missing. as well . 198 [16–18]. fig. 112 PN I.107 These possibilities will be given further attention presently. 348 (to I. 140). examples may be found in personal names 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 .¡)-¡m£. 105 PN I. 124 Ibid. § 12). 72. 110 Hassan. figs. THE AVOIDANCE OF THE OLD PERFECTIVE 63 (Hathor).s: . 14.128 .109 The old perfective 112 and . which is a contraction of Nfr-¢tp-NN (PN I. PN I.3. 90–91. that is because the last two signs are in any case more rarely arranged vertically. 117 Junker. p. 190 (2). 163) show that this situation occurs chiefly after nswt. II. pl. nn. Western Cemetery. 131 PN I. pl.108 but even here nb(. The most likely case I know of in which the old perfective may occur in this group of theophoric names is Nb(. This name can hardly be interpreted as nb-¡m£(t) “possessor of graciousness. Gîza II. also a false door in the Metropolitan Museum. 308 (22). Medum. Gîza II. II.” To this group we may also add Ìtp-nb(. . 492. Gîza IV. Ìetepka. Both 114 such as . Gîza VI/3. 132 PN I. Gîza I. on the other hand. fig. 29. but there is no evidence that this phrase was used as an epithet until some time after the Old Kingdom (cf. apparently similar either as “content of k£. 259 (15). 81. 116 Junker. and Junker. 367. fig. 51. 129. but exam(quoted earlier). Coptite Nome.129 . in which the divinity is a goddess. Giza. 109 Junker. 120 Martin. pl. fig. 128 PN I. 113 PN I. 15.. usually belonging to women.” or possibly as the abbreviation of a longer name such as Ìtp-k£-R™106 and so too probably . Meir IV. p. 126 PN II. Opferformel. 259 (19). Fischer. 115 For the first writing see Petrie. 2. 104 Some of the evidence has already been cited by Lapp. 259 (18). Gîza II. 6. Gîza II. Edwards. Gîza IX. be interpreted in a quite different way. pls. ly frequently as writings of ¢tp. 106 So Junker. R™ “Re. 75 [9]).¡) may be honorifically transposed. 130 PN I.S. fig.110 and occur fair. nos.

153 PN II. however.” which is comparable to masculine examples such as Ìzy-R™. . 91 and pl. II. II. that Tomb 35 shows a woman named . Gîza IX. see Ranke. 198 (22). fig. 255 (3). 327 (6).s (PN I. to be read [¡rt] ¢zzt Ìt¢r “who does what Hathor praises. 52. 326 (22). also Lapp. Ranke’s interpretation (PN I.144 and . also an offering basin in Cairo: T 19/ 6/46/1 (PM III2.151 the second element clearly precedes the name of the goddess. 16) may be defective.142 and these are accordingly to be read ™£-Ìt¢r. pl. 345. p. 13). 308 (3). § 11 (1). Ìtp-s∞t. 47–48. “praised of Heqet” (Newberry. 144 PN I. however. Gîza II. . the feminine ending of the old perfective is similarly missing in .139 . all apply to the king (PN I. lines 15–16). pl. 319 (16). 140 PN I. Gîza VI. 327 [6]): “die Haremsdame des nb.145 but they are so few that one suspects that the ending applies to the entire name as a mechanical addition. 151 PN I. 191 (26).” For Nfrt-™n∞ see also note 165 below.140 . some examples which are apparently comparable. p. as in the case of Nfr-™n∞-t. Wr-Ìt¢r. 23 above.64 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM the reading is clearly Ìtp-W£∂t. 136 PN I. note 52. 135 PN I. 203 [2]). p. I have not found a single Old Kingdom case in which this type of theophoric name shows a clearer feminine form such as . p. Dw£t-Ìt¢r “She who worships Gold/Hathor. 202 [12]. One may also compare (PN I.f. 21 (from Macramallah. Ìtp-Z†t and Ìtp-Sߣt.138 . but the latter is 133 clearly Ny-nfrt-nswt. Gîza IX. 142 PN II. 5 and note 9. 294 [17]) and (Leipzig 2557). There are. 202 [14]) . 332 (22). 150. 139 PN I. Gîza IX. cf.i. 59. the last two are Nfrt-Ìt¢r147 and Ípst-Nbty. fig.133 Edel has noted. to be sure. Junker. 370) which may mean “a beauty (is born) to her father.146 Quite possibly. 144. some of the feminine examples are written (also to be found in PN II. 143 PN I. and Junker. 152 PN I. 235 (14).’” p. Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom (New York 1989). the second case indicates that the first does not contain the old perfective ¢tpt¡. p.” And even this writing is not quite conclusive. PN II. 137 PN I. See also Fischer.141 . Analogous epithets came into use after the Old Kingdom: “praised of Hathor” (◊ern≈. with the exception of Nfrt-n-¡t. Junker. pp. Ìtp-Mnw.152 and by feminine Ìzyt-Pt¢. Ìtp-Nbty. immediately followed by another named . 347) and (PN I. 146 PN I. 195 (17). fig. Ípss-Ìt¢r. des Königs). Edel. Ìtp-Ìqt.ty (d. (quoted earlier). 106–107 and 108. in his discussion of Old Kingdom personal names from Aswan. JEA 47 [1961] p. and which do show a feminine ending: . p. or it would have certainly been written like the second.136 . 180. He concludes that it is to be interpreted as Ìtp-Z†t + the diminutive ending -¡. n. 370. 138 PN I. 7. where he quotes a masculine example from Hassan. in fact. Beiträge zum Hathorkult. II. ™n∞-Nbw. Idout.” 149 PN I. 58 (1). and N∂m-Sߣt.148 In three other cases of this 150 and kind. and p. p. 20. 65 [6]. “‘Der Lebendige. 190 (14). Ó™-M£™t. Nfr-Ìt¢r. 235 (10). The Old Kingdom example quoted by Allam. 347. Felsengräber der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan II/ 1/2. II. ™n∞-Ìt¢r. 134 E. 145 PN I. 417 (26). 147 In the Heracleopolitan Period and Middle Kingdom the female retinue of Hathor received epithets such as nfrt flkr(wt) “most beautiful of ornaments” and nfrt “the beautiful ones:” JAOS 76 (1956). p. 141 PN I.K. Beni Hasan II. fig.137 .153 where the masculine name of the god precludes the old perfective. 398 (22). 70.134 In addition. 148 This is. S∞m-Ìt¢r. since the other nfrt names of the O. 202 [20–22]. The first of them is probably to be read Ìzyt-Nbw “She who is praised of Gold. It does not seem likely that is to be interpreted in the same way.149 . is well known in this period . and Junker. etc. and Hassan. 27. as Ranke suggests in PN II.” since ¡r ¢zzt nb. Opferformel.143 . 150 PN II. 108. p. 301 (31). the reference to Junker is Gîza VII. p. 65 (24). p. Ìtp-Ìt¢r. pp. 293). The other names are probably Dw£t-Nbw.135 .

154 See Allam. 167 PN I.¡)-nfr and Nfr-k£. fig. Gîza I.165 The interpretation of these names is also borne out by K£(. 327 [7. 16 [17])..¡)-∞nt166 “My k£ is foremost” and (m. Gîza IX. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries.) Óntyt-k£168 “One who is preeminent of k£. 370. 105–106. p. 155 Two occurrences: PN I. fig. no. also Wsrt-k£w: James. It is true that the old perfective is well attested in Old Kingdom names containing the element k£. 86 (24) and Hassan. s0 much evidence for the old perfective in these cases. THE AVOIDANCE OF THE OLD PERFECTIVE 65 echoing a familiar epithet of the Old Kingdom priestesses of Hathor: dw£t Ìt¢r or dw£t Ìt¢r r™ nb “who worships Hathor every day. 31. 68 [18]). 14.) tern is attested by Wsr-k£. but Nfr-k£. 28). pp.156 But there is. figs. p. It remains possible. 63. 165 W£ß-k£ (PN I. op.”159 as is shown by its apparent feminine counterpart Nfrt-k£. PN II. 679. which is probably to be interpreted as “one who is beautiful of k£. 164 K£(. where this is cited. but they do not affect the question at issue here. 72). 133. 41. p.¡)-mn¡ (PN I. 65 [6]) but Ranke is probably right in suggesting (PN II. K£(. fig. p. additional evidence can be cited for comparisons such as K£(. 6). p. (PN I. 338 [25]) and (f. 340 (19).”154 Some problems are presented by other names containing ¢z¡ and dw£ (which are discussed in the following excursus). These forms may be supplemented by some for which we do not yet have a masculine equivalent: (PN I. 157 PN I.¡)-wsr and (m. 48. Egyptische Autobiografie I. in Firth and Gunn.167 (f. II. It does not seem possible to regard the feminine forms as mere “feminizations” of the masculine name. 339 (5). 158 PN I. Gîza IX. 86 (12). p. 74 [12]). 74 [13]). Cf. Ípss-k£. 203 (6) and ASAE 40 (1941) p. Junker. 239 [4]. Junker.) Ónty-k£. PN I. in fact. 33b. for the meaning may also be “A good one is one who listens. Gîza II. also K£(. PN II.3. 20–21. Gîza II. which is not subject to honorific transposition. 339 [3]). p.¡)-™n∞ (PN I. pp. Mn-k£ (PN I. 11. 83 [23]). 130. as Junker has pointed out.) ™n∞t-k£ (next note). While 157 158 represents K£(.169 that masculine forms such as Nfr-k£ and Wsr-k£ may be abbreviations of longer names like (Janssen. the first pers.155 which is certainly to be read Nfrt-s∂mt. p.160 The same pat161 K£(. 161 PN I. Gîza VIII. 208.” or the like. 347) that the meaning is “die mit schönen Leben. And in the latter case Nfrt need not refer to a divinity. 9. W£ßt-k£ (PN I. 159 So Gunn. 47 [140–46]). Junker. cf. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions. 9]. Finally there is the feminine name . 425 [29]). 327 [1]. Hathor) preist” is actually a personal name. since may simply be a terminal ending. fig. The form (200 [18]) probably does not indicate. PN I. pl. 81 [26]. Martin Ìetepka. also Nfrt-k£w. 162 PN I. Gîza VI/3. however. fig.e.) Wsrt-k£.’” p. 15–17. cit.” where the verbal element is replaced by a preposition and its masculine and feminine nisba forms. Cf. Wrt-k£ (PN I. 163 PN I.163 Although it is difficult to find other sets of the three variations that are as complete as these. 28).. evidently recognizes such a case in (PN I. Junker’s example is Gîza V. 273 (13). W¢m-k£ (PN I. Gîza VI. 105). 200 (16). Junker. as Junker argues (Gîza IX. Gîza III. whether s∂mt is the old perfective (“Nfrt is heard”) or whether it is a participle (“Nfrt is a listener”). Ípsst-k£w (PN I.164 or for comparisons such as Nfr-k£ and Nfrt-k£. p. that one immediately suspects the validity of the parallel.” 166 PN I. VII. Wr-k£ (PN I. Ípss-k£w (Hassan. but note that his epithet “welche das Gold (i. 340 (10) and Junker. 203 (5). 203 (4). for in this case the t would not follow the first element but would come at the end. and cf. Cf. Junker. 168 PN I. fig. . and note 50 above. 180. Gîza VII. one of those that are under consideration. 169 Junker. 82 [19]). p. 152.162 (f. fig. 160 PN I.¡) with the same meaning. p. is not Nfr-k£(. compared to the demonstrated rarity of its use in theophoric names. Junker. 273 (6). 156 See Ranke. continuation of note 3.¡)-w¢m (PN I. VI. “‘Der Lebendige.¡)-nfr “My k£ is good” (old perfective). fig. 103. Junker. 340 [2]. It is less certain. (PN I. suffix. 150 [19]. figs.

103.f. forthcoming. For Nfrt in another theophoric name see above. p. pl. Wsr-k£w. 173 PN I. this may be read as follows: . we are more likely to be right if we adhere to the first alternative. var. whenever we have to make a choice between Nfr-NN and NN-nfr.66 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM Nfr-k£-R™ and Wsr-k£w-R™∞™. the k£-names do not seem ever to have used the latter form in place of the old perfective. In contrast to the theophoric names. 172 PN I. Meir IV. The same conclusion is probably applicable to theophoric names containing verbs of motion. The meaning of the name is discussed in Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson (Boston 1996). To judge from this evidence. At least two examples may be quoted in which the old perfective is definitely excluded: ⁄¡-Nfrt171 and ⁄wt-n. 136 (5). 14. each of which should be expected to reveal its presence: namely those in which honorific transposition is inoperative and those in which the name of the divinity is feminine.¡-Pt¢. or between Ìtp-NN and NN-¢tp. 138 (13). as may be seen from Blackman.170 But even if this were the case. PN I.172 but probably not Pflr-nfrt. as Ranke 171 170 does. I know of no Old Kingdom evidence.f-form ¡wt. however. One is therefore left with the conclusion that there is extraordinarily little evidence for the old perfective in Old Kingdom theophoric names of two kinds. and. PN I.173 since this name does not seem to be theophoric. the writing is from ASAE 15 (1915) 227. Thus. that demonstrates the contrary. Here the old perfective is excluded by the use of the s∂m. 10 (7). 86 (14). 62 and notes 98. Not to be read Pflrt-Nfrt. the transcription of would still be Nfr-k£ rather than Nfr-k£(. Thus it is no different from the writing of the same name on the plate following. although the evidence for such names is relatively sparse. .¡). it was used infrequently.

. but in PM III2. p. 185 Nos. pp. Domaines. 2f. 144. dw£ to praise. 74. in this example seems to have replaced a mistaken . also Moussa and Altenmüller. as . 6 [9]). the name ⁄£w-Pt¢ is also known (PN I. 3. Nianchchnum. 176 Jacquet-Gordon. 11. 10).)183 (m. In any case this interpretation is excluded by the fact that the sign is placed at the end without exception. in the sense of commendation of someone.)182 (1 ex. II. p. 136 (95). Berlin 7969 (f). Mastabas. . pl. 181 Jacquet-Gordon. 254 (23). Hence names of the type Dw£-NN. 32. 652. where the position of is ambiguous. The expected form is also attested (PN I. in the sense of worship by someone. given the fact that these verbs involve a quite different relationship between men and the gods: ¢z¡ refers to praise. 180 (107). 398 (16). Mastabas. but it is evidently present as well as . 254 [14]). 143). Grabd.188 and once (in hieratic) as PN I. citing Borchardt. 332 (23). of the gods. 42).)179 178 (8) (9) (10) It is tempting to explain most of these two series of problematic names as Ny-dw£-NN (nos. 177 Jacquet-Gordon. 105). Abu Sir Papyri. by the gods. p. whereas ¢zt would be praise that NN possesses in order to dispense it. 308 (4). known from three sources—once as . pp.): PN I. 1–3) “Worship belongs to NN” and Ny-¢zt-NN (nos. p. 348–50 (Cairo CG 1511). 186 As in Ny-∞wt-Pt¢ (masc. 183 Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. 175 PN 1. Not recorded by Ranke. m. and II. In addition to these forms there are several that pose problems: Dw£ (1) (2) (3) (4) a) (5) 177 (3 exs. and 7 are understood thus by Helen Jacquet-Gordon. 188 Louvre E 25508 (Ziegler. 648. 65 (23. 269 (m).”185 although the meaning of ¢zt becomes rather forced. it it were correct. 182 PN I. Reisner G 5110. ibid.. 115. Catalogue des stèles. G 7530. pp. 178 PN I. fig.EXCURSUS I: ¢Z¡ ÌZ E X C U R S U S I : ¢ Z ¡¡ AND DW A N D D W ££ AND DW£ 67 Excursus I: ¢z¡ and dw£ The Old Kingdom theophoric names containing ¢z¡ and dw£ show some curious similarities. Tombeaux de particuliers. citing LD II. citing Berlin 1108 (E. Posener-Kriéger omits the terminal . 9. dw£ would be worship that NN receives. 128 [read Iouenptah]. 82 (same man). 45 174 (A) is highly doubtful. fig. 4 (= Jéquier. pp. 292. n. 465. 64 (A). in respect to no.. As she notes on p.)174 175 Ìz¡ (6) (7) (1 ex. 173 (6). p. pl.187 once. citing BM 1324 (= James. one should expect to precede dw£ and ¢zt in some of the examples—and 186 The same is true of a closely related masculine name which is indeed in most of them. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. 445–46 (same person). 426 (22).)184 (2 exs. the example of on pl. 179 PN II. 35 (51) and fig. m. p. citing Mariette. 398 (18). and f. citing Mariette. so also Paule Posener-Kriéger. estates)176 b) (m. Domaines. 2). Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Chephren (Leipzig 1912). Dw£t-NN and Ìz¡-NN. Ne-user-Re™. 4 a. 7–9) “Praise belongs to NN. Domaines. Gîza VI/3. Archives II. 131 (30). it is read Niaptah. 180 PN I. 166. 184 Hassan. 187 Steindorff. Abu Sir Papyri. 398 (17).” as noted earlier. Ìzzt-NN evidently mean “He/she who worships NN” and “He/she who is praised of NN. in Hölscher. 189 Thus in Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. In Archives II.. Cairo CG 1466 (f). 400..)180 (estate)181 (2 exs. pl. 82 (a). 690.189 more clearly. Domaines. p. pp. 316 (4). p. p. p.

suggests that the two masculine examples of nos. the only reasonable alternative is the relative form: Ìzt-n-NN “One whom NN has praised. 4 would be an abbreviation of the same: Dw£-n(. VI (b). Wsr (PN I.”191 He recognizes. 266 (18–25). 12). More surprising is fem.”190 while no. 40. this may be an abbreviation of Ny-™nh-⁄f. no. that no. 6. Basel Auktion 49 [June 27. 31). but one is to be found in Mi-n(. fig. 3 and n. 234 and pl. . p. this name might be explained as dw£-t¡-Snfrw “Sneferu is worshiped” or “May Sneferu be worshiped. 72. 267 (21–22. 400 (referring to I. Nianchchnum. 35 and pl. 415 [4]). and this despite the fact that these names are of much more frequent occurrence. PN I. the masc.”195 with the masculine equivalent represented by no. p. 7) cites three Old Kingdom examples that lack the feminine ending: N∂m-¡b (PN I. p. The incorrect omission of the feminine ending is more understandable. 7 is excluded from the comparison because it is the name of an estate. 192 Ibid. for if one compares examples of the relative form in names containing the verb ∞w¡ “protect.196 An isolated occurrence of . 215 [19]. 193 JARCE 3 (1964).194 If the feminine ending of no.¡)-¡b(. 53 (a). 293 [29]. 254 (23) and II. for feminine examples see PN I. (CG 1592. 8 and 9 might possibly be read Ny-¢zt-NN.G. pl. If nos. p. where masc. 378. 267 (1). pl. 8–9) is conversely known for two men and one woman. examples are also given). referring to LD II. gives no examples. Gîza VI.¡)-Sbk “come to me Sobek” (Münzen und Medaillen A. PN II. 5 is not an error. 16a and Simpson. (PN I. 85 [6]). (PN I.” This interpretation was abandoned in the second volume of Personennamen in favor of Dw£-n-NN “worshiper of NN. and Blackman and Apted.68 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM Ranke initially thought that nos. No.¡) “give me my heart” (PN II. The apparently masculine form of no. 123–24. while the apparently feminine form (nos. 427 (7). 398 [12 and 17–20]). (referring to PN I. 1– 3 might be expected to show the “graphic transposition of the indirect genitive. p. for which again see p. 19). 196 PN I. ¡m-n(. Western 191 190 Cemetery.” there is hardly a single instance in which the feminine ending is inappropriately appended or omitted. 197 PN I. 254 [28]) and fem. although it is not quite so serious as the one that has just been mentioned: at least one or two examples of nos.197 referring to a man.198 PN I. 194 PN II.” The series containing the verb ¢z¡ is even more perplexing. 17 [6].”193 It therefore seems safer to return to Ranke’s earlier solution. even though there is little further evidence of the imperative in Old Kingdom names. and p. Meir V. rather than Ny-¡b-¡m). 398 (17. to be sure. 198 Ranke (PN II. 70 below). 398 [17]). 421 [14]. ASAE 55 (1958). 70 below.¡) “Pray for me. 6 is known for two women and one man. 1–3 contained an imperative: Dw£-n(. 18). 194 [1]). however. 173 (c). also Moussa and Altenmüller. but this omission occurs only rarely in other names. Drioton and Lauer. Nfr (PN I. Note also fem. 309 (28–29). But this does not explain the two cases where no. 25) (the last two in Junker. II. The problem cannot be explained away as scribal error. And perhaps also in “bring counsel” (PN I. form is common: PN I. 7–9 are not Ny-¢zt-NN. 1974]. 4 does not suit this interpretation. 310 (1). PN II. than its appearance in masculine names. 403. II.¡)-NN “Pray NN for me!.192 Furthermore the location of again presents a difficulty. 6 is applied to women. But the gender of these forms is oddly at variance with that of the persons to whom it is applied. 195 Cf.

and the two references are identical.f.s-¡t. 254.205 This corresponds to Middle Kingdom and is to be read ¡w-n. ASAE 9 (1908). Gîza IX. 252. p.”204 No such connection can be seen. 741–42. p. This is less clearly true of the second occurrence of the same variant. 347. but there is nonetheless a motivation for according the word “father/ancestor” special respect. 338 (corrected). Heracleopolitan Period).f-mwt. 90. 63. where the preceding title is only . however. 99 [5]) and ¡w-n. it is difficult to say to what extent honorific transposition was applied to names of theophoric pattern that refer neither to a king nor a divinity. 206 PN I. but points out that the transposition is more understandable in this case since. in another case. in this variant of the usual writing . The word nb is seldom transposed in names of the Old Kingdom.¡)/n. pp. 54. there are scarcely more than five indisputable cases PN I. pl. but the woman’s mother is again a “king’s daughter. . 64 (21).f-¡t. ¡w-n. For other examples lacking transpositions see PM III2. following the title ∞rp z¢.f-¡t. p.207 and another occurs in . “my lord lives for him. 163 [inscr. 208 Macramallah.” Perhaps one should conclude that the transposition of originated in situations where it referred to the king. It seems less likely that this is to be read (PN I. 201 Two examples are cited from the source. Idout.208 which is probably to be understood as ™n∞-n. 13 (24) and II. 207 Note 108 above. 65 (2).s. 64 [26]) and II. Cf.s “Her father belongs to her. p. where a woman is 206 . 15. referring to PN I. but was secondarily applied in some cases where it did not. But. 65 (1). 209 PN I. 210 Cairo J 37718: PM III2.¡) “My k£ belongs to my 210 mistress. as he himself notes on p. which is accordingly to be read ™n∞-n.” Ny-k£(. Not in PN. 205 Kamal. p. PN I. Ranke argues that and do not show honorific transposition of the word “father. but only the first of these is valid. Gîza I. p. To the best of my knowledge. 158 (18). cf. but involve the so-called deification of a non-royal person.f (CG 1595. 202 PN II. In the same place he also observes that this name is written on a stela of the Heracleopolitan Period from Naga ed-Deir.” Given the paucity of evidence that can be firmly dated to the Old Kingdom. 93. 200. fig.” on the pattern of “Anubis 209 Yet another may be found in lives for him. 82. 35). 120]). 202 In the same discussion Ranke notes that the feminine name does show honorific transposition of the same element in Mryt-¡t.f (Mereruka I.201 It is therefore highly probable that is indeed transposed in the other case. 211 PM III2. 185. not noted in PN.” but are to be read ¡t(. 274.” she is actually his granddaughter. where the title z£t-nswt evidently does not precede it (Verner. and also note 104. 146. 149. 347 of the same volume.¡)-nbt(. through her mother.¡)-™n∞-n(. 11 and pl. as noted in PM III2.EXCURSUS II: SOME EXCURSUS II: SOME EXCEPTIONAL TRANSPOSITIONS EXCEPTIONAL TRANSPOSITIONS 69 Excursus II: Some exceptional transpositions 199 200 In PN II. 9. 124. the first of these names is a misreading of the other. 145. 203 Her name does not show the same transposition in her father’s tomb.¡). pp. 362. fig. 143. this belongs to another 200 199 fragment of the same false door (Hassan. pp. Ptahshepses. 204 Junker. One exceptional example has already been noted.f. the 203 woman in question is a “king’s daughter.f-nb(.

p. reading Ny-™n∞-⁄f rather than ⁄w. Classical. fig.f-n. Not. which may be read D¡-sw-Snb (rather than Snb-d¡-sw). figs. and p. 16. no. Yet another possibility is . however.” nized in another feminine name: . related to fem. Gîza VI/3. p.215 and it is probably to be recog⁄f¡. which occurs in a scene from the tomb of Snb. 339 (21). p.70 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM of this kind that can be dated to the Old Kingdom. the early Fifth Dynasty. is Nb(. Gîza. 414 (19). MDAIK 40 (1984). of 212 The third case. it does not appear in the final index of names in Junker. as it is in other cases. apparently. fig. comment l). who reads Snb-rdj-sw.222 despite the fact that one would expect km to be written . 33.¡)-pw-M¢w. showing men paddling a series of three boats.220 It may be added that the names of funerary estates often refer to their non-royal owners.f-n-™n∞. 10.” The fourth case. without discussion. XXIX. Ranke’s . Also Hassan. note 53. June 10–11. 291 (4). 224 Junker. II. at least one further possibility that is more difficult to eliminate. 31– 32 and pl. Egyptian. Ny-k£(. The fifth case. The earliest is Ny-™n∞-Tt. referring to Hassan. 149 [20]). 214 PN I. whose tomb chapel was again nearby: “M¢w is my 218 and lord. similarly Junker. probably dating to the very end of the Sixth Dynasty. Gîza V. 223 PN II. 11. two examples have been quoted earlier (p. referring to Hassan. discussed on p. II. in the second case the absence of honorific transposition would be irregular. which belongs to later date. 167. 403. 312 (15). 220. fig.224 The label is one of four Sotheby Parke Bernet Inc. 215 PN I.”217 The same veneration of an individual is perhaps to be seen in 219 Mr-sy ⁄¢¡/Tt¡. Sales Catalogue.213 As has already been noted. Gîza II. this refers to an individual called Ss¡. in such cases. but W™b-sw. the owner’s name is again transposed. 21 are so written (the last should be PN I. 77. from tomb chapels that are very nearly adjacent. PN I. 220 Ranke. It is the label . but ⁄¢¡ may possibly be the god ⁄¢y. For the common name Snb see PN I. belongs to a woman called Mry(t)-⁄f¡ “Beloved of 214 The name ⁄f¡ is well known from other sources. Some other possibilities must be discarded.223 There is. For the identification of M¢w see also JARCE 4 (1965). 51. Gîza XII. fig. 66. p. 58). dating to the Sixth Dynasty. 217 Wilson. whose name is not transposed: “Life belongs to Ss¡. for example. who assumes 212 that the second transliteration is correct. II. Gîza II. 24 (22). is surely not 221 “He is pure. 417 (22). JNES 13 (1954). p. New York. all the references given in Ranke’s n. 1 Abu Bakr notes that the epithet distinguishes two sons who have the same name. clearly 211 A second reference to Tt occurs in dating to the Fourth Dynasty. 219 PN II. however. correcting the reference to Junker. where honorific transposition is applied to the mention of the vizier M¢w.. is Ny-™n∞-Ss¡. 222 Abu-Bakr.¡)-Tt. is equally certainly Nfr-k£w-km “Nfr-k£w the black” as Abu Bakr takes it. but this name is apparently to be deleted. 387. and even more so the absence of a cartouche. 35. fig. Gîza II. 1983. 167. 54. 402.¡)-m-Nfr-k£w. as he says. ⁄w. For the hypothetical reading one might compare in PN I. Ghalioungui. and Tt¡ may conceivably refer to the king of that name. and Near Eastern Antiquities. 221 PN I. in the name of the king. 421 (14). 23 above. 210.” And the name W™b-Bsw. and that. which is 216 It seems more than coincidental that these two names come hardly suitable for a woman. 35. which might conceivably be interpreted as K£(. 216 PN I. as Junker reads it: . perhaps the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty. 193. 218 Hassan. 213 See above. 313 (22). in n. . Gîza II. 244.¡ (p. Gîza II.

It occurs repeatedly beneath each item in . 157. 2).K. The closest parallel is which occurs in precisely the same context. The meaning is “Horus smites” and “My k£ smites. 62. The first sign is to be understood as a fragmentary list of offerings at Vienna. p.225 Ìtp-k£(. and P. “‘Der Lebendige. 225 Mereruka II. pl. is now CG 57013. 226 PN I.” see ZÄS 90 (1963). however. 11 and pls. For the writing of “father” cf. 33.f “beloved of his father. perhaps referring to the destination or provenance of the boats. 259 (19). 119–35. 392. this word is ¡ty “master. 232 Simpson. however. with note 205. The inscribed base of the fragmentary scribal statue.233 thus: the preposition “to. p. 249 (6). as also in Wild. 167. This reading cannot be correct.230 which he had read as n¡. The base of the statue is published by A. In a later volume. the number of the fragmentary offering table (ibid. however. 69 above. where the repeated name is introduced by the epithet “Osiris. fig. which he reads Z-n-™n∞. 171 [12]).¡t. Hassan.” as in . 18 and p.” but mry. The fourth label can hardly be explained in the same way.s quoted on p.¡)-Ìr231 “my father belongs to Horus. II. CG 1485 and Petrie and Murray.226 As he also observes. p. for which see also Málek in BSEG 6 (1982). fig. Hofmuseum in Wien (Leipzig 1906). ¡w-n.. Gîza VI. 229 PN I. 49 [26]). 1–5. Aegyptische Inschriften aus dem K. p. 240. formerly T 5/11/24/16. So too (Junker.” The individual in question is the son of a king. 228 See PM III2.f “his beloved. 37. Gîza XI. which is Nfr-Mnw (PN I. Mélanges Maspero IV (MIFAO 66 [1961]). 10) is unknown.229 comparing the other example. pp. preceded by again follows each item in the list.t. cf. Denkmäler des Alten Reiches III (Cairo.” which may be compared to Ny-sw-Ìr “he belongs to Horus. p. 2. Gîza IX. Moret and Dia Abou-Ghazi. For later examples. presumably Redjedef. This is more probably to be read Ny-™n∞-Mn (PN I.’” p. pls. figs. 1978).227 Excursus III: Two names mentioning Horus To the best of my knowledge only two examples of the name have come to light. if only because the boat in question is already designated. .f. 227 As pointed out in JEA 60 (1974). The confusion is probably due to the epithet which precedes the first example.”232 The second name is not recorded by Ranke. Junker. pl. one would expect Z-n to be written . 296–97. and it is to him that the epithet refers. Junker produces an example that fails to show : . Orientalia 60 (1991). more usually written or the like (PN I. fig. Ti III. where the name is read Harnit. 231 230 . known from the Middle Kingdom as an epithet of Osiris (Blackman and Apted. 158. it is normally so written in names of the Old Kingdom including another name from the same tomb (added at a later date). Possibly. 380. 248. 340 (15) and II. this is not mry. 234 Junker. since both occurrences are masculine. Meir VI. p. Junker hesitantly suggests reading Z-n-¢tp-k£.s-¡t. 311 (23) should accordingly be deleted. and so the additional designation may name the first boatman. Gîza V. here the name. 59). repeatedly following at the bottom 234 of a list of offerings.” or “Horus/my k£ Cf. 17. Wreszinski. but subsequently wondered if it might be feminine. For the name see also PN I. 378. p. 233 W. 171.t-¢r(.w). 3. the other three of which are apparently place-names.EXCURSUS III: TWO EXCURSUS III: TWO NAMES MENTIONING HORUS 71 NAMES MENTIONING HORUS designations. 18. de Bourget. cf. The correct reading is probably Ny-¡t(. referring to a divinity named Ìtp-k£. 152 [5]). n. 27. n. II. Ranke read one of them228 as ¢r-nt (with a query). pl. 1–2. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels. Qar and Idu. Cf.” and the remainder is to be read Ìr-¢(w¡). and the entry in PN II.¡) is also known as a personal name in the Old Kingdom.

72 SOME THEOPHORIC NAMES OF THE OLD KINGDOM is one who smites. 340 (15): Cairo CG 268. p. 58 and pl. 256 (26) and PM III2. PN I.237 235 236 See p. PN I. 157 below. however. attested on a statue of from Saqqara.f “loving son. Bisson de la Roque. Elsewhere in the text the name is mistakenly transcribed as . . 5. Abou-Roach (Cairo 1924). The same writing is. and this error is repeated by Ranke.”235 In the present case the signs are curiously framed by the other four signs.” on the pattern of the priestly title z£ mr. 33. 237 F. and it is doubtless for the sake of this arrangement that ¢(w¡) is written so briefly.236 and a false door at Abu Roash. p.

73 . 216. 15). also the names ™n∞-Ppy-m-Mn-nfr (PN I. however. 112 [miscopied] and pl. Deshasheh.6. 15 and n. 2 It has apparently influenced some of the translations in Ward’s Index. 174–76. p. Ppy: CG 1406. 63 [20]) and ™n∞(. 1407.” “⁄¢y is the breath of Mryr™. the enduring and beautiful. and the only valid examples that Bennett cites for pyramid names are those mentioned in the Middle Kingdom tale of Sinuhe. 95 ff. 44 [25] and II. 316–17. 8. 58 (8) suggests in the second case.5 and toponyms were similarly curtailed. offers a negative opinion. 1438. p. the modern Hu. but no discussion. 8 In the name (Petrie. is not known to have been used until the Middle Kingdom. 1579. 1522.¡)-m-Mn-nfr (Jéquier. 223. this matter—like the reading of many personal names of the Old Kingdom—cannot be taken for granted At least one challenge to the accepted reading was offered almost thirty years ago by John Bennett. 1574. been conclusively endorsed2 or refuted. 1431. cf.). but has not taken account of the first one. p. 4 Mryr™: Cairo CG 1404. Mn-nfr “Memphis. Tombeaux des particuliers. On the Interpretation of Names of Pyramids While there seems to be a well-established consensus as to how the names of Old Kingdom pyramids are to be read and interpreted. p. 1730. Königliche Dokumente. it follows that an example such as means “Pepy I’s pyramid. 27) 1 which is probably to be compared with the equally puzzling name (Urk. 60 (641.8 JEA 52 (1966).” Goedicke. 878. Besiedlung II. but does not contribute to the argument. A further argument that Bennett might have brought forward in support of his idea is the fact that the reference to the king may employ either the nomen or prenomen: thus the example that has just been cited may take the form . but is not applied consistently. 344). as customarily thought. Cf. The last sign may be an abbreviated writing of †£w “breath” although †£w does not seem to be attested otherwise in personal names at so early a date: “Mn-nfr is my breath. n. pl. 12. A supplement appears in JEA 55 (1969).” which he also cites. to my knowledge. BiOr 37 (1980). Egyptian personal names at all periods were frequently reduced to hypocoristica.3 Bennett argues that since the names of kings were sometimes omitted from the names of their pyramids.1 but it has not.” which was soon shortened to Ìwt-s∞m and finally Ìw(t).4 The omission of the royal name might. 7 See Gomaà. if not earlier. mn-nfr represents a pair of masculine participles and not. and in the second case it is honorifically transposed. p. 6 JARCE 1 (1962). where Mn-nfr is again written . one of the most striking examples being Ìwt-s∞m-Óprk£r™-m£™-∞rw “The Mansion Kheperkare (Justified)-is-Powerful. 209 [15].” In other words. etc. compare PN I.7 although it was applied to the pyramid somewhat earlier. my comment in Titles. be explained with equal plausibility as an abbreviation.6 This case is particularly apt because the abbreviation took place by the Thirteenth Dynasty. 61. I. the old perfective (“Pepy Abides and is Beautiful”). 3 Goedicke. 5 PN II.

14 PN I. the most common examples follow the pattern Mr-NN (god)-™n∞-NN (king). the supposed name Ìr. this second example even more certainly indicates that the royal name belongs to the name of the pyramid. 19. 13 12 . In many cases these estate names are differentiated only by the names of the rulers.”15 The best comparative evidence.”17 One might. that this name follows the pattern of . 469. Egyptian Studies I. “The God NN Desires that King NN Live. another personal name is oddly written . probably dating to the Eighth Dynasty. 10 Urk. for example. whose name is also written . pp. I.14 however the form of is to be interpreted. would not speak against it. 179. 251–55. NN named ‘The God NN Causes King NN to Live’”). Ó™-Ówfw. ™n∞-m-†nnt “Life (or ™n∞. compare. for this is likewise paralleled by personal names. to be sure.74 ON THE INTERPRETATION OF NAMES OF PYRAMIDS and his remaining example. Domaines. 17 See Jacquet-Gordon. pls. The variant with Mryr™ occurs on pl. The same is true of estates such as Wr-Wn¡s. So also does “my k£ is (or “is in”) Ó™-nfr-Mrnr™.9 Nor can any greater significance be attached to the second consideration. 132 (3). It seems more probable. whose name is also written . 465–66.’” p. Wr-S£¢wr™. pp. 8 above. 16 Citing Urk. Bennett cites a single example of a temple designated . refer to the phis.18 and all three of these recently discussed by Posener-Kriéger. The name is explained by Ranke as ™n∞-pjpj-m-mn-nfr “König Phiops lebt in Mem12 In view of the fact that mn-nfr would necessarily.s-Ppy (Petrie. Nfr-Ówfw. in the Old Kingdom. 462–64 and p. Nfr-R™∞™f. 11 Blackman and Apted. “‘Der Lebendige. Such cases are very rare but at least one of them is worth quoting in this connection.¡ “my life”) is in the Ênnt-shrine. of course. so that the royal name is a distinctive and essential element..” with the name of the pyramid replacing Ênnt. p. read the king’s name twice in such cases (“The Estate of King. 142–51. 6. pp. the variable use of the royal nomen or prenomen.” and. etc. pp. 470. this interpretation would favor Bennett’s theory— or. 38. S™n∞-NN (god)-NN (king). 21) and ™n∞-n-s-Mryr™ (CG 1431.10 or . is simply another term for the pyramid and its temple. 23–24 and Goedicke. however. Nfr-Wn¡s.11 In both these cases. in Festschrift Elmar Edel (Bamberg 1979). pp. ASAE 17 (1917). Ó™-[Nfrk£]r™. 136. 5–40. and Junker. The last point is equally true of the mention of pyramids in personal names. Archives I.” This is more probably to be translated “The Wrt-crown of Sahure Appears.). of course. Meir V. Abydos II. the name of the king was. is to be found among other Old Kingdom names of temples and funerary estates. but that possibility does not affect the question under consideration. 15 Cairo CG 1717. p. 18 Ibid. “The God NN Causes King NN to Live. pls. the variant with Ppy occurs on the upper architrave. 13.” and it is in any case certain that the names of royal funerary estates quite often include the name of the king. compare Daressy.13 At the very end of the Old Kingdom. 9 Most See n. var. an integral part of the name of the official. although it is difficult to say whether both variations of the royal name were used when the personal names were spoken.” pyramid rather than the city Memphis.16 which he interprets as “Sahure’s building (where) the wrt-crown appears in splendour. See Fischer. 460. in any case. I. Similarly ™n∞-n.

80 [14]). Although the usual term for pyramid.”25 The feminine role is probably explained by the fact that the pyramid complex was regarded as a city. is in fact masculine. for example. pl. For this pattern one may also compare the personal name Mn-∂f£-Nfr¡rk£r™ 21 “The Nourishment of Neferirkare Abides. in the Old Kingdom. 298 [13]). Ó™-⁄npw (PN I. to Sesostris I.s. etc. I. 17). 9: “Gold appears in the great portal: ‘Thy (f. I follow Gardiner’s explanation (JEA 41 [1955] p. Theophoric personal names provide further examples of Wr-NN. Nfr™nqt (PN II. 263 [10]).” These last cases raise yet another objection to Bennett’s theory. 19 Urk. Ó™-b£w-Ìwt¢r and Ó™-b£w-Zkr. Nbw-¢r-ß. Furthermore some similar patterns are repeated in the Twelfth Dynasty.20 In the latter cases it is apparent that the royal name must come at the end. personified as a female. it is true that the coffin is designated as nb ™n∞ “possessor of life. 106 (17). 198 [22]). 199 (14). 211 (6. a building would itself be said to live or to be “abiding of life. the latter genitively linked with the name of the king. Domaines. 191 (23). 121) as opposed to that of Goedicke in WZKM 56 (1960) pp. 14).) power is exalted. 462. Isesi (nfr) and Sneferu (∞™).”24 but this phrase does not refer to its own longevity. II.’ says Horus. as Bennett assumes. and s∞m is applied to Sesostris II.” which. including Ó™-b£w-Pt¢. mr. but rather to the life that it encloses.” For Mn-nfr-Ppy one may compare the name of a temple in an inscription of Pepy II: Wr-nfr-R™ “Great is the Beauty of 23 Re. I. and in one case an official of that period refers to the pyramid of his king as ¢nwt(. see Wb. 24 Urk. Nfr-NN and Ó™-NN.1. These probably do not contain two old perfective forms. it was. 107 (6). is followed by feminine forms in personal names such as Old Kingdom Nbw-∞ntt. Nfr-M£™t (PN I. 263 (12–14). 26 Urk. and specifically his explanation of mn-™n∞ as a pair of masculine participles. one might well expect them to be feminine. where late examples are cited. I.” 25 . 7. 196 [17]). Nbw-∞™. concerning the two pyramids of Sneferu.” Thus it seems preferable to read Mn-nfr-Ppy “The Beauty22 of Pepy Abides” and Mn-™n∞-Ppy “The Life of Pepy Abides. as an epithet of the goddess Hathor.3).¡) “my mistress. 210 (2. 22 For nfr as a substantive. 52–54. Wr-Ìt¢r (PN II. and Middle 27 Kingdom Nbw-¢tpt¡. p. 106 (15). Further evidence is provided by a psalm in Blackman. when ∞™ is likewise applied. It seems unlikely that. 23 Cairo CG 1747.ON THE INTERPRETATION OF NAMES OF PYRAMIDS 75 repeated patterns occur in the names of pyramids—those of Chephren (wr). 27 PN I. which consistently refers to the pyramids as “these two (pyramid) cities.” And in the case of Mn-™n∞-Ppy it should be noted how much more appropriately life is attributed to the king than to his pyramid. and see also Wb. 20 PN I. 192 (5. and the same is apparently true of the pyramid names that have generally been transcribed as Ppy-mn-nfr. I.19 and this class of evidence likewise includes parallels for the pyramid-name Ó™-b£w-S£¢wr™. p. Ppy-mn-™n∞ and the like. Nfr-Ìt¢r (PN I. Meir IV. as in the Dahshur decree. Wr-£∞ty (PN I.” or “May the nourishment of Neferirkare Abide. p. as will be seen presently.s. but rather consist of a verb + noun.”26 One might compare the masculine word nbw “gold. in the Old Kingdom. Thus if the name of a pyramid consisted of nothing but one or two participles. and some further evidence for that conclusion is forthcoming from the Middle Kingdom. 258 (11–17). 274 [20]). 21 For this and other estate names of the same pattern see Jacquet-Gordon.

XIth Dynasty Temple I. for his pyramid is elsewhere designated as . abide. which should be corrected to “Glorious are the places of Nebhepetre. Pyramid of Sesostris I (New York 1988). “She Who name Encompasses the Places of Khakheperre.” In other cases one is faced with the more difficult choice of Nfr-⁄zz¡ and Wr-R™∞™. Instead of a pyramid that is “most enduring of places. 33 Cf. But in this exceptional case the old per29 28 fective is used to ring a change on the expected use of participle + noun. section 3. 658 c to show that the old perfective is at least theoretically possible. 6. a greater chance of being correct. Gramm. also Cairo CG 20088. RdE 24 (1972) p.76 ON THE INTERPRETATION OF NAMES OF PYRAMIDS Bennett’s explanation of the pyramid names mentioning a plurality of swt “places” is. 1921) p.” and this case points up the absence of the ending in the Old Kingdom names. Fischer. 37. 36 Petrie. those in Dieter Arnold. Such an ending is not. rd. Altäg. LÄ V. col. Hall in Naville. again omitting the initial element . 10. however.¡-nswt “The places of my father.30 As in other titles in which a ¢m-n†r priest is associated with a pyramid. Mélanges Maspero I. and notably . pp. in general. 557–58. or ⁄zz¡-nfr(w) and R™-∞™.. 37 H. was not s0 popular as is generally assumed. 205. as quoted above. but the title at El Saff speaks against Málek’s assumption that swt refers to more than one pyramid. p. which Junker convincingly explains as Mn-swt-¡t. in Hommages à Jean Leclant (Cairo 1994) IV. The context is missing.R. flnmt looks like a feminine participle. employing the old perfective. 32 See Chapter 5. thy foot is large. but its plausibility is outweighed by the arguments that have just been adduced. I must admit.f.33 While the choice cannot be conclusively resolved in any specific case. 5. 35 BMMA (Nov. p. the first alternative has. . and the cult is apparently that of Merykare. 70. to be recognized in Bennett’s listing of for the pyramid of Mentuhotep II. G. Some of the Middle Kingdom pyramid names differ significantly from the patterns established in the Old Kingdom. Edel. 91.k. Memphis I. p.37 Junker. 31 J.f-wr(w). Varille. note 2. The Tomb of ⁄p at El Saff. very plausible.” one must therefore prefer the traditional translation “The places of Merenre abide” or “May the places of Merenre abide. and was particularly unlikely to be used in the case of an adjectival verb. who cites the case of Pyr. So too Helck.”28 In such cases the “places” are probably to be regarded as the several points within the pyramid complex where offerings were made.” later abbreviated to .” 34 On foundation deposit plaques from Lisht (MMA 22. 17.29 but may possibly refer to the entire system of funerary estates which supplied the pyramid cult.k wr¡ “great is thy foot.35 The 36 is also unusual. p. Gîza V. 26 (21) and pl. the king. which is claimed by a governor of the Heracleopolitan Nome at El Saff: .” This may be compared with the personal name . A comparison of theophoric names32 suggests that the second alternative. and this is done to create the chiastic ABBA pattern that has been favored by stylists down through the ages: ™£ rd. cf.1. 30 Fischer. For the association of åt with provisioning see A. A particularly interesting occurrence of swt is to be found in a title dating to the end of the Eleventh Dynasty.34 This is evidently “The Places of the Appearances of Amenemhet (I)” as initially suggested by Mace.1015–1017). pl. p. § 362 bb. 188.31 The geographical and chronological context evidently sufficed to identify even so undistinctive an abbreviation as “the places. this must refer to a specific funerary cult. fig. Málek.

Wb. p. I think Bennett’s interpretation of pyramid names is definitely to be rejected in favor of the traditional interpretation. p.” While the Wörterbuch offers no equally early evidence for q£ meaning “exalted” or “great. “overlooks” the Two Lands. as Bennett puts it. The pyramidion of Sesostris I has not survived. See also the passage quoted above in note 27. Jéquier. like the eyes on the coffin and offering niche. . pl. although the latter should be modified in one significant respect: names such as and are not to be read Mryr™-mn(w)-nfr(w) and ⁄mnm¢£t-q£(w)-nfr(w). 40 PN II. 439. pl. or. 41 PN I. Terrace of the Great God. here again it does not seem necessary to assume that it is the pyramid that beholds. This and the preceding case exemplify the usefulness of onomastic evidence for lexicographical purposes. 68. enabled the deceased to maintain contact with the external world. 2 (13).”39 one may compare the Old Kingdom personal name “Her Power is Great.43 To sum up. 6 and fig.” the latter perhaps dating to the Eighth Dynasty. but the abbreviation of it in Sinuhe (R5) is and this supports the interpretation of as a substantive and argues against Bennett’s translation “The high and Beautiful. It is written on a 38 Twelfth Dynasty stela.ON THE INTERPRETATION OF NAMES OF PYRAMIDS 77 As for the pyramid of Amenemhet I.” and 39 38 “⁄¢y is exalted.” we may understand this as an allusion to the pair of w∂£t-eyes that were carved on pyramidia of the Middle Kingdom and that. p. but Mn-nfr(w)-Mryr™ and Q£-nfr(w)-⁄mnm¢£t.”40 and “Great is the Might of Re.41 Finally there is the unusual name . Louvre C 2: Simpson. 332 (10). but that of Amenemhet III shows the w∂£t-eyes. The eyes head a group of signs that are flanked by the king’s names.” “Maat is exalted. V. 17. 319 [28]) “Ptah is exalted. If the name is translated “Sesostris Beholds the Two Lands.” and against the traditional translation “Amenemhet is High and Beautiful. 21.” both cited on p. 38. 44. 332 (18). this fully conforms to Old Kingdom tradition. to be understood as ptr NN nfrw R™ “NN regards the beauty of Re. which is the point of departure for Bennett’s discussion. Der Pyramidenbezirk des Königs Amenemhet III (Mainz 1987). referring to PN I.” The correct interpretation is surely “Exalted is the Beauty of Amenemhet. dating to the following dynasty. and correct the reference to Dunham’s no. 42 Cairo J 35133: Dieter Arnold. pl.” 43 G. Deux pyramides du Moyen Empire (Cairo 1933). 61 above. Presumably the same meaning of q£ is to be recognized in names such as (PN II.42 as does that of Khendjer.

terminating before the face of the woman who accompanies him: “his wife. pp. Ranke. 396 (3–4). while at Naqada there is a masculine occurrence of the virtually identical . Coptite Nome. ™n∞-[n.” in Studi in onore di Giuseppe Botti (Rome 1967). and more particularly no. 39. Note also the divine determinative with projecting arms. 4 Fischer. and at Naqada and elsewhere: Fischer. 6 Ibid. 35. II. 26. no. and II. BiOr 36 (1979).1. the second less so. First. the name of the owner is definitely D£g and not Dmg or a variant of Dng. 69. cf.s]-¡t. but a few observations may be added. D£g¡. 8–10. cf. 55. nn. the stela formerly belonged to the collection of Georges Michailidis in Cairo. Note also that a Sixth Dynasty fragment from Naqada is published in Hommages à Jean Leclant (Cairo 1994) I. 370. 36. no. 26. The name of the owner. 38. 5 Ibid. D£g¡) is well known from contemporaneous stelae from Naqada. Although the stela displays only one of the more salient palaeographic features of Naqada—a reversal of that is not confined 6 to that site —the provenance seems confirmed by the style and format. as has been considered possible. Coptite Nome. Secondly.1. as in nos. 63.s is evidently the same as the ™n∞-n[. This provides another example of a feminine determinative like . Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae. owing to its ruinous condition. 6. . 103–105 and pl. The stela shown in Figure 1 has already been published by Sergio Donadoni. It is hardly necessary to repeat his description and comments in entirety. p. Nn¡. 181–88. no.4 Inasmuch as the masculine name D£g (var. 32 (g).” Her name is known from the same period at Naga ed-Deir. which likewise shows a long wig. 18. p. 400. 2 “Due pietri egiziane dell’Università di Roma. 101.1 there are two other monuments that might be added to the corpus I have assembled for this cemetery. his be3 loved. 3 79 . PN I. PN I. 40 and fig.5 it must be considered whether the present example may have the same provenance—especially since the two writings of D£g¡ show somewhat similar geometric stylizations of the ear-determinative: .s in Fischer. Stelae from Naqada In addition to a stela in the Brooklyn Museum which Richard Fazzini has correctly attributed to Naqada.. p. pp. 1 Dunham. Provincial Inscriptions of the Heracleopolitan Period 1.. 347. STELAE FROM NAQADA 7. 82 and n.2 and my drawing is made from his photograph. does not seem to be attested elsewhere before the Middle Kingdom: see Ranke.]s-¡t. the first with a reasonable degree of certainty. in Miscellanea Wilbouriana 1 (1972). nos. This name. JAOS 76 (1956). and most particuAccession no. And finally it should be noted that a line of text begins above the head of the deceased. no.74. 205 (26). when followed by the ear. Dendera. 36. as in the case of the feminine determinative in the Eighth Dynasty Coptos Decrees.

are transposed). 25. Donadoni hazards the suggestion that it may represent smsw h£yt “seniore del portale.10 the seam of her skirt is parted between the legs. the last sign sometimes taking the form 11 in the Middle Kingdom it was at least once replaced by . (= ). one of which has an odd protuberance below the central bud.. 52. and n. as shown in the figure.80 PROVINCIAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HERACLEOPOLITAN PERIOD Fig. 32. The older writing of this title is ... II. 5. cites CG 23.” but without great conviction.7 In this other case the comparable jar may or may not have had a ringstand. 29. to 476 (11). Belegstellen . 11 Wb. 12 CG 20017. As in the case of two other Naqada stelae. fig. nos. for the bottom is missing. 229 below.9 but the apparent resemblance is due to a break in the surface. The more distinctive of the owner’s two titles is most peculiar. Stela of D£g in the University of Rome larly by the group of offerings. no. 10 Ibid. including a jar filled with lotus blossoms.8 At first sight it is not clear whether the detail between the shoulder straps of the woman resembles that which is frequent at Naqada. It occurs on one of the stelae previously identified as having come from Naqada. 418. no.12 but the word 7 Fischer. but it is attested on another Naqada stela. illustrated in Simpson. 9 Ibid. 26. 20 (where the CG nos. Coptite Nome. to this may be added the examples given on p. 8 Ibid. pl. Terrace of the Great God. p. 1.

Nyhetep-Ptah. 41. Davies. p. Uhemka. 12. 36 a. LD II. Dendera. p. LD II. that element represents a structure of some kind. with the addition of the stroke that generally appears in this title. two such examples have already been attested at Naqada. and perhaps Blackman.. fig. The sole exception is “elder of the fowlers. that in most of the early titles where smsw precedes another element. Dec. And for the writings of smsw w∞rt see also Fischer. ) and . Belegstellen II. pp. STELAE FROM NAQADA 81 in question was not determined by a domed structure until the Graeco-Roman Period. Gîza XI. 20.” As shown in Figure 2a. Coptite Nome. Fig. 15 (111). pl. But the change to smsw pr would more understandably have required to be moved higher. The reverse of this sequence of replacement (Figure 2b) is less likely. pl. 127 (9). p. much less one that is known from titles of the period. Possible alterations of the problematic title Wb. a late Old Kindom example of the later writing of this is attested by a provincial stela illustrated in the sales catalogue of Drouot Richelieu. 240. (var. it would have been easier to erase the stroke of . Meir IV. it is difficult to see how it can be regarded as a structure of any sort.14 In addition to the aforementioned . Ti II. pl. CG 1516. 96–97 and fig. fig. 12. In none of these cases is the title followed by a personal name.17 If the sign in question is not to be explained as a palimpsest revision. pl. but note that and are actually (for the second cf. Nianchchnum. 11. 9. 14 13 For examples see Murray. V. The supervisor of fowlers (or fishermen) is more usually : Junker. p. 33–36. 212. p. 12. nos. pl. written in the late Old Kingdom and the Hera15 To these may be added smsw ¡z(t) “elder of the chamber.16 In the present case the enigmatic sign may be the result of a correction. pl. Wild. Paris: Archéologie: Egyptienne et GrecoRomaine. 13.. 15 . fig. 105 (b). 19. Kayser. in view of the fact that there is evidently no room for in the assumed writing of w∞rt. fig. cit. Gîza.1. Blackman. Two Tombs of Craftsmen. op. 17 Fischer. and to have placed or above it. H. 7). 1993.” in which cleopolitan Period. pl. belonging to the same person). 33. figs. Moussa and Altenmüller. the remaining area at the center would have been so vestigial and isolated that it was readily lost along with the plaster filling of the erased signs. 30.” which is known from two examples. I. Moussa and Junge. 16 See Wb. to 476 (6. 12. this would account for nearly all of the space within the rectangular portion. Also : ibid. Meir IV. 8. 91.” having replaced smsw w∞rt “eldest of the dockyard. if this had been the replacement. 2. the title smsw pr “eldest of the domain. 95. and Moussa and Altenmüller. The only examples I know of that omit the stroke are: Abu Bakr. the two elements have been transposed for aesthetic reasons. Bissing Gem-ni-kai II. however. Badawy. 8.13 and the detail at the top can hardly represent a dome in any case. where the Old and Middle Kingdom writings may be compared. Gîza II. Sheikh Saïd. pl. Index. 123. 93 and fig. pl. 1. there are . 74c. It is true. both dating to the Fifth Dynasty: Hassan.

Lord of the Sacred Land] (2) that funerary offerings be invoked for the Sole Companion.b (3) [who says]:c “I made a boat for the Hereditary Prince and Overseer of Priests (4) NNd . The stela is among the 1. 1292 Turin Suppl. whom [his] broth[ers] loved.… He [prai]sede me (5) [for it] … in the northern Head of Upper Egypt. 3. The surviving traces may be translated as follows: (1) An offering that [the king] gives. 1292.5 cm. Anonymous stela. 9 and Fig. Turin Suppl. as is much of the inscription. . and Anubis Who is Upon his [Mountain. The drawing is based on a copy made from the original and from photographs provided by Ernesto Scamuzzi and 18 Silvio Curto.392 antiquities that Schiaparelli acquired in Egypt during the winter of 1900– 1901.” Fig.g I was one beloved of his father (7) one praised of his mother. the Eldest of the Dockyarda [M]r[¡](?).82 PROVINCIAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HERACLEOPOLITAN PERIOD A clearer example of a contemporary smsw w∞rt is known. 3). from a stela which I previously thought of including with the Naqada material. however.18 The figures are almost entirely obliterated. but omitted because the indications for the provenance seemed inadequate (Pl. measuring 23 x 32. but one can see that the dress of the woman is again parted at the bottom.f (6) I came back from there in peace.

JEA 43 (1957).” This area must have been in the region of the Thinite Nome. Bosticco. Coptite Nome.” and this must be correct. Maria Cristina Guidotti for a rubbing and photograph of the lower fragment. In the present case. 276. (f) The sign seems certain from a close examination of the original. 68.n. Stele I . Fischer. it is evidently defined as “northern. PN I. pl. Words and weapons at Thebes As Edel has already suspected.f w(. 31. n. and Habachi. of which some traces seem visible. (e) It is difficult to identify the first sign. the reading of the title is also supported by the making of a boat in line 3. BIFAO 88 [1988]. (c) There is just enough room for . to be read Ím™w. as I have noted in Dendera. 29 f. also in Dyn. who is again mentioned on no. it could be or (cf. and fig. which similarly concludes with ¡¡. 21 Collection de l’Université 345: Spiegelberg-Pörtner. referring to a mission (wpt) performed for the Overseer of Priests Wsr. Evidently there were two terms for the southern nomes. p. rather than “the head of Upper Egypt and the North” because a fairly well-defined area is indicated by the statement “I returned from there in peace. p. in any case.f at Aswan. He and his wife are represented in deep but rather flat ZÄS 85 (1960).¡) [¢r. as in the inscription of Ìr-∞w. Aegyptische Grabsteine I. fig.f who held the title “Great Overlord of Upper Egypt” (Fig. Furthermore. TPPI. The same reading is likewise favored by other Old Kingdom examples at Aswan. line 7). 6¡ m ¢tp. although I do not know of an equally early reference to the “Head of Upper Egypt” that does not occur in a title or epithet. fig 26. Gardiner. cf.20 Moreover it virtually completes the upper part of a stela in Strasbourg. WORDS AND WEAPONS AT THEBES 83 Comments: (a) The amount of space between and favors the presence of . See also comment g below. 16..21 The stela belongs to a subordinate of the same name. however.2. (g) This phrase is applied to the successful accomplishment of missions.s] is in fact the likeliest restoration. nos. and [¢]z. Fischer. Count and Overseer of Priests Îf¡. WORDS AND WEAPONS AT THEBES 2. no. 17. 20 19 § 11. belonging to two officials who performed their duties for the Hereditary Prince. cf. 159 (21). 83. XII: Annie Gasse. 2. 11 (18). 18 and 19. p. p. The arrangement of occurs on a stela from Akhmim (CG 1581). I am indebted to Prof. p. Coptite Nome. . (b) Cf. . Ranke. Clère-Vandier. Tp-Ím™w and Tp-rs. (d) Cf. Jean Leclant for a rubbing that has enabled me to draw this portion of the stela with considerable accuracy. 4). although he favors the latter alone. 1. 94. Heqaib. and to Dr. 3 a.19 the fragmentary inscription known as Florence 7595 is more intact than Bosticco realised when he published it. whose name is evidently repeated at the end of the fragment in Florence. which is of considerable historical interest because it mentions an ⁄n-¡t. The sign (with a base) is. a possibility that Gardiner concedes (ibid. 8).

Coptite Nome.182. 280 and fig.22 It is the lack of such a border that has previously made it difficult to determine how much was missing at the right edge of the lower fragment. nos. but held with both hands (Kush 9 [1961].f. for Naqada see Fischer. 60 and pls. 29-66-800). Dec. Müller. 11–13). BM 647 (n. pl. Scepter I. as has Abydos (H. although the weapons are well suited to the owner’s functions. lacks a vertical border on either side. where the son holds the weapons) and a fragment from the Rustafjaell Collection (Sotheby Catalogue.). 9 [5]). University of Pennsylvania Museum. 23 Stelae from Gebelein generally show the bow and arrows together. also the Theban stela MMA 20. the provenance is said to be Qamula. Dendera has yielded only a single stela with the same motif (a fragment. 90).316 (ibid.. MDAIK 4 [1933]. Stela of ⁄n-¡t. JEA 16 [1930]. p. MMA 13. 108 ff. combining Strasbourg 345 and Florence 7595 relief within a recessed area that is well-defined. 8). 19–21. JEA 17 [1931]. XI stelae of somewhat later date: e. BM 614 (Blackman. JEA 4 (1917). fig. . 183).3 )Hayes. 8. in the Coptite Nome.29 (Hayes.. MMA 22 26. 25 below) is so similar to MMA 20.g. this late a date is indicated by for ¡my-r and instead of . ZÄS 65 [1930]. 1906. Here and elsewhere the bow is also carried in one hand.84 PROVINCIAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HERACLEOPOLITAN PERIOD Fig.2.W.29 that it too probably comes from Thebes. 31. Gardiner. 36–41. Both fragments show that the owner holds a bow. p. 57. 4. 20512. the only one known to me is Berlin 22820 (ibid. 20505. 29. above and to the right of this area.23 The initial titles of the great overSo also many other Dyn. pl. and it might be regarded as a survival of earlier tradition. pl. The motif is scarcely known from Twelfth Dynasty stelae. 20514. 187). as well as 30. Philadelphia.2.3. the arrows in another: for Gebelein see BM 1671 (Polotsky. 16. 33 [2] and Anthes. but on the fragment in Florence it may be seen that the same hand also holds a sheaf of arrows. pl. Scepter I. Cairo CG 20007.. 330). whereas the incised inscription. pl. 27.

36) that the palaeographic features favor Thebes. the autobiographical text is not without problems. 41 (1–2). 26 Cf. If the arrows did not overlap the kilt. Count. I am one who is outspokenk (7) [and is efficientl of] counsel. and Osiris.h then rejoicedi (6) on meeting me. (5) Every chief. a Twelfth Dynasty inscription at one of the turquoise mines of Sinai speaks of ßm ¡y nb r st tn “every going and coming to this place. Coptite Nome. 11. that funerary offerings go forth to the Chancellor of the King of Lower Egypt.n who declares a statement. For Boston MFA 04.V. 52. the Overseer of Foreign Mercenaries. who says: I went downstream and upstreamb (3) on a mission for the Hereditary Prince. Tools and Weapons I: Axes (London 1987). The form of the man’s kilt is uncertain. They will be examined in the comments appended to the following translation. The lack of detail in the wigs and clothing of the man and wife corresponds to the style of the hieroglyphs. Lord of Busiris. from Gebelein.” (Gardiner. commanding of voicem on the day of assembling. which accepts the text as it is. Yet another example from Gebelein is to be recognized in the fragment from the Rustafjaell Collection (note 23 above). evidence that ßm and ¡w. Brovarski.j because I was good of speech.1851 see E. Interpreters and Egyptianized Nubians (University of Pennsylvania dissertation.26 Brief as it is. (b) “I went downstream and upstream” is difficult to reconcile with a single destination unless it means a round trip. Sinai. in fact. pl.a (2) the Overseer of the Army ⁄n-¡t. BM 647 is most accurately presented by James.r Comments: (a) For this title see Lanny Bell. which occurs on a few other stelae of this period. Stele I.q the revered ⁄n-[¡t. Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum VII. “going” and “coming. And if “upstream” were literally taken to mean a trip south of Thebes. 37–41 and fig. Peet and ◊ern≈. 38 (2). 12. 1248. 67.25 For the same reason I doubt that the other hand held a scepter or an axe. pls.2. WORDS AND WEAPONS AT THEBES 85 lord are completed by the lower fragment at precisely the right point. There is little to add to the evidence presented in Kush 9 (1961). is illustrated by Bosticco. the presumed provenance of the stela. The nomes that lay upstream must already have come under control of Fischer.24 to judge from the inner contour of the strap that is visible. including one belonging to another general.f ]. this mission would be rather different from one made downstream. Studies in Honor of George R. but concedes (n.o (8) [being self-collectedp on the day of ] conference. and in line 4 the two fragments both show traces of the sign . Hieroglyphic Texts I2. no. Great Overlord of Upper Egyptc ⁄n-¡t. 17 [53] and p. The shoulder-straps of the wife seem to show a peculiarity mentioned earlier. of unknown provenance. pp. the examples shown by W. Cambridge. 80). . without emendation: (1) An offering that the king gives. and notably (for ) and . and it is ironic that these problems arise most particularly from the union of the two fragments. 52–53 and fig. 25 24 no.” were used in this fashion. he thinks this may come from Gebelein. From the following dynasty there is. it must have been the close-fitting ßn∂t. There is also a fragmentary example in the Fitzwilliam Museum. 52. the sheaf of arrows hardly leaves sufficient room for the projecting kilt of traditional form. pl. 35 [2]) and Florence 7588.f (4) to the placed to whiche the chiefsf of Upper and Lower Egyptg (were going). but from other sites throughout the southernmost nomes. the Sole Companion. 1976). having arrived there. n. Davies. which is known not only from Thebes. Hughes (Chicago 1976).f.

And it is frequently applied to the rulers of Nubian lands in Old Kingdom texts. 186 (II. n. p. BIFAO 89 (1989). 1292. Grammar. following Clère-Vandier (n. Saqqara Mastabas I.” as Eric Doret translates in The Narrative Verbal System (Geneva 1986). Coptite Nome. TPPI. Valloggia. 60). The reading of Ím™w is equally certain. θ. 39. Fischer. 118–120. n. 109 (1). where ¢q£w evidently refers to the three overseers of priests whom the deceased served. pp. Pantalucci. 133 (13). For the phrase cf. 12 (top left). 69. p. Nomes 1–3. (d) As the text stands.86 PROVINCIAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HERACLEOPOLITAN PERIOD the Great Overlord of Upper Egypt since he presumably assumed this title after his Theban-Coptite coalition had broken the resistance of U. 14. Cf. 134 (6. nos. Balat I: Le Mastaba de Medou-nefer (Cairo 1986). 71–74. The title “Great Overlord of the King” is indeed attested twice at Aswan (Fischer. I. since nb “every” would otherwise be added. 3–4).” as Bell says (ibid. for which see Edel. p. Gramm. 23. § 20 A. pl.27 (c) Not simply “nomarch of Thebes. 29). 11). 253). Ím™w shows the normal form: . and for Old Kingdom examples: Murray. 112.28 recalling an Eleventh Dynasty reference to “the chiefs who ruled over the desert” (Clère-Vandier TPPI. BIFAO 85 (1985). Meir V. § 200 (2). pls. 135. 198 (II. Also in Old Kingdom Execration texts: Osing. Dendera. pl 9... 3.fy (Vandier. p. p. 32 (1976). in Vandier. p. Dendera. XVI. 146 (ex. with represented by as in Turin Suppl. I believe it refers to nomarchs.. 248. MDAIK 29 (1973). Vandier translates “le Sud et le Nord. 15. 195 [10]). as distinguished from the usual bw nty … ¡m. Ìq£ is also known to have designated nomarchs in titularies of much earlier date. also Clère-Vandier. which had hitherto prevailed under the leadership of ™n∞ty. Denkmäler. In the late Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period it designated the “rulers of the Oasis” at Balat. 41 and n. 131. TPPI. JEA 47 [1961]. 126 (15). this is clearly a singular. BIFAO 83 (1983). Mo™alla III. . for the piece in Strasbourg cf. 279. Clère-Vandier.E. 7 [2–3]). Minault-Gout. as it clearly does in the inscriptions of the nearly contemporaneous ™n∞ty. 27. In another example of “Great Overlord of Upper Egypt. In all these cases the determinative is similarly .. Blackman and Apted. but they too probably acted as nomarchs (ibid.. ce pays tout entier. IV. also Fischer. 9. and the same meaning is probably to be applied to this term in inscriptions from the region of Gebelein. pl.fy of Mo™alla. Coptite Nome. 127 (7). 125 (8). 279) but there the word in question is written . 2). Mo™alla. 21 above) and not “Great Overlord of the King. as seen from the original in Florence. and Gardiner.29 In the present case. in Dyns. 67. 10). pl. in the Theban Nome (Polotsky. ◊ern≈. 1036). 6). 28 Osing et al. 29 Urk. p.” probably referring to the same person (ibid. α. for the two fragments show traces of the front and rear end of the sign. § 21. however. 3). (g) The sign in m¢wt is certain. For further examples where it is written see comment g below. Mo™alla. (e) I know of no parallel for this use of bw nty … ¡ry. For the extent of ™n∞ty. pp. 53–61. JEA 16 [1930]. discussed previously. BIFAO 80 (1980). ∫. Altäg.” and plausibly recognizes the same combination of 27 For the Theban–Coptite coalition see Vandier. ε. 242 (VI. 11–12). El Khouli. pp. 20. § 1062.fy’s domain see p. see also ibid. ASAE 70 (1984–85). (f) Ìq£ is perhaps the most malleable of adminstrative terms.. III–IV (Fischer.

JEA 4 [1917]. op. (o) Cf.. pl. possessor of a (strong) arm on the day of fighting” (CG 1609.2.. I. 140). 354 [list 44] 356 [list 109T]). resulting from a scribal error—either haplography (to be read twice. 83) takes spry to be a perfective relative form “(as for) every chief whom I reached.. who cites this occurrence from the Wb. ZÄS 84 (1959). Belegstellen. Polotsky. Edel (ZÄS 85 [1960]. 20–23. and one that is less comprehendible. ZÄS 85 (1960). and a single meeting.. There is insufficient room for r-h£w. (p) For this epithet. 1188c [N]) and the derived noun “haven” (Fischer. 91). (h) I take in entirety to represent spry (old perfective). 9–10. although the inscription in Figure 2 seems to apply m¢ty “northern” to the “Head of the South. 12. which is clearly connected with the phrase just quoted. (m) Cf. which is strangely reminiscent of the more common epithet “who finds a phrase when it is lacking” (Janssen. the sign derives from in writings of spr “ribs” (Hassan. p. 225(k). Gîza VI/2.f in the present case. I did what he desired” (Gardiner. § 64d. p. cf.” His interpretation is theoretically possible. cit. cf. (i) ™¢™. Hammâmât.” but the form of is odd. (l) The second sign might be either or . but the meaning is ummistakable. pp. and the boat replaces the generic determinative to indicate arrival by water. pp. Zu den Inschriften der 11. 114 [6–7]. French “à ma rencontre. and one might even consider the preceding as a proleptic ¡r. Probably the same interpretation is to be accepted in the present case (rather than “northern Upper Egypt”). cf.” But neither of these alternatives is likely unless one assumes that the omission of nb after bw is another scribal error. Dendera. p. Kêmi 3 [1930]. § 796. 31 (84). For the latter phrase see Janssen. Montet. For the omission of the suffix ending see Edel. no. For the use of the old perfective in a preliminary circumstantial clause. This clearly refers to the meeting mentioned in lines 2–5. it does not seem altogether suitable for either. from Mesheikh. James Allen has suggested to me that the phrase in question might also be translated “(and/or) to which every chief had arrived. further examples are given by Janssen. But ¡qr seems too short for the available space. (j) M ∞sfw. also suits the epithets in lines 7–> + old perfective. WORDS AND WEAPONS AT THEBES 87 “Upper Egypt” and “North” in IV. and Altäg.” a smaller portion of Upper Egypt. see ibid. (q) I initially took this word to be “orders.n<.¡: so Edel. The idea of a single destination. 114). 130 [16]). cit.” For the writing of spr cf.” (k) Cf. “who is open of mouth on the day of speech. (Pyr. (Urk. and therefore seems more likely. as ¡ry and ¡r) or the omission of ¡m after bw nty. referring to “the day of assembling” and “[the day of] conference. Dynastie. 9 [6]). p. “who declares a statement in its (proper) time” (Couyat-Montet. (n) Dm∂yt is unusual. 83. Gramm. Bosticco. without any kind of introduction. “having gone on a mission of this my lord. in the Thinite Nome). op. Egyptische Autobiografie I. (Siut III. 4. 94 f. Cf. but this sign shows some other variations of the same .

103 below.88 PROVINCIAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HERACLEOPOLITAN PERIOD kind in the late Heracleopolitan Period and Twelfth Dynasty. 35–37. one might perhaps expect a reference to the “House of Khety. p. seems not to have been abandoned. There can. JEA 4 [1917]. 91. p. see p. 32 Fischer. and pl. Hatnub. 35–37. be little doubt that Thebes has rightly been taken to be the provenance of the stela. but it echoes a contemporaneous epithet that has been quoted earlier: “one who opens his mouth on the day of speech. the chief Overlord of Upper Egypt ⁄n-¡t.” as is found in slightly later inscriptions dating to the reign of W£¢-™n∞ ⁄n-¡t.” In the second case Abydos would be the most likely alternative. moreover. a possessor of a (strong) arm on the day of fighting.30 It remains uncertain where the supposed meeting took place. If it had been located at Heracleopolis. (r) The use of the name-determinative is rather unusual at the end of the Heracleopolitan Period in situations where the name is adjacent to a large-scale representation of the individual in question (cf. in this case. 183. Coptite Nome. Fischer. the aforementioned “House of Khety. 35. in any case.32 The weapon carried by the emissary may seem at variance with the purely diplomatic nature of this mission. 18 31 JEA 61 (1975). . Fischer. For the entire phrase cf.f. 576. 595 f. pp. n. had the final word.” One suspects. Scepter I. p. 33 JEA 61 (1975). well into the Heracleopolitan Period. While his opening words. it is possible that he began this journey by collecting representatives of the three nomes south of Thebes that had already come under Theban domination. who pushed his conquests as far as the ten southernmost nomes. words seem to have been given as much weight as weapons. that his master was employing diplomacy in the north at the same time that he was subduing his immediate neighbors by military force. 30 So PM I/22.f. other than the fact that it was some distance away.”33 As in other periods of pharaonic history. 20 [5]). 201 f. Even in the reign of W£¢-™n∞. a meeting of the nomarchs of Upper Egypt and the North. figs. some of the importance it had acquired as the administrative center of Upper Egypt during the Old Kingdom. the use of persuasion.” probably mean no more than that he made a round-trip to his destination. since it probably retained. but two further Theban examples are to be found in Hayes. TPPI. (Anthes. to which the deceased general was sent to represent his master. § (3). for the second of these cf. and that it comes from the cemetery of Dra-abu’l-Naga. “I went downstream and upstream. Dendera. and Clère-Vandier.31 This nonetheless seems probable if “Upper Egypt and the North” embraces the whole of Egypt. even if weapons. 124–25). Another Eleventh Dynasty text refers to “the domains of the Northerner” (Gardiner. Thus the entire autobiography appears to be centered upon a single event. Dendera. 9 [line 3]). elsewhere known as ⁄n-¡t. Gr.f ™£ (“the Elder”). 131. and is not to be interpreted as “northern Upper Egypt. for a fragmentary inscription of his time speaks of petitioners who evidently made some claim or complaint against his adversary. or legal argument.


Strasbourg 345 Courtesy of the University Plate 10b.90 PROVINCIAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HERACLEOPOLITAN PERIOD Plate 10a. Museo Archeologico 7595 Courtesy Soprintendenza alla Antichitá . Florence.

12–19 and figs. Naos (Leipzig 1914). pls. 47. but in view of the crudeness of these models. 17. D (pl. Egyptian Doors. leaves little doubt that battens were similarly located on the outside of the doors belonging to naoi of that period. 163. pl.5 cm. 60). in which a shrine for the statue of the deceased shows the bolt and battens when For examples of the Old Kingdom see Mo¢ammad Zaki Nour. is shown in situ by Winlock. H (pls. 25. 13. G (pls. Naville. 257. p. O (pls. Zaky Iskander. p.3.3. 14. fig. p. N (pls. 68). 91 . the battens were on the inside. the patron god of the necropolis and of embalming. A pair of miniature dummy naoi of the late Old Kingdom. 64). 29. Models of Daily Life. Deir el Bahari II. pp. so that the usual situation was reversed. 84. 1915. p. Height 58. 15.7 cm. MMA 23. The Cheops Boats I (Cairo 1960).18. 63. Clearer evidence is to be found in the tomb chapel of Ìtp-¢r-£∞ty in Leiden.8. width 31. pl. 76. 52. Initially published by Lythgoe in BMMA 10 (Feb. although less direct. F (pls. battens are omitted. 20. 62). 59). BMMA 18 (Dec. fig. the small structure that housed the statue of a deceased person or a divinity. 70). 48. however. these doors are single-valved and usually open inward towards the right (as in the case of the Eleventh Dynasty example mentioned in the preceding note). there was no space for the doors to open inward. Tombeaux de particuliers. 2 Attested by many examples in Winlock. fig. the god outward. E (pl.4 The inside of the door displays reliefs of the king ministering to the god Amun. part II). 57). Scepter I. It is less easy. 1). The same arrangement is attested by the left-hand door of an ebony shrine from Hatshepsut’s funerary temple at Deir el Bahri.174. as might be expected.1 Projections at the upper and lower corners. as they were in houses. Except for the models of the portico (A. 39.2 But in the case of the naos. 66). the omission may not be significant. much more rarely towards the left. 2)5 show bolts on the doors. 1–4 and pl. 72. 1923. 22. enabled the door to pivot inward. Supplement). pp. This arrangement is illustrated by a wooden naos of the Middle Kingdom that comes from a chamber east of the pyramid of Sesostris I at Lisht (Pl. diameter 22. 5 Jéquier. J (pls. as would be expected. For details of construction see also Otto Koenigsberger. 40(A). from Saqqara (Fig. and in that position they show the king facing inward. so that they were completely out of sight when the door was fully opened (Fig. 28. 3 MMA 14. 29. B. and more clearly in Hayes. The evidence from the Old Kingdom. Die Konstruktion der ägyptischen Tür (Glückstadt 1936). 4 Cairo CG 70001: Günther Roeder. whose statue was placed within. to understand why the battens should be also placed on the outside in such cases. The figure shows the doors of the granary (F). An Eleventh Dynasty example. Here the bolts that locked the doors were understandably located on the outside instead of inside. 11b).5 cm. and A¢mad Youssef Moustafa. 3. adjacent to the jamb. 9 and pls. 12. 16. 5. 11a)3 and that contained the fetish of Anubis. Mo¢ammad Salah Osman. 39. these reliefs were revealed when the doors were opened. Inside and Out Ancient Egyptian doors were usually made of wood and consisted of a number of vertical planks that were secured and reinforced by a series of half-rounded battens. inscribed for Amenophis II (Pl. and. 84). 1 10.

f-™n∞ (G 7948). against which the doors were opened. where copper sockets have been removed.8 Although the stylized representations of channels might be taken to imply that the battens were on the back of the missing doors. pls. 17. Ergänzungsband.92 EGYPTIAN DOORS. Text I. 6–13. with battened reinforcement. 123. Sammlg. 9 In the case of the New Kingdom naos (note 4 above) a banded pattern appears on the exterior walls (Roeder’s pl. pl. showing the battens on the closed doors of shrines. of course. Doors from Middle Kingdom models. but their existence is clearly indicated by holes in the outer corners of the limestone threshold. 125 (A). 6 Boeser. 3). impossible when the naos was imbedded in a wall. 9. 16. 8. pls. and omits the battens when the doors are open (Pl. also LD. that is not necessarily the case since the battened side of the doors would not have turned inward against them. pls. The battens are similarly omitted in other tomb chapels where the doors of such shrines are open. INSIDE AND OUT Fig. where it is noted that this feature also occurs in the chapel of R™∞™.9 A further clue to the resolution of this question is provided by one of the two I. 8 LD . aeg.6 Another clue is provided by the mastaba of Mrr-w¡-k£. Beschr. An example of such channels is known from Old Kingdom tomb chapels at Giza (Fig. Atlas. p. 19 (a) show the doors open. Nianchchnum.¡. 13a). 2). These bands imitate the channels that were sometimes carved on the walls of the entrance passage. pl. where a naos was built into the rear wall of the pillared court (Pl. And the doors were certainly made of wood. but this arrangement was. 147. 1. 12). 7 Mereruka. which also appear on the rabbeted front edge of each. for the left and right walls of the interior are painted with horizontal yellow bands.7 The doors have vanished. 148 (the last in color). without battens. and into which the battens fitted. The same distinction may be seen in Moussa and Altenmüller. Drawing by Lindsley Hall the doors are closed. 45.

(Hamburg 1981). and much of the evidence for bolts and battens is covered in pp. 19 (Cairo CG 57190).11 one might reasonably interpret the bolted doors as the doors of a naos. complete with pivots. CG 1442 is Heracleopolitan Period (see Fischer. in the torus molding that accampanied it. Deir el Gebrâwi II. . pls. 11. which now began to appear at the top of the false door. it frames an entire wall or facade—in this particular case. pl. and yet another example (H. Still further evidence may be seen in the cavetto cornice. 12 For these naotropic features compare Alexander Badawy.10 This shows. 69) are of the same date. as he maintains. MDAIK 4 [1933]. and extended down each side of the ensemble of niches. within the central niche. Müller. without. it is in any case certain that they likewise appear in early naoi such as those shown by him on p. Examples in Smith. HESPOK. coming to the conclusions made here.12 And that conclusion suggests that the missing doors of Mrr-w¡-k£. p. James. The bolted and battened niche of Mrr-w¡-k£. 154–58. Cairo CG 1447. 187. fig. pl. p. battens. even more conclusively. pl. pp. and a pair of bolts.W. 14 and 15). or only slightly earlier. the facade of a naos. For the torus molding is not primarily associated with doorways. 2. Murray. 40– 41). INSIDE AND OUT 93 false doors of the same individual (Fig. After Jéquier pl.¡’s naos similarly displayed battens on the outside. 107.¡’s false door is one of the earliest examples of a tradition that continues sporadically throughout the Sixth Dynasty and down to the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. 4). 141. however. dating to Pepy II. 236. pl. and another example is at least this early: Cairo CG 1425. Limestone model naos. Regardless of whether these features specifically derive from the shrine of Anubis. Die ägyptische Scheintür 11 10 Mereruka. ASAE 48 (1948).EGYPTIAN DOORS. and. the two leaves of a double-valved door.13 although the detail is more usually limited to a verti- Fig. Since this paper was written the character of the false door as a shrine has also been emphasized by Silvia Wiebach. 13 The battens are shown on a false door in Davies. 67 [2]. Coptite Nome. two other examples (Firth and Gunn. Since false doors of the same period frequently contain a standing or emergent statue. 4 (1). Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 11) is Eleventh Dynasty. Saqqara Mastabas I. p. 242 (figs. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. 57 (a–c).

1459. Royal Tombs I. 12. Lauer. Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom. and the door on which the carpenters are working) and Bissing. each containing a representation of King Djoser in relief. 18 (4). 16 Fig. shows battens (Fig. pl.19 there is a series of four dummy doors in the tomb chapel of Sßm-nfr II 14 Bolts are attested by Cairo CG 1401. but concludes that it is meaningless because: “L’art égyptien s’est toujours complu à rendre visibles ceux des éléments d’un ensemble qui auraient dû rester cachés. 131–32 [477]. 182–85. Compare also the hieratic forms in Möller. fig. pl. 1499.M. 1404.94 EGYPTIAN DOORS. p. are three niches containing the backs of these doors and designated as such by battens in relief. See also the Dyn. Deir el Gebrâwi II. representing a 16 door. p. After Lepsius cal median line and the two bolts. it must be acknowledged that there are some earlier examples of dummy doors in which the orientation of bolts and battens is clearly significant. Manuel d’archéologie II. but this is roughly painted in black pigment and may be subject to the tendency. as. 30 (10.14 Vandier has also been struck by the orientation of these details. 5b is Thirteenth Dynasty: J. 18 C. 3. particularly noticeable in semi-cursive inscriptions. Excavations at Saqqara: The Step Pyramid (Cairo 1935). Beiblatt A. A very late Old Kingdom example is to to be found in Labib Habachi’s Obelisks of Egypt (New York 1977). 1576. Fouilles à Dahchour. 4. p. This detail is usually omitted in Old Kingdom hieroglyphs. 412. ASAE 54 (1956–1957). 40–42. p. and around the corner from these. etc. etc. 15. 1407. 1617. 11. Re- Heiligtum. 111. Entrance passage of mastaba at Giza. 263).E.”15 In support of his view one might also cite several cases where the hieroglyph . p. 1894 (Vienna 1895). pp. XIX example illustrated by Koenigsberger. Also Davies. mars–juin.17 Moreover. 5. pp. 19 See Klaus Baer. fig. An Old Kingdom example with battens appears in Hassan. Firth and J. in Wild. 5a is from Petrie.18 And from the Fifth Dynasty. Further hieroglyphic examples with battens might also be cited from later periods. This also occurs on the famous palette of Narmer. 17 See in particular Mereruka. Fig. in a corridor parallel to the first and west of it. in or near the reign of Neuserre. 16. Quibell. 40. Mersyankh. Hieratische Paläographie I. Epigraphy and Palaeography. as described in Caminos and Fischer. pl. 4. A much clearer hieroglyphic example with battens is to be found in Dunham and Simpson. The southern tomb of the Step Pyramid contains a series of doorlike niches. 241 (shown here. 30. Die Konstruktion der ägyptischen Tür. fig. p. Ti III pls. pl. INSIDE AND OUT Fig. for example. however. towards stereotyped inner detail. fig. 45 (3). 34 (364). 102. 15 Vandier. 4. 1439. p. Excavations at Saqqara III. 5). pl. but not the pair of bolts. 1574. There are also several cases where a vertical line appears. fig. de Morgan. 106 and pl. and pls. .

¡. Drawing by S.R. False door in mastaba of Mrr-w¡-k£. INSIDE AND OUT 95 Fig.EGYPTIAN DOORS. Shepherd . 4.

but specifically characterize the niche as a naos. p. 28061 (pl. a tally of examples in the photographic archives of the Univer- . combined with the later examples of naoi with external battens. 13). Excavations at Deir el Bahri 1911–1931 (New York 1942). James and Apted. The outsides of two others similarly show the outsides of the door: Naville. 28036 (pl. and one of them. CG 28115 (pl. pl. figs. 28030 (pl. 6. Tombeaux de particuliers. flanked by two of the battened doors on either side of it. That is. 10 (inside). Borchardt. this is evidently viewed from the front.22 It is true that a certain number of coffins do not conform to this pattern. 46 (Cairo CG 1572). in addition. shows a battened door on the inside. 43. Gîza III. and bolts in such depth and detail that it seems hardly possible that these features were intended merely to characterize them as doors—the more so since. 3. 13b). 15). 11 and 24. 34 following p.E. p. 19 21 Blackman. 6). 19.20 They represent the pivots. INSIDE AND OUT Fig. and opened in the reverse direction. was a fifth door that was quite plain except for a vertical groove at the center. pls. should show the door’s outer face. Meir 20 (A–B). IV. directly behind the other (Pl. Hieroglyphs representing doors (Pl. 5. 8). 23. 14). and several examples of external bolts are illustrated in Lacau. 47. none on the door outside. in the center of the same wall. Raymond Johnson has made. and that they do not merely enhance the characterization of any door. 10). or it may have enhanced the possibility of access by providing at least one case where the bolt was on the other side.21 If these doors intentionally show the inner side. 8 (outside). then sarcophagi and coffins of later date. These examples. 11. XIth Dynasty Temple I. 12. 28038 (pl. 190. Junker. 1921. displaying a false door on the exterior. Dr. 16. Deshasheh. 19. part II). Here it may be noted that false doors are also represented in Sixth Dynasty burial chambers. pls. but I know of only one case where bolts are mechanically repeated on both the interior and exterior and none where battens are so repeated. pl. 40. 16). W. on my behalf. fig. true of the earliest and most elaborately decorated sarcophagi that have the detail in question. in fact.23 Thus one need not conclude that such details are merely intended to characterize the door without specific reference to the inner side of it. 28029 (pl. pl. 23 A bolted and battened door evidently appears on the exterior of a coffin that antedates the end of the Old Kingdom: Petrie. The same views may be found in BMMA 16 (Nov. Denkmäler des Alten Reiches II. 20. p. one example (28083) has bolts on the door inside. The fifth door may have been designed for the return. 22 For the sarcophagus of ™£ßyt see H. pls. battens. Khentika. Sarcophages. Winlock. and 22. where the doors within the central niche are again bolted.96 EGYPTIAN DOORS. as may be seen from pls. namely those belonging to the female retinue of the Eleventh Dynasty King Nb-¢pt-R™ Mentuhotep. strongly reinforce the probability that the bolts and battens in the central niches of false doors are more significant than Vandier supposes. Jéquier. 27. On the other hand. Apparently the principal idea of these dummy doors is to provide entry to the tomb chapel for the deceased from each of four serdabs located behind them.

the goddess Hathor. a Dyn. § 27 (ξ. After Newberry that the false door was designed to admit the deceased to the offering place within the tomb chapel. Thus.H. 3).” For a clear transcript of the hieratic text see Clère and Vandier. 11. 26 Davies. for it would have been technically feasible to accomodate the battens internally either by making them slightly shorter or by cutting a series of notches along the rabbeted inner jambs. As noted earlier. some of the false doors show an emergent figure that not only suggests the analogy of the shrine. Beloved of His Mistress ⁄n-¡t. usually accompanied by bolts. but rather a means of access from the naos to the temple or chapel within which it was placed. The fact that they opened outward rather than inward does not. London (supplemented by data from T. 44 (a). In one case (British Museum 30842) bolts appear both inside and outside. only 4 show battens and bolts on doors outside. the imperatives might theoretically be translated as infinitives: “propitiating Hathor. 6). 29. where the frames are imitated by a painted black band. as in the preceding texts. The idea of emergence is also emphasized by a scene in one of the Twelfth Dynasty tomb chapels at Beni Hasan (Fig. pl. but also indicates Fig. including post-Old Kingdom coffins in Boston.e. and the Dyn. pl. is “Gold. who is not present. Antefo˚er. James) and Cairo (the latter including 3 of those mentioned above).” “saying what she loves. Egyptian Art in Turin. In an Eleventh Dynasty scene (my Plate 14) the “Scribe of the God’s Book. XXVI example is shown by Roeder. Chicago. 30 show the inner face of the door on the inside and 10 show the inner face on the outside. Twelfth Dynasty scene at Beni Hasan. seem sufficient to explain this feature. pl.EGYPTIAN DOORS. 77. (New York 1965). pl. Naos. XIX example in Ernesto Scamuzzi. pl. . 23.” i. INSIDE AND OUT 97 It remains to be considered why the battens of the doors of naoi should be s0 oddly externalized.25 where a naos containing a statue of the deceased is dragged to the local temple..G. Tut·ankh·Amen III. Compare also the small shrines of Tutankhamun). One group of men cries “Open the two doors of heaven that the god may come forth!” and the response is “The god is coming! Rejoice!” In a parallel text the divinity. of these 40 examples. 25 Newberry.f ” reads a rather similar litany to the deceased: “Propitiate Hathor! Say what she loves every day! Open the two doors for the Mistress of the Two Lands!” Here. as shown in Carter. and the response is “Behold. 24 Another possibility is to eliminate the battens altogether. and only 6 others show bolts in this location. and 8 others show bolts on doors inside the coffin. Gold has come forth!”26 It is true that sity of Chicago’s Oriental Institute. TPPI. to my mind. Beni Hasan I.24 In turning the doors so conspicuously inside out the Egyptians evidently wished to emphasize a reversed point of view: these doors were not primarily a means of access to the naos. 6. 22 of these show battens on doors within the coffin. in which case each leaf might consist of a panel reinforced by an outer frame.” “opening the doors.

INSIDE AND OUT the doors of the shrine are attributed to heaven. 120. p. JEA 34 (1948).27 But they are. the back door of the temple. Orientalia 46 (1977). And in a very real sense. who points 27 out that the doors of the purification booth (¡bw) likewise seem to have been considered as “doors of heaven” in the Old Kingdom. the naos is vestibular. and Jaroslav ◊ern≈. p. pp. and it is not the priest who crosses this threshold but the god who does so. The priest.98 EGYPTIAN DOORS. the threshold between heaven and earth. 311 (5). as also in the New Kingdom. by reversing the doors of the naos. as “he who opens the doors of heaven.”28 acts as the doorkeeper who admits the god to his earthly abode. I.” and Edward Brovarski. 205. p. . 3 (D). See the scene and text from Karnak illustrated by Nelson in JNES 8 (1949). in effect. who comments on the later use of the term ™£wy-pt meaning “shrine. 28 Wb. fig. 107–15. its occupant is summoned forth.

1914 Plate 11b. 1912.EGYPTIAN DOORS. Cairo CG 70001.18 Rogers Fund. and Edward S. after Roeder 99 . INSIDE AND OUT Plate 11a.3. Metropolitan Museum 14. Harkness Gift.

100 EGYPTIAN DOORS. INSIDE AND OUT Plate 12. Leiden chapel of Ìtp-¢r-£∞ty. after Boeser .

¡.EGYPTIAN DOORS. after Strekalovski . Dummy doors in tomb of Sßm-nfr II. after Junker OUT 101 Plate 13a. INSIDE AND Plate 13b. Shrine of Mrr-w¡-k£.

Cairo J 47267 MMA field photograph Plate 14b. Interior of same sarcophagus .102 EGYPTIAN DOORS. INSIDE AND OUT Plate 14a. Exterior of sarcophagus.

however. Beni Hasan I. reads tpt-r£ “Ausspruch. Munro’s translation of a reference to “Wpw£wt beim ersten Auszug als streitbarer Horus”(ZÄS 86 [1961]. 130 (top left). 7 One cannot accept. 189.2 There can be no doubt that the first two words are to be interpreted as . occurs in the name Dr-sn∂. 161. CG 20138: . c 2).4 Once again the source is probably hieratic. line 6. Egyptian Studies II. to comment on the curious use of forms resembling in place of in hieroglyphic texts of the Heracleopolitan Period and the Middle Kingdom. on a stela in the Cairo Museum. p.” Osiris. pl. III. 77 (among the titles the reading of which could not be established). fig. Vandersleyn. TPPI. ZÄS 64 (1929). in other words Ìnw might be a fighter and defender who is in the Fischer.” 4 Jéquier. Also. pl.” The second possibility is favored by a passage from the well-known stela of ⁄¡-flr-nfrt. Philadelphia. more than once. n∂t-r on a stela of the Heracleopolitan Period from Naga-ed-Deir. where forms such as were in use in the Middle Kingdom and earlier.und Denksteine I. The last words are not “als streitbarer Horus. 587. 2 Lange-Schäfer. and probably also . Sethe.3 An earlier example. 18 and n. p. pl.7 This suggests that. A rather similar example of ™¢£ is apparently to be interpreted as the title “warrior” in CG 20313.” but “from Shenhor. p. The passage in question is an epithet . 6 Most conveniently consulted in K. also the semi-cursive forms and in Newberry. Cf. 19. 145 (g). no. § 15. 103 . in Ìnw’s title. the relation of Wepwawet to n∂ is subjective rather than objective genitive. a substitution that evidently derives from hieratic forms such as . Leipzig 1928). Sacerdotal Titles and Epithets of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties I have had occasion. and one that is so interesting in its own right that it deserves to be pointed out. Hieratische Paläographie I. Griffiths. for further bibliography see PM V. line 151. dating to the end of the Old Kingdom. It occurs at the beginning of a long title that precedes the name of a certain Ìnw.. p. 14-19-1. 32–37. when he 6 Here Wepwawet takes on the role of Horus as defender of proceeds to defend his father. 24 and p. and in Newbery. 72.9. 297. For the form of one may compare in Clère-Vandier. Coptite Nome. Das Alte Ägypten. University of Pennsylvania Museum. where the deceased says “I made the procession of Wepwawet. Grab. 104. p. Berlin 1204. in connection with the meaning of n∂. 71 (12).” For this locality see Kees. Fischer. 12. IV.1 In the meantime another Twelfth Dynasty example has come to my attention. where it should be noted that the reference to University of Pennsylvania Museum stela 29-66-603 should be 29-66-693. also ™¢£ty ( ) in CG 20746. note 2. 97. referring to CG 20516. 26. Tombeaux des particuliers.5 Thus the title may be translated “warrior who defends Wepwawet” or “warrior and defender of Wepwawet. 83. JEA 37 (1951). Memphis·Heracleopolis·Theben (Wiesbaden 1965). 5 Möller.” but n∂t-r seems 1 much likelier and more apt: “I was excellent of counsel in the council of Thinis. Wolfgang Schenkel. Ägyptische Lesestücke (2nd ed. pl. p. 72. p. Fischer. 3 Most recently published in C. JARCE 1 (1962). Beni Hasan II.

” The early Twelfth Dynasty nomarch Îf£¡-Ì™py also refers to himself as a military adjunct of Wepwawet: “one who supplies the arrows of the lord of Asyut.g. Osiris is more commonly given the synonymous epithet ¢q£ ∂t “Prince of Everlastingness.g. The m£™t-sign appears to have the form in Pl. and he translates: “He who is in the splendor of Horus. 10 Siut I. Sign List 9 In 8 Siut G21 and p.. 51. 180 (with additional bibliography). Another. 3. 102. Pepy. He is “True acquaintance of the king. 9). pl. since Wepwawet could be identified with Osiris. 53 above).” but the arrows can hardly allude to the standard as such. 89 f. although the standard bears a weapon.9 In addition to providing Wepwawet’s arrows.104 SACERDOTAL TITLES AND EPITHETS service of Wepwawet.”13 Stp-z£ “protector” is attested from the Old Kingdom. Kêmi 3 (1930). gives one Middle Kingdom example: BM 574 (Hieroglyphic Texts II. 20614b. on his statue in Hildesheim: . 8 (p.12 although. 97 (1).¡ Wnn-nfr hrw pf n ™¢£ ™£ “I defended Onnophris on that day of the great fighting.f n Ws¡r-Ónty¡mntyw “I acted as ‘loving son’ for Osiris Khentamentiu.”11 The “Lord of Eternity” certainly refers to a god. who says ¡w ¡r. op. Philadelphia 59-23-1. II. 60. Previously illustrated in the Museum’s Guide to the Collection: Egypt (1965). a little later in the same inscription. referring to Wnnfr is to be found in BM 580 (ibid. pl.”10 Yet another case of this kind occurs in the titulary of an individual who is represented in a group statue of the later Twelfth Dynasty. 37). cf. n.. no. fig.. and by Wildung.”15 It seems likely that stp-z£ again refers to the god in this case. Wb.¡ z£ mr¡. 15. Such a conclusion is far from certain. however.n. 91. 11 University of Pennsylvania Museum.” 15 Mélanges Maspero I. The n¢-sign somewhat resembles a quail chick. Grammar. IV. 340 (8–10). 232: Montet. 362. among the titles and epithets of the Thirteenth Dynasty vizier ⁄y-mry. ¡w n∂. 20050b. Abydos I. pl. Director of Linen Cloth of the First Weaving. . assumes the filial Horus-role. Sesostris und Amenemhet (Munich 1984). Chapelle de Sésostris I er. however. performing that function in his place.14 It occurs again. in the Middle Kingdom. Erika Feucht.) prefers “escort.. Ranke has convincingly explained the reading of the first sign as ¡my ∂srw. cit. but is known less frequently from the period in question. as might any god who is considered the passive recipient of the priest who serves him and who. p.n. bodyguard. 20353b. Vom Nil zum Neckar (Berlin–Heidelberg 1986). Protector of the Lord of Eternity. Lacau-Chevrier. the Middle Kingdom the spear is superimposed on the support of the standard: e. 13 E. p. 20705c. 3 (bottom center). and a second one may be seen in Pl. Petrie. CG 20039b. lord of the ßdßd. in so doing. who defends Wepwawet. certainly in reference to this same function. 246: Montet. as often in the Middle Kingdom: see Gardiner. one would very much like to see it expressed more explicitly. along with his father Ìtp-S∞mt and two other members of his family (Pl. by the use of n. but this is illusory. For tpt-mr see Wb.” I. 12 Wb.” and later. For the translation of stp-z£ Goelet (JARCE 23 [1986]. 15). 361. 14 Cf. and that one should understand it to mean “protector (of Horus). If a genitival relationship were intended. and again from the New Kingdom and later. 49. the nomarch.” it is analogous to the sacredotal function of ⁄¡-flr-nfrt himself. pl. Overseer of the Sealers.”8 This follows a reference to Wepwawet as “he who is upon his standard. Also nb ∂t: CG 20693a. II. But even if the safest translation seems to be “warrior. and the god is most probably Osiris. 299 (9). the weapon takes the form of a single spear or mace. is “one who drives off the enemies of Osiris in the presence of Horus who is upon the throne of his father.

pl. identifies as the same individual (Martin. Recueil d’inscriptions II (Paris 1878).. p. p. again probably dating to the Thirteenth Dynasty.. CG 20443. 137 f. 147. p. 18 JARCE .20 Louvre C 206: Paul Pierret. 20 ZÄS 90 (1963). Personendaten. pp. Dendera.16 The omission of a determinative after the name of the god does not seem unusual.SACERDOTAL TITLES AND EPITHETS 105 Finally it may be noted that a certain Nfr-n£y. and Fischer. 26 f.g.17 and the title or epithet may be compared with another epithet on a stela of the same period (CG 20101 [d. 18 [8]). Dendera. 7]) of a second “loving son” of Osiris: “thus I was a follower of the god. when it was all but precluded by the king as the intermediary between gods and mankind. 61. 42.” but the absence of plural strokes after ßms seems more than coincidental. 115. Also seen from the stela itself. 19 Fischer. 20529. p. 209. 5–6]): “revered as a follower of Sokar. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals.19 ultimately taking on the identity of Osiris in death. 208 f. These titles and epithets are characteristic of a period in which a personal relationship to the gods had acquired more importance as compared with the Old Kingdom. Studies in Honor of Dows Dunham (Boston 1981). The ground for the later development was prepared in the Heracleopolitan Period. 35–38. when the local god tended to replace the king as the focus of society. 17 E.” In both cases one might also translate “in the following of Sokar/the god..18 and as commoners began to view themselves as the dutiful son (z£ ¡qr) in the role of Horus who repelled his father’s enemies and assumed his responsibilities.” This in turn may be compared with the statement on the Twelfth Dynasty stela (CG 20538 [II. 16 3 (1964). Franke. is “follower of Sokaris and bowman” on his stela in the Louvre.

106 SACERDOTAL TITLES AND EPITHETS Plate 15. Philadelphia. University of Pennsylvania Museum. 59–23–1 Courtesy of the Museum .

so that the provenance was probably attributed on the word of a dealer. Stevenson pursued his offer. but in February of the following year F. Rosher offered some coffins and other antiquities for sale at the 1 end of September. J 34572. It evidently came to the University of Pennsylvania Museum. Philadelphia. later changed to E 3381. and there is no indication that Mrs. The compactness of his attitude is reinforced by the back pillar which curves out of the seat and curves into the wig. and for his help in enabling me to make a facsimile of the inscriptions and to consult the archives of the University of Pennsylvania Museum. His disproportionately large head. along with a papyrus from Thebes and an alabaster shawabty from Dahshur. 107–12. both of which present a continuous surface. 33–37. Bernard P.3 cm at the base. The register gives the provenance as Fayum. SAK 11 [1984]. probably basalt. 2 Letter of February 18. the first curator of the Egyptian Section. there is no mention of Middle Kingdom finds in Grenfell. having been entered in the register of the American Exploration Society on October 24th of that year. 1899). reinforcing the huddled attitude. 5–7. Ll. Like several other statuettes of the late Middle Kingdom. 1899. Hunt and Hogarth. The connection between the back pillar and the wig is particularly striking when viewed from the side.3 the man who is represented wears a long cloak and holds his arms folded across his chest. I am indebted to David O’Connor for these photographs.E. 15700. to Sara Yorke Stevenson. 107 . palm downward.83. and there assigned the number 57. A Statuette of the Late Middle Kingdom The statuette shown in Plate 161 is made of a dense black variety of stone. Copenhagen. including finds from Dendera. Griffith spoke of “cases of bought antiquities” that had been sent to Philadelphia by Max Müller. in 1898. for whom see the articles by O’Connor and Silverman in Expedition 21/2 (Winter 1979). the right hand closed. 1082. The other objects listed on that date include a few more that are said to come from the Fayum (one changed to Thebes). She herself went to Egypt at the end of the year and brought back many cases of material for the collection. Glyptothèque ÆIN 932. Fayûm Towns and Their Papyri (London 1900). Durham 501 (Farouk Gomaà. framed by a long wig with pointed lappets. the other open.2 At all events it seems likely that they were purchased rather than excavated. seems to sink between his shoulders. The height is 23 cm. Grenfell sent pottery from his excavations for the Egypt Exploration Fund in the Fayum. Brooklyn 41. from April 2 onward. February 15. too late to have sent anything that might have arrived before October 24. in July.S. Stevenson. The only excavation undertaken for the American Exploration Society was a fortnight’s extension of Petrie’s season at Dendera by Charles Rosher in 1898. the hardness of which is manifest from the treatment of the sculpture and the inscriptions. and the width and depth are 8 x 14. After terminating his connection with the A. but not until the following year (letter of Joseph Cotton to Mrs. Cairo CG 532. for his permission to publish them. The circumstances of these acquisitions are not otherwise recorded. 3 Berlin 4435.10. 13–15. but some are without any provenance.

573.137. 78– 79). 126. but the present variant is known from the Twelfth Dynasty. no. (b) Presumably referring to Hathor Mistress of ⁄m£w. 164). 7). § 174. is actually to be read ⁄nw (for which see PN I. Piot 25 [1921–22]. cit. pl. 4 For the statuette see the preceding note. It is tempting to regard it as a name. 36 [19]).. as are a good many other cloaked statuettes of Middle Kingdom style. 73. 259 (12). Louvre E 11573 (Boreux. Grammar.1. Clère). The position of the hands is also to be found in some cloaked standing figures.73 (Hayes. Rome. e. (c) See Ward. Edinburgh 1952. p. pl. Louvre N 1586. checked against a handcopy by J. justified Comments: (a) One expects or the like. It is possible however. pp. and it may well be as late as the Thirteenth Dynasty. Museo Barracco di Scultura Antica: La Collezione Egizia [Rome 1985]. 109. For the hieroglyph see Egyptian Studies I. Besiedlung II. 3). and Gomaà. Ti III..199 (all cited by Vandier. alongside normal writings). 20]. albeit rarely (Gardiner. 54 (12). op cit. Apis (Gomaà. 13 [14.1. quartzite statue of the Overseer of Disputes Rs (seen on the London market in 1970). and pls. for which see Helck. 82 [5]. Museo Barracco 11 (Giorgio Careddu. pp. Kom el Hisn. and Le Surnom au Moyen Empire (Rome 1986). line 11. no. and the three columns are to be translated as follows: (1) Revered with Hathor.J. that her preëminence in this case merely reflects the local sympathies of a native of Kom el Hisn.b the Steward and Deputyc Sbk-¢tp (or Ìtp-Sbkd) (2) The revered son of the Steward ΢wty-¢tp (? or Ìtp?). 15). q–u).” which in any case recurs independently in both the other columns. dating to the 24th year of Amenemhet I (Sethe. pl. A priestess of this cult of Hathor is known from the Old Kingdom (Wild. (d) For the alternative see PN I. Louvre E 11196.E.1 (Frontispiece). Die altägyptischen Gaue (Wiesbaden 1974). This occurrence is peculiar. A column of inscription appears on (1) the back pillar. fig. MMA 22. and (3) the left side of the seat. Who Presidesa over the Western Nome (L. shows a hieroglyph ( ) with inner detail that is associated with the end of the Twelfth Dynasty and the Second Intermediate Period. . as in the series of compounds discussed by Vernus.g. Cairo CG 480.108 A STATUETTE OF THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM One of the statuettes of the same type. (2) the proper right side of the seat. Many of these are listed by Vandier.3. MMA 66.313.4 The date of the University of Pennsylvania Museum statuette cannot in any case be earlier than the reign of Amenemhet III. the determinative of “one who is cold” in Louvre stela C 1. Brooklyn 62. E 20171. Ägyptische Lesestücke. p. Staat aus dem Stein [Munich 1929]. 233 [Cb]). born of Nfr. Manuel d’archéologie III. fig. op. Habachi. Bologna 1839.. Also cloaked squatting figures: Baltimore 22. 154–56.e Sbk-¢tp (3) The revered Steward Sbk-¢tp.8. 2–3). Index. 209). MMA 30. Newberry. MMA 15. Mon. p. p. for it can hardly refer to the preceding title “steward.8. pl. For the attitude cf. 231. Heqaib. including BM 1237 (Evers. 16 (a–c. respectively. Durham 501. pl. the present inscription seems to indicate that Hathor’s cult had become more important by the end of the Middle Kingdom. p. to whom the face shows a certain resemblance. 98).123. pp.78. RdE 23 (1971). Scepter I. Bayonne B 509. PN I. but such a name does not seem to be attested. Bersheh II.77. E 10975. 193–99. 30. 80–83.226. Although the town of Ìwt-¡¢yt “Estate of Cattle” is named as the principal city on the geographical list of Sesostris I at Karnak along with its divinity. the single (feminine) example given by Ranke.

But it may have been inserted here as a correction. the projections on either side may be accidental. Types of Ancient Egyptian Statuary V (Munksgaard 1966). It more probably derives from Abydos or Kom el Hisn. and the form suggests .A STATUETTE OF THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM 109 (e) The question is whether the sign between and belongs to the former or the latter.5 As noted by Bodil Hornemann. 1165. which in any case seems to have been the owner’s birthplace. and this writing of ΢wty is unexpected on such a monument (see pp. but not on the other side of the seat. Cairo J 37891. 5 . pl. The mention of Hathor of Lower Egyptian Nome 3 brings us back to the question of provenance. in which case it may replace because there was insufficient space for the latter. Note that a stroke accompanies on the back pillar. it may be noted that another Middle Kingdom statuette. In favor of the second alternative. 203–204 below). It seems unlikely that the statuette came from the Fayum. The thickness of it speaks against this alternative. is said to come from this locality. however.

University of Pennsylvania Museum.110 A STATUETTE OF THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM Plate 16. Philadelphia. E 3381 Courtesy of the Museum .

. 2). 18).59. In this case the height. as is well demonstrated by the group shown in Plate 15 above.-H. now 16. 89). Conversely. 75). 12. Archaisms in a Statuette of Middle Kingdom Style The upper part of a schist statuette shown in Plates 17–181 poses a most interesting problem. One cloaked figure. BM 1237 (Vandier... Plate 16 above. 92 [6]). the acquisition. where three men wear a cloak. and the shoulders partly exposed.4 where the shoulders are partly exposed but the cloak does not stand out sharply from the body. 20. Cairo J 34572: plate 24. Berlin 12485 crosses both hands fisted (Jürgen Settgast. although the arms may be slightly crossed. all of whom generously provided photographs. pl. both hands are normally visible. but there seems little doubt that the level of the chin was lower than the shoulders. 54. pl. p. There is no parallel for such an attitude in the Middle Kingdom. Plate 19b is Berlin 4435: Hans Gerhard Evers. pl. 1 to p. de Cenival.1. Manuel d’archéologie III. pl. Plate 19d is Cairo J 34572. It is a little difficult to establish the precise angle of the figure in profile.. Priese and J. 148–50). For the first three figures I am indebted to Mogens Jørgensen. The line of the arms and the opening of the cloak very nearly form an x-shaped cross. 80). and I have there said that it is “probably XXV Dynasty. a conclusion which is by no means contradicted by traces of a back pillar.. Staat aus dem Stein (Munich 1929). Plate 19c is Louvre E 11576 (Elisabeth Delange. op. the woman who is represented was probably seated. pl. is noted in BMMA 24 (1965). while the woman who accompanies them MMA acc. 95. from Kamal. p. 65. pl. no. pp.” The provenance is unknown. no.g. the head seems disproportionately large in relation to the arms. but they are both uncovered (ibid. since it combines the style of the later Twelfth Dynasty with an attitude. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek ÆIN 932 (sic): Koefoed-Petersen. pl. ASAE 2 (1901). cit. by purchase. 30 (name effaced). the form of the opening is rather different. exceptionally crosses both hands outspread. Catalogue des statues (Copenhagen 1950). placed flat upon a cloak that leaves the upper part of the chest bare. Cairo CG 460. 111 .11. To judge from a profile view of the fragment. Aside from this feature. K. pl. one clenched. 4 Plate 19a is Copenhagen.83 (ibid. 3 All examples are male: e. but only the left hand is visible. 107 ff. as shown by the examples in Plate 19a–d.3 cm. Alnwick 501 (Gomaà.-L. cloak and coiffure that hearken back to the beginning of the Old Kingdom. Statuettes of women rarely show a cloak of any kind. Brooklyn 41. or even earlier. 83 [2]) and BM 100 (ibid. 2 Similarly Louvre C 16287 (Vandier. SAK 11 [1984]. and that were no longer in fashion beyond Dynasty IV. Ägyptisches Museum Berlin 1 [1980].2 Both arms are folded upon the chest. would originally have been more than twice that amount. which occurs occasionally in Middle Kingdom statuary. and pl. Furthermore all these other examples of the cloak appear on statuettes of men.. for both features cf. Catalogue des statues égyptiennes du Moyen Empire [Paris 1987].3 and while a cloak may leave the upper chest exposed.

their outspread wings parallel to the central band. 9 The drawing is taken from Wm. p. the workmanship is excellent.. which are somewhat uneven. 55. MMA 18. op.f I. p. Khafkhufu I and II.s and his wife “She who beholds Horus. as illustrated by a statuette from the Price Collection. Queen Ìtp-¢r. The banded wig reappears in the Fourth Dynasty tomb of Ówfw-∞™. Simpson. for further bibliography see PM III2. see Vandier. dating to the later years of the same dynasty. The left eye is heavy-lidded and the lower lid slightly pouched. and by Vandier. pl. by a pair of vultures in relief.G. cit. 48. fig. 7 The drawing is taken from Smith. 258. the “bald” area is reduced so that it corresponds almost exactly to the statue of Middle Kingdom style. ibid. I [2]). and defining the upper edge of the orbital cavity. cit. 738. beginning at the root of the nose. and a cloak of nearly identical pattern. for which see PM VII. op. viewed in profile. in relief. 2a). identifies the woman as a princess (z£t-nswt). but both these features are attested by the tomb of Queen Mr-sy-™n∞ III. together with the cloak. oriented towards the center. 84–85. the head of which is lost. cf. which Wm. their heads turned forward. Kaplony. pls. 2b). p. 6 MMA acc. Except for the striations on the wig. 198 (6). 8 . It is flanked. HESPOK.1. This zone displays.6 One of the closest parallels for the archaic elements occurs in a fragmentary relief of the Third Dynasty showing King Djoser accompanied by a daughter of his named ⁄n¡t-k£.. and F. PM III2. Stevenson Smith rightly identifies as a woman (Fig. K. on the crown of the woman’s head. 188 (G 7140. The wig is covered with a series of horizontal striations that continue all around it except for a vertical zone at the front.5 Of the face only the proper left side is preserved. 15 above. illustrated in BMMA 25 (1966).112 ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE does not. 5 The drawing has been made from Gardiner’s photograph in JEA 4 (1917). p. and Pl. 133. p. The wig is paralleled even more closely on the archaic Bankfield stela. Hilton Price.123. there is scarcely any trace of the nose and no trace whatever of the mouth. and no trace of any signs can now be seen. Manuel d’Archéologie I. where the treatment of the flattened hand is also similar (Frontispiece). no. but the eyebrow itself is not indicated. A Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities II (London 1908). Here the arms are again folded on the chest. 21 (4707). cf.2. 26. 7. p. Scepter I. she also holds her arms crossed in the same manner.2.s (Fig. in a representation of her mother.10 In the last case. and. Many other groups similarly combine cloaked male figures and uncloaked females. I know of only one exception. formerly in the Halifax Museum. 398. 76. 2c).8 it has the horizontal bands. the cloak and gesture are represented only in part. and the subtle modelling of the cloak is comparable to the best standards of the late Middle Kingdom. The ears are large. splayed against a rounded shoulder-length wig.. and Hayes. which becomes somewhat narrower as it progresses upwards to its termination at the crown of the head. Inschriften II. 215.s (Fig. fig. The figure has erroneously been identified as a man by Gardiner. 143. and here the woman’s cloak is quite different. Mersyankh. the latter shows that the base was inscribed in paint on at least one side. pl. 66. The line of the brow is undercut in a continuous curve. but the name was evidently too unclear to be read.7 The wife wears a wig of similar shape with a seemingly bald area at the forehead. 602. Smith. which are not to be seen in the less detailed wig of Djoser’s wife. Ìtp-¢r-nbty” (Fig. 1). where it is worn by his mother Queen Mrt-¡t.9 since she holds her son’s hand. leaving one shoulder exposed. the hood and sinuous body of a royal cobra. p. 10 The drawing is from Dunham and Simpson. fig. p. Kawab.

ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE 113 Fig. (b) Dyn. 2. Women’s wigs: (a) Archaic stela. 1. after Smith. (c) Mother of Mr-sy-™n∞ III. Smith Fig.S. IV relief of Ówfw-∞™. Turin.f ’s mother. Detail of relief of Djoser. after Dunham and Simpson . After W.

342. the other fragmentary. op. But this change may well have occurred in the Middle Kingdom. presumably projected from the hole above the forehead. 1931]. S. 74). des reines. however. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions. 14 A fragment of relief in the Brooklyn Museum (L 67. south of the Mycerinus Pyramid (George Reisner. pl. 28). 9).1) is the earliest example of the change.16 the headdress is not known with certainty to have been attributed to queens until the later half of the Sixth Dynasty. one more or less complete. Peet and ◊ern≈. Dyn.12 Since we have no example of the horizontally banded wig in three-dimensional sculpture of the Old Kingdom. Grabd. Leclant. Dunham and Simpson. 16 Uvo Hölscher. Mass.15 Although some alabaster fragments of such a headdress have been attributed to queens of the Fourth Dynasty. 17d). pl.11 and in a fragmentary statue of a woman which may come from the tomb of Mr-sy-™n∞ III (Fig.. PM VII. 23. confirming that it is also only partially indicated in the previous case. Jéquier. 18 Gardiner. pls. p. nor in one dating to the Fifth Dynasty (Borchardt. Also Borchardt. Cairo CG 255 (Vandier. Pyrs. no. p. 15 See Fig. 13 Borchardt. The colossal statue of Queen Ó™¡mrr-nbty. the cobra-goddess Uto. p. Cairo J 48856 (PM III2. pl.17 A uraeus seemingly appears on the brow of the mother of Pepy II in a crude relief at Serabit el Khadim in the Sinai. p. op. 274). p. pl.. 16). pl. a vulture’s head. or whether the borrowing derives from a two-dimensional representation. show two alabaster heads of women. as well as to Nekhbet’s Lower Egyptian counterpart. 17 Cairo CG 1431 (facsimile in Fischer. In the latter case the head of the vulture was replaced by that of a uraeus. Sinai. 91. 3a). Lauer and J. The drawing is from Wm. S’a£¢u-re™ II. Mycerinus [Cambridge. Manuel d’Archéologie III. has no vulture on the head. nor does it appear in the dyad of Mycerinus and his wife (perhaps the same queen). 337. fig. 2. 184 below. 108 and pl. 141–44. 22. 36. 43. pl. 4–5 (the drawing in pl. n. Room west of Columned Hall). Smith. Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Chephren (Leipzig 1912).119 (Vandier. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. figs. 102–103. 14 c. 57 (7). Brooklyn 39. The same is true of some similar alabaster fragments from Pyramid 3a.18 as also in 11 Cairo CG 4: PM IV. 4 mistakenly suggests that the broken head of the vulture is a uraeus). 19. Firth and Gunn. . but this feature was probably modified in three-dimensional sculpture. Le Temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Teti (Cairo 1977). Manuel d’Archéologie III. pl. it remains uncertain whether the later statuette borrowed from such a source. These might possibly belong to a group showing the king with a goddess. 79. Grabd. 8 [4]. cf. each of which has a striated wig of unknown length surmounted by a vulture in relief. pls. Grabd. S’a£¢u-re™ II. 21. p. Jéquier. since the Old Kingdom representations (unlike later ones)14 show that they too wore the vulture headdress. 39. pp. 12 MFA 30. and the references on p. 3b). S’a£¢u-re™ II. PM III2. Only the top of the cloak is indicated. namely the royal uraeus and the pair of vultures. pl. pls. Monument funéraire de Pepi II II. fig. 140. fig. for the same form of cloak is evidently to be recognized in the early Fourth Dynasty statue of Nfrt from Medum (Fig. when it became customary. for which see Reisner.13 and this may also have been true of the Lower Egyptian Mrt. 3. cit. 9 (17). cf. In any case two elements were added that are not to be found in any of the Third and Fourth Dynasty examples. Fazzini to the reign of Amenophis I (The Collector’s Eye: The Ernest Erickson Collections at The Brooklyn Museum [1987]. 4. pl. pl. Egyptian Studies II. p. Monument funéraire de Pepi II III. VI: J. None of the few Old Kingdom examples is known to pertain to Lower Egypt. op. Grabd. 16 (cf.-Ph. A vulture headdress that covered the entire head was probably initially restricted to goddesses—most naturally Nekhbet. Unlike that of Djoser’s queen. And it is not to be seen in the Fourth Dynasty representations of queens mentioned earlier. the cloak forms an angular peak high above the shoulders. cit. cit. Ne-user-re™. 183. 54–60. for further bibliography see James. supplementing the relief on top.1461. fig. 58).114 ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE they again form a pattern in the shape of x. now dated by R. for the two Mrt-goddesses originally seem to have been assimilated to Nekhbet and Uto.

Egipetskaia Plastika Malji Form [Moscow 1985].V. [5]). figs.137 (Romano. 3).. n. 22.I. Staatliche Sammlung Ägyptischer Kunst (Munich 1972). 17 (B. Temple I. Cairo J 39741 (ibid. Munich ÄS 5551 (Staatliche Sammlung Ägyptischer 19 Petrie. Moscow. (b) Dyn. Connoisseur. 7–10.22 As far as sculpture is concerned. pl. pl. Possibly one should add Uppsala 31 (Pehr Lugn. cf. photo 10. XI: Naville. pl. no. pl. 113. 47 and pl.255 (–948: Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth. Similar examples in Dyn. figs. 3. 5. some doubtless belonging to the following dynasty. 14). Brooklyn 43. 269). Walters Art Gallery 22. 33). Oudjebten. 3. cit. Boston MFA 67. from a photograph another case. 20 (for which cf. Müller. p. Pushkin Museum 1013 (V. 57 and pl. pl.7 (ibid. 22 Berlin 013. Five Years of Collecting Egyptian Art 1951–1956 [Brooklyn 1956]. Catalogue of the Béhague Collection.424). 20 Representations of Dyn. Pyrs. IV statuette. 6. Beatrix Ge∫ler-Löhr and H. where the same queen may be represented. 1987. II. the latter also in Vol. Catalogue of Egyptian Sculpture in the Walters Art Gallery [Baltimore 1946]. Abydos Kunst [Munich 1972]. 1036 (B. Grabd. 65. pp. 26.W. pl. 8). after Smith. London. Dec. sphinx). diorite torso. 1). no.9 (Terrace. loc. 18). 21 Cairo CG 381–382. IV statue of Nfrt. Hodjash. 25 [41]). 8. 48). Borchardt. Manuel d’Archéologie III. SAK 6 [1978]. 74 (1. Ausgewählte Denkmäler aus ägyptischen Sammlungen in Schweden [Leipzig 1922]. Paris BN 24 (Vandier. August 1968. uraeus erased for reuse by a non-royal woman. 24. des reines. Pavlov and S. pl. pl.85 (Cooney. 131–43 and pl. University College. no. [6]). XIth Dyn. representing one of two wives of Pepy I. PM IV. Pharaohs and Mortals: Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom [Cambridge 1988]. Istanbul Eski Sark Eserleri Müzesi. 20. [2]). Sotheby’s Monaco. MMA 08. MDAIK 48 [1992]. pl. 7. p.19 It is not to be seen in other representations of the queen that are earlier than the Twelfth Dynasty. Brooklyn 56..20 at which point it is exemplified by the renowned pair of statues portraying the wife of Sesostris II. Women’s cloaks: (a) Dyn. pls. 13.21and at least a dozen other statuettes of queens and princesses. Bothmer. S’a£¢u-re™ II.V. Steindorff. E. MMJ 9 [1974].202. . 18–19. 29).. 16657 (Janine Bourriau. p. Vandier. 13). the vulture headdress apparently did not II.376 (G. cf. 3. VI queens lacking both vulture headdress and uraeus: Jequier.ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE 115 Fig.

The earliest possible date of the statuette is indicated by the very large ears and more particularly by the rather heavy lids of the remaining eye—features which are first encountered in representations of Sesostris III. Manuel d’Archéologie III. 147. For the early Twelfth Dynasty see Hayes. 48. 8.D. and illustrated on pl. to A. p. with a pair of vultures flanking a complete uraeus. p. and which are echoed in private statuary. XVIII rather than Middle Kingdom as Steindorff supposes (op. but is now dated later than the New Kingdom. and from no period.C.23 although the wife of Amenemhet III wears it in a two-dimensional representation on her false door. 17). cit. p.224 (Hayes. pp..116 ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE reappear until the New Kingdom. which also has the vulture headdress. Barracco 13 (Vandier.. in this case. p. Russmann also notes archaisms of other periods. No comparable example of archaism is known from this period—a borrowing of older features which. One is therefore impelled to consider the possibility that the fragment may be a composite of Old and Middle Kingdom archaisms that was created in the later half of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty. Statuen des Mittleren Reichs und der 18. and specifically the wife of Sesostris III (ibid. pl. J 45076 (Vandier. E.10. dating to the middle of the Thirteenth Dynasty. .g. but not so early as the Middle Kingdom (MMJ 8 [1973]. Das Alte Ägypten. the date of which is discussed by Spalinger. 223. both male and female28 throughout the remainder of the Twelfth Dynasty. presumably a vulture. 74 [4]). and probably all 23 three). Nor is archaism of any kind to be expected in the late Middle Kingdom. Fouilles à Dahchour II (Vienna 1903). 22). XIII: Louvre C 13. when the style of the Middle Kingdom exercised particularly strong influence.405.134.25 It became frequent in statuary of the New Kingdom. Vienna ÄS 5778 (Brigitte Jaroß-Deckert. While the artistic production of the late Eleventh and early Twelfth Dynasty was inspired. however. where the head of the vulture is usually replaced by that of the uraeus.26 One curious statuette apparently dating to the Middle Kingdom represents a queen in the form of a human-headed bird.24 and a small vulture is affixed to one of the inlaid gold diadems from Dahshur. Bothmer et al. but the hair is not covered with plumage and the queen wears a uraeus. Cairo CG 572. 26. 182–92. 240–52. Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period 700 B. is considered by Vandier. LVa. 183 and fig. 31). CG 42009. by the Sixth Dynasty. and in the Thirteenth Dynasty as well. Scepter I. Serapis 3 (1975– 76). 186. 25 Cairo CG 52860: Erika Feucht. Manuel d’Archéologie III. MMA 16. ASAE 35 (1935).3. which he believes to be a queen. n. Museo Barracco di scultura antica: la collezione egizia. and Edna Russmann informs me that she believes it may belong to the Late Period. Manuel d’Archéologie III. Another example appears on a stela of the end of Dyn. 104 [5–7]. For the date (not much before Neferhotep I) see Bruce Williams. 28 The most striking example is Berlin 14475 (Vandier. Scepter II. to my knowledge. p. no stone sculpture of a queen A life-sized head. 27 Keimer. Manuel d’Archéologie III. but the head bears neither the vulture headdress nor the uraeus. this will be published by Biri Fay. xxxvii. is there a parallel for the combination of these elements as in the present case.. de Morgan. no. 95–116.. 98 [7]. 388 and pl. fig. 39–40 and n. 126–31). Mainz/ Rhein 1988]. 100 (Brooklyn 1960). ranging from the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty onward.29 that source of inspiration had now been left behind in favor of changes that affected both style and iconography . Giorgio Carredu. to a considerable degree. 26 E. 30 Bernard V. spans at least six centuries. 29 For the Eleventh Dynasty see Artibus Asiae 22 (1959). 315 to be early Dyn. Dynastie [CAA Wien. 24 J. 114 on p. RdE 32 (1980).27 This is as close an association of the vulture and uraeus as is found in Middle Kingdom statuary representing queens. the cobra head evidently appears in the first two cases. pl. no. fig. 55). in Vandersleyen.. pl. 5). p. Brooklyn 65. was initially thought to be early 12th Dyn. Walters Art Gallery 22.30 As Bernard Bothmer has pointed out.

XXVI. 93. 37–56) and the somewhat earlier statuettes discussed by Elizabeth Riefstahl. and that he knows of several other couples. their shape may have favored the reappearance of the more distincively archaic style. XXV: Steffen Wenig. Dyn. Non-royal. Biri Fay has taken up the same subject.8.33 one hesitates to attribute the statuette of a queen to the period when such archaism was most favored. and although a few statues of couples may be attributed to it. dating to Dyn. p.31 The only other point that might be made in favor of this alternative is the fact that globular wigs reappear on most of the surviving statues of queens and non-royal women dating to Dyns. both in stone and in wood. I am obliged to Professor Bothmer for providing me with a photograph of the statue. Pilosi. owing to an unfortunate misunderstanding on the part of The Metropolitan Museum’s Egyptian Department. that are archaizing in the same manner. Cairo CG 42205. pp. Louvre N 500. one must weigh two improbabilities. at the end of 1994. the faces betray the later period.H.. Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard Parker (Hanover. 108. XXVI. namely the existence of et al. XXV (ibid. n. 11. 105. Schorsch. 275. Die Frau im alten Ägypten (Leipzig 1967). Becker. Furthermore it must be acknowledged that the late Middle Kingdom style of the fragment is so pronounced that one would hardly conceive it to be a work of the Late Period were it not for its anachronistic peculiarities.. XXII–XXVI. but subsequently redated to Dyn. MMJ 29 [1994]. p. D. cit. On hearing that this topic had already been discussed in the present volume. and to this difficulty is added the unexpected pair of vultures.. 34. XIII: Bothmer and De Meulenaere. Takushit.32 having gone out of fashion since the Eleventh Dynasty. . 1986). also the other naked statuette of a woman. cit. loc. Athens. the man has an Old Kingdom wig and Middle Kingdom kilt. He also notes that the provenance is thought to be Heliopolis. L.. precisely when traditions of the Old Kingdom had been so completely abandoned in sculpture. with the shoulder straps forming an angle. I learned that. XXII: Aldred et al. covering most of the essential points of this chapter. Dyn. This shows a standing couple. 8–9. In short. 33 A very good example is to be found in Louvre A 89.ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE 117 or non-royal woman is known to have been made during that dynasty. XXIV: ibid. MMA 30. while the combination of Old and Middle Kingdom archaisms is known from the Late Period. however. Dyn. While these wigs show the conventional pattern of overlapping locks.93. On the other hand. N. she has very graciously withdrawn the relevant portion of her remarks from her written report. It seems extraordinary that archaisms drawn from the early Old Kingdom would appear in statuary of the late Middle Kingdom. while the woman conversely has a 32 31 Bothmer Middle Kingdom wig and an Old Kingdom style of dress. Cf.191. Brooklyn Museum Journal 1943–1944. they are still infrequent at that time.4.34 Addendum As this volume was nearing readiness for the press. which is dated “probably” to the later period by Bothmer. 7–23. XXV is illustrated by MMA 02. pl. pl. which probably wore a uraeus (L. Ankhnesneferibre. Dyn. 8). 176. Keromama.. In this case. in a symposium organised by the French Institute in Cairo. Even more generously. Berlin 2309. pls. dated by Bothmer to Dyn. and some representing women are known from the following dynasty. 34 The difficulty of distinguishing late Middle Kingdom style from that of Dyn. which I know only from the original. she has offered me a most interesting discovery of her own. op. L’Egypte du crépuscule (Paris 1980).

CG 381–382. described as “tête d’une statuette d’homme. 36 This face. The surface is so abraded on all sides that the head. The horizontal striations are much the same. where the date was left in doubt. the stone is certainly quite hard. has not been photo- graphed at eye level. yet of different scale and material—seems more understandable if they derive from the Middle Kingdom than if one accepts the later alternative. show a necklace and pectoral. The use of a harder type of stone38 probably explains the lesser depth of undercutting at the edge of the wig. no. But there is little doubt that both belong to the same period. once detached. but from below. and the half-erased features again reflect the royal physiognomy of the late Middle Kingdom. Acquise en 1894 dans le commerce de l’art. Granit. although much battered.36 The surface is too worn to detect any trace of a pair of vultures. the scale in this case is decidedly larger.35 The overall shape of the globular wig is in fact more similar than one might suppose from a front view. are suggestive of a necklace. but there is no trace of beaded segmentation. Koefoed-Petersen gives the height as 13 cm. for the apparent crease at the center is due to a large pit in the crown of the head. but the ghostly outline of cobra’s hood confirms the existence of a uraeus. shows the same type of archaizing wig as does the fragmentary statue in New York: Glyptothèque Ny Carlsberg ÆIN 595 (Pl. but necklaces are not usual on Middle Kingdom statues of either sex. And the survival of two such examples—so similar.118 ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE a hitherto unnoticed granite head. Traces of a half-dozen evenly spaced lines. by about a third. if these were present. as is the shape of the smooth central area. as is indicated by the reuse of the head as a tool. which.37 in which case there would not have been a cloak. 37 The statues of Queen Nofret. 35 See Otto Koefoed-Petersen. … Basse époque. and the lines are so nearly vertical that they may belong to a shoulder strap. 38 Although its identification may not be altogether accurate. of which much less is preserved. Although both heads belonged to statuettes. . 20).” There is no illustration. below the wig. Catalogue des statues et stat- uettes égyptiennes (Copenhagen 1950). unlike the other one. which are visible at spectator’s left. must have been used for grinding or pounding. en Egypte. 116. Biri Fay came upon it in the Late Period photographic archives of Bernard Bothmer. making it somewhat difficult to compare the two. subsequently revised to 12 cm. Probably nothing is to be made of the absence of vertical lines on the corresponding area on the opposite side.

59.ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE Plate 17. 1965 119 . Metropolitan Musem 65.1 Rogers Fund.

59. Metropolitan Museum 65.1 .120 ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE Plate 18.

Louvre E 11576 Courtesy of the Museum Plate 19d. Cairo J 345572. Courtesy of the Museum Plate 19b. Copenhagen.ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE 121 Plate 19a. ÆIN 932. after Kamal . Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Berlin 4435 Courtesy Staatliche Museen Plate 19c.

ÆIN 595 Courtesy of the Museum . Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Copenhagen.122 ARCHAISMS IN A STATUETTE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM STYLE Plate 20.

each of whom presents offerings—the first.5 x 53 cm.A. 123 . below a chest in the form of a shrine. 26. Simpson. 4 Hieroglyphic Texts III.7 they appear more clearly on a stela of the reign of Amenemhet III. 13. 3. 17. pls. 7. 5 See Excursus III below. 7 [B]. 66. more complete examples of which are to be found in the Hermitage1 and the Louvre. which. including BM 254. dissertation for New York University. accompanied by a woman of smaller size whose relationship is not specified but. two bags of incense. pls. As in the chapels that have just been mentioned. 4. apparently. 1 really a translucent underwrapping of the same kilt) and CG 20538 (the latter doubtful. and the second a jar of ointment.9 as well as Hermitage 1063. To judge from these other examples. Representation and Style of Dated Private Stelae of Dyn. in the reign of Tuthmosis III. op. Three of the figures call for further comment.8 and in the latest of the Twelfth Dynasty tombs at Meir. no.2 The sides of the two chapels are about twice as broad as the end piece. 907 f. Rita Freed. 1064. although the piece in New York shows better workmanship. while the one on the right was occupied by scenes of daily life. Grab. 9 Blackman. A Shrine and Statue of the Thirteenth Dynasty The painted limestone monument shown in Plate 21 (MMA 69. 2 Louvre C 16–18: Boreux. and 1075: Lourié. which is equally well dated (Simpson. 7 Louvre E 3462 (RdE 24 [1972]. Simpson. 75 [272]. 34 and cf. 19.6 Suggestions of double kilts are first known from the reign of Amenemhet II. The date of the chapel in Leningrad is established by one of the owner’s titles.und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs IV.. probably as late as the reign of Khendjer. pl. op. Personendaten. 11. pl.” On the right. Terrace of the Great God. 3 For the dossier of the vizier and his date see Franke. pl. 70 f.. 6 Tylor and Griffith. are a kneeling woman and a standing man. pl. in an M. The triple kilt is to be found on a few other stelae of the Thirteenth Dynasty.A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY 12. 8 Dunham. p.3 There is no reason to think that the other chapels are much earlier. 78 f. is a “mistress of the house. The tomb owner and his wife stand at the left. pl. 45–48.154 (Plate 26) and Copenhagen ÆIN 964. cit. no. Mélanges Maspero I. see Lange and Schäfer.4 MMA 63. 35). below which is a large pair of w∂£t-eyes flanking the ßn-sign. Meir VI. Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae. the top is surmounted by a flkr-frieze. like the wife. foll. the last two belonging to the same individual. pp.30) is clearly to be identified as the back of a miniature chapel. 173. XII (1976). cit. in the present case is 33. he is “the treasurer of the vizier ™n∞w.5 It is known again from the Eighteenth Dynasty.” who is known to have lived in the Thirteenth Dynasty. pls. 56–57 refers to these examples as well as to Leiden V 5. pls. Paheri. the missing wall on the left portrayed the deceased in the company of his family. BIFAO 30 (1931).

the latter banded by incised lines13 (Fig.154 (Pl. 34). pls. Grab. servant in bottom register). cit. Cairo CG 20290. but. Although young women. 22a). op. 9 cm high (Pl. 68 [169]). 20672 (pictured in this sequence.. Minoan Pottery in Second Millennium Egypt (Mainz 1980). 10. 13 Hodjash and Berlev. which emphasize a rippled contour. Sedment II. XIII examples include CG 20549 (Simpson. pls. and its scale suggests that the coiffure in question may not have been confined to servants. 928 (ibid. and her coiffure tapers to a point from which a pigtail falls rather abruptly. 13. Egyptian Reliefs. 8. it is braided at the top and the braid falls straight downward. pl. 12 (E 312. 147–50. Werbrouck.”16 Another example. A stela of the same period in Moscow shows a servant with a similar strapless skirt and coiffure. Garstang. or Dyn. 2. 10 BM 1562 (Hieroglyphic Texts III. 16 Note. pls. 1a). 64 (97–104). about two-thirds life size. pls. 19 Brussels E 6749: M.14 as well as boys. 30).. The hair appears to be encircled by six bands. JEA 47 [1961]. 1c)18 which is surprisingly early—probably dating to the Twelfth Dynasty.. however. Lange and Schäfer. Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire: Département Egyptien: Album (Brussels 1934). 14 Cairo J 49927 (servant in tomb of Queen Nfrw. pl. pl. pp. 22b) and here the girl is exceptionally labelled “Asiatic” rather than “servant. late M. that the same individual wears a long wig on the Copenhagen stela.. 17 Cairo CG 20747: Lange and Schäfer. 20706. comment m. 15. the discussion of statuettes presenting jars by Barry Kemp in Kemp and Merrillees. pl. in view of its relationship to the reliefs. . II. 12 Tuthmosis III: Tylor and Griffith. Regardless of the attitude.19 It has previously been described as Hittite and dated to the New Kingdom. probably equally late (Fig. Dyn. 6. 20629. op. El Arábah (London 1901). 15 Engelbach and Gunn. She wears a strapless skirt that leaves her breasts exposed. 20679. 20243 (evidently Dyn. Paheri. and also has a different designation (probably wb£yt) before the name: see Excursus III below. op. Harageh. and to Pierre Gilbert for permitting me to publish them. Lange and Schäfer. 159 f. pl.K. 20376. pls. 20394. Simpson. Cf. pls. 20694. The hair is also traversed by wavy lines added in black paint. 67 (168). pl. 11 Hieroglyphic Texts IV. XI: MMA photo M7C 174). 33. p. and in any case I have been unable to identify it with certainty from the representations of foreigners of earlier and later date. 1b)17 is much less detailed than a third (Fig.11 and in the Eighteenth down to the reign of Amenophis III. This is probably not a foreign feature. pp. 20331. it is presumably Twelfth or Thirteenth Dynasty. CG 20709. 86– 89. 41). XIII. cit. cit. 52.15 sometimes show a pigtail or pendant lock at the back of the head. I know of only four other cases in which the shape of the hair is otherwise similar. The most detailed rendering of the coiffure is provided by the head of a statuette of indurated limestone in Brussels. 67 [163–67].10 This fashion is attested in the Seventeenth Dynasty. however. which may. 20346. 10–18 and pl. 114 (959). 20. op. 40. cit. 18 BM 162: Hieroglyphic Texts IV. 18–21. 24 and pl. some of which are probably as late as the dynasty following. Dyn. 20440. 26. IV. 23). 20731. 48 [1962]. XII). no. Tombs of Two Officials (London 1923). Liverpool E 30 (Kitchen. Amenophis II: Petrie and Brunton. pl.und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs IV. simply be a conventionalized rendering of natural waves. 20736 (pictured in this sequence. Tuthmosis IV: Norman Davies. pl. temp. CG 20498. One of these appears on the contemporaneous MMA 63. this was originally a fairly sizable piece of sculpture. 25. Also CG 1481. 14. 71.12 The attire of the servant girl is particularly interesting (Pl. Khendjer).124 A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY on a number of stelae. I am indebted to Arpag Mekhitarian for preparing the photographs shown here. 73.

Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities at Alnwick Castle (London 1880). justified. p. 3. Sammlg.22 The inscriptions may be translated as follows: Above the owner: (1) An offering which the king gives and Amen-[Re]. 20). Making (over) m∂t-oil j to the k£ of the Judge and Voice of Nekhen ™n. Louvre C 85 (MMJ 5 [1972]. . 25) provides a typical example. the date is uncertain. pl. but is possibly broken. 155 [1] following) shows a similar coiffure. Before offering bearers: The sweet breath of lifeh to thy nose.21 in the reign of Sesostris I. but in no case is there any evidence of ribbing. pl. W. op.344. 83). as shown in Fig. cit. Hieroglyphic Texts III. the Mistress of the House Z£t-⁄mne (2) born of Nfrw. XII–XIII It may also be considered whether there is any relationship between the coiffure in question and another worn by servants. The preposition evidently expresses either equivalence(“namely”) or kind (“consisting of”). 22 See Excursus II below. that he may give (2) exhalations of myrrh and incensea (3) to the k£ of the Judge and Voice of Nekhenb ™n. “wind from”) is unexpected. Mistress of Dendera. Rn(. and in such cases it is usually the sole presentation. Beni Hasan I. pl. 21 Alnwick (Durham University) 1932: Simpson. 20 From Lange and Schäfer. op. Hair of servant girl and comparable examples. 1d).. and the hair does not terminate in a pigtail. Dyns. Above second woman: The Mistress of the House. 2. Other examples include Boeser. B. 1. 48 (BM 239). see Gardiner. 48. cit. MMA 68. Before the kneeling woman: The maidservantk Snb-Dd¡-m£™-∞rw l Before the standing man: The w™b-priest of Hathor. XII (Newberry. a detail of CG 20346 uniformly painted black. 1951.i Judge and Voice of Nekhen ™n. but may well be New Kingdom. Royal Scottish Museum.20 Here the hair might conceivably be held in a similar way. Spiegelberg. pl. Birch. This occurs as early as Dyn.. 46 (BM 215).A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY 125 Fig. pl. in Dyn. but is more commonly encountered on stelae dating to the end of the dynasty and Dynasty XIII.g justified. Grammar..d justified. pls. pl. XI (Petrie. pl. Terrace of the Great God.14 (Pl. 29 [mourners. Peterson. aeg. In the last case thc coiffure comes to a point at the end. 7. 13). 27 (37). pls.f justified. XI. 2. Lord of Thrones of the Two Lands. Parma 178 (ibid. Above his wife: (1) And to the k£ of his wife.¡)-snb. pl. Snbtysy. XIII (Kitchen. a weaver]) and Dyn. II. Orientalia Suecana 17 (1968). justified. fig. the end of which again shows an enlargement.m Comments (a) †£w m (lit. 150 and pl. CG 20226. Dendereh. it should be noted that the presentation of a jar of ointment is attested fairly early in the Twelfth Dynasty. Aegyptische Grabsteine III (Strasbourg 1906). Berlin 7286 (Simpson. 20754. p. 20556. 14. bottom left). The head of a glazed statuette (Petrie. opp. Researches in Sinai [New York 1906]. 15 (15). pl. 20476. CG 20516. Edinburgh. 67 (158). JEA 47 [1961]. S. Finally. 28).c born of Ów. Beschr. 33 (43).

Barta.1438 (Carnarvon and Carter. ibid. PN I. pl. for which see Simpson. 53. cit. 61 [12. for the latter PN I. 49 [1]). Peet and ◊ern≈. provides another example from the same reign). 6. 149 [Rifeh Tomb IV. § 144. cited by Barta. who presents a jar of ointment to Amenemhet IV. 38–39]). 142. 203 (18). see also BM 254 (Hieroglyphic Texts III. p. The first example is the only other one known to me where the recipient is neither a king nor a divinity. 312 (15). ibid.7. on the other .. Such combinations of the Middle Kingdom are discussed by Vernus in RdE 23 (1971). section 1. normally written wb£(y)t (Wb. referring to Berlin 1188. also CG 20164. Gramm. this is paralleled on Louvre stela C 58 (Pierret. Snb + Dd¡. as also on the aforementioned rear wall of a contemporary shrine in Moscow (note 13 above). Chapter 4. 46. dating to the Middle Kingdom and onward (PN I. loc. both well attested for women as well as men. Altäg. 38). 5. (b) For this title see above. an Eighteenth Dynasty offering formula invoking “the breathing of emanations of myrrh and incense” (Montet. pl. XIII. n. which might be as late as Dyn. I.’” this may be somewhat later than Dyn. 292 [7. (g) A common name: PN I. (j) The closest parallel occurs on BM 215 (Hieroglyphic Texts III.. (e) A common name: PN I. 8]). is here written i. op. the front of an inlaid chest. 13]). (i) Cf. 193–99. †£w n∂m n Ónty-¡mntyw r ßrt nt NN. 62 (13).. referring to ™n. all examples but the last (Dyn. 8). similarly in an address to the living: “so may ye say ‘the breath of life to the nose of the revered NN. 286 (6). myrrh and incense are also coupled in a statement wishing that the deceased might smell them (Tylor and Griffith. Operformel. 13. Kêmi 6 [1936].. I. but by m£™t-∞rw on a statuette belonging to the same individual (Figure 2 below). n. 6). 1878]. where the same legend accompanies the deceased. p. for the former see PN I. see Edel.126 A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY § 162 (5. cit. 141 and pl.” for which Ranke gives two examples. 265 (26 and cf. Examples are fairly recurrent in this period. The shift of initial w and ¡ is attested much earlier. MMA 26. XII. and more fully in Le Surnom au Moyen Empire (Rome 1986). 30. no. In the present case the mother is named. Cf. Sinai. (f) A common name: PN I. the name followed by m£™-∞rw. 18) are feminine. 65. 61 (7–9). (l) This seems to be a combination of two names. ¡b£t. (d) Attested for both men and women in the Middle Kingdom: PN I. This may be an abbreviated form of a theophoric name referring to the god as “the beautiful one. Cf. Simpson. XIII.. Five Years’ Explorations.e. 10). pl. (c) For ™n cf. cites only Cairo CG 20039. 70 and pl. 62 (8). pl. The name *Snb-Dd¡. no. The date of this is probably no later than the middle of Dyn. 17. (k) Evidently the designation. 314 (25). 402 (1). pl. p. Terrace of the Great God. where the presentation is made to Osiris. Paheri. 26) and CG 20476 which are equally late. pl. 27). (h) [†£w n∂m] n ™n∞ occurs in an offering formula as early as the 43rd year of Amenemhet III (Gardiner. p. Cf. Recueil d’inscriptions II [Paris.

op. and thus doubtless refers to the same cult. but once again. no. RdE 25 (1973). ™n. 1203). I know of no parallel for the addition of this epithet to the mention of someone whose memory is honored in a personal name.5 cm. although the relevant Belegstellen (including [3]) give no evidence prior to the New Kingdom. left side of seat (Plate 24b): (1) An offering that the king gives (to) Amen-Re. (m) The name and title recur on a scarab in the British Museum. comment (d) above). 24a): (1) [An offering that the king gives to] Ptah-Sokaris. B. and 23 The provenance is indicated not only by the titles but by the offering formula. 26 Note the odd form of what is certainly meant to be .. cit. although this epithet is not usually applied to the names of servants. although the name Rn(¡)-snb was so popular in this period (PN I. According to Martin’s classification of the back.. more clearly written as . which invokes Hathor Mistress of Dendera. represents the same individual wearing a long cloak. p. whose mother was Z£t-Sbk and whose father Sbk-™£ (or ™£-Sbk) has the same title on a stela that must come from Dendera (Charles Ede Ltd. 24). 2. 24 MMA acc. alabaster (jars of ointment) and clothing. 104 [2] notes the use of this as an epithet of Amun. A second lector priest. Apart from these. The lower part of a seated statue. Ward. 1976. but are perhaps to be reconstructed as . of course (cf. p.. 1976. 103 f.25 Who Presides over Karnak (3) in Thebes. if this were the proper interpretation. oxen and fowl and everything.26 that he may grant invocation offerings of bread and beer (4) oxen and fowl.A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY 127 hand. the other missing. Small Sculpture from Ancient Egypt [London 1972]. 746. Dendera. op. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. sale catalogue. Index. the only other evidence Ward gives for priests of Hathor’s Denderite cult is a lector priest whose title and name have been read (Martin. All of the other examples of Middle Kingdom and Thirteenth Dynasty w™b-priests of Hathor of Dendera that are known to me—three in all—are listed by Ward. 673: CG 20030. CG 20334. no. cit. 63 (214). no. cit. The two stelae are both probably as late as Dyn. his right hand placed palm upward on his lap. the date is Thirteenth Dynasty. that he may grant invocation offerings of bread and beer. Vernus. II. New York. and that of the entire statue must have been about 33 cm when it was intact. 3). justified. one might connect the epithet m£™-∞rw to the reference to Dd¡. Pl .24 probably of schist (Pl. 222 [26]) that one cannot be certain. The lower part of the cloak and the left side of the seat are inscribed as follows: A. of the temple” (Ward. unlike Dd¡-snb(w) (PN I 402 [6]) and Dd-snb(w) (PN I. no. Previously illustrated in Sotheby Parke Bernet Catalogue. Dec. 401 [21]). since m£™ lacks a feminine ending. 41564 (Martin. Horus the Behdetite and Harsomtus. 256. and it is therefore possible that the same individual is involved. op. 25 For mrwty see Wb. 831).383. 26. is not attested. no. 1398) is also known from a crude stela invoking Hathor of Dendera and Horus the Behdetite. Lord of Dendera (Brussels E 2286). (2) the Beloved. Sale 3934.23 A “scribe” ( ). (2) the sweet breath of life to the k£ of [the Judge and Voice of Nekhen]. for the connection of the last two divinities with this cult see Fischer. 125 f. no. is identified as Sm∞-sn. 11. . pp. no. The height is 22.. on cloak (Fig. but evidently raised to his chest. The writing of the epithet does not preclude its being read as m£™t-∞rw. XIII.

and the statue could easily have been accomodated within the latter. Inscription on the texts and representations. 135.383 Excursus I: The colors of MMA 69. 1158a. Upper broad band at bottom of stela. Initial painting of the rim (but not the extended “cosmetic line”) of each w∂£t-eye. in incised outline of the bags offered by woman. justified. the stela in the Pushkin Museum. No further commentary is required except to note the additional mention of Amen-Re of Karnak. Top of staff held by owner. 877a).EXCURSUS I: THE 128 A SHRINE AND COLORS OF OF THE MMA 69. where all the hieroglyphs have a light yellow background. every other one of the elements in the border below the flkr-frieze.30 Yellow: The background on which w∂£t-eyes and ßn-sign appear. while elsewhere the dead king “receives for himself the breath of life” and “breathes the wind. Late Old Kingdom scenes in tomb chapels frequently show the deceased holding a jar of ointment to his nose. an abundance of north wind” (Pyr.30 THIRTEENTH DYNASTY STATUE everything goodly and pure to the k£ of (5) the Judge and Voice of Nekhen ™n. in right incised border line of the column of inscription. c). all hieroglyphs. The association of breath and incense goes back to the Pyramid Texts.27 The lower of the two broad bands at the bottom. Flesh of the two men. the background of the column of hieroglyphs right of center. in incised border line at right. Traces in inner line of ßn-circle. Red: Each of the round elements in the flkr-frieze. cited in n. cosmetic line and pendant elements of w∂£t-eyes. fragmentary statuette of ™n. thy (refreshing) north wind is smoke” (Pyr. in incised outline of brow. 13 above. in incised horizontal lines of border below this. where the dead king is told “thy wind/breath is incense. which is the provenance of the two intact shrines mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. . born of Ów. thc stela mentioned in the preceding note.28 Cf. come from the Theban necropolis rather than from Abydos. later painted over in black. At top. but 27 monochrome blue hieroglyphs had already become common on stelae of the Twelfth Dynasty: Pflüger. 2. Bottom of the ßn circle. It seems fairly certain that the statue and chapel belonged together. both of which were purchased from the same dealer in New York. and on no other monument of the Thirteenth Dynasty is the association of the “breath of life” with ointment and incense so repeatedly stated in the Fig. Blue: Traces in outline of flkr elements except for round center. JAOS 67 (1947). It is thus fairly likely that the rear wall of the miniature chapel and the fragmentary statue. 28 Cf. outline of this woman’s body and kilt of man in the register below her. MMA 1976. These themes are very much emphasized at the end of the Middle Kingdom.

justified.f justified. possessor of reverence. (named) Rs. Index. justified. Staff. (3) (and?) her daughter. but probably not the same person although the mother’s name is rather similar: .h born of (2) the Mistress of the House ⁄k. Excursus II: MMA 68. 1087. Ó™-k£w.i Tt¡. The man facing him: (1) The Liegeman of the Ruler. Note for suffix ¡.b (3) born of the Mistress of the House Bw¡w. justified. Comments: (a) Cf. 46 (5) gives a single example of the same period. although there is now no trace of pigment. .14 EXCURSUS II: MMA 68.nw. is wigless and wears a projecting kilt. Ward. he is: The son of the Supervisor of the tm. an offering table and two jars of wine perched on ringstands.EXCURSUS II: MMA 68. where normally shows honorific transposition. born of Rn. ZÄS 40 (1903). where ™n∞ clearly precedes. 39 cm in height. no. The woman at right: The mistress of the House Ìmt. in dividing lines above. (c) PN II. in incised dividing line below w∂£t-eyes. born of the Mistress of the House Ìmt. II. presenting a jar of ointment.14 129 Black: Traces in incised border line at top. Outline of eye of the man presenting a jar. His inscription reads: (1) An offering that the king gives. justified. Lord of Abydos. 116 [12]. PN I. The figures. man at left: (1) The liegeman Z£-⁄mn. justified. over entire rim of w∂£t-eyes.14 The limestone stela shown in Plate 25.s-snb. arranged in three registers are reduced to mere silhouettes. is of unknown provenance (most probably Abydos). Inner outline of tomb owner’s kilt. justified. probably originally filled uniformly with green or blue along with the hieroglyphs. and the same connection is suggested by the hymn quoted by Schafer. 276 (25) gives a single example from the New Kingdom. (f) Evidently is the same as “The Third” (PN I. man at left: (1) The attendant(?)g Ìtp-Ônmw. one hand extended towards a pair of tall offering stands supporting bowls. Middle register. (b) Ranke.¡.e The man facing him is: (1) The revered P£-∞m(t). 63 (3). justified. 96. wearing a shoulder-length wig and long kilt. 1523. born of (2) the Mistress of the House Rn.c justified. born of (2) the Mistress of the House ™n∞-¡t. In the uppermost register the owner is seated at the left. Index. A man standing opposite. Three columns at the right identify two(?) other women as follows: (1) The Mistress of the House Snb.j justified. justified (2) born of Mwt. no. and Osiris. to the k£ of (2) the Overseer of Treasurers and Liegemen of the Kinga ⁄z¡. justified. except tip.d Rn-snb. justified. justified. judging from the variant writing (CG 20430) tm refers to land. 354). (d) See Ward. in the case of the offering woman the pattern of hair is indicated by wavy lines of heavier black pigment. All hair. (e) Cf. (4) engendered by the revered ⁄b¡. PN I.s-snb. Bottom register. below and between broad bands at bottom of stela.

154 (Pl. For the Copenhagen stela see Koefoed-Petersen. 29 El Amrah and Abydos (London 1902). who is mentioned as his son’s mother in the uppermost register. although the choice is difficult. Register C shows the deceased and his wife standing at the left. 625) rather than s∞m-™ (ibid. 74. suggests that the same Rn(. As is so often the case in stelae of the late Middle Kingdom and Dyn. most notably in the figure of the dwarf before the deceased. from top to bottom. Excursus III. The Rn. After this plaster had been removed in the process of desalinization. This recutting could be distinguished from the original carving by means of ultra-violet light.e. PN I. pl.29 Many of the same individuals appear on the latter. Simpson. 264 (24) gives only masculine examples.EXCURSUS III. (h) Or Ônmw-¢tp. Riqqeh and Memphis VI. no. Randall-MacIver. pl. II. XIII. including two men.154 or the Copenhagen stela. 21. no. The stone had been clumsily repaired before it was purchased. 17 (1. p. The bottom register (E) shows the parents of the deceased seated at the right (≤). 1526. Terrace of the Great God. but cf. the name of the man’s wife is also different. 315 [17]). . Although some of the figures are darkened. Franke. At the top (A) are a pair of w∂£t-eyes flanked by “Anubis of Upper Egypt” (left) and “Anubis of Lower Egypt” (right). 265 [1–2]. (i) Ward. K. 26) The height of the stela is 120 cm. there is no clear evidence of the pigments that were originally applied. His wife. 38. 373. Index. For the fusion of cf. The writing of in the present case is exceptional. who invokes offerings.¡)-snb. Engelbach.. ANOC 59. Wm. no. 24 and pl. but (25) both a feminine and a masculine example of Ó™-k£w-R™. these may be abbreviations of longer names mentioning Sesostris III (PN I. The stela displays five registers. 2). 81. and by four other men who carry lotus blossoms. but in the latter case this is the father of a woman who is not mentioned among the daughters on MMA 63. The next register (B) contains three horizontal lines of inscription (≥). addressed by two smaller registers of sons (at the top) and daughters (below). ™¢™ (Ward. presumably appears at the right of the register beneath. (j) PN I.s-snb mentioned in the middle and bottom registers may or may not be the same person since the name is very common. Index. some recutting of detail became evident. two women and two male dwarfs. addressed by “his son” (probably a brother of the deceased). and has been eliminated. which will be labeled A–E. MMA 63.154 130 A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY (g) I. many individuals are named whose relationship to the owner is not specified. no. 276 (6) and 426 (27). as are all the other names except those mentioned in the comments. MMA 63. in the second register from the bottom. Personendaten. with the title £†w n Êt ¢q£ (which appears on the Copenhagen stela) is mentioned in Papyrus Boulaq 18 and on the fragment in D. Simpson has mentioned the fact that two other stelae belong to the same individual: Cairo CG 20612 and Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek ÆIN 964.. and these have been marked with an asterisk (*). 264 [26]. 404. with an excessive amount of plaster filling the cracks. 1339). cf. pp. In the next register (D) the deceased is shown seated at the right (≤) receiving offerings from six servants. my Titles.

Ddw-Sbk* o (4) The Inspector of Liegemen ⁄b-¡™* (5) The Inspector of Liegemen Mny* (6) The Inspector of Liegemen Mn†w-¢tp* p (7) The Inspector of Liegemen ⁄n* q Comments: (a) For this combination. Ddw-Sbk*. which may be reversed. Ónsw-¡™. the Mistress of the House Znt* (3) His (his father’s) son. Rn. oxen and fowl. 16. pls. MMA 63. libations and incense. that they may give. alabaster (jars of ointment) and clothing. that which the sky bestows. the Mistress of the House N¢y*.¡)-snb* (2) [The baker(?)]. the Great God. T¡-nt-Nbw* i D (1) The Treasurer of the King of Lower Egypt.b (2) all yearly offerings. Stèles. Opferformel. his beloved. 28 (15). . 29 (1–2).f-rs*. but he misleadingly gives the impression that it is to be read ¢nkt. justified. the Director of the Broad Hall. Revue égyptologique 12 [1907]. see Wb. Nbw-¢r-∞nt* (7) His daughter. on p. pp. that it may purify.j ™£-Ìr(*) (3) The major domo Wr-n(.d the two hands. XXII–XXIV. earth creates and the inundation brings. the Inspector of Liegemen. 16. the stalwart of the townn ™n∞∞w* (2) His (his father’s) wife. who is called Rs¡ k (4) The major domo ⁄¡. (b) The terminal sign is well discussed by Jéquier. Lord of Abydos.g justified (2) His son. the rectangular basket is only known as a determinative of this word and of various feasts entailing offerings. no. Thoth. the stalwart of the town.c and everything goodly and pure on which a god lives. V.¡)-snb* (6) The servant Rn(. justified (3) His son. that he offere to the k£ of the Treasurer of the King of Lower Egypt. C (1) His son. (3) the flood.¡)-⁄mn. that he may give invocation offerings of bread and beer. 89–94. 16b.¡)-snb* possessor of reverence.154 131 The texts of registers B–E may be translated as follows: B (1) An offering that the king gives (to) Osiris Lord of Busiris. 15–17 (where. Rn(. §§ 247–50. born of Znt.wy* l (5) The Asiaticm Snb-Rn(.a oil. Nb-Swmnw* (5) His daughter. it is noted that the reading of many of the inscriptions relies on Henry Madsen.f-¡b* h (6) His daughter. the Supervisor of the tm. And his wife. the Inspector of Liegemen. and every offering. BIFAO 7 (1910). 218–20). justified.¡)-snb (7) Z£t-k£-⁄wnw (another servant)* E (1) His father.EXCURSUS III. the Director of the Broad Hallf Rn(. See also Lapp. 16a. offerings of food.

(i) The name transcribed by Koefoed-Petersen. JEA 44 (1958). (k) Neither name is recorded by Ranke. 67. 12 (9. 1. op.. PN I. but comparable names are to be found in PN I. XXII). Meir II. 11). who emphasizes the military and quasi-military association of the title. 34. where the two arms are oddly specified as “my two arms. p. p.” bsw appears instead of b™¢ “flood. lacking “what the inundation brings. p.. 5 (c). no. as it was in the Old Kingdom (Helck.. Jéquier. p. (n) Discussed by Berlev. 12. 72 f. JEA 33 (1947). (l) The Copenhagen stela has . no. 27) persuasively argues that the generally accepted translation “vegetables” should be revised thus in the present context. An even earlier example. in which is apparently a determinative of the title (contra Koeford-Petersen. XXIII. (f) For further examples see Ward. 67. fig. RdE 23 (1971). 1147. p.” and Anubis instead of Thoth (in this case noted by Barta). and Hayes. pp.. Presumably a judicial title. The title (identical in both cases) is a common one (Ward. p. . (h) The name of this daughter is reduced to Ónsw on the Copenhagen stela. The full name is not recorded by Ranke. while the addition of ¡nnt ¢™py occurs in a second title of the same date (ibid. (m) The Copenhagen stela precedes this name by a different designation. 7 below). Index. cit. §§ 243–46. 65. 81 (9. (g) Evidently misread as Rn. as Habachi notes).” This much of the phrase is also known from Old Kingdom titles (for which see my Titles. (j) Restoring (Ward. 79 (Bitte 108) for the Thirteenth-Fourteenth Dynasty generally. 69. pl. In § 243 the determinative of cannot be considered the equivalent of .-E. the latter the same individual mentioned in Hayes.f-snb on the Stockholm stela. 69 [no. There the same title wb£yt is applied to the other maidservant (D. An apparently early Twelfth Dynasty occurrence is to be found in Blackman. pp. 860). 10 [420a]). 23–48. pp. fig. 5. but for the first cf. A man of the same name on the Copenhagen stela is wdpw “butler” but may possibly represent the same individual. (e) For this formula see Barta. Gautier and G.. Beamtentitel. Opferformel. Also noted by Barta.132 A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY (c) Junker (Gîza III. 11). are not entirely convincing except for his evidence from the New Kingdom. pp. Index. 1336). op. IV. (d) Considered to be a late Middle Kingdom formula by Bennet. cit. 111–13. Like the preceding formula. Mémoire sur les fouilles de Licht [Cairo 1902]. Opferformel. XXIV). p. Heqaib. Stèles. Scepter I. 26]).). 6–7. to which it is sometimes added. p. and from a title in the late Eleventh Dynasty tomb of D£g¡ (ibid. it occurs in Blackman. 227. p. fig. the surface of which is less well preserved (Koefoed-Petersen. which is probably to be read wb£yt. top center. 7 [289d]). no. pls. Index. op. 79. fig. cit. 119) and in two other cases it is held by the father or son of a vizier (Habachi. Bitte 82. on a stela of the Eleventh Dynasty (Hodjash and Berlev. and the counterarguments of Lapp. 121. shows the first two phrases in what was to become the traditional form . In one case it is preceded by the title “vizier” (J. Meir II. [420b]). is to be emended accordingly. Egyptian Reliefs.

and it probably represents the same individual. whose relationship is unspecified. but a brother born of the same mother. while the other.. his title does not agree with that of the owner’s son who has the same name. indicates a lacuna at the end of this name. (p) Identified on the Copenhagen stela as sn.f (in Madsen’s copy).154 133 (o) Assuming that “his” refers to the father rather than to the owner of the stela.f n mwt.EXCURSUS III. but the lacuna is probably to be deleted since the title is likewise the same. . MMA 63. is similarly ™n∞ n n¡wt. XXIII. Furthermore the Copenhagen stela likewise represents two men named Ddw-Sbk. and has his title. evidently not “maternal uncle” as Koefoed-Petersen says. this would be a brother of the latter. one of whom is the owner’s son. op. cit. p. (q) Koefoed-Petersen.

A SHRINE 134 AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY THIRTEENTH DYNASTY A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE Plate 21. Metropolitan Museum 69.30 Purchase. Lila Acheson Wallace Fund Gift. 1969 .

30 Plate 22b.A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY 135 Plate 22a. Detail of Metropolitan Museum 69.154 Pulitzer Bequest Fund. 1963 . Detail of Metropolitan Museum 63.

136 A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY Plate 23. Brussels E 6749 Courtesy Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire .

1976 .383 Purchase.A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY 137 Plate 24. Metropolitan Museum 1976. Lila Acheson Wallace Gift.

14 Purchase.138 A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY Plate 25. Edmundo Lasalle Gift. Dr. Metropolitan Museum 68. and Mrs. 1968 .

Joseph Pulitzer Bequest. 1963 .154 Purchase.A SHRINE AND STATUE OF THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY 139 Plate 26. Metropolitan Museum 63.

A Chair of the Early New Kingdom The wooden furniture of ancient Egypt is fascinating for two reasons: first because— in contrast to that of other cultures that antedate our era—a great deal of it has survived in remarkably sound condition. The shorter cross rails are mortised into the longer side ones. fig.2 a native wood which is also used throughout the basic structure of the chair. 142. H. sixteen on each side and one in each corner. and the reweaving executed by Charles Anello. Both of these merits are particularly apparent in the type of chair that is the subject of the following pages.” thus: \\ \\ \\ \\ ≥ ≥ ≥ ≥ \ \ \ \ 141 . 189–96. and the space that they frame was originally filled with a webbing of linen cord3 drawn through a total of 68 holes. while reinforcement at the front and back is supplied by a pair of knee braces that join. who 1 was then in charge of the Metropolitan Museum’s Conservation Department. Scott in BMMA 31 (1973). giving current terminology.58. the legs are braced by the structure of the side rails. as shown in Figure 2. which are in turn composed of three groups of five. 1.1 and the example in question is one of the most exceptional of its kind (Pls. a sketch is supplied in Figure 1. CONSTRUCTION AND MATERIALS 13. 90.” plied again into “S” and four plied yarns replied into “S. 27–31). and are glued and pegged to the underside of the crossrails. 15. and especially pp. L’écriture et l’art. Notable Acquisitions 1965–1975 (New York 1975). For this and other data I have drawn on notes compiled in 1968 by Miss Kate C. it has subsequently appeared in several other publications: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Both the leonine legs and the “coasters” on which they are mounted are made of a single piece of a species of salt cedar (tamerisk). A sufficient amount remained. The height is 86.4 A total of thirty cords was passed through each of the holes. Some of the points made in the present article are summarized in the final chapter of that work. Forest Products Laboratory. 3 Linum usitatissimum. These are attached to the legs by mortise and tenon. purchased with funds donated by Edmundo and Patricia Lassalle. 4 The design has been established by Miss Nobuko Kajatoni. these subdivide into two groups of fifteen. 2 Analysis by the U. and secondly because much that has survived is admirable in craftsmanship and design. at the center ( ). Lefferts. Construction and materials To facilitate the description of its construction. Initially illustrated and briefly described in BMMA 27 (1968). Fischer. pls.S. Department of Agriculture. so that the seat could be restored to its original appearance. Miss Kajatoni has analyzed the yarn makeup as follows: the yarns are two single spun “S. half-lapped. in the front left corner. analysis by Malcolm Delacorte. 76: Nora E. the width 49.2 cm. Five cords thus make MMA 68. 86–88.G.3 cm.1. p. In the absence of stretchers.

curved laterally and inclined rearward. is supported by two perpendicular stiles and a center brace between them. Emplacement of stretchers (from mid-Dyn. Center brace 3. a series of seven vertical slats are mortised between these. and the three groups of five were woven into each hole twice. All the mortise-and-tenon joints are glued with a black adhesive. from opposite sides of the chair diagonally. and secured with blackwood pegs that run completely through the thickness of the wood. The backrest. Headrail 2. Knee brace 10. Brace (angle brace) 7. each isolated by a space of a little less than 4 cm. and into the headrail above.142 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Fig. 1. . XVIII onward) up one unit of the weave. As in the case of all animal-legged chairs. Structure of New Kingdom chairs 1. to create the plain weave. Crossrail 8. both the backrest and its supports are mortised into the rails of the seat frame below them. Backrail 4. A horizontal board (backrail) is mortised into the crestrails at a distance of about 5 cm below the headrail and a lower one about the same distance above the rear crossrail. Crestrail 6. Stile (stay) 2´. Splat 5. the back is mounted separately upon the frame of the seat. Side rail 9. The pattern is shown in Figure 3. to be described presently.

1. CONSTRUCTION AND MATERIALS 143 Fig.¡-snb. 2. side view . Chair of Rn.

negatively echoed by ivory pegs on the blackwood veneer of the braces behind them (Pl. All of this makes for a beautiful balance of dark and light. This is. Both adhesives are animal glue. the pegs varying from 0. by James Howard. and it is very probably for this reason that all of these surfaces have been damaged by rodents. apart from the legs. on the reverse of the backrest. on the stiles and center brace.144 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM East African blackwood (Dalbergia melanoxylon)5 has been used to cover the front. using infra-red spectroscopy. however. to my knowledge. the lateral surface of the stiles and braces. and the contrast is cunningly exploited by the use of blackwood pegs on the ivory covering of the forward braces. which is known from some other chairs.6 Apart from the loss of nearly all the linen webbing of the seat. Knots in the veneer have been excised and replaced with boat-shaped insertions (“flying Dutchmen”). containing carbon that is composed of short fibrous lengths unlike the usual carbon blacks. the most extensive damage sustained by the chair affects the two stiles and center back brace.5 to 2. parts of which have been gnawed away (Pl. again applied in single pieces of about 2. and a square of missing veneer on the right and left side of the front rail has likewise been restored with rosewood and doweled with rose5 Analysis by the U. Ivory veneer. but with less effect. No veneer was used. while an amber-colored animal glue was used to secure the elements of ivory. and also covers the horizontal elements to which the slats are attached. All of this is glued and pegged. Department of Agriculture. and indeed. . to match the veneer. attached with brass screws (Pl. the chief exception being. at the Institute of Fine Arts Conservation Center. 31b). The presence of no other material was noted and the testing of a sample was negative for carbonate.5 cm. since it is slightly raised where the pores of the wood have shrunk. The blackwood veneer on the legs is necessarily more piecemeal (Fig. being thicker on the seat and back than on the legs. the only case where it has been used on three-dimensional sculpture of any kind in ancient Egypt. Another felicitous touch is the application of ivory inlay for the claws of the lion’s feet. or on the underside of the seat. The broken-off corners of the headrail have been repaired with balsa and capped with Brazilian rosewood. 2 and Pl.S. as also in the case of the narrow strips that cover the tops of the braces in front of the crestrails.04 cm. In most cases the blackwood is applied to flat surfaces in single pieces. It shows evidence of a thin oil resin finish that appears to be of considerable age.02 to 0. New York University. The black glue has more bulk than usual. A further refinement is the presence of blackening in the animal glue used for the attachment of wood.5 cm thickness. is extensively used on the front of the backrest. These losses have been repaired with balsa wood. 30). Forest Products Laboratory. covering the entire area. the only case where veneer has been used on the animal legs of furniture. 29). 6 Analyzed. In the latter case the veneer was carved with great precision to fit the curved surface. and its lesser thickness is doubtless due to its having sustained the final stages of shaping. while the more resistant veneered surfaces have been spared. where it alternates with blackwood on four of the seven splats. 31a). upper surfaces and sides of the chair with a veneer that varies from 1.

. cf. pls. Furniture in the Ancient World (New York 1966). 19 [382]. 27 f.1287: Hayes. Ur Excavations III: Archaic Seal Impressions [Oxford 1936]. 256. depending on whether or not they are theriomorphic. fig. 40. three small missing pieces of ivory on the left back brace have been replaced with new ivory. The combination of an animal leg (at the rear) and a straight leg occurs on a Twenty-Sixth Dynasty false door. the smallest have been attributed to chests or boxes. 34. 226 below. figs. 37 (17. but they are identical and turn outward (L. 20 [384]). see also p. and in some cases these were so detailed that the left ones can also be distinguished from the The remaining restoration is principally a matter of regluing and other means of reinforcement. and pls. chairs or beds. The earliest animal legs. and pls.3. COMPARATIVE 2. 8 Petrie. affects the other elements of construction. 246. p. Royal Tombs I. p. II. Finally. about the time of the Egyptian Old Kingdom. It is not possible to distinguish which of the larger ones were used for stools. some two thousand years later (P. p. 271. 160. 26. 13). but the Egyptians. 43. pl. p. 12 (9). as in later periods. 8 [169]. 32). 10. 10). Nadine Cherpion. Vernus. Scepter I.7. in the last case they also are connected by a stretcher.8 as in Mesopotamian representations of furniture. 250. but this is to be explained differently: it is evidently a misinterpretation of an Old Kingdom representation in which the front leg of the chair is concealed by the legs of the person who is seated. Fig. 9 In several cases.2. unlike the Mesopotamians. section II.¡-snb. Comparative evidence: the legs The legs of the chair should be considered first because their form. 32. fig. a single leg appears at the front or back and is incorporated into a plain rectan7 gular framework containing vertical or horizontal reinforcements: see Hollis Baker.7 Fig. dating to early Dynastic III. MMA 26. pattern of cords in seat 2. were uniformly bovine.154 [less complete]: BMMA February 1928. all of this work was executed by John Canonico. as attested by ivory examples from the royal tombs of the first two dynasties. but it seems likelier that they were used for gaming boards. Mastabas et hypogées d’Ancien Empire (Brussels 1989). Athribis [Cairo 1978]. Some examples on cylinder seals show two feet. Legrain. 3. 39. COMPARATIVE EVIDENCE: THE LEGS EVIDENCE: THE LEGS 145 wood pins set in the original holes. from the Middle Kingdom onward (MMA 26. 34. 41 and fig. p.9 supplied a full complement of front and rear legs. Chair of Rn. of wood).

Cherpion. pl. 34. Cf. fig. 191.. 144–46.11 Lion’s legs also appear on the two chairs of his queen Hetep-heres12 and on statues of King Chephren. 61–69. for they appear on beds (or biers) of the Second Intermediate Period at Kerma. but bull’s legs continued to be used. Giza Necr. 7. but this can hardly be earlier than the example from Dendera. However this may be. Paget and Pirie. 86–89. 39 (a). RdE 38 (1987). . 42–43 (clearly a borrowing of a royal prerogative to facilitate access to the afterlife).. passim. 35. also N. 40 (b). 47). op. cit. Ptah-hetep.17 In the Middle Kingdom they were more frequently represented than bull’s legs.20 Furthermore there is. Atlas III. 8) and of a non-royal couple (Faulkner. passim. 207–208. 13. 31–32. a stool with bull legs that must be still 57129: Murray. Qurneh (London 1909). which probably represented the king. pls. IX. pl. Jéquier. Blackman. Eleventh Dynasty representations show the lion head on chairs of a king (Habachi. LD II. Excavations at Deir el Bahri 1911–1931 [New York 1942]. 18 (a. pl. III and belongs to a non-royal woman whose husband sits on a chair with legs of the older form.g. pls..146 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM right. pp. p. passim. 5. pl.E. 1 (Cairo 1951). 586. There are few representations of the latter after this period. Deir el Gebrâwi. 18 George Reisner. Kuhlmann. Pyrs. des reines. pl. Mersyankh. Khentika. Ptahhetep II. is no earlier than Dyn. so that the use of animal-legged chairs of any kind might have originated as a royal privilege.18 on a stool of the Seventeenth Dynasty from Gurna19 and on a fragmentary royal bed in the British Museum that is attributed to Queen Hatshepsut. Davies. Winlock. lion’s legs are relatively infrequent in non-royal reliefs of the Fourth Dynasty. but she cites others from Heliopolis (ASAE 16 [1916]. pl. pl. pls. 3. JEA 37 [1951]. II. including the example cited in n. MDAIK 19 [1963]. 34. pls. 259. although he overlooks some of the early evidence. b). That is true of the front legs of the present example. pls. I. Wreszinski. Monuments of Sneferu at Dashur II. 16 E. 26 and fig.13 but in the latter case the legs are paired on each side and each of the front pairs is surmounted by the head of the lion. Dendereh. figs. A more detailed summary is given by Strudwick. Mereruka. despite the fact that there is no evidence that it was used by kings before it was adopted by non-royal persons. Since there is a great deal of further evidence for the association of lions and thrones.g. 214 f. 26. also the Sixth Dynasty funerary bier with lion’s head in Blackman and Apted. Hist. cit. 8 [where the ear should be added] and pl. 10 above. 64–65 and PM I2. pls. however. 212. cite Old Kingdom representations showing lions flanking the thrones of queens. Pt. p. 17 E. He does not.10 At the very beginning of the next dynasty there is evidence of a lion’s leg on a fragmentary hieroglyph from the Valley Temple of Sneferu. 7 facing p. Saqqara Mastabas I. as an addition rather than as an integral part of the chair: Dunham and Simpson. Meir V. Mass. Hist. 20.15 they became much more frequent on those dating to the end of the Fifth Dynasty. fig. passim. 13. 11 10 CG An Egyptian Funerary Bed (Toronto 1963). Blackman and Apted. 19 Petrie. Temple II. figs. 202). H. 38. Der Thron im Alten Ägypten (Glückstadt 1977). cf. 16. 20 BM 21574 Baker. 1923). 12 Reisner–Smith. 184. pp. It might. Giza Necr. p. also Jéquier. Davies. Excavations at Kerma IV–V (Cambridge. pl. Ahmed Fakhry. 24. 34. 14. pl. Meir V. however.. be argued that the use of bull’s legs could also be regarded as an allusion to another avatar of the king. The gradual replacement of bull’s legs by those of leonine form may be observed in a private monument that is as early as Dyn. 14 See Klaus P. 15 Reisner. 51. 11. Tombeaux de particuliers.. passim. James and Apted. 4–5 (on the diadem). 3. XIth Dyn. passim. 2. Meir IV. 14. 15–16 and figs. 13 CG 9. her example from Petrie.16 and are quite common on those of the Sixth. op. apparently showing a chest on a bier. pl. 196. at the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. 39. of royal consorts (Naville. Simpson. 8). For this last subject see also Winifred Needler. Qar and Idu. Cf.14 one may well suspect that the leonine legs of chairs were initially an attribute of royalty.

191. also Davies. Newberry.. and Cairo J 47397: Naville. XIth Dyn. 30. It is known once more from Thebes at the very beginning of the New Kingdom. Lilyquist. Cartwright. which has legs somewhat resembling those of an animal (Pl. in some ritual scenes of the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty. pl. 24–25. replacing the knee braces. 15 below. pl.21 Stretchers are. T 2805). Ancient Egyptian Mirrors [Munich 1979]. perhaps archaistically. Smith. Mazghunah (London 1912). 36 below)24 as was probably the case in the example from Naga ed-Deir. S. 30 (b). 16 [b]. cf. 10550. Gerzeh. University of Chicago. 70. Coptite Nome. 38–39. 28 Norman Davies. n. 224). IV. Rekh-mi-Re™. and Fig. 23.S. 85–87. Antefo˚er. k¢zzt]). 13. 22). 21. Sarcophages I. Davies. For the later Eleventh Dynasty see Winlock.. 29 Cairo CG 51113 (Theodore Davis et al. that came from tomb N 3765. which were not used for this type of furniture. 84. dating to the early Eleventh Dynasty. One of the inlays is shown by H. pp. COMPARATIVE EVIDENCE: THE LEGS 147 later. Moalla (Vandier. 82.28 while further examples are known from the reign of his successor. The stool is made of nakharu wood (Cordia Mysca). The Tomb of Nakht (New York 1917). Farshut (coffin. pls.3. . one might expect the top to be more horizontal and Fig. 84.1631: Wm.29 in these cases the stretchers were placed in front and back only. 105–106. the “tenon” to be distinctly broader. op. but these Palestinian examples are of later date—ca. But if so. Boston MFA 03. 113. pls. It seems possible that such legs are the result of foreign influence and they have in fact been found at Jericho (Baker. and doubts its authenticity. pl. 6). Renni. El Deir (Fischer. as also in the case of the two stools of earlier date that have just been mentioned. Five Theban Tombs (London 1913). 25 Carnarvon and Carter. This form is also known from representations and tomb models of the Eleventh Dynasty. pls.C. BM 43467 (T. known from representations of chairs with plain legs from the Archaic Period onward. that of Amenophis IV (Akhenaton) 21 Oriental Institute. 37 [bed]). Five Years’ Explorations. 13.G. 34. pl.2. pl. The provenance is unknown. James. 4th ed.H. pl. 40–41.22 They also appear on a fragmentary stool from Naga ed Deir. Other early Dyn. pls. line 9 [det. fig. the degree of stylization is strangely un-Egyptian. fig. 33 below). 26 Davies. The fragment is shown in my L’écriture et l’art.26 Since such legs appear in an early Twelfth Dynasty representation of a chest.. pl.25 and survives. Egyptian Painting [London 1985]. Antefo˚er. no. op. American Journal of Semitic Languages 45 (1928–1929). 45 below.. 4. 129. 22 Baker. pl. Models of Daily Life. Ancient Egypt as represented in the Museum of Fine Arts. pp. pl. 79 (6w). 69. p. The Tomb of Iouiya and Touiyou [London 1907]. fig. p. where the stylized feet turn inward. [Boston 1960]. 32b–c).23 if they derive from animal legs. Cf. 7. Thebes (sarcophagi: Cairo J 47267: C. 13. Temple I. it is apparent that they were not regarded as animal legs. CG 51110 (ibid. 33–34 [chair]). Beni Hasan I. fig. CG 28116: Lacau. cit. figs. 30 (a model couch). 358–59 and p. Bersheh I. Mo™alla. 32a). 20). Boston.27 The earliest evidence for stretchers between true animal legs is no earlier than the reign of Tuthmosis IV in the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty. pl. Labyrinth. pl. Pl. front to back (cf. p. also in Theban Tomb 295 (MMA neg. inlaid with ebony as well as ivory. pls. 63 (Fig. cit. fig. 10. 27 Davies. 71. showing the owner seated on such a chair). In the next reign. 24 Some of the earliest examples are from Gebelein (painting from the tomb of ⁄t¡ in Turin. which also contained Dunham. figs. Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae. where the feet of the legs turn out rather than inward. to be sure. University of California 6–1024.32 (Pl. 36. p. Amenophis III. 1600 B. XVIII evidence: Tylor. MMA 19. 48). 4). It has occurred to me that further New Kingdom evidence for the bovine leg of a chair is perhaps to be seen in the hieroglyph for w¢m (F 25) as represented in Calverly. pl. for it has stretchers on all four sides (Pl. Temple of Sethos I III. however. Marianne Eaton-Krauss discusses the peculiarities of the stool in Divitiae Aegypti: Koptologische und verwandte Studien zu Ehren von Martin Krause (Wiesbaden 1995). The evidence from the Twelfth Dynasty includes Petrie. It is this fragment (and others) and not the chair from the same site. 23 Hearst Museum of Anthropology. pl. 83. 29.

a stool). pls. 37. Berlin 14122 (Spiegelberg and Erman. and yet another isolated example appears at the beginning of a row of women. Norman Davies. p. Amenemhet. Pt. Rekh-mi-Re™.32 (Lansing. pls. pl.g. in terms of older tradition. 35 The seats of men and women are normally represented on the same level in this period. 21. Other examples: G. Theban Tomb 12 (MMA Neg. their chairs are often so low that their knees are perched high above the level of the seat.. pl. and more particularly the height of the seat (36. Florence 2504 (ibid.3 (Hayes. pl. Menkheperrasonb (London 1933) pl. fig. fig. pl. II. Rekh-mi-Re™. 8. 10. 51 (tables and stools).2. 38 Most frequently workers on low stools: Davies. as a lapse of taste. tables and chairs with plain legs as early as the reign of Tuthmosis III.500 years. 24. 34 MMA 36. pls. 20544. 14). 14. 28. Scepter II. Mastabat Faraoun (Cairo 1928)..152: Lansing and Hayes. Das Grab des Tjanuni (Mainz 1977). 33 Cf. a carefully observed propriety. Grab des Sobekhotep (Mainz 1990). pl. Annalies and Artur Brack. all on low stools: K. MMA 15. Cf. Hieroglyphic Texts VII. . Abdel Raziq.g. 17. BM 569 (Simpson. 51). Rekh-mi-re™. 28 (b). 64. where the aura of dignity and power would have been felt more strongly. 18. 23. pl. The Rock Tombs of El Amarna II (London 1905).4 (Hayes. Rekh-mi-Re™. or if it had was not practically applied. pl. 10). Nina Davies. In the earliest examples. 31 Ibid.. CG 1415.32 Thus the absence of structural elements between the animal legs of chairs and beds remained. ZÄS 36 [1898].. Aegyptische Grabsteine II: München (Strasbourg 1904). pls. this is evidently to be attributed to a difference in scale: e. but undoubtedly copied from a genuine original. 158). 44. on low stools. 18). Private Tombs IV.33 3. p.3. Hayes. (Oxford 1963). Comparative evidence: the seat The scale of the chair. Terrace of the Great God. 91). 37 E. T 3720). fig. pl. pl. 1444.35 that of the New Kingdom provides ample evidence for it. 52–55. 3. BMMA 32 (Jan. 21 (a). Davies. a single example of the same kind follows a row of men who sit on full-sized chairs.g. 32 Davies. in this connection. Although the use of lower seats for women is not apparent in earlier iconography. but much more rarely. pl. The Chair [London 1964]. BM 218 (Hall.37 Men are occasionally represented in the same way. pl. also MMA 12. women sit on low stools (more rarely chairs) with their legs curled under them (Pl. Alnwick 1932 (ibid. 109. E. 93). 21. It is significant. 2).36 In the case of later examples.3.. July 1920. CG 20514. p. fig. pl. But one banquet scene shows men thus. that rockers have enjoyed far greater popularity in America than in England. pls. Tomb of Two Officials. BMMA 15. Davies. for more than 1. Tylor and Griffith. 11. 33). When a smaller seat accompanies a larger one. where their feet are on the ground. Paheri.. V (1908). and always on low stools rather than chairs with backs.30 and sometimes with the addition of diagonal braces31 that had been used to reinforce stands. pl. Pt. possibly because the aura of dignity and power that surrounded chairs in mediaeval times and long after forbade any tampering with their static majesty” (John Gloag. 36 MMA 19. now considered a forgery. while the women crouch on mats: Davies and Gardiner.38 The preference of low Davies. COMPARATIVE 148 A CHAIR EVIDENCE: THE SEAT OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM they were used on all four sides. 9. 48). the breach of which must be regarded. 3 (plain-legged chair with low back). 10. 115. pls. the following statement about the advent of the rocking chair of more recent times: “… the idea of fitting bends or rockers to the feet of chairs had not apparently occurred to anybody before the second half of the eighteenth century. the second to a woman. Similar examples are known from the Old Kingdom: e. p. in Davies. 23. In one case (CG 20518) a seated couple are shown on a smaller scale 30 Norman than the owner. III (1905). Scepter II. dating to the first years of the Eighteenth Dynasty. fig. pl. Ramose. Dziobek and M. 9. 15.5 cm) is quite different from another chair in The Metroplitan Museum which has a seat only 20–23 cm high. Jéquier. 33. 1417. fig.3. as sometimes occurs on stelae of the Middle Kingdom.34 The difference is evidently explained by the fact that the first belongs to a man.182. Scepter II. Pörtner. Dyroff and B. 50. 13 [19]). 1937.

T 3621) and 139 (MMA neg. 30. T 2617). COMPARATIVE 4. 93 and n. col. unlike the most comparable New Kingdom examples. Antefo˚er. (New York 1925).. T 3545). 42 See note 22 above. p.47 The representation in the tomb of ⁄n¡-¡t. 23 above) and the more complete chair (Hearst Museum of Archaeology. Vol. T 2800. when it was represented twice in the tomb of ⁄n-¡t. also Theban Tomb nos. 40 See note 12 above.f-¡qr does not provide evidence Wreszinski. pp. Zurich (ETH 4411). 30) and other material of the same period. however. 272. Coral Gables. 4. A chair from Naga ed-Deir showing this feature was initially dated to the Second or Third Dynasty. and the dimensions: the height is 69 cm. the height of the seats being 34 cm and 23. T 3408–3411. 45 In my article “Stuhl. for it indicates an adjusted calendar age of 1880–1450 bc. that the stiles of the chair (one of which has been restored) were evidently both mounted on bridle joints. width 43 cm. no. pl. 37. pls. 34).41 perhaps because the higher one much more definitely has the character of a throne. Private Tombs IV.46 A radiocarbon test has recently supported the later alternative. 44 Geoffrey Killen. 43. two conical game pieces. 15.” LÄ VI. p. T 1083). one of faience and one of ivory. and pl. Norick has kindly supplied a photograph. 85 (MMA neg. 41 Theodore Davis et al.42 the curved reclining back. T 1355). 6. 85. This attribution is to be blamed on the ineptness of my initial query to Dr. simply holding flowers). Norman Davies. 14. supported by stiles. The New Kingdom material includes pottery. pl. who occupy much higher chairs or stools (Pl. Atlas I. Ancient Egyptian Furniture. 35). It should be pointed out. along with some material belonging to the early New Kingdom. T 1373). flat disk beads of purple/black glass and a scarab of early New Kingdom type. The lowness of the seat suggests that it may have belonged to a woman. 295 (MMA neg.s. Podzorski. This pit contained a stela of the late Heracleopolitan Period or early Eleventh Dynasty (Dunham. 189.44 and subsequently attributed to a tomb of the Eleventh Dynasty. the depth of the seat 42 cm and the height of the seat (to the top of the rails) 27. Dr. 200 (MMA neg. in which the plain rear legs and stiles are continuous.4. The Tomb of Iouiya and Touiyou. made from a single piece of wood. 25 (shown here. but in the latter case it appears in the representation of the deceased and his wife. 39 the correct provenance of the chair I am indebted to Patricia V. pl. I (Warminster 1980). one of which has a seat 28 cm in front and 26 cm at the back. Tomb of Two Sculptors. 51 f. 47 Made by Beta Analytic Inc. 5–7. 43 Davies.40 The mid-Eighteenth Dynasty chairs of the Princess Z£t-⁄mn are much more variable.5 cm. from MMA neg.. Nakht. 38 (MMA neg. she reports that the field notes for N 3746 indicate that the chair and a stool were found within a pit in chamber C.39 The distinction I have proposed may be applicable to the early Fourth Dynasty chairs of Queen Ìtp-¢r. is not attested with certainty before the reign of Sesostris I. Frank Norick. In two other scenes of this kind the distinction is not observed: Theban Tomb 53 (MMA neg. COMPARATIVE EVIDENCE: THE BACK EVIDENCE: THE BACK 149 chairs for women is particularly apparent in a number of banquet scenes where all the women have them in contrast to the men. which produced a subsequent confusion between the fragments from N 3765 (see n. 34). while the other (restored only on paper) is about the same. pls.45 but it has now proven to come from another tomb that contained a stela of about that date. Naga ed-Dêr Stelae. similarly L’écriture et l’art. Comparative evidence: the back Although straight-backed chairs are known from representations as early as the Archaic Period. University of California 6–2062). Florida (Beta 26901) and the Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule. Davies.f-¡qr and Znt at Thebes43 (Pl. 46 For . the last shown in Pl. who found a numbered drawing of it on one of Reisner’s tomb cards. not shown here.5 cm respectively. listing the tomb number as N 3746. 22 (MMA negs.

has been located by Marsha Hill. on which was engraved the winged sun’s disk flanked on either side by the sun god’s epithet “the Behdetite. they were sold in 1958. 37).50 A full scale example of this type of chair is also known from the Middle Kingdom. thin strips of hardwood veneer which had served as edging for the back and seat.52 The same was true. Petrie provides no illustration. some sixteen inches in length. 54 Again determined through Marsha Hill’s work on the departmental archives. and formed of vertical slips joined together in a top and bottom bar. 36). Petrie. 51 Petrie. p.183. 50 See note 12 above. The decoration of the back of the chair evidently consisted of alternating vertical bands of ebony and ivory topped by a horizontal panel of ivory.49 This miniature chair again has straight legs as well as a considerable amount of painted detail. dating to the end of the Eleventh Dynasty (Pl. were strengthened by L–angle pieces cut of selected curve-grained wood. 52 I have not been able to locate this chair in the Cairo Museum. as described by Petrie in his account of his excavations at El Lahun:51 One beautifully made chair is formed of dark wood with ivory pegs in the back. and carefully pinned on with a large number of wooden pins.s. and a great quantity of small notched pieces of ebony inlay of undetermined use. 38). along with many other pieces of furniture. Other bits of the chair … include the ivory overlays for the angle braces joining the back to the seat. although University College has a few 49 48 Cairo angle braces from the same source: U. among notes made for this work. Some of these pieces are now the in the American Museum of Natural History.48 while a reclining back with similar slats is represented in a chair placed within another model boat. also a “slip of veneer from an angle piece” (ibid. but this is to be seen in a straight-backed chair placed within one of the model boats of Mkt-R™.54 Although the presence of the winged disk seems to indicate that the chair J 46720: Winlock. Scepter I. nor has Edna Russmann. It also provides firm Middle Kingdom evidence for the two stiles and the center brace between them. dating to the Twelfth Dynasty (Pl.F. MMA 12. Scepter II. 53 Hayes. which are prefigured in the vertical reinforcement of straight backs of Fourth Dynasty chairs from the tomb of Queen Ìtp¢r. Gurob and Hawara (London 1891). thus forming an acute triangle in side view. [29]). 28.C. as of other chairs. this all slanted somewhat backwards.150 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM for the arrangement of slats in the back. The angles of this. for some years. including the webbing of the seat and the distribution of dowels. and was maintained in place by two [sic] upright strutts behind it which joined it at the top.. and it has not been possible to discover where the chair is at present. more briefly described in his Ten Years Digging in Egypt (New York 1892). during the disposal of Egyptian antiquities which had been decreed by Francis Henry Taylor before his retirement as director in 1955. The back was curved. Inquiries to the Topographical Bibliography and University College have likewise been fruitless. William C. New York (Pl.4. Hayes describes it as follows:53 What was once a handsome chair is now represented only by numerous fragments of its dark wood veneer and ebony and ivory overlay. 24 (41). The entire boat is illustrated in Hayes. 117. 46 [26–28]. Models of Daily Life. p. Kahun. pl. .M. was found in a Theban burial dated either to the end of the Seventeenth or the very beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. here the provenance is given as 5A. fig. of the remnants of a chair which. p.” written in monumental hieroglyphs.P3–Pit 3 in Lansing’s Court Tomb. p. 179. 7112–4 (W. 38. A sketch of some of the pieces. Objects of Daily Use [London 1927]. who kindly consulted the Journal d’Entrée on my behalf.

it remains to be observed that African blackwood is a species of rosewood (French palissandre) and. and was not designed as an insubstantial piece of tomb equipment. pl. figs. Comparative evidence: the materials The use of ivory in chairs having been discussed. cit. Tut·ankh·Amen I. Scepter I. La Tomba intatta dell’architetto Cha (Turin 1927). as are the siderails. 56 Fischer. 55 (MMA 26. 33).R. which is equally serviceable. inlaid with ivory.61 and a bed from the tomb of the parents-in-law of Amenophis III. of similar date and provenance (Pl.40E (Baker. Lou55 vre 2950 (ibid. cit. 59 Carter. Tomb of Iouiya and Touiyou. in the form of small elements such as concentric circles or flowers. 60–61). 184).55 the pattern of ivory and ebony in this example may nonetheless be identical to that of the chair under discussion and suggests that the date may also be similar. revised by J.. 4th ed. pls. 160. and the back is also framed by a thin strip of ivory inlaid in a wider strip of ebony. 20 above.. richly grained with black layers and occasional layers of much lighter hue. 173).. for the last two see also Hayes. 5. imitating inlay. It is not mentioned by Lucas.. pp. Brooklyn 37. like the other species. 40) is the only non-royal example known to me that appears on a functional chair— one that would have withstood actual use.308A. BM 2480 (ibid.57 Later chairs of the Eighteenth Dynasty generally display ivory much more sparingly.60 but I have observed some other examples in Eighteenth Dynasty furniture—notably the fragmentary bed attributed to Queen Hatshepsut. THE REPRESENTATION 6.g. pl. I. pls. on the central splat of the backrest (Pl. p.7.58 A miniature chair from the tomb of Tutankhamun again has alternating slats of ebony and ivory. Width 44 cm.3. but the inscriptions and decorations on the back. 39) has a single slat. Harris (London 1961). op. 63 Ernesto Schiaparelli. are simply painted. pl. 37. 59. THE REPRESENTATION ON THE BACK ON THE BACK 151 belonged to a member of the royal family.2). 60 A. Lucas. The top of a fragmentary chair in the Metropolitan Museum. Otherwise the use of large overlays of ivory. L’écriture et l’art. fig. 157. and on the headrail of a chair of King Tutankhamun (Carter. op.62 6.59 but the ivory panels are framed and the transverse element above them contains a more complex pattern of inlay. and would not have withstood much use. 155. cit.. Baker. Funerary formulae appear on the chair of Ó™ in Turin. 429 ff. recalling that of some small chests of the Twelfth Dynasty. 58 E. 176).1438). pl.. Tomb of Iouiya and Touiyou.1. pl.1). The Representation on the back The representation and inscription of the owner.1. is dark reddish brown. 62 Cairo CG 51110: Theodore Davis et al. . 50 (MMA 16. op.56 might lead one to assign it to this earlier period. 113.. 51 (MMA 16. in the British Museum. 61 See n.. The effect is less austere—one might even say finicky. pl.63 The chair of Snn∂m in Cairo likewise bears inscriptions identifying him on the crestrails and upper part of the back.6. but this It appears on the headrail of Z£t-⁄mn’s throne: CG 51112 (Theodore Davis et al. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries. as may be seen to best advantage in Plate 29. 57 MMA 25.

JEA. JNES 38 (1979). 41a).67 nor does the epithet m£™ ∞rw “justified” after his name. but the inscription is doubted. 66 Harris. Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Médineh [1934–1935] [Cairo 1939]. 527). H. Louvre A. 21 ff. and it seems almost certain that the veneer was already applied when the carving was executed. He wears the short J 27256. a late New Kingdom staff. pl. 7. Later evidence is provided by Spalinger. 145. 69 Especially since a cloth was frequently laid over the . This is indicated by one of the blackwood pegs. ibid. The City of Akhenaten I (London 1923). 77 (no. the only difference is that it lacks braces in front of the crestrails. AJA 63 [1959]. This peg has expanded slightly above the surrounding surface. discusses two examples. Yet another example is given by Birch. 225. it begins n k£ n and concludes with the epithet m£™ ∞rw (MMJ 13 [1978]. Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in Alnwick Castle (London 1880). Acta Orientalia 37 (1976). 24 [1938]. see also the preceding note and T. The Representation: the figure of the owner The owner is seated upon a chair that is virtually identical to the one on which he is represented. 230 and pl. pp. 8. p. n. Hayes. moreover. located at the bottom of the owner’s kilt. 40–45. where the owner and his wife are represented in a painted scene at the very top of the back. Monumens égyptiens II (1842). 67 The clearest evidence for this is provided by the inscriptions on the door frames of habitations of the New 65 64 Cairo Kingdom (Bernard Bruyère. 66 above). no. pp.).64 That is also true of a fragmentary example in the Louvre. a third example is to be recognized in Brooklyn Museum 37.. Eric Peet et al. Manfred Bietak. 179. It seems doubtful that they were inscribed for the tomb. also the same phrases on gold and silver vessels from Tell Basta (Simpson. 68 below). It is difficult to conceive of such fine work having been executed after the central slat was put in place. but it is uncertain how much wear should be expected. fig.65 A few folding chairs are inscribed with the name of the owner on one of the legs. for the peg would not have been inserted at this point after the carving had been made. p. as it is. the head of it is bevelled to correspond to the contour of the kilt.7. 12).68 It is true that the carving does not show signs of wear. Proceedings of the British Academy 65 [1979]. 2B). 34 f. A minute examination of the splats veneered with African blackwood precludes the possibility that the central one has been substituted. both dating to the Eighteenth Dynasty (cf. described by Harris (n. 74 (cf. 551. THE REPRESENTATION: 152 A CHAIR THE FIGURE OF THE OWNER OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM flimsy piece of furniture was evidently made expressly for the tomb.. Cf. 68 It is clear that m£™ ∞rw was applied to the living prior to the New Kingdom (JNES 16 [1957]. A fourth example is in the Leiden Museum: Leemans.69 It may be shown. In the present case the simplicity of the composition is thoroughly in keeping with the austere style of the adjacent inlay—so much so that it is difficult to believe that they are not contemporaneous. 12). receiving offerings from a daughter (Pl. the inscription of which seems to be worn by use. that the representation belongs to the same period that is suggested by the similar ivory decoration of a fragmentary chair dating to the very beginning of the New Kingdom. I am indebted to J. Vandier for the photographs and his permission to use them here. 446E. the name is followed by m£™ ∞rw. another leg that clearly belonged to a folding stool.. 272 and n. 538 = N 3312.66 but this inconspicuous sort of identification is hardly comparable. just above the chair he sits in. just as have the pegs on the other slats. I am indebted to Richard Fazzini for data concerning this example.J. n. The presence of an offering formula does not necessarily indicate that the inscription was not present during the owner’s lifetime. the projecting seat would have made that task rather awkward. 6. 31). In the case of the legs of folding stools.F.

BM 1370 (Hier. pls. Grab. JAOS 67 (1947). Sesostris III: Newberry. temp. 7. 74 E. Smither and Dakin. Meir VI. 3 (6). 70 For some exceptions. 114 (clearly patterned on older Memphite models). . 42. fig. W. For the Middle Kingdom see Lange-Schäfer. Stele II.75 These indications only provide a terminus post quem. JEA 25 (1939). 23. no. 34114. although it was rather infrequently applied to men before the second half of the Twelfth Dynasty. 9. Texts V. and the ear is usually exposed. Kanawati. Gerzeh.. 21 (5). for an Old Kingdom example see Blackman. the long kilt. Catalogue du Musée Guimet: Galerie Egyptienne (Paris 1909). Wiedemann and B. THE REPRESENTATION: 8. in themselves. Five Theban Tombs (London 1913). Blackman and Apted. Six Temples at Thebes (London 1897). is known from the mid-Twelfth to mid-Eighteenth Dynasty. but the resemblance is rarely this close. 30. fig. 14. Aegyptische Grabsteine III (Strasbourg 1906). Berlin (West) 9610 (Werner Kaiser et al. and has not yet acquired the convolution that is known from that time onward. 25. that was popular in the Old Kingdom and was revived at the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 9 (1). 6. 95 (608–609. Alexander Moret. Hayes. fig.. For the Twelfth Dynasty see Pflüger. Meir IV. 25. toward which the owner extends a hand in the traditional gesture that the deceased makes when back. Simpson. 14. pl.F. pls.72 it should be noted that the stem forms a simple curve. indicate a more specific date than the first half of the dynasty. aeg. 20. 1. Dunham. 34110.g. 73 E. pl. 96 (621). Scepter I. One hand holds a fragrant blue lotus to his face—a motif that goes back to the Old Kingdom.73 All three of the principal features that have just been mentioned—the short wig that covers the ear. pl. Nianchchnum. MMA 57. pl. pl. Newberry. 18 (18). 29. 14 (15). but without any internal detail. Beni Hasan I. Boeser. 36.71 In addition he has the traditional broad collar. Nefer-hotep. Bersheh I.74 A further indication of the date is provided by the physiognomy: the entire lower part of the face. Ramesseum (London 1898). Sedment II. Sammlg. Grabund Denksteine III. en-Amun. Mazghunah (London 1912). Petrie. CG 34008. VI. El-Hawawish VI). 132. projects more distinctly and squarely forward than in representations prior to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 34119. see Norman Davies. The Representation: the k£-emblem The most remarkable feature of the representation is the k£-emblem on a standard. VI. 5 (9). 7 (temp. pls. Gîza VI. pls. fig. no. 13. Cairo J 43370 (false door of Q£r. Gîza III.. pl. pl. VII. Edfu). 20). 12. 72 In the earlier Old Kingdom the tomb owner simply receives the lotus from an attendant (e. On Eleventh Dynasty stelae men usually hold a jar of ointment rather than the lotus. pl. 50 (frontispiece). no. 41b). 27 (5). Petrie and Brunton. CG 34107. 8. A. 20 (13). pl. 104. 9 (6). however. consisting of overlapping locks. at which time it is known. pointed downward at the front. For the New Kingdom see Davies. Pt. pl. where the ear is covered.95 is an exception (JNES 19 [1960]. Ägyptisches Museum Berlin [Berlin 1967]. and the lotus—are to be found on a number of early Eighteenth Dynasty stelae. from the tomb of Rnn¡ at El Kab (Pl. BMMA 18 (Dec. 34109. for Old Kingdom scenes in which the owner smells the lotus see Junker. 56.70 as it is again in some of the Eighteenth Dynasty examples. from the root of the nose downward. Bosticco.8. pls. n. His long kilt. Amenemhet II: Louvre stela C 243 (RdE 24 [1972]. Naga ed-Dêr Stelae. In a number of other cases the kilt has been lost: e. 26. 16 (18). pls. Amenemhet III). 130 (5). 7 [B]). 7). Somewhat similar wigs appear in reliefs of the early Middle Kingdom and occasionally later. Western Cemetery. J. Turin Suppl. 62–63.g. THE REPRESENTATION: THE K£-EMBLEM THE K£-EMBLEM 153 wig..M. 13. Pörtner. pl. and do not. on stelae with an otherwise similar representation: Winlock. 640). 53). 71 Temp.g. pl 29 (carrying chair). pl. pl. 20.g. II. fig. for example. pls. Quibell. 2. pls. 71). fig. Junker. 20. as on many stelae of the early Eighteenth Dynasty. Egyptian Art [New York 1965]. 13. 612). 2).E. pl. Labyrinth. 9492 (Ernesto Scamuzzi. 34105. 1923. Amenemhet III: CG 20538. pl.. Lange-Schäfer. fig.und Denksteine IV. Moussa and Altenmüller. temp. Beschr.

80 The earliest of these. the motif evidently became more popular. place the offerings between the arms of the k£-emblem. pls. Hempstead. 55. p. and in opposition to the inscription above the frieze. p.g. 13. both dating to the reign of Tuthmosis III. pl. pl.g. in a tomb at El Kab. 48. pl. 18. but it is not located immediately before him in any case (Blackman and Apted.81 A large-scale representation of is placed between the offering table and the deceased. 80 The . 13.84 In all five of these parallel cases the k£-emblem is empty-handed. cit. 85 Oriental Institute Epigraphic Survey..83 A further example occurs in a tomb belonging to the reign of Amenophis II. 4 (191). op. cit. Meir IV. 77 Ibid. Art of Ancient Egypt [Hofstra University. Once this development had occurred. 81 After Weigall. ASAE 15 (1915). pls.. 51 [B]). June 1921 (Amherst Coll. 70. facing him. 27. VI. Tomb of Kheruef (Chicago 1980). pl. At least four occurrences are known from tombs dating to the reign of Amenophis III or Amenophis III–IV. 248.). Some of the stelae cited in the preceding note also provide good comparisons: e. here no stand is visible. Puyemre II. pls. but the position of suggests that a very low one is to be restored.. dates to the reign of Tuthmosis I (Figure 5). where the emblem is introduced at the beginning of the “frieze of offerings. Meir VI. is appropriately described as “extending a hand towards his k£. the more accurate copy of Blackman. 22. 75 apparent Old Kingdom example of a k£-emblem filled with offerings shown by Kamal. 167. Sammlg. Engelbach. 2. Moret. 1971]. pl. which concludes with his name. lintel above recess for statue).77 A more direct precursor of the present motif is to be found in a Twelfth Dynasty coffin. apparently serving as an intermediary between the deceased and his offerings. Hayes. pl. Brooklyn 07.76 and toward the end of the Sixth Dynasty the phrase n k£ NN (with or without the standard) makes its first appearance in offering scenes. 339. including CG 34051). Grabfunde des Mittleren Reichs in den Königlichen Museen zu Berlin II: Der Sarg des Sebk-o (Berlin 1901). 83 Boeser. 23. which is identical to that shown on the back of the chair. Cf. but the comparative evidence of the New Kingdom shows that this circumstance is exceptional. pl. or slightly later. figs. also Sotheby Catalogue. to link the funerary formula with the name of the recipient. 9. 29 (two examples. pls. ASAE 11 (1911). 18 (28). Wiedemann and Pörtner. 82 Louvre C 48: Winlock. p. 11 (2). p.420 (Richard Fazzini. from the reign of Amenophis III onward. almost identical example is to be found in R. It is only when we come to the beginning of the New Kingdom that really close parallels can be found for the motif in question. Renni. Ramose (New York 1941). 14). A second. 72. 76 Ursula Schweitzer. op. I cannot accept Jéquier’s idea that this emblem represents the deceased himself. figs.85 while no fewer than ten are known from those of the Tylor.. 78 Georg Steindorff. 81. Das Wesen des Ka im Diesseits und Jenseits der alten Ägypter (Glückstadt 1956). Riqqeh and Memphis VI. cf. 173. 67.”78 Since it is oriented towards the tomb owner. 8. Beschr. Nefer-hotep.” The offering table similarly accompanies the k£-emblem on a false door made by Hatshepsut for Tuthmosis I82 and on two false doors of non-royal persons. In a later Twelfth Dynasty tomb in the same cemetery a k£-emblem on a standard appears before the deceased in an unclear context. pl.79 It is true that the k£-emblem in the case at hand is indeed oriented as he is. New York. 79 Jéquier. Norman Davies.154 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM seated in the presence of offerings. 19. whereas later examples. Tomb of Two Sculptors. actually represents a basket in the form of a boat. 166. JEA 15 (1929). en-Amun. CG 34047 (Davies. As early as the First Dynasty this hieroglyph is similarly dignified by being placed on the standard that supports the emblems of divinities. no. 84 Davies. and his gesture. aeg. Frises d’objets. This feature persists later in the same dynasty: e. 2–3. Scepter II.

more usually. pl. Walter Wreszinski. and two of them. Vienna. loc. The Development of the Funerary Beliefs and Practices Displayed in the Private Tombs of the New Kingdom at Thebes (Cairo 1966).86 And in one of these ten cases (Pl. 87 Kunsthistorisches Mueum. the “spell for propitiating the k£ of NN. The Memphite Tomb of Mose (Warminster 1977). pp. cit. pls. pl. pp. 86 The one illustrated is from Theban Tomb 178 (MMA neg. Das Totenbuch in den thebanischen Beamtengräbern des Neuen Reiches (Mainz 1984). Probably another example is to be recognized in G. Davies. Seven Private Tombs (New York 1948). and to her and Dr. 90 It is empty in the preceding reference and loc. Lepsius. as also in a tomb at Deir el Medineh: Henri Wild.. 105–106. pl. 55–56. pl. Wall Scenes from the Mortuary Chapel of the Mayor Paser (Chicago 1957). Nr. and not only before the deceased and his forebears.89 as the text indicates. p. Haslauer for bringing this stela to my attention and supplying me with a photograph. Le Livre des Morts (Paris 1967).A. Thos. 126. 19 (A).). Boeser. 30. Two Ramesside Tombs (New York 1927). T 2856). Cairo J 8380 (described without accession number by Weigall. For the rest see Siegfried Schott. pl. Scene from Dyn. op. the k£-emblem is filled with offerings. pl. XVIII tomb at El Kab. THE REPRESENTATION: THE K£-EMBLEM 155 Fig. in at least one case incense and a libation are offered. Satzinger for allowing me to reproduce it here. In some cases. Saale 1927]. 5. Several examples of this motif. dating to Ramesses II are unpublished: Tombs 35 and 157. I believe—with spell 105 in the Book of the Dead. 3 (12). 89 Edouard Naville. pl. Gaballa.88 The accompanying vignettes show the deceased standing in an attitude of respect or. 1. . 11 (cf. cit. 72. Inv. I am indebted to Dr. 42a). After Weigall Nineteenth Dynasty (e. cit. but also before Osiris and other divinities. including some of those cited above. 140 (Louvre I 3248 [11]). It is filled with offerings in R.g.” which speaks of censing and giving libation to the k£. Das Todtenbuch der Ägypter (Leipzig 1842). Davies. 117 (P d). 38. are listed by M. adoration. Bericht [Halle a.8. Keith Seele. but the emphasis of the text is not on nourishment.90 but these may be influenced by the late New pl. 5. pl. The Egyptian Book of the Dead (Chicago 1960). 73). Das aegyptische Todtenbuch (Berlin 1886). (P c). The last seems to be as late as the reign of Ay. 43)87 the motif appears three times. E. This motif has been linked—mistakenly. 5. 28. 29–30. Pl. Paul Barguet. Tomb of Tjanefer (Chicago 1959). George Allen. pl. to be sure. pl.d. 88 Mohamed Saleh. Le Tombe de Néfer-hotep (I) et Neb-nefer (Cairo 1979). Abdel-Qader Muhammed.

for other evidence of this date see Gomaà. 8. 18). pl. since k£ or k£w is known to have had that meaning from the Middle Kingdom onward.” For the titles that follow the epithet “Osiris” see Jaroslav ◊ern≈. p. 97 Labib Habachi. 98 D. p. Theban Tomb no. pl. as already attested in the Nineteenth Dynasty stela mentioned earlier. Koptos. p.94 One further detail remains to be noted. There is. Cf. pl. although the presence of the offering formula may have been felt to have supplied this element. is given by the deceased to Osiris. pl. but it was normally replaced by a single brace thereafter. 43 below. 35). In two cases the k£-emblem. cit. Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el-Médineh (1930) (Cairo 1933). p. The accompanying text is “a spell for bringing nourishment (k£w) from the Field of Reeds so as to go with all the gods (and) do work in it. while unexpected. translated by R.O.91 in the other the deceased is twice shown seated before a similar representation of offerings. This influence appears more clearly in three Twenty-first Dynasty copies of the Book of the Dead. This is attributed to spell 105 by Carol Andrews in The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. op.” But one is reminded of . 280–83.97 however. n. Wooley.98 Thus its occurrence on a chair dating to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 35. 20.”92 Although the page in question precedes the one on which spell 105 occurs. 359. and is attested at least once in an inscription of Ahmosis I. and the seated position of the deceased belies such a connection. p. J. there is apparently no more connection with this than there is between the other vignettes of this papyrus and spells that appear beneath them. who interprets it as “Ptah-ka. Mythological Papyri (New York 1957). loc. But the spell that has just been mentioned suggests that the emblem itself may have signified nourishment.. 93 From MMA neg.156 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Kingdom version of the motif under discussion. the name of Ptah’s Memphite temple. one of which is labelled “the k£ of Ptah. 15 (68). 96 Ibid. on the wall of a Nineteenth Dynasty tomb. 91–92 and Schweitzer. in the emblem of Min. Alexander Piankoff. had there been more space. The double brace that reinforces the top of the standard is well known from the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period. V. pp. 42 and pl. which might have been placed beside it. 95 An exception occurs on an axehead from a foundation deposit of Tuthmosis III: Petrie. 94 Wb. In both respects it resembles the example on the chair. Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der zweiten Zwischenzeit in Ägypten (Glückstadt 1965).. cf. another spell. Faulkner (London 1985). 2. cit. Randall-MacIver and C. Besiedlung II. 15. Orientalia 47 (1978). 9. cit. 92 BM 10554: E. p.. XII: Leclant. 68. a stela of the first king of the dynasty. however. filled with offerings. The Second Stela of Kamose (Glückstadt 1972). 7 (l. die die Nahrung dort machen. pl. A Community of Workmen at Thebes (Cairo 1973).93 Quite exceptionally. von Beckerath. Wallis Budge.” From all this evidence one may conclude that the k£-emblem on the back of the chair is intended to transmit offerings. Saleh translates: “… um mit allen Göttern 91 zu ziehen. pl. 42b).A. 133.95 The double brace continued to be used from the beginning96 to the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty. The caption might be read with Budge (op. that is indisputably associated with a representation of the deceased seated before the k£-emblem (Pl. this occurs in a standard supporting . . p. The Greenfield Papyrus (London 1912). Buhen (Philadelphia 1911). and it may or may not be significant that the standard supporting the empty k£-emblem again faces in the same direction as the deceased. T 3762. the k£ is not filled with offerings.L. 102. Reproduced by Mohamed Saleh. in view of the period. 132. 23 (17). and pl. which is known at least as early as Dyn. 15. is not implausible. Bernard Bruyère. 169– 71. a later one in Pl. nor are offerings placed beside it.

but these passages refer to “thy son thy be99 loved/whom thou lovest. Saqqara Mastabas I. 224 below. (2) that offerings go forth (including) bread. the Scribe Rn(.f “loving son”99 is known from an Old Kingdom titulary. and there is less use of stippling or hatching within the signs than is frequently the case. and from several later references. pp. But the top of the pencase in suggests the later period. 124). wood or occasionally hard stone. 196–97. oxen and fowl.101 From the New Kingdom onward it designated a funerary priest who was primarily concerned with the opening-of-the-mouth ritual. Jéquier. 103 Wb.” According to the Wb. certainly refers to the king rather than to a god. III. 17 and pp. Ancient Egyptian Literature I [Berkeley 1973]. 7). but should be discarded. 118 (to p. aptly cites Pyr. BIFAO 19 (1922). THE 9. 145 and n. p.g. 59– 60. p. Seti I–Ramesses II) shows this priest purifying the deceased. Further evidence of such activities is to be found in Theban Tomb 33 (Dyn. 4–5. 3).¡)-snb participated in the funerary rituals of a deceased king. XXVI): Johannes Duemichen. and are the most distinctive examples. In both cases he performs the opening-of-the-mouth ritual. p.102 Here it may mean that Rn(. The commonplace title “scribe” is preceded by one that is attested here for the first time in this particular form. pls. CG 20539 (II b.104 In the present case .103 but that can hardly be so in the present case. cf. and Amun. 410 [4]) Theban Tomb 106 (temp. 100 Murray. as well as . Miriam Lichtheim. and its significance is difficult to define with certainty. Athribis. 3. 40–42.” On the other hand. Grammar. justified. 11 and 15 in this connection.9. but in all such cases Middle Kingdom examples may also be cited. 77 (c). Gardiner. beer. Amun) in the course of every day (6) to the Loving Son of the Lord of the Two Lands. Some details of phrasing and orthography are likewise suggestive of the New Kingdom. In general the use of this style precludes any palaeographic indications of dating. The inscription is executed in a linear style that is characteristic of hieroglyphs incised in metal. 170.100 where the context does not clarify the meaning. Moh. Pascal Vernus. with tufted “ears. 410 (6). In the Late Period it designated the high priest of Heracleopolis. and the adjunct nb t£wy. but was included in other rituals as well.¡)-snb. 102 Davies and Gardiner. dating to the Middle Kingdom and later. 104 Caminos and Fischer. Amenemhet. p. pl. 2a. incense and oil. to be discussed presently. p. Ihnâsya el-Medina (Cairo 1983). Davies. clothing. The inscription The inscription is presented in six columns: (1) A gift which the king gives. offerings (3) of food and everything (4) goodly and pure that comes forth in the presence of (5) the Lord of the Gods (scil. pp. THE INSCRIPTION INSCRIPTION 157 9. has the normal form rather than . the interpretation as “his beloved son” is still used occasionally (e. From this it may be surmised that the provenance is Thebes. Der Grabpalast des Patuamenap (Leipzig 1884– 94) II. . there is almost nothing about the aforementioned signs that might not be expected in inscriptions of either the Twelfth or Eighteenth Dynasty. Rekh-mi-Re™. In the Twelfth Dynasty it refers to the priest who impersonated Horus in the ritualistic dramatization of the rescue of his father Osiris from his enemies. Z£-mry. 106–107 and p. pls. 101CG 20538 (II c. Thus the group For the translation cf. Gamal El-Din Mokhtar. Epigraphy and Palaeography.. alabaster (jars of ointment). pl. 77. Belegstellen III. Lord of Karnak.

20539 (I. 1. Munich GL WAF 34 (Simpson. Philadelphia E 6783). cf. V. CG 20093. 13: “vereinzelt schon im MR nachzuweisen (vgl. most commonly used in the Middle Kingdom. Garstang. Berlin 7732 (Aeg. with a single example cited of each. 205). These might well be interpreted as epithets in every case. citing CG 20633 for the Middle Kingdom (“Osiris. lord of all the gods”). 8 (E 236. p. XVII see Bosticco. and it was probably only in the New Kingdom that the phrase was added to titles. Kingdom example. 218. 114 Wb. 16 (10–11). it is again said to have become more common in the New Kingdom. however. 51.B. Cf. but I have collected 16 Middle Kingdom examples. z.” CG 20476. Bologna KS 1937 (Simpson.114 The last statement is true.105 but occurs in inscriptions of the late 106 as does . 20515. Frankfort. for examples of Dyn. TPPI. a 5 and Vandier. John Garstang. 17 (3). 219.107 although the latter became more common Middle Kingdom or Dyn. offers further support for dating the chair early in the Eighteenth Dynasty. 222 (26). which again may be either late Twelfth or Thirteenth Dynasty.” 115 Ranke. The name Rn(. 63). p. Louvre C 170 (temp. E 345).” . Northampton. 25. ranging in date from the end of Dynasty XI to the end of Dynasty XII (Excursus I). Sesostris I) where Osiris is “the Great God. CG 34003. IV.g. Sammlg. 111 Clère and Gardiner. 107 For the entire group see Boeser.. Inschr. taken together.113 According to the Wörterbuch. last line) 34119. Amenemhet II) (2) 105 Davies 106 “revered with the Lord of the Two Lands. XIII. pl. 112 E. 34025 (recto. Amenemhet. pl.. Bosticco. pl. the evidence of the inscription. and I know of only one Middle the Middle Kingdom onward. C 243) und ist seit D. 109 Louvre C 43.: Louvre C 176. 20720. 11. 108 Wb. Meir III. Terrace of the Great God. pl. Theban Necropolis (London 1908). 219 and pl. 28. pl.109 This writing certainly became more common in the Eighteenth Dynasty. lord of the gods. 24. Winlock. even though this evidence is less conclusive than the indications that have been adduced previously. pl. pl. 569. Excursus: Middle Kingdom epithets referring to nb t£wy (1) “who is in the heart of Horus. although a few occurrences are known from the end of the Second Intermediate Period115 and from the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty.116 In short. El Arábah. Lord of the Two Lands. Similarly the writing of is said by the Wörterbuch to be attested from 108 no examples are given. 110 Wb. § 32 (5). 18 au∫erordentlich häufig in vielen Titelverbindungen. II. 227 (7). I. The same is true of the independent use of nb n†rw. Stele I. Belegstellen to V. aeg. Note. PN I. TPPI. pl. § 33 (6). Wb. II.EXCURSUS: MIDDLE KINGDOM 158 A CHAIR EPITHETS REFERRING TO NB T£WY OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM is known from the reign of Tuthmosis III.110 which is known at least as far back as the end of Dynasty XI.” Blackman.g. Stele II.. thereafter. conversely. § 33 (6). Spiegelberg and Newberry. n. that even before the end of the Eleventh Dynasty writings such as and appear in two stelae of the same individual: Clère and Vandier. 19 (temp. 113 E. 73). Beschr. the phrase nb t£wy occurs Middle only occasionally in titles and epithets of the Middle Kingdom.111 while the close grouping of in this phrase is known both from the 112 and New Kingdom. cit.g. pl. op. JEA 16 (1930). 22 (University of Pennsylvania Museum. CG 20694. El Arábah. e. 541. b 4). pl. JEA 10 (1924).¡)-snb was. 116 J. CG 20093..

1928). 12. cit. 32) (9) “possessor of reverence of the Lord of the Two Lands. pl. op.” Siût I.” BM 1213 (Hieroglyphic Texts III. c 3 (temp. Terrace of the Great God. III. p. Ägyptische Lesestücke (Leipzig. pl. ibid. pl. 46. 221. Sesostris III) (13) “Privy to the secret of the Lord of the Two Lands. no.M. Sesostris I) (4) (same) BM 582. 65. pl. 243 (Montet.” Couyat-Montet.7.. 19 (temp. ibid. cit.EXCURSUS: MIDDLE KINGDOM EPITHETS REFERRING TO NB T£WY £WY 159 (3) “who does what the Lord of the Two Lands praises. Sesostris III) (11) “whose authority was granted by the Lord of the Two Lands. Five Years’ Explorations. 31. XII) (5) (same) BM 557. 215– 16 (Montet. pl.1438 (Carnarvon and Carter.” W. Lahun II (London 1923). Kêmi 3 [1930–35].” Louvre C 243 (RdE 24 [1972]... 49. Hieroglyphic Texts III. Petrie. 51. Simpson. Simpson. Amenemhet IV) . temp. loc. I. temp. Sesostris III) (10) “whose k£ was provided by the Lord of the Two Lands. Amenemhet II) (7) “whose excellence was seen by the Lord of the Two Lands.7. Kêmi 1 [1928]. easy of gait. cit.” CG 20538. adhering to the ways of the Lord of the Two Lands. 45. 153. 82 (18). pl.” MMA 26. pl. II. loc.” Siût I. 3 (year 25. 22 (first half of Dyn. temp. 7 B: year 14 Amenemhet II) (14) “Privy to the secret of the king’s repast as the one who arranges the tables of the Lord of the the Two Lands. temp. temp. Amenemhet IV) (15) “director of the affairs of the Lord of the Two Lands. pl. Mentuhotep Nb-t£wy-R™) (16) “who gives offerings to the Lord of the Two Lands. 113 (8) (temp.” MMA 26. Sethe.F. 28 (temp.1438 (Carnarvon and Carter. Amenemhet III) (8) “firm of sandal.. Hammâmât. pl. (temp. Amenemhet III) (6) (same) BM 569.” Louvre C 176 (Simpson. Sesostris I) (12) (same) K.

58 Purchase. Metropolitan Museum 68. 1968 . Lasalle Gift.A CHAIR 160 OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM EARLY NEW KINGDOM A CHAIR OF THE Plate 27. Patricia R.

A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM 161 Plate 28.58 . Metropolitan Museum 68.

162 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 29.58 . Detail of Metropolitan Museum 68.

58 . Detail of Metropolitan Museum 68.A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM 163 Plate 30.

before restoration Plate 31b.58. Rear view after restoration . Rear view of Metropolitan Museum 68.164 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 31a.

Berkeley. Berkeley. Hearst Museum. 6–1024 Courtesy of the Museum EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 32a.A CHAIR OF THE Plate 32b. 6–1024 Courtesy of the Museum . 10550 Courtesy of the Museum 165 Plate 32c. Oriental Institute. Chicago. Hearst Museum.

166 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 33. Metropolitan Museum 19.3. 1919 .32 Rogers Fund.

Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art . 22. Theban Tomb no.A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM 167 Plate 34.

Theban Tomb no. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art .168 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 35a–b. 60.

A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM 169 Plate 36. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art . Detail of Cairo J 56720.

1912 .4 Gift of J. Metropolitan Museum 12.170 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 37.183. Pierpont Morgan. Chair from model boat.

Fragments of ivory overlay from a chair Courtesy American Museum of Natural History .A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM 171 Plate 38a–b.

308 Rogers Fund.172 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 39. Metropolitan Museum 25.3. Remains of a chair. 1925 .

A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM 173 Plate 40. Detail of Metropolitan Museum 68.58 .

174 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 41a. El Kab. after Tylor . Louvre N 3312 Courtesy of the Museum Plate 41b. Detail from tomb of Rnn¡.

A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM 175 Plate 42a. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Plate 42b. Theban Tomb no. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art . Theban Tomb no. 178. 359.

126 Courtesy Kunsthistorisches Museum . Vienna Inv. Nr.176 A CHAIR OF THE EARLY NEW KINGDOM Plate 43.

IV. 126–44. 54* (the first a title. makes it clear that continued to be used in other contexts.” ZÄS 86 (1961). 512 [11]. 39 (6) (CG 34501. one dated to the reign of Sesostris I. 24. 35 (b). and there can be no doubt of the meaning since. since the other friends include two lector priests and a sculptor. Amenophis III). Amenophis II). 3 [1882]. Tylor and Griffith. pls. 25. MMJ 12 (1977). 7. in each case. Davies. This is less surprising than it may seem. 281. 75. however. Norman Davies. Ramose. These two cases refer to the god Re and to the king. Beschr. Tuthmosis III). In the meantime the Belegstellen volume of Wb. II.3 and that. Amenophis IV) and K. 3) (temp. p. 4 One unidentified example in Belegstellen.”2 And he observes that this sign was normally replaced by (A33) in that period. Rec Trav. temp. Kitchen. 1477 [9]. 4 (temp Amenophis I).. no. The evolution of the signs for “herdsman” (A24. respectively. 6 MMJ 12 (1977). 360). no. the individual to which this word is applied carries a calf. 39 (both ca. PN I. Lange and Schäfer provide no photograph. Tuthmosis III). Additional examples: Tylor. seen on the original). but May Trad has kindly checked this hieroglyph in the Cairo Museum. temp. 127 (Urk. 47) Gardiner. Davies. 117. 11 and pl. IV. also CG 20314 in (¡ry).5 An Eleventh Dynasty example shows the more unusual is known from the Twelfth variant . 21 (temp.7 it very probably belongs to a personal name rather than to the title “herdsman. Gardiner. pl. to note that the last of these writings was already used for the word “herdsman” as early as the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. Private Tombs. and it quite certainly has this form. Notes on Hieroglyphic Palaeography 1. For the name see n. Boeser. pl. Sammlg. on two stelae of the early Twelfth Dynasty. 4 above. p. 22. 11. Seti I). Corpus of Inscribed Egyptian Funerary Cones (Oxford 1957). temp. 1534 (Maspero. the form (A24) or (A25) was also used in the New Kingdom. 177 . in addition to which see G. Macadam. apart from its use in the royal epithet “the good herdsman.4 The Wörterbuch fails. Sesostris I). “Der gute Hirte. pl. fig. one would not expect this “friend” of the owner to be a simple herdsman. Now dealt with in considerable detail by Dieter Müller. 26 (temp. Paheri. since the iconography of scenes in earlier and contemporary tombs provides 42 (1905).14. For later ones see Hieroglyphic 2 1 ZÄS Texts VIII. the latter a personal name. pl. 119.1 could find no certain examples of (A47) for “herdsman” in hieroglyphic texts of the New Kingdom. Onomastica II. Norman Davies and F.L. 3 Theban Tombs 56 (Urk. Steindorff. 1. Catalogue of Egyptian Sculpture in the Walters Art Gallery. Both these examples are early Dyn. 8 Apart from the fact that there is just enough space for the suggested restoration. second reg. Five Theban Tombs. aeg.6 Furthermore at least one occurrence of Dynasty. RI I. II. 151 [5]. for which see Ranke. pl. 5 Turin stela Cat. n. Renni. in addition to . In both cases the writing is . temp. II. 7 CG 20457 (o). 2 (no. pl. For the branched stick cf. 212. writing more than ninety years ago. XVIII. 34. 33.”8 but the reading and meaning are in any case the same. 52. 2.

4 above. and Naville. pls. 75. the float carried by herdsmen traversing marshes and canals. After Davies scenes provides even closer parallels. RI II.12 although it was used somewhat earlier as a determinative of words for “wander. 24. 12 Davies. p. N (e) (= Kitchen. 18 Müller. II. 101). dating to the Heracleopolitan Period (note 24 below). Hieroglyphic Texts IX.. in a relief from the late Old Kingdom this is . This object is replaced by in an example of for both mn¡w and ¡ry. from the reign of Tuthmosis III (Fig.. 19 Earlier and later examples of n. pl. Also note the use of in a Dyn. 15 Calverley. Puyemrê I. II. 29 (¡ry). 28 (no. p. 87 (5). 128.15 In the Nineteenth Dynasty. where replaces the goad that is held by their Old Kingdom counterpart.”13 One might well expect further examples from this period. cite Louvre A 90 (Dyn. 3.g. XXVI). 10 Newberry. here the other hand holds a whip.” For the latter see also Faulkner. IV.. the other hand holds a short stick. 113 for the verb rw¡ “wander” and Urk. the Belegstellen to Wb.11 The Twelfth Dynasty occurrence of is nonetheless quite isolated. Also examples from Dyns. 65. ibid. Architrave 10. p. 44. 156). op. p. pls. the New Kingdom down to the reign of Seti I and even after. or a pair of jars on a pole supported by both hands).” 14 The example illustrated is from Davies. pl. Paheri. pls. 8 (6. and one of Dyn. Denkmäler des A. because there was little or no use of it before the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty (temp. 40.R. Louvre A 90 (cited by Belegstellen to Wb. Deir el-Bahari. cit. XXVI funerary text as determinative of p¢rr “runner:” M.. 429 (8). 390 (8) for ßm£w “wanderers. II. 16). 12. where other forms of this sign are also noted. Bersheh I. 142 f. 11 E. 17. provisions.10 The form it takes in is probably borrowed from contemporary examples of . Calligraphy. see also Kitchen. 16 Two good examples are to be found in James. IV. XXV: Rec. which is known from the beginning of ly.e.14 As in the Middle Kingdom parallels.19 The New Kingdom hieratic CG 1419 (see the drawing in Borchardt. i. it assumes the form . 266. citing Davies. 39 (12). 2174 (7). 22 (1900). 1). Trav.18 At either end of this span of time and particularly at the very end. Grammar. 13 Gardiner.e. Belegstellen. 311 (7). XXV–XXVI: Urk. 13 (with stick in other hand) and 30. Dyn. 30. 2). 119 and Plan 24. 223 (7–8) and the Wb. IV. III. the sign was used frequent16 almost completely supplanting 17 but not . Reiser-Haslauer. 16 (A 47). Bietak and E. pl. For the Old Kingdom goad see Fischer. I. for the float see Fischer. RI I. 9 For another example of about the same period (reign of Tuthmosis III) see Tylor and Griffith. Concise Dictionary.9 in the Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasty tomb chapels at Beni Hasan it is replaced by a basket or jars. 4 (5). Puyemrê II.. pl. who hold a stick in one hand and a cloth ( ) in the other. 138 [16]). XXII example: ZÄS 28 (1890). Temple of Sethos I IV. Nefer-¢otep I. notes a Dyn. in a register above this the other hand holds the -staff. Calligraphy.178 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY parallels. 48. Ay). Das Grab des ™Anch-hor I (Vienna 1978). . 12 (again with stick in other hand. 18. 17 Still exemplified in the reign of Horemhab: Urk. Beni Hasan I. This may represent a piece of cloth. p. 50. XVIII herdsman. fig. even though the object carried at the end of the staff is rather different. the herdsmen in Newberry. pl. 445 (A33). 7. 49 (304). cf.. pl. and later. 1. pls. i. pl. a detail that is known from a variant of the hieroglyph in the temple of Seti I at Abydos (Fig. p. 17. III. V. for the iconographic evidence from tomb Fig. 75). translated “foreigners.

pl. 21.” cf. Sie stellen einen Mann dar. It is also distinct from hieratic . 25 E. pls. p. In other cases. XIX (and later) ( ( ) . For the sign in question see Möller. or the writing of some New Kingdom names: Ranke. JEA 37 (1951). p. etc. Tombeau de Panehsy (MIFAO 57/2. Drioton. bottom center). Möller states: “Die hieratischen Formen können nicht auf zurückgehen. etc. 48. dating to the 20 Heracleopolitan Period and the New Kingdom. Newberry. Kitchen. 23 As in a Middle Kingdom occurrence of the title n∞t∞rw (Spiegelberg-Pörtner. After Calverly O.22 In hieroglyphic texts of all periods the sign for herdsman need not be followed by other signs except in the case of which also has the value n∞t “strong. THE EVOLUTION OF THE SIGNS FOR “HERDSMAN” 179 form poses a problem. XIX hieroglyph. 30. 155 [b] and n. Dyn.1. 211 [1]). 133. Gardiner.23 The sign was used alone in the Old Kingdom. 17. no. La face sud du massif est du pylone de Ramses II à Louxor (Cairo 1971). 211 (3) (also somewhat earlier: ibid. Hieratische Paläographie II. cf. no.g. following p. M. Baud and E. Dendereh. 3. when both and served 24 it was often followed by the for ¡ry “keeper” as well as mn¡w. Kuentz. however (Möller’s nos. 42. p.20 There are also a few further Nineteenth Dynasty variants of such as (apparently holding a stick in one hand. where the sign is copied inaccurately.” and had to be distinguished from the latter. This is followed by mhrw and the whole is evidently to be read flry mhrw “bearer of milk bottles. 837). 13. 54. Faulkner. 22 Kitchen. 681). 21 M. Beni Hasan I. 35. Dyn. in the Middle Kingdom. 16). Dendera. 65 (6). fig. perhaps one should transcribe it as . PN I. 23 [5]). Index.. for it does not correspond to any of the foregoing signs.” Cf.25 in the early New Kingdom was added. phonetic complement . and . XVIII (to Ay) Dyn. the same text has the normal form of . rarely) + + + . 210 (18). while the later variants of the additions include . this sign is read k£ny “gardener” (Fischer. 15. 52. as compared with 47 ( ). 209 (22). and a loop of rope or cloth in the other)21 and . . Cairo 1932).K. 24 This usage goes back to the Heracleopolitan Period (Fischer. The evidence for the writings of “herdsman” may be summarized as follows: Fig. 10. fig. RI I. 22. 2. der einen Stab vor sich hält. 348 (3).K. The unusual form is to be distinguished from in Ch. Dendera. JEA 15 (1929). pl. Ward. no.. but a stela of the Heracleopolitan Period shows a shepherd carrying provisions much like the Ramesside example in question (Petrie. . Aegyptische Grabsteine I. herdsman. 66 (13). RI II.

20a. 5A (C–D). . Hassan. JEA 67 (1981). Deir el Gebrâwi II. says the western desert. is a little out of the ordinary: m ¢tp m ¢tp ¡n zmt ¡mntt ™wy. 41) and a virtually identical parallel in LD II. Note that rmn is here distinguished by the form in the phrase ¡w(. Gîza VII. Lapp. pp. 29. fig. Excavations at Saqqara III. pl.s r. 15. clearly shows . Khentika. 1. Meir V.30 although the formula more usually shows in inscriptions 31 of the late Old Kingdom. The same tendency to use in place of appears in variants of / tpy-™wy. Saqqara Tombs I.s r NN on pl. 107. This is the same term (but written ) that refers to the “production” of cloth by female servants in Blackman and Apted.s(n) (var. 27 f. 32) I have drawn attention to a title in which is to be read ™wy. agreeing with Junker that the meaning is “viewing the cloth of the weaver’s house. W. 62. 2. figs. 32 ZÄS 102 (1979). and his observation seems subsequently to have been overlooked by others. 19. I. pls. 6 (D 8). Gîza II. but is slanted downwards to resemble (as in examples such as Junker. pl. 211. 27 Wilson. 886) or (1653a). 39. the arm looks like . 190b. In another case appears in 1425a (P). 16. Often 119b. 35. another it is apparently . a term for “best quality” (of cloth): Edel has cited four cases that have and one that has 32 He also discusses the legend .. Davies.V. as shown in Meir IV. Fischer. 34 James and Apted.” Marianne Eaton-Krauss. welcome. takes “them” to refer to statues being transported before the owner and his wife. 5. Gîza VIII. Dendereh. 26 A Western Cemetery I. § 96. fig. in Mereruka. Gîza V. while the singular is in 574b.f “I will be his support. pl. pp. Khentika. 18. 65.35 whereas at least two examples of “before” show . Qar and Idu. 33 Ibid. her two arms towards them. Hassan. but ™wy is “production.. where the Western desert extends her arms to the deceased. 18 and fig. pl. which regularly employ for dual ™wy.¡) <r> rmn.” not a specific term for cloth. 22. in the tomb of Snb ( Junker. Note that a third example of the same phrase occurs on the left reveal of the Louvre mastaba (not shown in Junker. fig.36 And there is a term variant of and not rmn. Gîza V. and Fischer. … ¡n ¡mntt nfrt ™wy. 26–27. 28 JARCE 4 (1965). evidently has . Urk. 31 Junker. her two arms towards NN. pl. Opferformel. Additional evidence is to be found in the Pyramid Texts. 21. as attested in another title or epithet which begins “one who takes stock of the produce of the deserts. 37b. But James and Apted. 38).” 30 Hassan. where a parallel version shows (Pyr.33 The evidence shown above removes all doubt on this point.” As indicated in note 43 below. 4. 166. pl. fig. It is true that ™wy is written in Pyr.” 29 Cairo CG 1434. fig.” but hesitating to read as ™wy. while or is used for the singular. fig. pl. 222 (17). Simpson. Sethe took note of this usage as early as 1913. 7 and p. 58. 9. Davies et al. where ™wy is written 27 and the singular is written . Representations of Statuary (Wiesbaden 1984). nos. There are also several cases where tp(w)-™wy “predecessors” is written . 2. which normally shows the shoulder in the Pyramid Texts. 26 but this interchange is rare.34 or . while the other versions have . The same distinction occurs in the funerary inscriptions of B¡£ at Saqqara. Cf. JNES 13 (1954). Petrie. it appears in a register above this). 208 and pl. pl. Le Mastaba d’Akhethetep (Paris 1993). see Christiane Ziegler. whereas Simpson. fig. The third case. including myself. 8. 375a. Cf. 189b. pl. but he did not go into any detail. The sign as dual of (D2) in the Old Kingdom Elsewhere in this volume (p. 6. 164. 119–21.28 In three other cases the writing of ™wy is or 29 and in in a similar context. alone expresses the dual. Coptite Nome. CG 1403 ( ). Gîza IX.180 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY 2. pls. the variant has “… says the good west. 211) “welcome.

ZÄS 77 (1942). 11 (1). 26 he rightly reads the arms as dual ™wy. Grabd.” Further examples from the same reign may be seen on Cairo J 36809 (Kurt Lange and Max Hirmer. pl. 38 Urk. After this study was completed I found that. 12. § 800. 54 he rightly observes that “est une orthographe archaïque. p. One occurs in a Sixth Dynasty address to those who pass by: “Ye shall speak with your mouth and offer with your two hands. on p. is to be read £wt-™wy “wide of wings. 56) as does a late Twelfth Dynasty example (Amenemhet III). Monument funéraire de Pepi II II. Wb. The same sign is probably to be recognized in . 41 (11). 83. meaning “handkerchief. towel. 49. 53 Lacau offers the translation given here. cit. Dieter Arnold. Kanawati. 14. Gîza VI/3. p. ASAE 42 (1943). 27. 214 (Urk. I. on p. Western Cemetery I. 16 B it is ligatured with . 367 (8) and the variant (7) indicating ™wy (but all based on evidence from the New Kingdom). S’a£¢ure™ II. 5. Excavations at Saqqara II. 188. 10. Abu Sir Papyri. 27. 2. fig.” which is written thus in the Old Kingdom. 3 ff. where James. 35 Urk. 46 Simpson. p. I. Egyptische Autobiografie I. cit. pl. Gramm.49 Although the related term ¡my-st-™ “functionary” somealso Urk. 283 (6). Cf. and in fig. 37. op. 54–55. Altäg. GM 83 (1984). 232 (7). p.” This is known from the funerary temple of Pepy II. which is written in one case37 and in another. 45 In the original inscription of a reused mastaba: Hassan. referring to CG 57188. Königliche Dokumente.38 An isolated example of the compound preposition m-flnw-™wy “by virtue of” is cited by Edel. Ägypten [Munich 1967]. loc. is consistently written thus in the late Fifth Dynasty papyri from Abusir. Chapelle de Sésostris I er. 65.48 The term “schedule of duty. 44 Janssen. and on p. 26. 38.” or the like. fig. p. 42 Borchardt. fig. Sethe anticipates my conclusion that: “Die hier gebrauchte Form der Hieroglyphe des Armes pflegt den Dualis zu bezeichnen. fig. BMMA 29 [Nov. V. fig. Two isolated cases may also be interpreted in the same way. 503. p.46 while two other versions write and . 3. 23. 37 Urk. 60). VII. p. Pyramid of Senwosret I [New York 1988]. 49.43 where the distinctive form of the arm may simply be attributed to graphic dissimilation. 38 (writings varying between and ). I. p. in the text volume. 13 (1). 1934]. BMMA 28 [Nov. 30. 93. pls. 51 (3555). referring to Junker. 39 Jéquier. 36 Urk. 6 Junker cites a Twelfth Dynasty variant for Siut I. 95). pls. 201 (6). whereas appears in Grabd. 22–24.41 The orthography of this epithet contrasts with one applied to Horus: “strong of 42 In one case it is followed by hand. 5 [7]). 48 (II F 161–63).. The form of the arms in no. 1 (A and B). immobilisée dans ce titre. THE SIGN AS DUAL OF (D2) IN THE OLD KINGDOM 181 ¢ry-™wy. An example of the early Twelfth Dynasty (Sesostris I) has (Lansing. Jéquier. 162 should be corrected from to . 125 (11). fig.” or the like. 43 Borchardt. Der Tempel des Königs Mentuhotep II (Mainz 1974). pls. 48 See Goedicke. I. 35 (A). But it probably more meaningfully indicates that the phrase is to be interpreted “one who acts with his two hands. Sa’£¢ure™ I. This writing of tp. 12.” He also makes a passing reference to this usage in Die Altägyptischen Pyramidentexte IV (Leipzig 1922). where the epithet is applied to Osiris (Dunham. Naga ed-Dêr Stelae. pls. 41 Lacau-Chevrier. 20. in pl. 41 emends to . Monument funéraire de Pepi II II. 46 (10). pl. I.” for the epithet takes the form in texts of 44 the Middle Kingdom referring to non-royal individuals. 47 Drioton.47 The second is the expression for “activity” in a Fifth Dynasty decree (Neferirkare) which is written in an inscription of the early Twelfth Dynasty. II. . It further seems highly probable that . pls.2. 201 (17). 34. pls.. p.”45 A similar address of the same period has . an epithet of the vulture-goddess Nekhbet. On p. 49 Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. 8.39 and the same writing is retained in temple inscriptions of the Eleventh40 and early Twelfth Dynasties. 1933]. 106. 6. pl.w-™wy is probably also to be recognized in Hassan. 40 Dieter Arnold. 19.

pl. For ™bw-r see De Meulenaere. 196–97. 19. Sheikh Saïd.e). V.” 51 Wild.60 Here the reading may include a reference to ™wy with the meaning “wash-hands” (as in French “lave-mains”). CAA Hildesheim 1. fig. 13. I. 106.. I doubt that somewhat later. Gîza XI. 37 and 39 (= Badawy. 55 E. denn sie ist noch (ganz voll) Stroh. O fowler!”52 Sethe says that in the Pyramid Texts is to be read ™ in (var. 60 LD II. Medum. 52 Capart. 558b (and as and in CT VI. 28.” discussed by Posener-Kriéger. II 338 (incorrectly copied). 80. Verner. A woman winnowing grain tells her companion: “lift your arms from this grain. since winnowing requires the use of both hands. 58 CG 1495. . 54 E. Supplement to BIFAO 81 (1981). A carpenter hammering a guardrail to the side of a boat tells his companion. pl. Blackman and Apted. 11) should go with . Rue de tombeaux. op. pp.”53 Certainly it means no more than “wash” since it is applied to the face54 as well as the hands and or is added in the latter case. 41 (C 2) are inappropriately used in place of . (2) . p.” or the representation of an attenspecifying dant who carries these utensils. which may be compared with in another that may be 62 If the second of these is ™bw-r. op. it is equally clear that this interpretation is to be applied in some speeches accompanying scenes of daily life: (1) . 57 Paget and Pirie. 59 Petrie. 129. (Sitz. 4. 50 Wild. the sense of my translation is much the same as the less literal one of Montet. 128.”50 This is a particularly likely case. 1 (B). Archives. 150. The term used in the Abusir papyri is clearly to be read ¡my-st-™wy. 1428b. 4. pl. g). the expression ™wy n ¢mww. The sign also designated the ewer and basin in the early Old Kingdom. 11 (23). pl. pl. A second example is Louvre E 25532: Ziegler. pl. 341 translates: “Que je vous ecrase vos mains—attention à nous. 21 and pl. Österr. pl. (3) . pl. which has rmn.) disregards the form of and translates: “Hebe deinen Arm mit dieser Gerste (fege sie fleissig). but this is evidently a scribal error. “handwork for the craftsmen. in Gîza IX. 44. 61 Junker. “remove your hands (from) under us. Ptah-hetep. cf. “There is a catch (of fowl) for thy hands. 28. Kl. the first is presumably ™bw-™wy. Two adjacent examples from pl. fig. 42. Cf. this is from the mastaba of Êy.182 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY times shows . 22 (A. 223: “Lève de cet orge! Il est mondé!” For ∂¢£/d¢£ see Wb.58 In these cases replaces . In view of the several examples that have been given of alone as a writing of ™wy. 788c. 221/5 [1943]. . the latter evidently to be distinguished from the example in Junker. Akad.g. 605 [7] and 481 [1–7]. 1443a. Catalogue des stèles. 155. Junker reads only ™b. p. 56 Davies. 39.” but his parallel for flr “attention” is not valid. Ptahhetep I. and the form of the latter should be corrected to : namely those from pls. Junker. cf. pp. 30 f. p. 53 Die Altägyptischen Pyramidentexte IV.-hist. 38). cit. Pyr. pl. This is suggested by the fact that the washing of hands is in an of61 fering list of the Fourth Dynasty. it is (but) straw. 87–89. Montet. p. Meir V. Scènes. 36. identified as in the label above them. cit. Ti III. Ph.”51 Like the preceding quotation. 10. PN I. Ptahshepses I/1. 33).55 This is also true of “wetting a stave” in two scenes 56 as also in some names such as 57 and of the Fifth Dynasty. Pyr. 11 (1). II. and it is hardly coincidental that one example discussed earlier (p. 24) has . 62 BM 1172: Hieroglyphic Texts VI. (Martin-Pardey. as in an offering list 59 “a ewer and basin of electrum. 35 (A. but it obviously derives from the idea that the two hands are washed. Gîza II. 601b. 423 [28]). fig. also Wb. In Abu Sir Papyri some of the entries for (Pal. Nyhetep-Ptah. But is ™wy in some other names: (PN I. pls. ) “wash. 398b.g. 144. 18 and p. as corrected in Davies. 3 b). this also appears as in Pyr. pl. 1 (A).

30. 66 Ibid. 28 (A). Vol. 23.. including some of the earliest.g. while the other is not visible (Fig. 64 Junker. James. IV. Egyptian Paintings of the Middle Kingdom. but it more probably is ∞n (“your feet beat out the rhythm for you”). Simpson.” The group frequently appears before the face of the deceased in offering scenes of Dynasties II–IV (rarely later)70 and usually arranged thus. 80 From the photograph in A. 7.Y. for other early examples see Jéquier. including “water and washing vessels. Le Temple de Louxor (Paris 1894). 9–10.1. pls. 67 Cf. rw¡ “dance”77 and m£¢t “clap.” and ∞n¡ “beat (the rhythm). Re-used Blocks from the Pyramid of Amenemhet I at Lisht (New York 1971). Vol. Monument funéraire de Pepi II II. 27. Tombeaux de particuliers. 38. fig. pl. pl. JEA 19 (1933). Harold Nelson. Hist. A Gayet.S.”76 also. The Tomb of Tjanefer (Chicago 1959). 71 At least three dozen examples. Saad. 65 Ibid. 94 and pl. 3 to p. “the two vessels of the wash(-hands) and a jar” much as Junker reads it. 72 Z.”68 and in the Middle Kingdom it was commonly expressed by or “two ves69 sels of water. to be added to the Belegstellen of Wb. 43. 18a. Smith. pl.”78 The explanation for the connotation of duality that is expressed by is to be found in the traditional representations of the mrt-singer that shows a single hand extended in this fashion. 124. VIII. p.71 although the sequence is reversed in a few examples. ASAE 3 (1902). 73 W. Giza Necr. 113–14. Naville. 5). 23). The Temple of Sethos I IV. 54. also an archaizing Dyn. pl. pl. after Lindsley Hall’s drawing in Hans Goedicke.2. perhaps assimilated from previous mention of “hands. Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt (Harmondsworth 1958). Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Oxford 1969). b. 37. 421 (9). Gîza X. 37. For other examples see ibid. I. 57b. pl. 14. 72 and pls. 70 The latest example that can be dated as such by a royal name (Userkaf) is from Tehna: Fraser. 19. pl. 78 Mereruka. 63 Wb. n. 29.” Faulkner. also a hieroglyphic representation of Meret as (Kitchen. pl. 81 From Davies. 69 Jéquier.73 Occasionally is added to this configuration. with reference to (CT I. 1392. infinitive) see Faulkner. fig.72 and one Third Dynasty example very logically places below the ewer and above the basin. ASAE 16 (1916). pls. 22.”63 Other lists refer to “water for the hands”64 or “water upon the hands. Calverley. pl..79 In the Nineteenth Dynasty the outline of the arm was doubled. 203. Gîza II. 56. 77 Pyr. fig. 1447. 192. 118 and Terrace. 69 (26). “metal vessels of” . 200. THE SIGN AS DUAL OF (D2) IN THE OLD KINGDOM 183 this reading is disproved by an exceptional case where supplies for the afterlife are listed on a Fourth Dynasty sarcophagus. Cf. Frises. Antefo˚er. 4)80 and this reduplication was applied to a group of female mourners as early as the Twelfth Dynasty (Fig. pl. 75 E. Great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak I/1 (Chicago 1981). 27. Concise Dictionary. Egyptian Reliefs.M. II. pl. pl. p.. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions. 74 E. 63. 79 MMA 22. 11. 1513. designating a supply of water. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. pls.g. 214. Reisner. Ceiling Stelae (Cairo 1957). Hassan.75 The most characteristic ideographic uses of are to be found in the determinatives of ¢s¡ “sing. figs. p. also applies the same interpretation to alone in 1358b. More usually the determinative of the dancer shows a man holding a pair of clappers. 863a. p. 4. making it clear that both hands are extended (Fig.74 and/or . 76 . XI example in Hodjash and Berlev.S.66 but ¡™w may be ¡™w-™wy. XIth Dynasty Temple II. Seele. p. 6 (A). pl.” mrt “mrt-singer. p. 42. RI II. including CG 1391. III. Cf. 285.1. 68 Jéquier. 3). cf. Qar and Idu. IV. pls.. more rarely. fig 53. 151 and pl. 570 [11]).”65 An inscription of the Fifth Dynasty mentions which is probably ß™wt(y) n(ty) ¡™w nmst. Smith. 17. 29.81 The apparent extension of a single hand is also to be found in several Cairo J 48852: W. 16. 46b. For the form (with fem. 1566. James.67 At a later date (probably no earlier than the Heracleopolitan Period) the term for the ewer and basin was reduced to ß™t¡ “the two vessels. Daressy.

Dyn. After Davies . XIX mrt-goddess. XII singers.184 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Fig. After Calverly Fig. 4. Dyn. 5. Old Kingdom mrt-goddess. After Lindsley Hall Fig. 3.

however. 16 (274). a conclusion that is borne out by the Middle and New Kingdom examples cited in notes 80–81 above. 24.).” And the Old Kingdom sign reappears in a funerary scene of the Eighteenth Dynasty (Davies. Others. not influenced by Hickmann. she likewise assumes (without offering evidence) that both hands are extended. A Middle Kingdom variant of the determinative is applied to ∞n in Newberry. 88. for other examples see ibid. pl.” and one may therefore suppose that their attitude is a stereotyped archaic manner of depicting two hands extended to give the tempo by clapping. 1 to pp.w “beaters.2. made with one hand. 83 For the iconography of the mrt-singer see Jocelyne Berlandini in LÄ IV. this example is altogether anomalous since the second mrtsinger makes a quite different gesture. This does not seem consistent. reverses this conclusion. In the more mundane scenes of private tombs of the Old Kingdom female singers frequently clap their hands in a more natural fashion. together with dancers who hold clappers. with her conclusion that both hands are raised. MDAIK 7 (1937). 6). 226 ff. pl. she considers the possibility that the mrt-singer is clapping her hands. 6. After Bissing representations of men who make the same gesture accompanied by in the archaic fes82 They are clearly ∞nw.” “percustival scenes of Neuserre’s sun temple (Fig. p. also figures among the chironomic repertory of Old Kingdom singers. pl.84 Bissing. 84 Berlandini. THE SIGN AS DUAL OF (D2) IN THE OLD KINGDOM 185 Fig.. 17) that a single hand is extended by the mrt-singer in the shrine of Nb-¢pt-R™ Mentuhotep 82 from Dendera (ASAE 17 [1918]. cit. 12: “giving the rhythm to the army. Puyemrê II. but this sign probably became an ideogram for ¢s¡ in consequence of its association with the mrt-singers. . 18 (44d). Dyn.83 reinforced by the fact that singers frequently clapped their hands. sionists. loc. Bersheh I. V singer. A gesture like . pl. where the caption accompanies men whose gesture reduplicates the sign and again shows but one arm. Re-Heiligtum III. L’hommmage aux dieux (Paris 1954). 81. although she observes (n. 19 (45a). 52). pl. but agrees with Hickmann that her gesture is a melodic signal. have previously agreed that the gesture represents clapping: Hellmuth Müller. Jean Sainte Fare Garnot. II.

replacing . 19.” as mentioned earlier. 93 See n. Bissing. Chapelle de Sésostris I er . pls. One such archaic example is the epithet £wt-™wy. which describes that action. Schäfer and W.” where it is still uncommon but occurs at least seven times. (London 1909). Abu Bakr. VII. Catalogue of Egyptian Sculpture (Baltimore 1946). H. Gîza II. Hodjash and Berlev. 181).”94 as well as in a very few Sixth Dynasty examples of ™wy written and . these cases lacks the stream of water. Pyr. Das Grab des Ibi (Mainz 1983).152. 85 Junker. 88 Walters 22. Der Tempel des Königs Mentuhotep II. “schedule of duty. W. and CT VI. pl. pls.88 The form is also attested in Old Kingdom inscriptions. The man on the left says: “Ho. 34 (N). 22 and 34 (left) have the old form.. 29). and the form of the hand is also similar in m¢ “cubit” (e. Mastabas. pl. Gîza IX. pp. but not with any degree of regularity. 200–203. Mariette. Steindorff. 91 O. Re-Heiligtum III. 40. ASAE 16 (1916). 15. pl. but only very infrequently except in the term for 89 One of “washing the hands. 11 and 16. 389 b. 23.91 the latter very probably explains the other five.97 the position of the hands that are “smoothing” is reflected in the pair of hands that terminate the word sn™™ above them. fig 13.85 But the sign in question only partly resembles . Hassan. pp. The old form reappears in the Late Period. Naville. there is no Old Kingdom example of the word with which to compare it.” mentioned earlier (p.98 Arnold. Schenkel. 88. 49 above.M. 5. p.95 It may be added that a sign rather like the form that has just been noted is also to be found in one of the scenes of a Sixth Dynasty tomb chapel at Meir (Fig. 7). see (how well) I am smoothing. Koefoed-Petersen. also several times in CG 57173. 17. 95 Daressy. 22.153: G.F. pl.” ple of the epithet †m£-™wy “strong of hands. 12. A similar form is used as the determinative of £m “pressing (grapes)” in Blackman and Apted. 28 above. fig. fig. 89 . 28. III. no.96 The similarity is coincidental. in the archaic context of temple scenes. Gîza I. Cf. to a limited extent. 436 (1). 86 Cf. Also note the determinative of ∞n in note 82. 35 (right).186 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY The connotation of duality that was so graphically conveyed by in the Old Kingdom probably did not survive beyond that period except. 94 See n. This is an excellent example of those cases where iconography has affected palaeography. 274. 90 Junker. 32 and 26. 107 (also written normally). E. Other examples of are to be 92 in a Fifth Dynasty examfound in Fourth and Fifth Dynasty titles concerning ¢s “singer. 21. Andrae. Gîza V.” and his companion replies “See indeed (how well) I am smoothing. 47 [2-3]. fig. Petrie. also n. and another is possibly to be recognized in the expression “offering” in the Eleventh Dynasty Temple at Deir el Bahari. VII. Gîza. cf. no. Memphis II. 150 e. 42 above. Egyptian Reliefs. and it is therefore probably safer to retain the accepted reading of this phrase as ¢wt-™. pl. Festival Hall of Osorkon II (London 1892). Meir V.87 which also serves for rmn.86 By the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty the search for further survivors becomes obscured by the replacement of old by (D41). 87 Of the examples in Chapelle de Sésostris I er cited in note 41 above only those on pls. but the very different reason for it is well worth mentioning. pl.” In other versions of this scene the hieroglyph in question is written normally. Catalogue des bas-reliefs (Copenhagen 1956). 32 k. 20. 92 Junker.90 and in another case the stream of water is fused with the hand. Wb.g. Die Kunst des Alten Orients (Berlin 1942). 21 (4963).93 and rarely in the phrase ¡my-st-™wy. The sign is in Lacau-Chevrier. The form (or the like) appears in Klaus Kuhlmann and W. fig. “wide of wings. pl.

in Vandersleyen. II. VI craftsmen at Meir. Wild. Dyn. that it is simply a variant of the hieroglyph wsr (F12).g.100 a seated jackal. 387 (pl. Cf. Davies. 65 (“Anubishead”). LIVb). From the photograph in Vernier. p. 14. Milada Vilímková. 18. pl. however. the daughter of a king presumed to be Amenemhet II. . Caminos and Fischer. Meir V. After Blackman 3. p. pl. Deir el Gebrâwi I.. Ti III. Epigraphy and Palaeography. Also Alix Wilkinson.101 or “the symbol of Anubis. caption to pl.3. Frises d’objets. p. 88. Das Alte Ägypten. 8a).”102 There can be no doubt. pl. Ancient Egyptian Jewellery (London 1971). pl. p. 37. 18. 30. 99 CG 52964. 37 and n. include one form that is unusual. p. 103 As Cyril Aldred has evidently recognized in his Jewels of the Pharaohs (London 1971). p. 317. combining the wigged head of a jackal with the foreleg of the same animal (Fig. pl. referring to pl. 97 96 Blackman 101Erika Feucht. The other side is inlaid. 7. 72. 10. 30 (“Strength”). and less detailed. Altägyptische Goldschmiedekunst (Prague 1969).. 100 Ibid. pl.103 That interpretation is demonand Apted. 188. A MIDDLE KINGDOM VARIANT OF (12) (FF12) 187 Fig. A Middle Kingdom Variant of (F12) The hieroglyphic elements of a necklace of Ônmt.99 It has previously been identified as a jackal. Bijoux et orfèvreries. 102 Jéquier. 98 E. Mereruka I. 174. Cf.

pl. 5.” it is surprising that the neck should be replaced by a leg. And for the phrase cf. Bubastis (London 1891). 89. pls. 8. Naville. but not the leg. Coptite Nome. 40 (L. c). Grab. op. . The sign again shows the wig in the same cartouche (Louvre C 1: ibid.105 Given the fact that the phonetic value of derives from wsrt “neck. pl. 105 On the proper right side of Turin Suppl. 156. 77 (Bitte 7 a.109 Examples of still later date may also be cited. A Season in Egypt (London 1888). M). 14). pl. 108 BM 624 (Blackman. lines 10. but there are even earlier examples of in Sixth Dynasty hieratic. pl. 41. Centre du Documentation. Dahshur. Louvre C 14 (Al. XVIII: Cairo CG 34091. the earliest examples of it dating to the Heracleopolitan Period107 and the Eleventh Dynasty. cit. Dyn. 107 Fischer. pls. which occurs in a phrase expressing funerary benefits. From the photograph in Lange-Schäfer. no. 1). pl. CdE 36 [1961]. 8). 14). XIX: E. (b. Sesostris I: 271. also CG 20364.. Opferformel. 109 Louvre C 1 (Simpson. JEA 17 [1931]. Florence 1774 (RdE 24 [1972].104 and by another example (Fig. Dendera. Sesostris II). c) Similar hieroglyphs 104 CG 20542. (Bitte 7 a. 106 MMJ 12 (1977). 11. 59 f. pls. 43.110 Fig. some at least as late as the reign of Sesostris II. p. 14. 52. 15. (a) Element from the necklace of Ônmt. 13. 17. Das Selbstzeugnis eines altägyptischen Künstlers [Berlin 1970]. Naville. 110 Mid-Dyn. Barta. 10 (273. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (Wiesbaden 1984). Barta. pl. no. 8b). 37. Terrace of the Great God. 22. Simpson. Terrace of the Great God. Petrie. 270. 8c). 14. p. wsr m£™ ∞rw “being powerful and justified. 87. 7). 37. pl. XXII: E.108 while a few more are known from the earlier reigns of the Twelfth Dynasty. From a photograph. n. but they are not frequent.106 The wig alone appears more frequently in this sign. XX: Félix Guilmant. pl. pp. Dyn. pl. Petit Temple d’Abu Simbel II (Cairo 1968). Cf. although the hieroglyphic equivalent of this is known only from the Second Intermediate Period and the later New Kingdom.” on a non-royal statue that is probably as late as the reign of Amenemhet III. for bibliography see Detlef Franke.. 4265. Tombeau de Ramsès IX (Cairo 1907). e). Dyn.und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs IV. no. 42 (A). 199. Badawy.188 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY strated by a cartouche of Sesostris I that shows virtually the same form (Fig.

. 306 ff. 82. cit.120 Thus it seems possible. Since this arrangement is.”114 And it is equally likely that should precede .. nos.” The latter is closely associated with in the Protodynastic Period. op. in the form sm£yt Nbty mryt and sm£yt NN. As noted here (p. with . 12–15.5 mm. their meaning is not essentially different from “she who joins the White Crown. 52929 and 31.” in both cases meaning “she who joins the king. pp. cit. pl. with much the same meaning. in the Middle Kingdom (CG 382). 116 JARCE 1 (1962). that of the vultures (52973–74) is said to be 19 mm. including the two rings from which they were suspended. also two falcon-head terminals (52920–21). 177. Jewels of the Pharaohs. 52919. 22. 117 MMJ 5 (1972). but this excludes the lower rings. The peculiar variant of wsr does not seem to have been used very often. 96).” which occurs on 115 Ônmt’s canopic chest. this is 112 111 MMJ attested. for the most part. rightward or leftward. between 18–18. Aldred. 120 MMJ 5 (1972). op. 113 For which see Vilímková. 119 Petrie. which are said to be 17 mm.” The sign shows the b£t-fetish combined. arbitrary.3. living. and it seems unlikely that there is any connection between this and the variant for on coffins from 5 (1972). it seems likely that should precede (or ). Vernier. Koptos. 5 (7). The height of all the elements seems to be much the same. pl. 52926–7. 69. 52959–74. but perhaps ringing a change on the name Ônmt. 114 JEA 60 (1974). 13. Once these two titles have been recognized as such. which it closely resembles in First Dynasty examples. then all the other hieroglyphs in the necklace evidently precede them as attributes that are desired for the owner: .” 115 Most recently discussed by Olivier Perdu... in one case showing the form . 11 (1976). Stewart. pl. pl. incorporating the b£t-fetish. with the exception of the bees. 30.119 Its propitious meaning is much the same as . While such titles may not seem very suitable for a woman who is only a king’s daughter. Three Old Kingdom Tombs at Thebes. for Ônmt see p. once the hieroglyphic nature of has been perceived.” And the sign . In the present restoration113 the sequence is (reversed) . The first three might then be translated “may (she who joins the king) be strong. the w∂£t-eye of Horus. and may therefore have been placed at the end of the series. since it occurs in some of the identical pairs. 14.”111 all of the hieroglyphs of Ônmt’s necklace are paired. LIVb. and those that show a definite orientation.112 In the other cases the slight variation of height is not significant. mryt “the beloved one who joins the Two Ladies/King NN. loc. RdE 29 (1977). to view all the other elements as having a more hieroglyphic character than has previously been supposed. The height of the presumed central element is said to be only 16 mm. 3 (2). a well known device that combines and “live and be at peace. pl. . constituting an old variant of the queenly title sm£wt mry Nbty in which mry Nbty “he who is beloved of the Two Ladies” is reduced to “the Two Ladies.118 in the other case the composite form. 13. 68 ff.. cit. Egyptian Stelae II. 94–98.117 and these two signs alternate in two friezes dating to the end of the Old Kingdom. Erika Feucht.116 the so-called “Isis-knot. 118 Saleh. but the upper ring is much further forward than the right. so that the ensemble is symmetrical. Only the bees are given a lesser height: 17 mm. A MIDDLE KINGDOM VARIANT OF (12) (FF12) 189 Except for the presumed central element. as often. enduring. would mean “may (she) be sound. and the measurement is clearly diagonal. n. are presented in both directions.

La face sud du massif est du pylone de Ramses II à Louxor. RI II. “over the head”) may seem self-evident. in the king’s letter. pl. 123 Wb. which is only known from Beni Hasan. Its fortuitous nature may explain why this usage was not more widespread. to the right of the entrance. with the kind permission of Maria Helena 122 121 CG Trindade Lopes. 124 Ch. III. cf. XIII. Middle Kingdom examples of 28001–4.128 Thus the new writing of ¢ry-tp. 28010–16.f. 9). But it must nonetheless be asked why the pair of horns alone would not have sufficed to express this meaning. (b) is late Dyn. 9.P. pl. p. 33 (Tomb 3).” the substitution of for ¢ry-tp “overlord” (lit. 9–13 (and inserted errata). 129 Newberry. 32. from Louvre C 85. during the Heracleopolitan Period. 7).124 4. Beni Hasan I. lines 6. later inscription on left reveal of entrance.129 seems to have had a specific graphic origin—an accidental resemblance. Petrie. in the reign of Period. Aad 13 (from Simpson. See also a Dyn. 21 (top). such as (tongue) for ¡my-r “he who is in the mouth” and (Anubis upon his shrine) for ¢ry-sßt£ “he who is over (privy to) the secret. 129 [13]). XXVI example in K. dating from the very end of the Old Kingdom or later. . 10. 126 Tomb of Ìr-∞w. 8. the Ptolemaic writing probably derives from this. pl. Koptos. Fig. 19. An extremely likely explanation has occurred to me in looking over some copies of inscriptions that were made in the rock-cut tombs of Aswan towards the end of the Old Kingdom. I have subsequently noticed further examples of this kind in inscriptions of the Middle Kingdom (Fig. XI. from Copenhagen Nat. 128 Figure 1 (a) is Dyn. pl. which the Wörterbuch attributes to the Graeco-Roman 123 but was in use at least as early as the Nineteenth Dynasty. Here the hoofed leg may have been suggested by the pair of horns. which tends to occur in incised inscriptions that omit inner detail. 37 and p. Schenkel.122 or with the still later variant for . I. pl. Terrace of the Great God.190 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Akhmim.126 and a little later. 28007–8. XII. line 14 (= Urk. Ramesses II. Mus. Grab des Ibi (Mainz 1983). 41 (Tomb 13). 346 (6). (c) is late Dyn. 125 Reprinted from Hathor 3 (Lisbon 1991). 127 Tomb of Ìq£-¡b. from Louvre C 14. Kitchen. 122 (T264). rather than the horns and sun-disk that constitute the emblem of Hathor. pls. where assumes its customary form. Kuhlmann and W. Kuentz.121 with the variant for (¡£t) in a royal decree of the Seventeenth Dynasty. The sign 125 Among the orthographic innovations in titles of the Middle Kingdom.127 Here the sign for ¢r “over” is occasionally written or instead of .

131 The final step. ASAE 51 (1951). since it seems to be a little later than the other members of the group. 133 Anthes. figs.V. 69. 139 In place of it has . 444 f. fig. W. 128. Nianchchnum. Davies et al. Saqqara Tombs I. 202. elsewhere on the same sarcophagus [pl. belonging to the very end of the Sixth Dynasty and to the brief span of the Eighth Dynasty. 26. . pp. 13. Gîza VI. 231. figs. 32.130 At the same time. if only by a few years. Paget and Pirie. pp. 1. producing a second arrangement: . albeit one of more conventional form. Coptite Nome. p. 41. This determinative was occasionally moved upwards as early as the Fourth Dynasty. 18. Junker. n. where the determinative. 21. 4. is dated to the end of Dyn. XI. 31. II. The wife’s coiffure also distinguishes this stela from the others. 130 ibid.. it appears in one of the burial chambers cleared by Jéquier around the pyramid of Pepy II. Simpson.139 E. are closely linked with the “transitional” tombs at Dendera. had been reserved for the king. Idout. fig. 136 See BES 9 (1987/88). 6.135 In the present case the specifically late feature is the separation of and in place of the older form for flrt n†r “necropolis. 92. 63 (1). 23–24 and pl.134 many of which show features that are associated with the Eighth Dynasty and the Heracleopolitan Period. Sahure). another example. 134 Tombeaux de particuliers.. seem to antedate the end of the 137 It occurs on one of a group of Naqada stelae that Old Kingdom. 24] the sign is missing. fig. Excavations at Saqqara I. 138 Fischer. Sixth Dynasty: Macramallah. X. 558–60. Giza. 16.” Here one can follow a more gradual and logical evolution. 135 To be discussed in Hommages à Jean-Philippe Lauer (Montpellier 1997). Two Tombs of Craftsmen.”136 There remains one example of that does. 87. p. fig. 183. 93. pls.. CG 1434. 83. belonging to the Red Group. 150. 70. VI/3. and during the Sixth Dynasty the sign tended to be partly enclosed by . as is often the case in contemporary inscriptions). 33. In the earlier half of the Old Kingdom a usual writing of the “opening of the year” festival was . fig. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 6. 39. 62. 131 Fifth Dynasty examples in Firth and Gunn. no.g. One of the earliest hieroglyphic examples known to me occurs on a stela from Naga ed Deir that seems to belong to the first years of the Heracleopolitan Period. Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae. at Dendera. JEA 19 [1933]. 70. pl.. 27. pp. Hatnub. 87.132 A hieratic example at Hatnub occurs in a graffito that has been dated even earlier133 this date seems improbable. referring to Petrie. in which these two elements became united. prosper and be healthy” and “may he live for ever and ever”—sentiments that. 60. a Dendera stela of the same style as those of Snn¡ (for which see ibid. A much earlier example is to be found in Abu-Bakr. ibid. pls. p. 1482. 142. 132 Dunham.4. Petrie and Murray. The same is true of another example that supposedly antedates the end of the Sixth Dynasty. is first attested in the inscriptions of Nfr-sßm-Ppy/Snn¡. discussed further by ◊ern≈. figs. no. which E. pl. Moussa and Altenmüller. pl. pl. Cairo J 48852 (W. 927 and fig. in view of the fact that the name of a local nomarch is followed by “may he live. 5. fig. n. 137 Fischer. Gîza I. 3. Moussa and Junge. evidently came about around the end of the Old Kingdom. Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels. if the hieroglyph had not already existed in “opening (day)” of the month and “opening (day) of the year. 10 [right.. 5. Ptah-hetep.138 The Eighth Dynasty is more probable in the case of the stela in question. was placed below . An example appears on a Fourth Dynasty sarcophagus. Smith. Western Cemetery I. 62.. appropriate to a calendrical event. Qar and Idu. however. pl. N. III. Brovarski dates to the early Heracleopolitan Period: Dissertation. pl. 79. during the Old Kingdom. but more frequently during the later reigns of the Fifth Dynasty. but this is an isolated exception. 20. 4. which. CG 1424 (temp. 2.S. Kanawati et al. pls. second from bottom]) similarly shows a woman wearing a long wig. pl. fig. 205. Hassan. 104. Dendera. 115–28. however. however. figs. THE S I G N 125 191 This usage probably would not have occurred at all. Dendereh.

. Kawab. is more normally written (Simpson. fig. the phrase also occurs in titles.141 At least three. 153 below. Badawy rightly criticizes James’ translation of st¡ as “moulding” (p. pl. 48 (177). E 17499. 25 (= Alexander Badawy. 146. cf. cit. 23: s∂£t ¡m£∞ Hnqw … r st¡. Here it may be noted that 140 Louvre E (sßrt) exceptionally appears in an Old Kingdom title “overseer of the milk herd. pp. In yet another case also replaces 147 as the infinitive of st¡ in the sense of “spearing.144 which is comparable to . Detail of Old Kingdom relief in the Louvre. 43– 44. 137 and pl.” and may have been influenced by the latter. After Ziegler In the example at hand evidently occurs in the same context as the phrase . 142 Simpson.192 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY 5. 19.” Fig. Meir V. p. Capart. Nyhetep-Ptah. In one case142 the context clearly shows that it is a variant of F29. 29). Nianchchnum. pl. 64. 146 OLZ 74 (1979). 13.t rmw “the revered Hnqw travelling … to spear fish. 52. Variants of the Old Kingdom form of (F29) The detail shown in Figure 10 is from the lower edge of an isolated block of relief in the Louvre.140 The scene above it depicts the preparation of bread. 145 Blackman and Apted.” which. Deir el Gebrâwi II. The reading sßr is excluded for any of the examples of discussed here. 147 Davies. 3–4. pl. and Moussa and Altenmüller. 292– 94. and it is virtually certain that the incomplete captions are related to the same activity. likewise compares st¡ and str. Deir el Gebrâwi II. 10. commenting on Middle Kingdom strw. loc. and probably four. 81. 144 above) appears immediately above a scene showing “milking. my Titles. pl. 45). p. in an example dating to Dynasties X/XI. combining a phonetic element ( ) with an ideographic one ( ). pp. Rue de tombeaux. 143 For such scenes see Drenkhahn. 141 To be added to the examples given in MMJ 12 (1977). Khentika. a command given by a scribe who records the delivery of bread and beer as it is relayed to him by a second scribe:148 “count this out properly. 34–35 and fig. discussed further in Orientalia 61 (1992). the caption replaces the more familiar “stringing a necklace.”143 The composite variant is doubtless also to be recognized in a less completely preserved example. 17. pp.146 which is also confirmed by the likelihood that the captions show the masculine infinitive of a triliteral verb. written . That conclusion is indicated by the composite sign at the left. pl.” This seems again to employ the verb str/st¡—either “stringing” together the number of deliveries or “assembling” 174991: Ziegler. although the example of (cited in n. 82) but “throw in” is scarcely more satisfactory. Catalogue des stèles. other examples of the same composite hieroglyph can be cited. 50. Handwerker. where the reading st¡-rw is to be disregarded. citing examples of the latter from the New Kingdom and later. 9 (27).145 The last two examples confirm Osing’s reading of the former as str/st¡. n. Western Cemetery I. Drenkhahn. 144 Davies.” 148 James and Apted. 9–10 and figs. fig. Khafkhufu I and II. for which see n. n. .

pl. 73a. Fig. 15. 72). Die Reliefs aus dem Grab des Pyramidenvorstehers Ii-nefret (Karlsruhe 1982). 332 (13). VARIANTS OF THE OLD KINGDOM FORM OF ( 9) ( F 2F 2 9 ) 193 them. “jeweler” is probably more appropriate. Gîza III. This is clearly to be recognized in . 60) It seems likely that the “necklace-stringer’s” craft was less restricted than this designation would indicate. pp. which is invalidated by the other examples of . no. fig. (Cairo CG 57130) “director of necklace-stringers of the palace” (Capart. as well as Berlin 19999 (Kaplony. This title is also known from Firth and Gunn.” unpublished fragment. Deir el Gebrâwi I.149 In one instance the delivery of bread is carried out in the presence of the n∞t-∞rw “tally man” and the ∂£∂£t nt ∂t “council of the funerary estate. 71 and pl. Nianchchnum. 332 [12]). I.” although the residual is difficult to explain.”153 The second appears at the end of a caption describing the catching of fish by the “harpooner. 84. where the determinative of repeats the fish that is 155 speared in the adjacent scene (albeit another species of fish). p.e. which occurs in the title “overseer of necklace-stringers.¡ [nw] “count this out for me.. ). 154 Davies. is used in Pyr. The caption at the left possibly begins with the words st¡ n. with further assistance from Donald Spanel) may be compared with examples from (b) Hassan. Scènes. 40 reads s†£t (i. pl. apparently. Epron et al. the sign in question is not explained. The same word. my companion!” The remaining example of the composite sign occurs in a scene where a man kneading dough is addressed by a baker who holds a loaf in one hand and a bag or basket in the other: . 120a. 11. More probably is followed by in the phrase nty ¢n™(. p.”150 both of whom are likewise mentioned in the remaining captions of the missing scene in the present case. 25. Berlin 11406 (Aeg. 33 [9]). fig. pl. drawn from a photograph kindly supplied by Richard Fazzini. 99) “director of necklace-stringers and director of gold” (Martin. The first is . 23. no. pl. which precedes m¢nk nswt. Schurmann. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions I. 150 Epron. IV. and (c) Junker.¡): “count. The third occurs in a similar context. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. The arrow in this sign (Figure 11 [a]. pl. pls. 33) 149 Wb..: “overseer of necklace-stringers of the king’s regalia. Cf. p. pl.”154 Here the substitution of (an Old Kingdom form of Aa5) for has evidently been prompted by an overall similarity of shape. 26. loc. Ti I.151 This is perhaps to be translated “Look at my batch of pznloaves. 123f (Wb. El-Hawawish IX. Nianchchnum. 152 Schurmann. Montet. Rollsiegel II. 66–67. 22). fig. p. 153 James.. no. 155 Kanawati. fig.”152 Three further variants may be noted. a title that was frequently given to craftsmen (Brooklyn 37. ibid. 3.5. 67. 151 W. p. Sometimes nominal is used in such scenes. Moussa and Altenmüller. 64). Gîza XI. 4– 5 (11). pl. Note also that alone is sometimes used in designating these workers: “the stringing of necklaces by the jewelers of the funerary estate” (Moussa and Altenmüller. 21. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions.1495E: James. Rue de tombeaux. Arrows in Old Kingdom hieroglyphs IV. 102. Cf. pl. “necklace-stringer of the king’s regalia” (LD II. probably based on a masculine infinitive as before: an “assemblage” or “batch” of bread. . 84. Hetepka. 214 (8). 15. cit. Inschr.

e. 13. 6. V. the administrative center of Upper Egypt (ex. two Middle Kingdom examples from Asyut show the arrow planted in what appears to be a shield: . Egyptian Studies II. and that. 3. list). but especially the second. at Abydos. Furthermore the examples from Giza constitute nearly half of the total. Further examples are probably not to be expected much later than that point. Both forms continue in use after the Old Kingdom. the tail rather than the hide: Säve-Söderbergh. The Old Kingdom Tombs at Hamra Dom (El-Qasr wa es-Saiyad). c.159 But there are Fourth Dynasty examples of (both 160 The reverse of this ( ) is attested equally early (example 56 in the terminal ≥ and ≤). The possible combinations of normal forms of . 5 is also this early: see Nadine Cherpion. 158 CT I. III. 14. are four in 162 all. as displayed in the terminal list of references. as in so many other details of Egyptian palaeography and iconography. 56 (A). the retention of rightward orientation may affect only part of the sign. The semi-reversals are sporadic. and often occur in proximity to examples of the sign that are perfectly normal. is sufficient to yield a certain number of conclusions. 46 b. In another. 30.” The most frequently attested example of this curious phenomenon. resulting in a “semireversal. With the introduction of the semi-reversed . as shown in Fig. Excavations at Saqqara II. 99h (two coffins of the same man). the 156 Hassan. and there are some Eleventh Dynasty examples of each. 5 and pl. 12. 366 b.156 More surprisingly. 75). and the earliest. 24. i. pls. p. which looks more like a shield 158 mounted as a target.161 although I have not made an exhaustive search for them. 19. p. facing leftward. 5) I observe that some signs tend to retain their normal rightward orientation when reversed. 364 b. 12. 1. ex. 7. 159 Petrie. pl. but that the Giza necropolis is by far the more abundant source. the normal forms are written . but the cumulative evidence. 160 See Medum. 162 Cf. 49 in the list). Semi-reversed forms of (F39) In my Ancient Egyptian Calligraphy (3rd ed. the latter form is prefigured by two late Sixth Dynasty examples. but a coffin at Bersha has . 21. when it assumed the form that was henceforth usual. while the examples from other places may all be later than the Sixth Dynasty. a later recurrence cannot be ruled out. affects (Gardiner’s F39).. rightward and leftward. 157 CT IV.157 this might possibly have been inspired by Old Kingdom . Oriens Antiquus 14 [1975]. in such cases. The word in which it occurs (¡m£∞ “revered condition”) does not seem to be known before the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty. in which the point of the arrow begins to emerge.194 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Although the standard Old Kingdom form is rather than . with a ratio of 3:1. 112. To clarify the comparisons. exs. 161 Juxtaposed occurrences of occur on a false door from Heracleopolis that may be as late as Dyn. at Saqqara. fig. but rarely before the Fifth Dynasty. BIFAO 84 (1984). 39 and pl. fig. the terminal list. XII (Lopez. The earliest provincial example is no earlier than the reign of Merenre. and.. fig. Fischer. . p. It will be seen that the earliest evidence comes from both Giza and Saqqara. 35–50. 28. the possibilities are increased fourfold. more unusual Sixth Dynasty example the arrow completely traverses the lower part of the sign.

16 (Fischer. I shall enclose in parenthesis those that show the other form in the same tomb or on the same surface.I . they are scarcely ever actually paired: (g) 59. 12.163 In citing examples of other combinations. (6).E V E R S E D D O O M M S O F ( F F 3 9 ) S SE I R REVERSE F FR R S OF ( 39) 195 Fig. 35. while the outer jambs show the normal configuration (a). In several cases the upper part of the form (≤) is only slightly slanted forward. 38. 164 From a negative formerly stored at the Saqqara office of the Department of Antiquities. an unpublished false door from Saqqara (ex. Edinburgh 1965. Schäfer. . pl. 54. Davies. For the unusual epithet ¡m£∞w m£™-∞rw cf. Combinations of . 15. 37. 50. 48. ASAE 40 (1941).6 . p) are both related to the normal one (a). 36. 2. 70 (h) 62 (i) (24). 44. 32). It was taken in a rock tomb south of the Djoser complex. 55 + 75. 8 (14). (45). fig. 34. 52. Only a few of these combinations are actually attested on a single monument or within the same tomb. as the parentheses show. facing leftward. and published with the 163 permission of the late Zakaria Ghoneim and Abbas Bayoumi. 15. (4 + 59). Curto. There is relatively little evidence for other combinations that show the semi-reversal. 4. 63. An example of combination d occurs on a false door that is later than the Old Kingdom: H. but nearly all of these show a clear contrast with adjacent examples of normal Cf. pl. and there seem to be surprisingly few cases of b . the usual situation (a). pl. 33. 26. 32. 51. 30. 39. 25. Of the first column only one. 17). 40. 41. Combination f is by far the most frequent alternative: exs. 49. Egyptian Studies I. 16. (42) (m) (3 + 55) (o) 61 (p) 31 + 66. showing the retention of normal orientation in a reversed inscription. 11. 47. (42 + 72) It will be noted that the most frequent of these combinations (g. 44. (68). This is well illustrated by Pl. but are not directly opposite. Priestergräber (Leipzig 1908). rightward and leftward semi-reversed ones . E M M. Two Middle Kingdom examples of combination f are mentioned in note 161 above. 12.6 .164 It is characteristic in that the combination f appears only on the inner jambs. Scavi Italiani. the similar false door published by Zaki Saad. (53). p. Deir el Gebrâwi II. is at all common. and. 682.

2. pl. 1. pl. p. . On p. where the tops of both (≥) and (≤) are only slightly slanted. fig. fig. from A.167 A point of particular interest is the great number of cases—some as early as the Fourth Dynasty—that show (≥). (≥) I Giza (1) Junker. pl. Mariette. is assimilated to on CG 1336. in the context of a normally oriented inscription. pl. 43. also CG 1565. 6 (6) ————— VIII. 51 Kanawati implies that Mariette’s copy is not entirely accurate. a small offering slab. fig. 58 (6). fig. Presumably this form originated in inscriptions facing leftward. 16 (c). OMRO 52(1971). in that situation. Davies et ° al.166 There are also a few cases where the orientation of the top of the sign is ambiguously vertical. fig.10. Kanawati et al. 15) * (and normal (normal opposite. 37B. 27. An exception is ex. fig. Hassan. 14 (4) ————— IV. and a Dyn. then for . but the only clear discrepancy between it and the less complete copy in El-Hawawish I. pl. fig. fig. 44. 46 (7) ————— VIII. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. Conversely. 166 Simpson. I. by (≥). 167 Firth and Gunn. El-Hawawish II. Medelhavsmuseet Bulletin 1 (1961). Monuments divers (Paris 1889). Fischer.V. 21b. 169 Kanawati. 85 (2). as confirmed by the large number of examples that appear in combination (f). 8 (3) ————— III. first for . 187). pp. but in fig.169 The following list documents the evidence.. fig. 6 (5) ————— V. 44) * * in fig. showing a tendency towards combination f. a short distance above it. There are three cases in all. Western Cemetery I. 168 Berlin 11469. 47. It may also happen that in combination a the sign on the right is more upright than the one on the left. Gîza I. Excavations at Saqqara III.165 37. 1. Coptite Nome. 44 ff. Saqqara Tombs I. fig. Wangstedt.196 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY (≥): 30. Excavations at Saqqara. 11. An asterisk (*) indicates the orientation and number of occurrences. W. 33. as opposed to one normal occurrence of . is the omission of in ¡my-r. 13. 54. 1. subdividing the material according to provenance. Mastabas. 49. fig. Another example seems to be indicated by Mariette. 333. 32. Another example of this occurs in Mariette’s copy of an architrave from the cemetery of Akhmim. fig. but it was almost immediately transferred to the opposite situation. It was then gradually replaced. 11) (D61) has been assimilated to this sign in the cartouche of Sahure. Schneider.. Inschr. 51 165 It may also be noted that (≤) * (normal opposite) * ) ( * * (normal in fig. XI stela at Chatsworth House (MDAIK 4 [1933]. fig. 63 (2) ————— II. Possibly the semi-reversal under discussion is responsible for the substitution of for 168 (both ≥ and ≤) on a Fifth Dynasty false door and offering basin in Berlin. 11467: Aeg.

Gîza I. 11 (probably Giza) * * ** (23) —————– pl. 6 (17) —————–. pp. Egyptian Reliefs. fig. 10a. 168. on p. 64 (12) —————– II. 34 (g). pl. fig. 36. 34. figs. 11. Hieroglyphic Texts I2.4352 (Wreszinski. 143 (11) —————– I.6 . 23) (22) James. fig.6 . p. 63. 12 (18) LD II. 82 (b) (21) Cairo J 48852 (Smith. CAA Hildesheim 1. 104 (10) Hassan. figs. 12 * (probably Giza) (25) Eva Martin-Pardey. Sept. JEA 19 [1933]. 11 **** ** (and normal ) ** (normal (normal in fig. 131 (13) —————– III. fig. 58 (9) ————— IX. 16(A) (20) ——–. Gîza VII. p. fig. Hassan. 38 (16) Fakhry. 10. pls. 173. 27) (normal (normal * (normal retained opposite) * opposite) * on p.E V E R S E D D O O M M S O F ( F F 3 9 ) S SE I R REVERSE F FR R S OF ( 39) (≥) (8) ————— VIII. 127 (15) —————– VII. Atlas III. 8 (26) Boston MFA 13. pl. and probably 171 (14) —————– V. pl. fig. 32. fig. pls.I . pl. 21(3) (probably Giza) * (24) Fischer. fig. cf. pl. tombeaux. 69) (27) Cairo J 38674 (offering slab from Reisner’s G 2009) Saqqara (28) Hodjash and Berlev. * pl. 37 * (normal p. 119) * opposite) ** * (normal * * *** * opposite) ** (≤) 197 (19) ——–. 33) . Egyptian Studies I. fig. E M M.

) (44) —————————— II. Quseir El (and normal Amarna (Sydney 1989).( Dyn. (normal pl. figs. p. fig. ZÄS 90 [1963]. 36 (42) Kanawati. pl. 512) (31) Murray.198 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY (≥) (≤) (29) ————. pl. Saqqara Mastabas I. 38–40 (post-Dyn. pl. fig. Excavations at Saqqara 1905– 06. Tombeaux de particuliers. (41) A. 15. pl. Deir el Gebrâwi II. VI?) (46) —————————— VII. 19 (postDyn. 37 (30) CG 1388 (Smith. 24) (45) —————————— VI. 34 b * (normal (no. 12 (Dyn. pl. (normal 159 (35) Capart. Kanawati. 156.K. El-Hawawish I. 31 (5) (32) Fig. figs. OMRO 52 (1971). X or later) (normal (normal (normal (normal ) ) (39) Cairo J 59158 (Fischer. El Khouli and N. VI) (43) —————————— I. 2 above (33) Hassan. 7 (post-O. VI) (normal ) in fig. fig. 19a (post.K. 11 (36) Jéquier.K. 26a (post-Dyn. 19 (post-Dyn. Rue de tombeaux.) (38) Schneider.) elsewhere) * * . 10a and (normal fig.]) Provincial (40) Davies. Excavations at Saqqara II. p. 6 [post-O. pl. SAK 7 (1979). fig.K. VI?) (and normal ) ) * * (and normal elsewhere) * (and normal elsewhere) *( ) figs. AJA 46 [1942]. 6 has (normal (normal opposite) * ) * ) ) opposite) * (also normal opposite) * (also normal opposite) ** opposite) ** (also normal opposite) *** opposite) * (and reversed opposite) * opposite) * (34) Moussa and Nassar. 24c (postO. VI) (37) Quibell. 12 (post-O. 16g) *** (normal 10.

Athribis.6 . Egyptian Studies I. no. 78 * ( * * (and normal * (and normal * * (and normal ) ) ) * in fig. 20. VI?) (normal (normal (normal (normal opposite) * opposite) * opposite) * (and normal opposite) * opposite) * (≤) 199 ) (normal (51) Boston. Gîza III.) *** (≥) II Giza (56) Simpson. VI?) (54) Berlin 7779. post-Dyn. fig. post-O. end (and normal of Dyn. Khafkhufu I and II. fig. p. Hughes [Chicago 1977]. Sedment I. 17 (24–12–201)a (Dynasty IV) (57) Junker. pl. Pl. Parke Bernet Sales Catalogue.K. from Thebes? Post-O. fig. 14) * (≤) (normal opposite. 11 (60) ————— V.) (48) CG 1574 (Fischer.K.?) (normal (and ) ) * opposite) * (and three ambiguous exs. Kawab.) (52) Sotheby. Abydos) (49) CG 1578 (Abydos) (50) CG 1619 (Abydos. pl. fig. 360 (provenance uncertain. 8 (post-O. Dynasty VIII?) (55) Petrie and Brunton.6 . 32 (59) ————— IV.1851 (Brovarski. May (normal 16. 1980. E M M. fig.?) opposite) ** (53) CG 57200 (provenance uncertain. MFA 04. fig. 48 (61) ————— IX. fig. 7 above (provenance uncertain.K. 36 (62) ————— IV. 15 (58) ————— III. but in fig. Studies in Honor of George R. pl. 6) (retained opposite) .I .K. 27 (C–D) (post-O.E V E R S E D D O O M M S O F ( F F 3 9 ) S SE I R REVERSE F FR R S OF ( 39) (≥) (47) Petrie. 39.

IV. pl. ASAE 35 (1935). This form does not occur in any of the other inscriptions illustrated by Kaplony. the copy in Aeg. 64. pl. and is perhaps even earlier. Giza and Rifeh. 19. 152. this is … m£™ nb ¡m£∞ ∞[r] ¡t. Giza.) * * (and in C. 12 (a). 15 (“Ankhsena.K. the musculature of the legs is abnormally exaggerated. Abydos. VI) * (normal on pl. I. Saqqara Mastabas I.” James. though it almost does so in his fig.) (69) Berlin 8800 (provenance uncertain)c * (70) Manchester 10780: Chap. fig.* (and normal Dyn. pl. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions. pl. which is not an exact facsimile. VI?) * on pl. fig. the leopard skin oddly disappears beneath the kilt. *** pl. 25 (Dyn. p. Diospolis Parva (London 1901). pl. fig.K. Inschr. Brooklyn Museum Bulletin 15/1 (Fall. 5 has ) (67) Brooklyn Museum 51. 8. fig. XI) (75) Petrie and Brunton. El-Hawawish I. 25) ( (≤) (72) Kanawati. p. 126 (64) Fisher. as is the division between the titles and name. This relief is peculiar in many ways. VI) elsewhere) (73) Fitzwilliam Museum FMS 1812 (Plate 50 below.200 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY (≥) (≤) (normal opposite) (63) Hassan. pl. Cooney.K.1 (Dynasty VI)b * (68) Jéquier. 16A **** (and normal (post-O. 16g (post. (≥) Provincial (71) Davies. 19a) (74) Petrie. second from top) Saqqara (66) Murray. misrepresents the sign. 22. 8 a a b ) (also normal ) * (normal opposite) Misread on p. Sedment I. pl. 4 above. D) . Dendereh.?) (76) Petrie. c Illustrated in Staatliche Museen Preu∫ischer Kulturbesitz. pl. Katalog der Originalabgüsse. 48 (3) (65) Petrie. 4 (923). The date can hardly be later than Dyn. 14(c). 23 (postDyn. 13. Gîza VI/3.f “… true …. 7A (right. post-Dyn. Peter Kaplony. fig. Fig. 23 (57). Heft 1/2 (Berlin 1968). cf. 70. The extremely prognathous face is unusual. Deir el Gebrâwi II. 27 (C) (post-O.” post-O. 1953). Studien zum Grab des Methethi (Bern 1976). 31 (6) * * * * (no. possessor of reverence with his father.

Egyptian Stelae II. Nianchchnum. the falcon does not. one without). pl. 13a). Moussa and Altenmüller. 182. his feet rest on a rectangular stand that is distinct from the standard itself. XI) (78) —————————— 29–66–649 (Dendera. Dyn. fig. 19. 170 Davies. pl.( F (F3 6 . Ti III. pl. (101). L’écriture et l’art. 41 (Dyn. III. XI) * * (≤) 201 * (79) —————————— 29–66–627 (Dendera. XI. For other examples see Pyr. 173 Bissing. pl. 8. less conspicuous peculiarity is the fact that. (106. 4. 12. Gîza I. 175 Last example and Borchardt. 6 (one falcon with base. 11 (2) (Dyn. pl. 1 (2) * (Dyn. 43 (80) Cairo J 36423 (Dendera. pl. S’a£¢u-re™ II. XI) * (81) Fischer. (C 2). 13b). 172 Wild. II. 143. pl. the base is generally confined to the ibis. pl. this may be seen in the tomb of Pt¢-¢tp (Fig. Beschr. pl.171 but appears even more clearly in an example from the tomb of Êy (Fig. At the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty. XI) * (82) Stewart. III. 11 (D 2'). In II. Re-Heiligtum II. Grabd. 8 (188). Coptite Nome. 7 . 13c). pl. II. 174 The ibis has a base.170 Another. aeg. Sammlg.174 The proportions of the base vary. cf. but still Ptahhetep I. as seen from an example in the Karnak shrine of Sesostris I (Fig. XI): Fischer. . provenance unknown) 7. also pl. Philadelphia 29–66–638 (Dendera. unlike the one that supports other divine emblems ( .175 I suspect that it has escaped notice in many copies of Old Kingdom texts. provenance unknown) * (83) Boeser. 107).172 In the Sun Temple of Neuserre a rectangular base of the same kind also supports a falcon that is carried on a standard. Throughout all but the latest years of the Old Kingdom this standard. 1 171 Ibid. Mus.E EH IEER SO G LF O H M S O G 2 6 ) 9 ) S THR V R ED YP R (≥) (77) Univ. as elsewhere. 13. in many of the more detailed examples. and it is sometimes quite thin and elongated. 176 Lacau and Chevrier. Dyn.E M I . this detail is lacking ibid. pl. Chapelle de Sésostris I er. pl. The hieroglyph (G26) and other writings of the name of Thoth The god Thoth is customarily represented by a hieroglyph that shows an ibis on a standard. 184. Hassan. fig. XI. no. 8 (112). R12). often shows a base in the form of a mound or domed structure. both falcon and ibis have a base). fig. and the ibis likewise has a base in III. 1271 a and c. Dyn. 114.176 the supplementary base is again thin and elongated.173 but here. both lack it. ibid. p. pl.. 1 (103. which is reproduced in Epigraphie. the ibis does not perch directly upon the standard. Dyn.

the Thoth. and Naville. 183 Rudolf Anthes. as opposed to C 7 (détail). C 10. Jéquier.202 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Fig. 182 Invariably transcribed as by De Buck in CT. 140 (top. pl. col. On p.. Abdul-Qader Muhammed. E 1–6. as may be seen from the more accurate copy by Murray. 8. 14 (which does not seem identical. line 2) and on pp. 13. the base is not known to have resembled before the second half of the Twelfth Dynasty. cf. it must have been customary.. Deir el Bahari I. 178 Griffith. however. 11 a (6) may well be . pl. cf. Ägypten [Munich 1967]. Many clear examples are known from the Thutmoside Period of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Inschr. Cairo J 38575 (Kurt Lange and Max Hirmer. when the name of Thoth frequently appeared in large-scale cartouches. which in turn might have led to the Middle Kingdom writing of Thoth as or . the most important of the rock-cut tombs at Bersha repeatedly and consistently introduces a curve in the ends of the base. 27. MMA 02. pl.177 A color facsimile from this source (Fig. Hatnub.181 It has occurred to me that the supplementary base might have suggested the sign (X4). X (note following). also gives the form as well as . 18. ASAE 3 (1902). Temple of Sethos I III. Karnak (G. 7. Hieroglyphs. Ranke. 34. pp. for it continued into the New Kingdom.182 As I have pointed out. Chicago. XVIII rectangular.178 Despite the absence of other evidence for this detail from the Middle Kingdom. p.4. 150). pl. Calverley.179 These examples normally show the base in the form . pl. (c–d) Dyn.festival. 17. 29. Tuthmosis II (M. 7. 43 (top). (e) Dyn. long after the enigmatic writing came into use at the end of the Heracleopolitan Period. D 62).183 And even if it had occasionally acquired the form at Newberry. col. but Lacau distinguishes between the two forms. X. 33. Mastabas. L’architecture I [Paris 1920]. 32. but these are probably to be attributed to poor workmanship. Picture Writing of Ancient Egypt (Oxford 1958). 75. 9 to p.. Davies. 15. 13e). 20. 2.199 (Hayes. cit. pl. 10. The sign transcribed as in Anthes’ pl. The detail in question became less frequent in the Nineteenth Dynasty. . Later in the same dynasty. pl. Later examples: Oriental Institute. PN I. pl. Saqqara Mastabas I. 21). pl. 17). pl. pl. fig. a reference to Newberry’s publication is lacking (pl. outlined in red. For 177 other examples of the color see Lange and Hirmer. Bersheh I. Mohamed Aly et al. Davies. 335 (30) and Hatnub Gr. 61. 15?).180 the color is white. Variations of : (a. Scepter II. block of Tuthmosis III from Abydos. C 31. pls.g. loc. 14. en-Amun I. 181 E. 179 Obelisk of Tuthmosis I. although the shape is not very well defined. 119). Kamal. C 36. pp. 3 (4). 8. 278. 33 D. nor does the example on pl. Shrine of Tuthmosis III. 180 Nina M. Amada IV (Cairo 1967). as previously. b) Old Kingdom. Tomb of Kheruef (Chicago 1980). XII. the traces suggest (cf. however. in his Sarcophages II. but this is a normal writing of ΢wtyt. during the reign of Sesostris III. 22. Said to come from Theban Tomb 93. 13d) indicates that the base is very light in hue—perhaps white. 22 Anthes refers to a possible Old Kingdom example (Mariette. ASAE 59 [1966]. 138. and this may be compared with and in Hatnub Inschr. 48). 14–15. In a few cases one or both ends are squared off. and if painted (as in Fig. but not IV. 9 (168). 139 (bottom). 63).

187 CT III 26b (B17C). 109 above (comment e). 324–325b. 254 a (B15C). 192 . But these determinatives indicate food in general. 195 See note 183 above. has the determinatives or . fig. 193 Louvre stela C 15 (Drioton.197 but one would expect honorific transposition. occurs without rather than the opposite. he does not mention the more numerous cases in the Coffin Texts where w∂¢w is followed by different groups of determinatives. 127 f (once).” which sometimes. and the identification of the terminal sign seems doubtful (¡wn?).E EH IEER SO G LF O H M S O G 2 6 ) 9 ) S THR V R ED YP R 203 that early a date. ASAE 12 (1911). 5a. For much the same reason as the last. in the Coffin Texts. 111). these variations include: . Furthermore in at least one case. 371j.. as an alternative to . as does the likelihood that the enigmatic writing was in use as early as the Sixth Dynasty. pl.. among which. also CT III. see p. RdE 1 [1933]. referring to Kamal. where the enigmatic writing is most in evidence. 131. Parlebas is unable to cite any evidence of this except for an incomplete Sixth Dynasty example of w∂¢w from Dendera which is clearly to be restored as . § 27. but the critical sign is doubtful. It is not altogether clear whether. occur in the Coffin Texts. as in . 4. it seems surprising that the enigmatic writing would always appear as or the like. Philadelphia. although there is again some doubt in every case. Kêmi 6 [1936]. 126b (B12C). 126b.. III. as Lacau has supposed. following 15 (1975). Clère and Vandier.192 It may perhaps be compared with some other curious writings that likewise made their appearance on the eve of the Middle Kingdom. Dendereh. in the divinity frieze). III.188 or (most frequently)189 and . Although it does not seem theoretically impossible that w∂¢w might be followed by alone. and even in those from Bersha. 4. 188 CT I. E 3381. including the ibis.E M I . Gîza III. pp. 102 (93) and cf. 190 CT VII. ε. has been interpreted as Ów-΢wty.( F (F3 6 . 101 (91). 114. 449a. For similar determinatives of w∂¢w in the Old Kingdom see Junker. as mentioned earlier. 5a (B17C).g. 26c. and never show the form that hypothetically inspired it. TPPI.196 Some comparable evidence is to be found in Ranke’s Personennamen and elsewhere.195 and the same is possibly true of the statuette of a Twelfth Dynasty steward named Sbk-¢tp whose father may be named ΢wty-¢tp. 126b.190 The alleged association with is therefore extremely tenuous and unconvincing. An earlier name. ZÄS 51(1914). 304a. VII. 254a.185 Moreover. All three writings. 191 Lacau. τ. III. I find it difficult to accept the explanation offered by Jacques Parlebas for the writing . 5a. 9.186 . 254a: 17 occurrences. 59. 393a. pl. 39–43. ε. 189 CT I. p. 194 Ibid. 5A (A). 185 Petrie. 143: a total of nine occurrences.187 (or the like). 44 (Montet.191 the enigmatic writing of Thoth’s name was intended to replace the sign in funerary texts for superstitious reasons. 197 PN I. 7 . CT II. as it happens. and Siut tomb V. 186 CT I. the enigmatic writing in question appears in an inscription above ground: ΢wty-n∞t. 6. 184 GM E. 338d. . the presumed date of the false door on which it occurs. 3.184 He argues that this writing derives from w∂¢w “offerings. VII. 196 University of Pennsylvania Museum. notably for “Isis”193 and for 194 “join (the land)” —neither of which replaces a hieroglyph that might have been considered dangerous to the occupant of the burial chamber. The latter consideration also speaks against a Sixth Dynasty name that Ranke transcribes as . 267 (11). 26c.

Cenotaph of Seti I (London 1933). pl.207 The enigmatic writing is indeed known from the New Kingdom.200 Once more there is reason for doubt. referring to the same example in Mariette. in Frankfort.199 By coincidence. 4. and De Buck. These merely show an Old Kingdom II. 260 (29). 211 (2). 407 (21). 207 GM 15 (1975). cites Naville. . pl. Monuments d’Abydos (Paris 1880). 3. 208 Boylan.206 in which Parlebas is inclined to recognize a later variant of the enigmatic writing of ΢wty. since Blackman disregards the apparent .204 and it seems possible that the initial signs are . A Middle Kingdom stela bears a name that has been read ΢wty-w∂™. 22. pp. A second stela of the same period is said to mention a woman named . I. 204 Not illustrated by Lange and Schäfer. pl. 4. 295 (5). namely . referring to CG 20117i.. Mastabas. a name that looks like is to be found in a painted tomb chapel of the Twelfth Dynasty at Meir.. and interprets as “möge Thot zu mir kommen. 209 For which see Jürgen von Beckerath. I find it difficult to believe that would appear in none of the many examples of this cartouche209 if the name of Thoth were really present. to be read Z£t-΢wty. 201 Ibid. in which case this may be a variant of the common Middle Kingdom name . Cf. referring to CG 20715d (3). he reads the name without the sign in question.204 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Borchardt. Dynastie (Berlin 1886). and may simply be a chip in the surface. 329 (921): “Les hiéroglyphes sont à peine ébauchés et ne se laissent pas toujours 199 In PN 198 PN deviner. 203 PN I.”198 Here again the critical sign is quite different from and probably represents a title. 86 (cols. 41. nor does an isolated example of “΢wtyt-festival” in Urk.f “Thot(?) richtet. V. which Mariette shows more accurately: . 210 Boylan. referring to Meir II. reading “⁄n¡. 123 (6). The Belegstellen to Wb. 28 (12). Thoth (London 1922). I. 294 (18). 22. p. p. It seems to represent a pellet of natron on a basin. 425e210 does not seem to provide a clue. Meir III. i. bis XX. cit. 606 (1) refer also to Loret’s publication of Theban Tomb 57 in MIFAO 1/1. and may be related to the pail and brush that are carried by the individual who is identified. pp. 206 PN II.205 In short. 9 (25). V. its shape is rather different from other examples of in the same chapel. one might well conclude that the enigmatic writing of the name of Thoth was confined to coffins in the Middle Kingdom. p. 39 and possibly 41).. 381. 94. Boylan’s comparison of “ibis” in Pyr. repeated by Wb. but the style of the carving is said to be poor. to which Parlebas applies the same interpretation. 200 Blackman. As for the origin of the writing . 15. referring to CG 1419.203 The inscriptions on this stela are very poorly executed. 293–96. it remains unexplained.e. but it retains the form or (without ) and is confined to the context of funerary spells. were it not for the clear example from Hatnub. p. R™-w∂™. however. Mariette. Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der zweiten Zwischenzeit in Ägypten (Glückstadt 1965). Two of the cases that have just been discussed are singularly reminiscent of a name which appears on a stela of the early Eighteenth Dynasty. 85 and p. 323.” and he notes that this name occurs in another tomb at Meir.”202 but both of the first two signs are very unclear and might be . 202 PN I.f “Re judges.201 The apparent covers the toe of one foot of the individual in question.” 205 PN I. the nomen of the Seventeenth Dynasty ruler Seqenenre. Das ägyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII.” an interpretation which is more plausible since Thoth only records the judgment that is made by the supreme god. loc. 30.208 It seems even more unlikely that it is to be recognized in .

and Junge. also the name on an architrave from Abydos: Cairo J 49803 (Frankfort. 239.” and ¡my-r bnr(w) “overseer of confectioners. 48). see Edel.” She prefers “le chef du mesurage du grain.f)-nn. 218 Rowe and Lucas (ASAE 41 [1942]. cit. Gramm. 212 Lacau. Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt (Cairo 1952). 394 [7]).¡)-nn (Fig. 405: ¡t(. 20). Giza. reads Tf-∞£j. of which only is written. but in this case seems to be assimilated to (Q 7) in an adjacent entry.211 At most they might suggest the possibility that is an acrophonic abbreviation of . p. PN I. Edel. 16–17. 25h (T1Be). LVII–LVIII. in his tomb south of the pyramid enclosure of Amenemhet II. 15–16. 221 Cairo CG 57008: Alexandre Moret and Dia’ AbouGhazi. p. Rowe and 211 Lucas (loc.j)-nn or ¡t(. 217 Cairo J 56994: Abd El-Mohsen Bakir. I am indebted to Janine Bourriau for permission to publish the photograph. 127. n. pl.” in this case. rightly translates “der Leiter der Kornmesser. fig...ATION OF ND F O( M 1 2 ) F A( F 3 9 ) ( M 2 2 ) RMS O 205 writing of t. PN I. in this case his name is N∞t.221 or to the top of in a list of offerings (Fig. And for the provenance of the stela cf. Sixteen Studies on Lower Nubia (Cairo 1981). pl. fig. 216 Hassan. cit. from Bersha.) and Cherpion. 214 CT VI. 182. pp. 213 Kamal. 236a (both B3Bo). p. 431 (5). more or less corresponding to that of Ranke. Nadine Cherpion. the same writing of the title in CG 1411 and Habachi. however. 182 ff. 34. height 63. as Ernst Knauf has 215 argued. 29–39. Die privaten Rechtsinschriften (Vienna 1970). 21. 134 [14]) is written on an unpublished false door at Saqqara. My drawing shows the titles and names on the crossbar. 5. fig. pp. He also notes that the name (Urk. 4. where the roots of the lotus are abnormally extended (Pl. ZÄS 85 (1960). 46 (1). 219 Goedicke. from Reisner’s Giza tomb 1062.15). n. BIFAO 82 (1982). GM 2 (1972). A somewhat similar example occurs in the offering list shown by Hassan. 18. one would expect the final t of ∞£¡t. the base of seems to be assimilated to that of in an Old Kingdom example of the name Hnn. the acrophonic explanation may still be the best one. H Goedicke. SS. I. 82 (17. p.217 This similarity has understandably led to some doubt about the reading of both the name218 and the title. Gîza X.f (Fig. Fisher. 45). r. is also s¢∂ prßn™ “inspector of the department of stores. op. Denkmäler des Alten Reiches III/1 (Cairo 1978). cit. Here the sign may have the value d.. 204– 205. ZÄS 51 (1914). p. pp.5 cm. For the interpretation of the name (“his phallus”) see Kaplony.8 . Altäg. II. but do not provide a reading. p. 8. 53. 46 and Excursus). misunderstands as “le chef du bureau de mesurage du grain. cit. 1.76. Ípss-Pt¢. 47–48. Cambridge. MIO 14 (1968). 27c. which probably represents the pronunciation of the first consonant at the beginning of this period. s (L1Li). 348) illustrate the title from the bottom of the false door. Conversely. in whose title the sign for ∞£ assumes the same form as that of nn in the name. ASAE 2 (1901). 215 GM 59 (1982). p. SI . fig. V. pl. The assimilation of (M12) and (M22) The sign is occasionally assimilated to in some Old Kingdom lists of offerings. Sarcophages II.. CT I. Fig. I. But if the sign actually represents † or t. JEA 14 [1928]. XXXV. 84 (47). Gîza II. 129. T H E6A SS E M I LR E V E R S E D . and may have the second of his father’s titles.216 and a more striking example occurs on the false door of the Director of Grain-measurers ⁄t(. The son is apparently identified as z£. 15 is based on the drawing given there. For the orientation of (= ) in both cases cf. Gîza IX. 219 (CG 28123. pls. referring to de Morgan. p. 14).” His wife’s name is Êzt (cf. 220 Fitzwilliam Museum. 59. 16). op. taken from a photograph. as the name of Thoth is written in the Pyramid Texts of Z£-£st.f mry. CG 28091 (Lacau.220 A partial assimilation to is also to be seen in a series of Eleventh Dynasty examples of . give a better reading. 322.219 By an odd coincidence a recurrence of the same title again shows this assimilation on a late Old Kingdom stela from Abydos (Pl. B15C).222 Cf.212 Elsewhere the Middle Kingdom alter213 214 natives to the phonetic writing are or showing the initial shift from ∂ to d. op. E. VII. similarly II. JARCE 1 (1962). however. 8. The owner. 15. Fouilles à Dahchour II. 18). 222 Junker.” which Cherpion. cf. .

Beni Hasan I. see also VII. 226 CG 28123 (Lacau. Old Kingdom variant of in an offering list. VII.f Fig. After Junker The second direction of assimilation became more pronounced in the Middle Kingdom. VII. 20 (11) (tomb 2). p. pl. 173–76). Beni Hasan I. 202 a. 16. IV. Besiedlung. 11 (7) (tomb 14).206 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Fig. Meir. Asyut and Thebes. 281 e. 141). 223 225 JEA 67 (1981). 53). . 109 u). 106 g). along with the references in the preceding note (p. which is based on the next example.¡-nn Fig. VI. place of the usual . 173. 15. 14. 48 b. 229 (14). pl. 224 All cited by Farouk Gomaà. 44). As Dimitri Meeks notes in Année Lexicographique 2 (1978). 226 no.2934. these examples includes Saqqara. p. 225 The provenance of for (CT I. 54. Bersha. 78. Old Kingdom variant of in the name Hnn. 224 and Faulkner cites some other cases: for (CT VII. V. Newberry. III. Sarcophages II. 44 and Urk. this eliminates the doubtful entry in Wb. Two Twelfth Dynasty tombs at Beni Hasan show the name of El Kab written in 223 The same writing occurs in the Coffin Texts (CT I. Old Kingdom variant of in the name ⁄t. 5 a. 13 and Urk. The frieze of offerings in a coffin from Bersha also has a caption identifying a vulture as N∞byt (CG 28123.

as in inscriptions of the Eleventh 230 Dynasty.231 I have no parallels for the eyebrow in . X–XI: Brovarski. earlier date are known from hieratic: Goedicke.” Some of the signs are related to forms that occur as early as the Old Kingdom in semi-cursive hieroglyphs: . (i) The plural strokes after m are superfluous. EXCURSUS 207 Faulkner suggests that the substitution of for “perhaps arose from a misreading of Hieratic. seat or table. p. Acc. p. Scepter I.”227 The hieratic signs are quite distinctive. pp. Dissertation. and .8. Examples of 228 227 Faulkner.5. 4. (d) The determinative is missing. 1. (e) The suggested restoration is <flry> k£ “possessor of a k£.5 cm. as he argues in MDAIK 47 (1991). 25. Translation: (1) An offering which the kinga gives. 229 For the first and last of these see Caminos and Fischer.. 96. Old Hieratic Palaeography (Baltimore 1988). loc. is typical of the Heracleopolitan Period. p. no. and (with tufted “ears”).9. however. Cf. Excursus The writing board illustrated on Pl. 28. THE ASSIMILATION OF E X ( M R S U SA N D CU12) (M22). 230 ZÄS 100 (1973).” an epithet that follows personal names. p. .f (7) one whom his motherg praised. or for the sign . 294.229 The sign has the cap that was usual from the Eighth Dynasty onward (for which see part 13 below). with Westendorf. lord of heaven. n. Epigraphy and Palaeography. XI example see Petrie. Opferformel. lord of Akhmim. it can hardly belong to mwt. The similarity of some hieroglyphic examples of the Old Kingdom provides a more likely explanation. The form of seems to show lugs on either side of the vessel. 41. I cannot believe. Hieratische Paläographie I. that invocation offeringsc go forth (2) to one revered (3) with the Great God. (c) Note that is omitted from the group .f. but the 232 latter doubtless derives from hieratic.d (5) ⁄p¡. (g) While the preceding phrase might be read ¢z¡. 22. 231. the suffix pronoun is clearly omitted in this case..n ¡t. 46 is briefly mentioned by William C. (h) The intrusive m is otherwise difficult to explain. namely(?)h (8) thousands of i (9) bread and beer. for which see Blackman. p. 49 and n. . fig. 425–34. 232 Möller. op. Comments: (a) The unusual sequence of signs is known from a few other examples. The form of has been noted earlier. The provenance is unknown. Dyn. fig. that the hieroglyph for pt represents a bed. (f) Note that a relative construction is used rather than the expected passive participle. cattle j and fowlk (10) to the Count and Overseer of Disputesl ⁄p¡. 300. 2 (t–z). see Lapp. Abydos II. deceased(?)e (6) one whom his father praised. 46a–b (W 22). also at Naga ed-Deir. pl.228 who observes that “it contains numerous incorrect signs and mispellings. Hayes. 231 Brovarski. dimensions 22 x 8. (4) and with Min. 20 (M). for another Dyn. 4. cit. 534 and n. in the form of a box on legs. and for the other see ibid. p. 18.b and Osiris. cit. with five loops. Meir II. (b) The sign seems to be written incompletely. 78.

Hassan. 1 (Cairo 1961). both reign of Q£-™ . Gîza II. but the group evidently attempts to show graphic dissimilation of the kind discussed by van de Walle. Mereruka. Abu Sir Papyri. fig.. And even if some of the signs are less singular than might be supposed. 185. only the context distinguished the interpretation to clarify the reading as ¢b is first of this sign as ¢b or z¢ “pavilion. Mastabas.241 also occait is attested in names such as . pls. 157. provides evidence of a confusion between ¢b and z¢. 6. 107–109 and fig. Royal Tombs I. 239 Urk. Lacau and J. A 7 (8). Hassan. B 8 (41). which was revised to in the Twelfth Dynasty. fasc. ). 17. A 4 (5). he is also doubtless correct in taking this to be the work of an apprentice scribe. pp.238 The writing of “festival” persisted to some extent throughout the Old Kingdom. Pt. pl. 16. 138 (4). The signs (O22) and (W4) The word ¢b “festival” is consistently written on the verso of the Palermo Stone and in the inscriptions on vessels from the Step Pyramid of Djoser. pl. La Pyramide à Degrés IV. fig. 162. 11.g. Lauer.”236 The addition of known from the time of Sneferu in the title .234 This usage evidently extended down through the reign of Djoser himself. Medum. Gîza II. fig. fig. Q. 154 (4). but here again the old writing occurs as well. VII. 236 E. fig. HESPOK. as opposed to other examples on pls. 217. Junker. 191. 242 E. fig.. 237. 135. 13 ff. Titles. Fischer. 9. also pl. 165 (18). see p. 74. 190. where may possibly represent ¢b nb “every feast. V (1965).235 Thus. Kaplony makes the same observation: CdE 41 (1966). 237 Petrie. prior to the Fourth Dynasty. Berlin 1955). 9. 50. 238 . Ägyptologische Studien (Grapow Festschrift. I. 5.233 the foregoing remarks on palaeography strongly support Hayes’ conclusion that the inscription belongs to the Eleventh Dynasty. 366–78. 15 (line 4). 10. 52. figs. p. pp.208 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY (j) The word is apparently mnmnt. For the title cf. 13. 41. 14. in the title ∞rp z¢: Petrie. 203B ( “festival scent”). Gîza II.g. the inscription of the principal owner It is well attested in Old Kingdom sources. Smith. F. although it occurs there in only one out 237 Possibly another example is to be found in relief fragments from of four occurrences. pl. Monuments of Sneferu II.” The sign is lacking in the estate name Ìbt-Snfrw. some dating to the end of the First Dynasty. 234 P.239 when (var. The baseline beneath the animal is well known from the Heracleopolitan Period: Fischer. 135. While the name ⁄p¡ is not particularly indicative of the date. 9–13. 116. pl. pp. Coptite Nome. 233 Ahmed Fakhry. I. Sneferu’s valley temple at Dahshur. pp. 30 (reign of Q£-™). 240 Junker. comment n. 10. 235 Urk.-Ph. Mariette.240 242 An offering slab of this period sionally appears as the determinative of various festivals. 23. (k) The two birds are difficult to identify. pp. Fischer. and some even show adroitness. Here the determinative is evidently : cf. Gîza IX. cf. 59. (l) This is the earlier writing of the title. which is known no earlier than the Middle Kingdom. p. 23 above. Dendera. (638c). 1 (Cairo 1959). pp. 241 Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival.

Gîza VI/3 fig. pl. In the Middle Kingdom the use of for ¢b survived to a lesser extent at Bersha245 and Beni Hasan246 as well as Elephantine. Sarcophages II. 9. 247 Habachi. 256 Martin. 23. § 32 (line 5). Beni Hasan II. Davies. both temp. 464. pl. 30 [6]. which shows the normal form). 455 ff. § 3. 15. pls. but not ψ). 245 Newberry. Bersheh II. 18 (Simpson. as opposed to 23. 22 [5. was conversely used for z¢ at the first two of these sites. II. For other examples see in Hassan. pls. 20. temp. there is a further example of this writing of z¢ in Newberry. 246 Newberry. pl. Amenemhe-t. 13. p. Amenemhet II).” But ¢b has on pl. 13. CdE 36 (1961). on a stela of the Heracleopolitan 250 Period. on a stela of the same period from Gebelein. JEA 4 (1917). T S G S AND () ( W 4W 4 ) 209 invokes offerings “on (every) feast. if only rarely.247 In addition. Many other examples could doubtless be found. 16. 223 (61). Cf. op. gives the normal form in this case. 238. n.9 . lines 10. 250 Published by Clère. 43 (42). aeg. 43 (41). cit. 15. Badawy. pl. III. pl. Al. notes that is attested as a writing of z¢ in the Old Kingdom. pl. . 13 (col. from the well-known title ∞rpz¢.257 243 Cairo CG 57028. ∞rp z¢. 255 This is anticipated in an occurrence of for ¢b that is as early as Amenemhet II: Blackman. and the remarks on this in Kush 9 (1961). 251 Clère and Vandier. The same confusion occurs in a case where the title ∞rp-z¢ is written . Heqaib.254 At the end of the Middle Kingdom the composite form was occasionally assimilated to the newly-created composite writing of flry256 or even ¢bt “lector priest” as .” while that of his wife has . Wb.253 and one example from the reign of Amenophis I shows a curious compromise: . in turn. 38. for the reading of this phrase cf. 26. Bersheh II. pl. 127 f. pl. 27). Beni Hasan I. 50 (upper register). Sammlg. 195. Dendereh. Rekh-mi-Re™. 2 (9). The composite form does not seem to have come into use much before the reunification of Egypt in the Eleventh Dynasty. ASAE 17 (1917). in the familiar epithet of 249 and probably also in the title Anubis. 18 (top). pl. pl. For the peculiar name which follows this cf. pl. Also Winlock. 45 (75). here the absence of is evidently certain. the example is probably LD II pl. 249 CG 28091: Lacau. if only occasionally. 254 Winlock. although Engelbach’s index. ASAE 22 (1922). although these are not exact facsimiles. BM 567 (ibid. p. A Thirteenth Dynasty example is to be found on CG 20556. Hieroglyphs. For fused see Griffith. pl. in the phrase “white bread of festivals. Bersheh II. Louvre C 14 (line 7). as in the phrase z¢ n srw “council of the 248 officials” at Beni Hasan or ∞nty z¢-n†r at Bersha. 252 For some relatively early Twelfth Dynasty examples see Louvre C 3. MDAIK 35 (1979). I. be assimilated to . 8 (line 7).. 15]) and Munich GL WAF 35 (ibid. pl. 30: two examples in the same register. T H E HIE NISG N S ( O 2 2 ) 9. 18. JEA 4 (1917).252 which is exemplified as late as the Eighteenth Dynasty.. pl. in the phrase “festival scent” (Boeser. 11B. 1 j. Daressy. 270. and that a separation continues to appear between them in most of the more carefully executed inscriptions of the Middle Kingdom. the left end of lines up with the edge of above it. Puyemrê II. It should be noted that the combination of and was written as two separate signs in the Old Kingdom. Gardiner. 7 and Vol. pl.255 and this might.251 It only gradually prevailed over the separated form. 244 LD II. Although the lower right of this group has been lost (oriented ≥). in the phrase z n ¢b “a man of festival. probably from Abydos (Anastasi). col. pl. Sesostris I).” Also a stela. p. 248 Newberry. Miscellanea Gregoriana (Rome 1941). Terrace of the Great God. 9. pl. 16 (15–16). 6. and Petrie. 4. 45 (74). 27. with ¢b replac244 ing z¢. § 33 (line 10)... Davies and Gardiner.243 This error has led to another one—the meaningless insertion of . Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in Thebes (New York 1947). and is not centered below . 57. 257 Winlock. 253 Davies. another example of in the same column. Beschr. fig. Meir III. § 27 (ν. cf. TPPI.

The notion that represents a spear was suggested to Sethe by the Protodynastic “Hunt Palette” in the Louvre and British Museum (Fig.F. pl.H. Detail of archaic palette. pp. representing wood. Möller had previously explained the top of the sign as representing “Metall. Monuments de l’Egypte et de la Nubie: Notices descriptives (Paris 1844) II.M. representing copper. 222. Louvre E 11254.-Hist.259—where the emblem in question is carried by one of a row of hunters who brandish various weapons. 5 (80). viewed from the front. 29. The entire palette is shown together by W. The hieroglyph for “East” (R15) In the Addenda to my Ancient Egyptian Calligraphy I have observed that A. which expresses the word “eastern. pl.” “Kupfer” (Sitzungsberichte der Preu∫ischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 260 Griffith. like Griffith. From a photograph 258 “Die aegyptischen Ausdrücke für rechts und links und die Hieroglyphenzeichen für Westen und Osten. 1921. Gardiner.. p. Berlin. and he observes that its shaft is red. Hieroglyphs. 33.” whereas Sethe’s own evidence actually indicates that the standard bears a feather. Kl. 22A. Cf. 24. 18). 262 “Die aegyptischen Ausdrücke für rechts und links. The cryptic writing is from Vol. details of the uppermost sign from Vol. his information concerning the colors derives from Champollion. 259 Louvre E 11254. however. Petrie. p. 484: “Das Schriftzeichen für Osten ist wohl eine archaische Lanze. .260 The only specific evidence for Sethe’s interpretation is a cryptic writing of the title ¡my-r zmywt ¡£btt “overseer of the eastern deserts” in one of the earliest Middle Kingdom tombs at Beni Hasan (Fig. p. but it seems unlikely that the ancient Fig. also Hermann Kees.” Nachrichten der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen. III (1896). 14.” G. A(3). Ceremonial Slate Palettes (London 1953). p. assumes that the seated woman.210 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY 10. Klasse 1922.258 This conclusion calls for a more detailed explanation than I was able to provide in my brief note. pls. The top of the emblem is not identical to the spearheads. 261 For the normal writing see Newberry. Phil. adopts for R15 Sethe’s interpretation of as a “spear decked out as standard.” holds a spear. in the last case zmyt is written . 17).262 The color green does indeed convey the natural patination of copper or bronze to the modern mind. in the Sign List of his Egyptian Grammar. while the top is green.” p. Heft 2. 32.261 He. 345. and Griffith wisely remarks that “the work is too rough to fix the details” of the former. Beni Hasan I. 17. Phil. pl. including spears. II. 170). pls. 197–242. 61. Der Götterglaube im alten Ägypten (Berlin 1956). II. 24.-hist.

390(14). p. Beni Hasan II. for there is no further indication that the top of the emblem was ever considered to be the bud of a lotus. p. at the same time conveys the idea that it is ¡my-r “in the mouth. describing the example in Newberry. 267 LD Text II. a staff. such as the one shown in Figure 20. 144 f. but that seems doubtful since Egyptian twodimensional representations do not clearly differentiate the left and right hand. For the date see my further comments in Orientalia 61 (1992). pl.263 The supposed spear is. After Newberry im pharaonischen Ägypten.” 264 Newberry. p. for the entire monument see Jéquier. fig. And the bow drill. 151–56. 19 is similarly green. cf.” Beni Hasan. Decoration of the Tomb of Per-Ne-b (New York 1932). 4 (Tomb 15).266 and the capital of the lotiform column behind the woman in Fig. pl. the words for “left” and “east” being identical. 4. 97. Stöcke und Stäbe Fig. Oudjebten. 266 LD Text II. 265 Traced from Cairo Museum J 49804. 37. an identical example from an adjacent tomb is described as being green. 101. Although I do not know the color of the bud at the top of the staff in Figure 19. in their iconography copper would normally be red.267 Thus the supposedly conclusive evidence from Beni Hasan sheds no light whatever on the original nature of the Eastemblem. 9. 197 and n. is scarcely less obscure. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 33 (Munich 1976).”268 263 See Caroline Ransom Williams. Conceivably this resemblance was enhanced by the fact that the staff is held. 19). THE HIEROGLYPH FOR “EAST” (R15) 211 Egyptians would characterize any metal by its corrosion. perhaps dating to the Ninth Dynasty. though he correctly identifies some of the other examples (both lotiform and papyriform) on p. 268 For r-¡nt see Wb. 16 (Tomb 17). applied to one of the hollows of . as usual. and that is how the present case is to be explained. II. he may equally well have expected the bow drill to serve as an allusion to (¡my) with the hieroglyph for mountainland ( ) representing not only zmywt “deserts.” but the “mouth” (r) of the valley (r-¡nt). but if the scribe felt that a lotus-tipped staff might convey the idea of . These staves of women are related to the type of sunshade discussed in MMJ 6 (1972). The use of the lotus staff as a cryptographic allusion to the emblem is apparently based on nothing more than vague resemblance. and they continued to be represented down to the first half of the Twelfth Dynasty.264 Such staves may go back to the very end of the Old Kingdom.” the mouth being the bit or point that eats into the wood? . the first element of the cryptographic group. p. 18. p.10.265 the tip is clearly a lotus bud. 53: “The present writer does not know of a demonstrable instance of green for a copper object which had acquired a green patina. Or is the drill thought to be “he in whom the mouth is. like the one held by the owner’s wife in the very same tomb (Fig. An example of this type of staff is described as “speerähnlich” by Ali Hassan. in fact. in the left hand. Middle Kingdom writing of the title “overseer of the eastern deserts. In some instances. Beni Hasan II. 199. pl. The explanation of ¡my-r.

Woman holding staff in the same tomb. in the phrase zp tpy skr ¡£bt “the first occasion of smiting the East. . 269 Spencer. no.” For bibliography see A. viewed from the From an ivory tablet of King Den in the British Museum (55586). Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum V: Early Dynastic Objects (London 1980). 460.212 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Fig.J. 19. Beni Hasan All of the remaining evidence for the nature of the East-emblem indicates that the uppermost element is not a spearhead—as may be seen from the rounded form it takes on an ivory tablet of the First Dynasty (Fig. 21)269—but is indeed a feather.

28. Bersheh I. The same detail appears on other reliefs from the same tomb: Borchardt. IV example of Fig. Leipzig (1976). Dyn. From a photograph front. 270–71. V representation of feathers. 15. 272 Pyr. Idout. 3 (26). 19 (a). fig. pl. Dyn. to cite any equally detailed examples of the East-emblem for the Old Kingdom. Reisner. 23 (VIII). 258d. 61. 122. 26. pl. It is tempting to see a much earlier example in a fragmentary seal impression published by Newberry in Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 2 (1909). Ägyptisches Museum der Karl-Marx-Universität.270 This identification is confirmed by a scarcely later representation of three feathers on the top of a tall movable chest (s†£t). 51. Hieroglyphs. pl. THE HIEROGLYPH FOR “EAST” (R15) 213 Fig. Dyn. 22). Königs Ne-user-re™. Gîza I. Cairo J 49804 Fig. 273 Griffith. where some other examples are cited: Junker. Woman holding staff. Sethe recognized that this interpretation must have been applied at least at this early a period. Dyn. fig. Newberry. 22. as compared with the profile view of the two feathers flanking it (Fig.273 and Sethe notes two New Kingdom examples that resemble Fig.272 For the Middle Kingdom Griffith provides examples like . Reliefs. Beni Hasan III.271 Although he was unable. Krauspe. p. L. Newberry. fig. 102. p. in 1922. IX or later. 20. Grabd. but this is probably the Thinite nome emblem. I example of BM 55586 . cover. 29. p. and p. Macramallah. 23. pl. but without inner detail: Moussa and Altenmüller. 21.10. as exemplified by a Fourth Dynasty example (Fig. fig. 271 From a photograph: R. Leipzig. 23). In at least one other case 270 the central feather is displayed frontally. p. pp. 16 and bottom of pl. as is indicated by an occurrence in the Pyramid Texts where the emblem shows a feather more recognizably turned sideways: . in the same context. Giza Necr. the feathers are usually all shown in profile: Klebs. 28. Fig. III. where the central feather is again viewed from the front. pl. 26(l). Reliefs und Malerei des alten Reiches (Heidelberg 1915). 19b. . pl. 34. fig. I. Hist. bearing a pair or feathers. 27. 43. Elsewhere. Klebs. compare JAOS 74 (1954). the feather again viewed from the front and showing a certain amount of internal From JNES 18 (1959). Nianchchnum. 23. fig.

VIII. 70. which shows the same standard in profile: .” The resemblance may be more than coincidental.” (ZÄS 86 [1961]. Khentika. Boston MFA 06. room is undoubtedly linked with the title “sealer of ßzpt-cloth of the King. 26 (2). Posener-Kriéger considers the possibility that it may represent His terminal fig. 1443. For other examples see Davies. An Old Kingdom variant of (T25) Many years ago I illustrated and discussed the inscription on the proper left side of a granite statue. 28.214 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY detail. fig. pp. 13 [79].”277 and at least one supervisor of such persons is known: ¡my-∞t ¢ry(w)-pr. Rekh-mi-Re ™. 27. 74 [48. Sethe compares the front view of the feather with the type of feathers worn by Sopdu “Lord Of the East. 53). corresponding to their position in the West-emblem. pl. pp. 25.” Ìry-pr (var. his association with the robing that one should read ¢ry n ∂b£t. Also “senior lector priest of the robing room. Snnw. 1). 275 JARCE 2 (1963).2 cm high. in which case the date may be as early as the Fifth Dynasty.278 The title ¢ry-pr became much more common in the Middle Kingdom. and Davies and Gardiner. ¢ry ∂b£t). Snnw. Ne-user-re™. from Tylor and Griffith. nos. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. fig. n. This and comparable examples are shown in Fig. and more importantly. On the back the inscription is only painted: “Possessor of Reverence with his God. CG 1404. Sealer of ßzpt-cloth of the King. Finally. 208. Grabd. pl. 2].” but on the proper right side it is again incised: “The King’s Acquaintance of the Palace. Smith.1879 (pl. . pp. I am indebted to William Kelly Simpson for permission to publish the photograph shown here. but it does not seem likely that Snnw’s title is to be interpreted as “supervisor of the house of robing. The present example is (a). pl. 1–2] and fig. for which see p. whose city of Coptos commanded one of the principal routes through the eastern desert.274 He also cites some New Kingdon examples of the “spear. Hassan. cf.”279 “Robing room” is ordinarily written in Old Kingdom titles.280 rather than . 53. Pal. VII.” And it is equally improbable that is transposed with . 41. IX. HESPOK. 108. From G 2032. but not the “robing room. where it is listed among the signs of uncertain reading. 52b). The next is from Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. pls. 29a (misread on p. 280 “inspector of the robing room” (Firth and Gunn. ¢ry n pr) “major-domo” is fairly well attested in the Old Kingdom. they are located behind the standard. 281 So read in PM III2. Gîza VII. Amenemhe-t. Abu Sir Papyri. and in many other connections beside the palace. The front view of the feather agrees with the presentation of the pair or streamers attached to the emblem. fig. Mme. as also in the case of the feathers of Min. 17. 25.”275 The first title suggests a connection with one of the Suntemples at Abusir. James and Apted. and “retinue of the robing room” (Borchardt. 70. 20. 977–90. 24.” One of the most interesting points about this inscription is the form of . pl. 274 278 CG 1443. Paheri (London 1895).” but these are certainly only a less accurate representation of the feather.276 usually in combination with pr-™£ “of the palace. 2. 923 (359). pl. so 281 However this may be. 196. 47): “The W™b-priest of Re. 1707 (the last ¢ry n pr). Gîza VI. 11. 277 Junker. 276 CG 268. Snnw. 2 above). taken during Lythgoe’s season of 1905–06. p. 24b. Major-domo of the Robing Room. fig. As Sethe points out. 279 Ward. 68. 937 (V. 73 [39. Index.

292 Cf.282 This identification is assured. Pal. pl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Mainz. the Fifth Dynasty tomb of Nfr-¢r-n-Pt¢ shows two vertical floaters (Fig. 290 Ibid. 24. 294 From the photograph by D. 637.. all these examples are from Giza. 1829. 283 Jacquet-Gordon. but links it (mistakenly.1 1 1 . p. 244.289 along with other hieratic forms such as and .”293 Above this. Gîza II. 206. and I know of only one example from Giza that does not show the single floater. 158 (3). 25b)294 suggests how the Giza variant may have originated.” last entry).283 Like these examples. where is the norm in Old Kingdom inscriptions. 289 Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. Old Kingdom variants of ∂b£. pl. 286 Hassan. the others (d. pl. with the exception of the one from Abusir. which Helen Jacquet-Gordon plausibly translates “La recompense du labourage. 165. Re-Heiligtum III. flanked by two curved lines.. loc. cit. a sketchier preliminary rendering of the sign (Fig. The Abusir example (b) is particularly interesting since hieratic forms of occur in the same group of papyri. 45. For reproductions of the scene see PM III2.291 and this is doubtless the original form since it is to be recognized in . Yet another 282 Posener-Kriéger. but ∂b£ “payment” is correctly adopted by Goedicke. where there was insufficient space to complete the words. N LL I I GDOM F ( 25) VARIA T 215 Fig. 10 (S 17). 29 (446). 292 which appears on the Narmer Palette. 238. pls. fig.. pp. Johannes in Vandersleyen. p. Gîza VII. S. Wiesbaden 1950). Schott. Das Alte Ägypten. I. 25a) in the word ∂b£w “cages. 1729. I think) with the following title w™b-nswt “w™b-priest of the king.286 Hassan reads the word correctly. This dubious interpretation is retained in PM III2. but one or both of these lines are shortened. op. e) show a single floater. p. cit. p. At Saqqara. 922 (336). pp. and none is necessarily later than the end of that dynasty. 11 (T 25). 38. 192. . 285 Goedicke. The reading of (d)284 is queried by Sethe.288 Example (c) cannot be much later than the beginning of the Fifth Dynasty. but dismisses it as “bien fragile” because it is unlike other forms of this sign in the same papyrus. 937 (V).und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse. that are probably to be identified with the variant in ques290 tion. 287 Ibid.A A NOO D DK KN N G D O MV A R I A N N TO O F ( T T 2 5 ) . XXII. comparing my example (d).”287 It should be noted that. 150. Archives. 288 Hassan. Domaines.” albeit with a query. 293 From a photograph. 17 (“Uncertain Reading.285 The last case (e) occurs in a probably incomplete title .. Hieroglyphen: Untersuchungen zum Ursprung der Schrift (Abhandlungen der Geistes. Die privaten Rechtsinschriften. 284 Urk. by example (c) from the name of an estate Îb£-sk£w. 291 Borchardt. however. Bissing. fig. Pal. at the beginning of the First Dynasty. Hieroglyphic is also known at Abusir from the funerary temple and Sun-temple of Neuserre. who hesitates between ∂b£ and qb¢.

. no. 14 (323). citing Mariette. at least one other example. 1). JARCE 13 (1976). Piankoff. with three floaters attached only at the top (Fig.V. 11 (1). 296 (a) Davies. The Old Kingdom form of (V37) Edel. 226 (23). 10. 25. Oriental Institute. 500. Inscriptions of Siut. Montet. Saqqara Mastabas I. 28–29. E 1–2 (CG 1418) and LD II. 4380. 217–19). Finally it should be noted that a sign that recalls the Giza form of appears in the titulary of a certain ⁄r¡-k£(. cf. Temple of Sethos I IV. May 16. op. 28. Cairo CG 1404 (bottom left). pp. 115. 301 There is.299 12. pl. 3). (c) Blackman. Another example. 44 (157). 16–17 (fig. 17(H). pls. pl. 29–30. pp. VIII). 26)296 and in at least one instance (d) it has been mistaken for the latter in the title “overseer of cloth (sßr) of the house. Saqqara Tombs I. 937 (V). 768.300 cites only one valid occurrence of the Old Kingdom form . cf. Calverly. 9. pl. pl. republished by W. also bears a certain resemblance to the form from Giza. 179. (d) Cairo CG 1363. pl. pp. 298 BM EA . Old Kingdom variants of variant from Saqqara. however. (b) Davies. more rarely later: Griffith. 69 (17). 301 Sethe. the right end of a lintel repeating the figure of the tomb owner (cf.216 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Fig. Dendera. is illustrated in Sotheby Parke Bernet Auction Catalogue. fig. in his discussion of the signs to be read ¡dr. 300 ln Studies Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky (East Gloucester. I. 1462d. pp. 27a). 67. pl. Deir el Gebrâwi I. pp. of unknown provenance. Mastabas. Meir IV. 407 f. A. pl. The horizontal attachment at the bottom is also omitted occasionally in Old Kingdom examples that are otherwise normal: Murray. pls. 306. Ptahhetep II pl 10. Gîza IV. pl.” executed in detailed relief (Fig. Sale No. Pyramid of Unas (Princeton 1968). This may date to the very end of the Old Kingdom (Dyn. Like the examples from Saqqara it does not add the feminine after . pl. 297 PM III2. Fischer. 378–89.. namely the word “punishment” in Pyr. Davies et al.302 The overall form resembles one of the objects held 295 Drioton. Index. pl. Terrace of the Great God. 19. Medinet Habu IV. 385–87.298 Here the last sign certainly represents in the title ¡my-∞t ¢mwt pr-™£ “under-supervisor of craftsmen of the palace. 299 Murray. 43). 69573: JEA 73 (1987). which is paired with m£™ ∞rw “vindication. ASAE 43 (1943).. 1981). Temple of Khonsu I: Scenes of King Herihor (Chicago 1978). 924 (511). New York. 10 (fig. pl. 25c). and cf. Edel. pl. Louvre C 34 (Simpson. pl. Saqqara Mastabas I. cit.”297 the man who holds this title is also simply . Kêmi 6 (1936).¡): . 15 (V. 25. 8). Übersetzung und Kommentar zu den Altägyptischen Pyramidentexten V (Hamburg 1962). pl.” which is known from Saqqara and Wadi Hammamat. 16. as opposed to an example in Murray. Mass. 302 From the photograph in Hassan. 1980.295 In a few cases the Old Kingdom hieroglyph (V35) tends to resemble (Fig.

380. both of which are from the pyramid of Pepy I.TT H EOO L DKKNN G D O MF OO R MOO F ( V 3 7 ) ) 2. Other forms. 305 From . 18. 26. on a relief of Pepy II (Fig.303 but in the latter case there is no trace of any projection in front of the lower element. but the basic idea of ¡dr as verbal “bind” or nominal “binding” is evidently expressed. fig.1 1 2 . 1467b). 306 Griffith. however. 27. pl. as in Twelfth Dynasty . 9 (181).306 CG 1747 (from a photograph). 304 Edel. confirming the opinion of Helen 303 Jacquet-Gordon in Domaines. see also ibid. The Four Egyptian Homographic Roots B–3 (Rome 1978). cit. Old Kingdom variants of Fig. For the other forms see Wm. and surmises that they contain ointment and cloth. Bersheh I. p.305 although this variant seems in part to be assimilated to detailed examples of the sign . Cairo CG 1747. 34) plausibly considers that this and the rectangular object are being presented to the king. p. 27b). 256. VI relief. and Newberry. Gîza III. The lower part of the tall sign shows less resemblance to (sßr “linen”) than does the example from the Pyramid Texts. 28. Furthermore it resembles the determinative of (Pyr.. Hieroglyphs. a heart. HE LD I I GDOM F RM F (V37 217 Fig. pl. 6 (9). 166 f. pl. Ward. From a photograph by a pair of female divinities named G£wt. Kaplony. Junker. from the late Old Kingdom or Middle Kingdom. BiOr 28 (1971). pp. This projection— actually a pair of projections—might. 48. op. usually show two projections. be compared to those of another Old Kingdom sign that Edel likewise takes to be a precursor of 304 (Fig. thinks they contain grain. Detail of Dyn. 27. Erika Schott (GM 9 [1974]. which occurs in an unenlightening context but is evidently to be distinguished from in the preceding spell. Old Kingdom variants of Fig.. 28).

Firth and Gunn. p. and this possibility is supported by “[priest] of Maat” on the right jamb. des reines. Kanawati et al. p. cit. 47c. and its condition. this fact. Dendera.218 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY The example shown here. to judge from the offering table. most of them in two horizontal lines on the crossbar beneath the offering scene. which takes very nearly the same form in 317 ⁄dr is not a general term for “cloth” or “cloththe three cases known to me. 78. The traces are none too clear. 451. 210. Egyptian Studies I. in Figure 27a. 55–60.. 137. due to haplography. Dendera. 152 f. 316 . SAK 1 (1974). all from Giza. 117. 110 (fig. Gîza II. 310 Janssen. it seems possible to read “revered. but one is tempted to read which is evidently a judicial 309 title. 22b. fig.307 The name is illegible. 43. Junker. Gîza IX. 14. Hassan transcribes them in hieroglyphic type as follows:308 The published photograph shows that the last sign of each line is incomplete. where the element in question is always placed at the end in Old Kingdom inscriptions.318 and even if the root meaning of “binding” were extended to “accumulaBut no earlier. p. ASAE 1 (1900). 6. p. 124)... Mastabas et Hypogées d’Ancien Empire. p. Hassan. Fischer. apart from the title ¢ry-tp ™£ + nome emblem. 11. Barsanti. 265 f. (15). 312 Fischer. pp. 10. (3) Junker. Pyrs. Fischer. Wreszinski.” The beginning of this line is undoubtedly to be interpreted as “greatest of the tens of Upper Egypt. Uhemka. If Hassan’s reading were accepted. p. 15. ASAE 43 (1943). p. op. make the dating somewhat difficult. 384. 35. the perhaps here to be translated “acquaintance of the king. 309 Helck. p. It may be significant that.”312 although it is not possible to recognize “ten(s)” below and Hassan does not in fact show this in his transcription. pl. (2) Kayser. cf. occurs on a fragmentary false door of limestone that had been removed from the tomb to which it belonged. 68. 307 Cairo J 48078. pp. p.” meaning of which remains to be considered. where the last part of the preceding title is to be read twice. JNES 18 (1959). fig. the examples of the variant cited by Goedicke (MDAIK 21 [1966]. Jéquier.313 The first line begins with the familiar title . 8. Cairo CG 1619. the most common Old Kingdom titles beginning with ¢ry-tp315 are ¢ry-tp ∂£t “overlord of clothing” (with a variety of determinatives 316 and the less frequent representing cloth) . cit. Hassan. Cairo J 41978 (statue).. 74. op. 318 More specifically a belt or wrapping.” however. n. 136.311 of preëminent seat. this would be an unexpectedly early occurrence of the epithet “pillar of Upper Egypt. 104. fig. but it is probably no later than the Fifth Dynasty. pls. p.” which is not otherwise known to have been used much before the Twelfth Dynasty. 317 (1) Berlin 1107C: LD II. 314 Brunner.. Egyptische Autobiografie. Nadine Cherpion. Atlas III. 308 Hassan.310 At the end of the second line the inexplicable second is also questionable. op. For post-Old Kingdom examples see Fischer. Excavations at Saqqara III. 205). 99. 311 Fischer. Gîza II. designating Sixth Dynasty governors of Upper Egypt. cit. Drioton. n. figs. a granite sarcophagus from Giza (PM III2. fig. Excavations at Saqqara I. 313 Cf. and only a portion of the titles have been preserved. p. 315 I have likewise excluded and . 314 followed by ¢ry-tp ¡dr ™£. Beamtentitel. 40–41. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 67. 58). 267 (18). 37. see Edel. ing. 507. Tombeaux des particuliers.

but Borchardt’s copy of the sign is evidently a hand drawing. § 38.”321 These bring us back to the ¡drwt of Pyr. 195 (10). written . 756 (1). T H E 3 . 69. I. JEA 76 (1990). pl. p. examples listed in my Titles. 322 Note also that the reference to knmt in Pyr.325 In other words.323 It remains to be explained why I have represented Gardiner’s V37 as rather than . representing phonetic ¢z. A better lead seems to be provided by the epithets of a judge ( .R. . this is yet another case like for (Y4.” referring to his mother.328 This recurs as in the epithet wrt-¢zt “great of praise. Urk. )320 who is and “overlord of the secret words of the tribunal. 196 (1). 87). One of them takes the form of in the epithet ¡r ¢zt nb. Rollsiegel II. 89. 323 For which the earliest textual evidence in a legal context seems to be Westcar Papyrus 8. IV. 326 Cf. which is judicial. P. 325 Ibid. Queen 329 An offering slab of not much later date adds a handle to the spouted jar in the fem⁄pwt. 326 Y3). 27–29). the use of the later form of ¡dr in the Middle Kingdom title cited by Ward. For other evidence see W. 328 BM 5495: H. I have not been able to confirm this since the left half of the stone could not be located. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. L DA R IIA N T SOO F F O ( W 1O F ( V 3 7 ) RM 4) 219 tions” or “stores. 15–16. Rekhmi-Re™. 26 (13). 109 (= LD II. 827 (10). Boochs. This is probably to be interpreted as “overseer of stores” as distinguished from examples with the determinative .. Hall. LÄ VI. Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs. 2605. for the latter cf.. p. Goedicke. inine name Ìzt. 725 (14). Blackman. I have done so because. and H. in the British Museum I (London 1913).R. 159 (5).” perhaps meaning the death penalty.” 320 For these closely related titles see the last of these palaeographic notes. dating to the Fifth Dynasty. (A. 22. 324 E. Willems.330 This last variation is also known from a late Old King319 Cf. no. 13. 19. in the majority of cases from the early New Kingdom—the period that Gardiner drew upon for his hieroglyphic font—the sign shows the first form. One example. 330 CG 1347: Borchardt. pl. p. 53 (381).” which appears on a cylinder seal bearing the name of Pepy I.” or “ergastulum. “overseer of the storehouse. pl. Kaplony. 321 From the records of Reisner’s G 2375 (PM III2. 1462a may allude to the judicial title ¡wn knmt. Egyptian Studies II.1 O V K NGD M 1 2 .324 and the two cases of which I have been able to verify occur in inscriptions that reverse the normal rightward orientation. Denkmäler des A.Gîza V. 745 (1). 1462d. Variants of (W14) The sign . loc.” eral Sixth Dynasty examples.f “who does what his lord praises. 329 Firth and Gunn. 327 Hassan. But Old Kingdom warnings to violators of a tomb sometimes refer to a judgment in the hereafter as a result of which “an end (p¢w) will be made to him” (Goedicke. a jar. 699 (13).g. fig.” “overlord of the words of secret judgment of the tribunal. 1108 (14).”319 a title such as “overlord of the great stores” does not particularly suit the context. Boston. 99 (1). cit.322 and suggest that the title under discussion may mean “overlord of great punishment..M. was occasionally assimilated to forms like (W9) and (W16). in the Museum of Fine Arts. MDAIK 17 (1961). p. 44 [b]). 27–54. etc. is not very significant because it merely repeats the form of a sign that precedes it in the phrase qb¢ 327 But no such explanation can be given for sevmw ¢zmn “a libation of water and natron. mentioned earlier. Davies. Fischer. JNES 15 [1956]. The Story of King Kheops and the Magicians [Reading 1988]).

347 From the same reign there are also several recurrences of the spouted form ( . 35. n.350 who also 331 Janssen. Les Décrets Royaux de l’Ancien Empire Egyptien (Paris 1912). cit. and pl. 16 [5. 15 (15). 13 (left. 747. 18). second from bottom). no. pl. 1909). 31. pls. p.. 7. 46. 26(10). dating to Sesostris I.). 30. Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genoot- schap Ex Oriente Lux 12 (1951–52). 7 (4. 111. 332 Osing et al. pp. 78.339 Naga ed-Deir. 1 [1]). 348 Annie Gasse. fig. 14.337 Naqada. BdE 97/2 (1985). 58 (right. 32. All Dyn. 96 (Edfu. 336 Vandier. Müller. pls.331 and.. 6. 337 Clère and Vandier. JARCE 11 (1974).. 19. 14). 55. 29 (N5 = Sayce. JSSEA 16 (1986). fig. 27. 344 Brovarski. 4 (top). etc. Athribis. 12. Lilyquist. 333. 40. etc. 342 Petrie. XIX). 23 (center). Sedment I. Calverly.342 and Assiut.. 59 (4) (Dyn. Miscellania Wilbouriana I (1972). 22 (right = pl. 83. 9 (336). 20 (3. Naga ed-Dêr Stelae. Egyptian Reliefs. 10. Coptite Nome. TPPI. 15). 338 Fischer.336 Thebes. pls. fig. In some cases the sign is reversed. 24 (8). 40. 6 (5. 1 (1). 165. This occurs as early as the Eighth Dynasty in one of the Coptos Decrees. which he dates to the beginning of Dyn. nos. nos. 339 Petrie.346 although a number of examples are to be found in the tomb chapel of Îf£¡-Ì™py at Assiut. Dissertation. p. Turin 1447 (Luise Klebs. 335 Jéquier. 346 Hodjash and Berlev. op. p. 16 (3). Weill. pl. 13 (28). Terrace of the Great God. XI examples: H. 343 Griffith.K. 11. 15). Goedicke. At Rifa Tomb 1 (Griffith.).349 so too Chassinat and Palanque. op. Beni Hasan II. Egyptian Reliefs.. 85). 212. center). 340 On two groups of stelae: (1) Dunham. and the like) in an autobiographical inscription in Wadi Hammamat. 220).348 This form is again indicated by Gauthier and Lefebvre in their copies of the texts on several wooden coffins from Assiut. 17 (4). 341 Dyn.344 The capped jars occurred much less frequently in the Twelfth Dynasty345 and even less frequently later (when the cap assumed a rather different shape). 187. 25(4). 115. MDAIK 4 (1933). op. which are somewhat later: 332 and . PSBA 21 [1899]. another example like this is known from Sedment: Petrie and Brunton. Temple of Sethos I I. 18 (twice). 394. 169 and pl. line 6. 538). 19 (5). 108–10 and pl. XVII). nos. 30. . 6. one example is shown in his fig. For further comments on the palaeographic peculiarities of this site see Leprohon. Mo™alla. nos. a little differently. 4 (212. 14). as also Hodjash and Berlev. 18 (10).. figs. 345 Clère and Vandier.343 At Naga ed-Deir. in the Kharga Oasis. 861. CG 20503. 70. 6).. pl. 9 (top). 21 (right. also LD II. JEA 47 (1961). in the early Tenth–Eleventh Dynasties. 57. 18. The second is his Polychrome Group.. 14 (62. (2) ibid. Cairo J 59158 (ZÄS 90 [1963]. p. 11]) the neck of the vessel is eliminated: .334 and is known from that time or later at Saqqara335 as well as in the provinces: Gebelein. p. § 2. 41. 333 Osing. left). IX (ibid. pl. 94. pls. 8 c (right. 79. line 7). p. 11. another example associated with this group is shown in his fig. 62. BIFAO 93 (1993). §§ 14. 75. 7 in a caption above one of the cattle. pl. The first of these is Brovarski’s Red Group (Dissertation. 10. cit. C 3. op.220 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY dom rock inscription at El Kab. pl. 38.333 The only variation that became at all common or widespread during the Heracleopolitan Period is quite different. 117q (last line). JNES 19 (1960).107.340 Abydos. 14 (bottom). pl. II.338 Dendera. fig. BIFAO 88 (1988). pl. 51. 180 ff.341 Hagarsa. this form was also combined with the addition of a spout ( ). XI. 72. Berlin ÄGM 26/66 (W. Reliefs des Mittleren Reichs. pls. 4th from bottom).W.. 347 Griffith. pl. 20 (twice). cit. pls. pls. 334 R. Table 2. pp. 350 Une Campagne de fouilles dans la nécropole d’Assiout (Cairo 1911). 10A (bottom right). 2 (b). Newberry. Valloggia. 1 on p. Louvre C 1. 18 (bottom). pls. in inscriptions from three tombs at Balat. 99 above. BM 830 (ibid. 6 (bottom left). 26. 4. concluding that these tombs postdate the Old Kingdom. 8). cit. Quibell. 41. and p. ◊ern≈. It shows the addition of a distinctive cap ( ) rather than a spout or handle. now MMA 65. Dendereh. Tombeaux de particuliers. Excavations at Saqqara (1907– 08) (Cairo. Dyn. Denkmäler. 549. pl. Also at Memphis: C. Vallogia. 349 ASAE 23 (1923). 288 (line 2). pp. Inscriptions of Siut.. 26. In all these examples the cap is conical or domed. 43. 50–56. 195 ff. 53 (1). Fazzini. dated later in the same dynasty (ibid. Simpson. Deux pyramides du Moyen Empire (Cairo 1933).

364 Hemamiya. 22). 191 (n. pl. 118. Excavations at Saqqara (1907–8). pl. Petrie. Sinai. figs. Heqaib. 17 and pl. pl. fig. 173. fig. Koptos. VI). Mond and O. op. pl. The normal form evidently occurs more frequently on the coffins. pl. Murray. p. Temple of Hibis III (New York 1953). 13[1]). Corpus of Reliefs of the New Kingdom I (London 1987). Mersyankh III. Sinai. 14.F. 352 Fischer. fig. 15..”354 Still later spouted forms are known from Sinai.. Later examples of the spouted forms are to be found in the tomb of Z£-rnpwt II at Aswan. Petrie. pls. Jan Assmann.. pl. 199. 57. year 14).w.359 others from a variety of sites. Le Petit Temple d’Abou Simbel II. Temples of Armant (London 1940). 11. Late Period: G. VIII.H. El-Hammamiya. 14a. 367 Frankfort. pl. pl. Peet and ◊ern≈.355 Amenemhet IV ( )356 and Tuthmosis III( ). 59 (1). including Giza. 11 (Dyn. pl. BM 1346 Hieroglyphic Texts IV.368 but occasionally recurred in the Nineteenth Dynasty and later. 24 (lower half). figs. Newberry. cit.367 It became less frequent in Dynasties XII–XIII. Late Period: F. 27. Ptolemaic Period: W. 8. pl. 8). 23 (center). 35 (year 40). pl. 101 (6). 363 Blackman and Apted. 27 (n.W. Laming Macadam. 16 (Amenemhet II). 14. IV. XIX: Quibell. which appears sporadically in inscriptions ranging from the Fourth to Eleventh Dynasty. col.351 An example of in the tomb-chapel of ⁄p. Fakhry. pl.369 The projection at the top evidently represents a stopper. IV. pl. pl. 106 (w.. 12. 48 etc. some of unknown provenance. 12—all Dyn. 7. 357 Ibid. pl. Myers. pl. 31 a.353 The strangest of all these variations appears in an epithet of his grandfather Z£-rnpwt I at Elephantine. Steindorff. Dyn. Deir el Gebrâwi II. JEA 14 (1928). G.F. Junker. 356 Ibid.352 is probably earlier than any of these—as early as the end of the Eleventh Dynasty. Temple of Kawa II (London 1955). 7. 20. which is evidently motivated by graphic dissimilation: “one does what is praised by him who praises him. 174 (also ). 360 Dunham and Simpson. 366 Kanawati.). 615. pl. line 10 (end of Dyn.365 Akhmim366 and Abydos. 38 [1]). 47. Naville. T H1 3 O V D RKA N G D O M E . 370 Abu-Bakr. Giza. 28 (75). not noted by El-Khouli and Kanawati.370 pp. 9.M. 32 (Amenemhet IV).M. at El Saff. 26 (3. 353 H. Norman Davies. pl. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. Abu-Bakr. Gîza. pls.K. Peet and ◊ern≈. no earlier than late Dyn. 105. Gîza V. Die Felsengräber der Fürsten von Elephantine (Glückstadt 1940). 14. The projection is also separated in some other cases where the paint has been lost: BM 1212 (James. Palace of Apries (Memphis II) (London 1909). Deir el Gebrâwi II. pl. pl. XXII: E.363 Deir el Gebrawi. Grab des Basa (Mainz 1973).. 10. 13 [1]). fig. p. Catalogue of the Egyptian Sculpture in the Walters Art Gallery. which is black. 36 (also the normal form). to judge from a polychrome example dating to the Fourth Dynasty. IV). 21 (bottom. 19 (T 40). Inscriptions of the Amethyst Quarries (Cairo 1952). 116. no. pls. pl. 358 Dyn. IV. Dyn. Bersheh II. 5. XX: R. 23. pillar). 369 Dyn. For the date see p. 9a. no. Bahrein and Hemamieh. pls. Festival Hall of Osorkon II (London 1892). 359 BM 1212 ( James. 4. 364 Davies. 15. no. 362 . 22 (Dyn. where it is painted white in contrast to the upper part of the vessel itself. Martin. 355 Gardiner. Fakhry. 4. pl. VI. Vigneau.358 Yet another variation is . pl. 8. pl. face).f. Müller.. pl. 368 Gardiner. pl.362 Meir. BM 830 (Simpson.361 Bersha. fig. dating to the reign of Sesostris Il. 14). II. 20 (3). 33. 39. are encountered more rarely. 27. pl. Wn¡s-¢£-¡ßt. 16). 1 d. 33. PM III2. BM 212 (ibid. wall. pl. F. however. 2. fig. 361 A. 41 (Dyn. V. 20 (l. pl. BM 1282 (ibid. Dyn. Encyclopédie photographique de l’art: Le Musée du Caire (Paris 1949). both probably Dyn. XIII: S™n∞-k£-r™ S∞m-k£-r™). 4. 4). 11. cols.360 Saqqara. Room I 14 (early M. Saqqara Mastabas I. pl. 7B. Amenemhet II. pl. Dyn. 10. XI). dating to the reigns of Amenemhet III ( ). Hieroglyphic Texts I2.357 Examples of later date. VI. 26. 354 Habachi. but see pl.. LA I I NTS OF (W1 OF FORM 4) (V37) 221 show . Centre de Documentation. 2. The Tomb of ⁄p at El Saff (New York 1996). 11 [1]). fig. Saqqara Mastabas I. 25 and fig. 21. 365 Mackay et al. no.. 44. 62. Davies. no. Meir V. Terrace of the Great God. etc. 5. fig.1 2 . down to the Ptolemaic Period. Murray. A double-spouted example is also known from Wadi el Hudi: A. 179. pls. XXI: W. El-Hawawish I. 351 Ibid. Louvre C 243 (= E 3462: RdE 24 [1972]. 17. Athribis.





Possibly its frequent recurrence in the hieroglyph was abetted by assimilation to another sign such as .371 The incidence of the principal variations may be tabulated as follows: Dyn. IV–XII (more rarely in Dyn. XIX and later) Dyn. VI–MK (rarely later) Dyn. VI–IX Dyn. VIII–MK (very rarely later, with cap pointed or domed) Dyn. X–XI

14. A detail of the sign


The earliest detailed representations of the scribal kit, on the wooden panels from the Third Dynasty mastaba of Ìzy-R™, show the tubular case for brushes with a cap at either end, the lower one more splayed, with a flat bottom, the other one more slender and elongated, less everted, and very slightly curved at the top.372 But the top of the cap appears to be flat on the other panels (Fig. 29). A hieroglyph from the stela of Wp-m-nfrt, dating to the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty, again has a cap at either end, but both are everted and scarcely differentiated,373 whereas in other examples, in the later Fourth Dynasty mastaba of Ówfw∞™.f, the upper cap displays, for the first time, a feature that also occurs in the contemporaneous mastaba of K£(.¡)-w™b’s wife; it is divided into vertical tabs, only slightly splayed (Fig. 30a).374 Other examples of the late Fourth–early Fifth Dynasties generally omit this feature, the tubular case being everted at either end, but without any indication of a cap.375 The tabs are more frequently attested in inscriptions of the later reigns of the Fifth Dynasty376 (Fig. 30b)377 and those of the Sixth;378 in this period they are more everted and the tabs are sometimes more numerous.379 Quite often, throughout the Old Kingdom, they are suggested only by the outline (Fig. 30c).380 Middle Kingdom forms show greater variety. The tabs are more splayed and separated in a Twelfth Dynasty hieroglyph at Bersha, the center being differentiated by a more reddish
371 This

variant of is likewise known from Dyn. IV: Simpson, Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, figs. 27–29. 372 J.E. Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara (1911–12): The tomb of Hesy (Cairo 1913), pls. 29–32. The example shown here is from the panel in pl. 29 (left, CG 1428). Drioton’s drawings of this and another example, from CG 1427 (ASAE 41 [1942], 93, figs. 12–13) are not quite accurate; they are reproduced in E.L.B. Terrace and H.G. Fischer, Treasures of the Cairo Museum (London 1970), p. 33. 373 Smith, HESPOK, pl. A; cf. pl 32 b. 374 Simpson, Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, figs. 16, 27.

E.g., Borchardt, Grabd. S’a£¢u-re™ II, pl. 1; Bissing, ReHeiligtum III, pl. 21 (345); Junker, Gîza I, fig. 57; II, fig. 19; III, figs. 11, 14, 28, 30; V, fig. 22; Wild, Ti III, pl. 168. 376 E.g., Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pls. 12, 20. 377 From Davies, Ptahhetep I, pl. 18 (408); a color reproduction. 378 E.g., Jéquier, Monument funéraire de Pepi II II, pl. 38; Simpson, Qar and Idu, figs. 25, 33, 42. 379 E.g., Jéquier, loc. cit.; Murray, op. cit., pl. 20. 380 E.g., Junker, Gîza XI, fig. 40; Hassan, Gîza V, figs. 128– 35; Simpson, Qar and Idu, figs. 20–22, 26, 28, 32, 36.


1 4 . 4A A E TEA I A I L F T H E E I S IN N ( ( Y 3 ) 1 . D D T L O OF TH S G G Y3)


Fig. 29. Scribal kit on panel of Ìzy-R™. From a photograph

Fig. 30. Variants of

: (a–c) Old Kingdom; (d–g) Dyn. XII; (h) Dyn. XVIII





hue (Fig. 30d).381 One of the early Twelfth Dynasty tombs at Meir represents the tubular holder as a papyrus, either in part (Fig. 30e)382 or in its entirety (Fig. 30f).383 And at Beni Hasan something rather like the early Fourth Dynasty form makes a reappearance, with an identical cap on either end of the tube (Fig. 30g).384 The tabs reappear in hieroglyphic examples of the Eighteenth Dynasty, assimilated to the “fleur-de-lys” motif that then became popular, and the central element is again distinctively colored; it is red, while the rest is blue (Fig. 30h).385 By this time two of the elements of the old scribal kit represented by had long since—from the end of the Old Kingdom onward—been replaced by a more elongated palette that accomodated both ink and brushes.386 But tubular containers for brushes continued in use, as attested by actual examples that have been recovered from Eighteenth Dynasty tombs. These show the splayed tabs carried to their ultimate degree of convolution. One such holder, from the tomb of Tutankhamun (Pl. 46 b)387 is described by Howard Carter as taking the form of “a column with palm-leaf capital; its elaborately decorated shaft and drum are hollowed out to receive the reeds, and the abacus, turning on a pivot, acts as the lid.” His interpretation of this is borne out by kohl tubes of the period in which the palm fronds are more clearly detailed.388 In another instance, dating to the earlier years of the same dynasty, a tubular case was cut from a stalk of a thick rush (Fig. 31), and Carter says of it:389
At the top this has a floral ornament made of four pieces of carved wood which are let into spaces cut in the sides at the end and bound in position by a strip of linen. The node or natural joint of the rush has been utilized for the bottom end, and the top end was stopped by a rag plug.

Thus the top of the tubular case was regarded as various forms of Fig. 31. Tubular plants—a papyrus in the Twelfth Dynasty; and in the Eighteenth Dynasty pencase, Dyn. XVIII. both the “fleur-de-lys” that derives from the sedgelike plant of Upper From a photograph Egypt ( ), as well as the palm. Are the everted tabs of the Old Kingdom
Hieroglyphs, pl. 9 (171). Blackman, Meir II, pls. 17 (60 = pl. 11), 10; for the form cf. the wife’s staff in pl. 2, the clump and bundle of papyrus in pl. 4. 383 Ibid., pl. 6; for the form cf. pl. 17 (33). In Blackman, Meir III, pls. 19, 23 (a little later) the forms are like the one from Bersha. It seems probable that the same feature is to be recognized on an Eleventh Dynasty sarcophagus, Clère and Vandier, TPPI, p. 26: . 384 Griffith, Beni Hasan III, pl. 3 (18). 385 Nina Davies, Picture Writing in Ancient Egypt, pl. 8 (6);
382 381 Griffith,

for similar examples see pl. 12 and Hayes, Scepter II, fig. 91, p. 166 (MMA 15.2.4). 386 Glanville, JEA 18 (1932), 53–54, publishes two actual examples dating to the Sixth Dynasty, but this form was represented before the end of Dyn. V: e.g., Murray, op. cit., pl. 9, and was certainly in use earlier. 387 Carter, Tomb of Tut·ankh·Amen III, pl. 22 D and p. 80. 388 E.g., Hayes, Scepter II, fig. 108, p. 193. 389 Carnarvon and Carter, Five Years’ Explorations, pl. 66 and p. 75.

1 5 . 1A N A N U S U A L 4. U DETAI L


(Y (Y3) 5)


hieroglyphs therefore to be explained on the basis of the New Kingdom brush-holder that has just been described? The Fourth Dynasty hieroglyphs suggest an alternative explanation—that the increasingly everted tabs originated as slits that were designed to provide elasticity for the introduction of a plug to close the top; the binding beneath them would have been added to prevent the slits from progressing any further. It is in any case possible that the distinctively colored central element of the cap in hieroglyphs of the Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties represented the plug.

15. An unusual variant of


Although both Gardiner390 and Lefebvre391 identify the sign as a gameboard, 392 thinks it may be “l’image simplifiée de deux objets complètement Lefebvre, citing Pillet, differents, damier et palissade.” Pillet’s most persuasive evidence for this alternative—a wattle and daub fence with ends projecting at the top—is relatively late, from the reign of Ramesses III and later, but I think this interpretation, if valid, is secondary and divergent from the original representation. His Middle Kingdom evidence is less convincing, and it is difficult to agree with his conclusion that “semble donc representer, dans la plupart des cas, en tant que graphique, une palissade.” While I doubt that this view has won general approval, it is nonetheless worth noting a group of unusual examples where the sign has a pair of additions that definitely identify it as a gameboard. It takes the form in two tombs 393 that apparently date to the end of the Eleventh Dynasty.394 These additions at Bersha puzzled me initially, until I realized that they represent a set of legs sloping inward, as shown on gameboards in two tombs at Beni Hasan that are probably not much later (Fig. 32).395 The inward slope of the legs is also known from an actual gameboard of the Eleventh Dynasty,396 and from representations of beds and chairs from the same general period; it is related to a more stylized and symmetrical set of legs that similarly turn inward, front to back, and continued later, down to the beginning of the New Kingdom.397 The principal interest of this curious variant of is not the fact that it confirms the identification of the sign, however, but that it provides a further instance of a hieroglyph that has been affected by contemporary fashion or by iconography reflecting that fashion.398
Grammar, p. 534 (Y 5). And cf. Griffith, Hieroglyphs, p. 56. 391 Grammaire de l’Egyptien classique 2 (Cairo 1955), p. 423, nn. 5–6. 392 Revue de l’Egypte ancienne 1 (1927), 157–75. 393 Newberry, Bersheh II, pl. 13 (cols. 9, 11, but not 17, 19); pl. 21 (bottom, cols. 5, 16). In the latter case the same detail is recorded by Sayce, Rec. trav. 13 (1890), 190 f. 394 For a recent discussion of the date of the tombs in question (5 and 8) see H.O. Willems, Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap Ex Oriente Lux 28 (1983–

1984), 80–102, and esp. 87 (beginning of Dyn. XII). E. Brovarski has subsequently concluded that tomb 5 must be somewhat earlier: Studies in Honor of Dows Dunham, pp. 26–30. 395 Newberry, Beni Hasan II, pl. 7; cf. als0 pl. 13. 396 MMA 26.3.154: BMMA February 1928, section II, fig. 10, p. 10. 397 See Chapter 13 above, n. 24. 398 See Caminos and Fischer, Epigraphy and Palaeography, p. 34 and p. 186 above.





Fig. 32. Early Middle Kingdom gameboard, Beni Hasan. After Newberry

A similar feature, of somewhat earlier date, is to be seen in at least two examples of the ¢tp-sign, one of which is shown in Figure 33. Both cases appear in Sixth Dynasty tomb chapels at Qubbet el Hawa, Aswan, where funerary priests of a subsequent generation added their names to the original inscriptions. The first, below the figure of Ìr-∞w.f, on the south side of the facade, occurs in the name , a priest who is designated as 399 . The second (shown here), is on the south reveal of the entrance to the hall of Ìq£-¡b, excavated by Labib Habachi; it occurs in the name , belonging to an over400 Evidently the projections below the sign again represent legs of an seer of crews ( ). offering table, the top of which has the form of . Such tables are known from copper and 401 One might expect the legs to be placed at the ends wooden models of the Old Kingdom. 402 of the sign, as in , but their position also occurs in hieroglyphic and ,403 which serve as the determinative of hnw “chest.” Here they may represent a pair of transverse bars which keep the chest slightly off the ground.404 But possibly they derive from hieratic
Illustrated in de Morgan, Catalogue des monuments, plate facing p. 164, where the ¢tp-sign is not completely visible, however. The title ¢m-k£ ¢ry ∞nt recurs in the labels of funerary priests who added their names in the hall of Ìq£-¡b (next note). For the writing of the name, not cited in Ranke, PN I, 271 (12), cf. Wb. III, 299 (22); it should probably be transliterated as Ìtp-Ónzw or Ónzw-¢tp(w). 400 Unpublished; for the context see Labib Habachi, Sixteen Studies on Lower Nubia (Cairo 1981), p. 14. 401 Reisner, Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts 11 (Boston 1913), 61, fig. 16 (including CG 57033–6); Petrie, Dendereh, pl. 22; I.E.S. Edwards et al., Introductory Guide to the Egyptian Collection (London 1964), p. 159, fig. 54 (BM 5315). The first four are 14.9 to 22.5 cm wide, the one from Dendera about 14 cm, the last 38.7 cm. Another metal example, 18.5 cm wide and covered with gold leaf, is to be found in Hassan, Gîza III, fig. 10 and pl. 3 (2). One, made of wood (CG 1765), is somewhat larger (a little under 52 cm wide). A second wooden example, 18 cm

high, is shown in Borchardt, Grabd. Ne-user-Re™, fig. 110 (Berlin 16436). 402 Reisner and Smith, Hist. Giza Necr. II, fig. 44 and pl. 36 (a); also Junker, Gîza I, fig. 36 (assimilated to the writing of ™∞, n. 411 below); Gîza V, fig. 9 (in captions above chests with legs at the corners); Wild, Ti III, pl. 174; and later examples in the title zß hn: Petrie, Dendereh, pl. 11 C (top left, Dyn. VIII or IX); Newberry, Bersheh I, pls. 15, 18, 20 (Dyn. XII). 403 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. 2; also Dyn. VI examples: Pyr. 491a W (Piankoff, Pyramid of Unas, pl. 9); Urk. I, 106 (15); Goyon, Nouvelles inscriptions, p. 41 and pl. 4 (determinative of hn); Junker, Gîza IV, p. 72 and pl. 9 ( ; cf. designating the same form of coffer, carried by a funerary attendant, in LD II, 4). 404 I only know of Middle Kingdom examples: Hayes, Scepter I, figs. 157, 189, 209, but a similar use of transverse bars occurs on coffins of earlier date, as shown by Junker, Gîza VIII, fig. 40.

Junker. fig. VI/3. They show the familiar title smsw h£yt 412 “elder of the (judicial)413 court. fig. and fig. no. 27a. fig. Hieroglyphic Texts I2.. 410 The form of the brazier itself is often a deeper receptacle. (5) Paget and Pirie. 1) has been brought down to the Heracleopolitan Period (Fischer. and may well be later. figs. 50. MIO 7 (1960). . 59. 18. near the Unas Causeway. p. The groups and In GM 74 (1984). Hieroglyphic Texts I2. pls. (17) Ibid. Cf. Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival. 21. (14) Hassan. 31. pl. pls.. ASAE 38 (1938). (8) CG 23. 9. 276. 9 (1). Peck. Aswan 16. Moret and D. 38 b. (16) Ibid. (3) Ibid. This detail may well have been overlooked in other cases.N. (7) Cairo CG 22.” Petrie. as the determinative of ™n∞wt “goats. passim. Peter Munro discusses a group of inscriptions on columns in the chapel of Ípss-Pt¢/⁄mpy. 1 6H ET G R OG R O U P S T . (9) CG 212. Gîza VII. 409 LD II. Gîza VII. 34.. 81–83. 1 c. 102 and pl. (11) CG 57007: A. pl. p. p. 35.. (19) Hassan. and Excavations at Saqqara I. HE UPS AND AND 227 forms. 24. 29 f.410 in some examples the stones are indicated by rounding off the bottom of the projections. Post-Old Kingdom variant of . Denkmäler des A. 406 Ibid.. pl. 30–32. 195. (4) Herta Mohr. 8. 85–91). 56 and pl. pl.411 Fig. (10) CG 311. 458. 11. 34. (18) Ibid. (2) Ibid. 2. figs. (12) Junker. Ptah-hetep. see Balcz. 58b. 86 (as noted by Clère in Miscellanea Gregoriana [Rome 1941]. Dendera. V. the influence of hieratic appears in another label following the second example of the sign under discussion. 3). figs. Simpson. p. 46. 411 Junker. o. 43. n. with rounded or everted sides. 30. 4. fig. In the meantime the earlier of the two Old Kingdom parallels (ibid. James. p.” with a very exceptional determinative. (13) Ibid. pl. Gîza II. pl. 27. 102–105.”406 The date of these labels can hardly be earlier than the Eighth Dynasty. MDAIK 3 (1932). fig. 514. as it is written in a tomb of the Heracleopolitan Period at Naga ed Deir. The Abu Sir Papyri.405 As it happens.. 34 b. figs. 115 l. 142. Mastaba of Hetep-her-Akhty. VI. 61. VII. VII. Hassan. Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae. 25.407 The sign also appears to have influenced an example of the sign in the title . pls. 58. 82–86 and 93 (fig. fig. 29 c) (15) Ibid. fig. which are almost identical. 23). James. Gîza V. Western Cemetery. (6) BM 1272. 36. 25. f. III.R. 48. 23. at the beginning of the title mty n z£ “regulator of the phyle. Gîza I. figs. 33. and similarly Dunham.408 A rather similar hieroglyph ( ) not infrequently occurs as the determinative of ™∞ “brazier” in the lists of festivals that call for offerings. pl. pl. 310. 46. Pal. Athribis. 407 Discussed in reference to a long-handled censer. 146.1 6 . Some Decorated Tombs of the First Intermediate Period at Naga ed Deir. IX. fig.409 In this case the legs probably represent stones placed beneath the flat terracotta tray. and Fischer. 6 (5). 408 C. 48 (D). pp.. 405 412 (1) LD lI. 34 (= VII. LD II. JARCE 2 (1963).. Abou Ghazi. 3 ( ).

15. 23. 20–22. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions I. 64.21E. 1885). but based on a genuine original). 34. p. 86. pp. 10. 26 (with miscopied as ). 32. 33. 13. 1. 11–16 and pls. fig. (24) G 4311 (PM III2. 4 (pp. The configuration appears in exs.2: Fischer. 11 and fig. 13 (31). 5. 7. offering bearer beside north squint of serdab). . fig. 60. 5. 26. 16 (82). 27a). 27. 34. 31 (pl. 415 Exs. 35. 2. 11. 12. also . RdE 30 [1978]. 7. 413 It is frequently linked with z£b: note 1 above.. VI writing of the title “elder of the court.414 which frequently appears before the final t: 415 or . 15. 18. 26. Dyn. 25. 36. (26) Ahmed Badawy. with n. 34. 36 and the present case (see MIO 7 [1960]. 35. 33. 3–6.416 occasionally publications indicate that the ends are more or less rounded. 414 Exs. 126). 23. and Orientalia 30 (1961). with r-N∞n z£b: exs. Excavations at Saqqara 1907–1908. 305. 31. 36. pp. The determinative is otherwise most commonly . pls. 34. 36. 304. 9. 27–29. 7. 17. (30) MMA 58. 17. 48. for a similar case see MMJ 9 (1974). BMFA 56 [1958]. pl. 17. 113. The configuration appears in exs. 3. pp. exs.. 4). (27) Cairo T 6/4/49/1: Fischer. 31. p. Mélanges Maspero I/4 (MIFAO 66. 416 Exs. 4. 36. (23) G 2423 (W. 11. 4 (pp. 10. 27. 4 (pp. 31. ex. 31. 79. 39). 34. 6. (31) Brooklyn 37. but this evidence is not very reli- Fig. 32. 26. 34. 12. MIO 7 (1960). 23. 34. 56–57). Midgley. 4 (pp. 92 and pl. (21) Reisner tomb G 2370 (PM III2. 1. Sept tombeaux. 1961). 4. 27. other judicial titles: exs.107. 40. 47. 25A). ex. 4. p. (33) Cairo J 91218. 11. 203–204 (miscopied as noted below. 87). 22. (29) Berlin 1159: Aeg. 3. p. 81). Simpson. Inscribed Material from the Pennsylvania–Yale Excavations at Abydos (New Haven 1995). 303. 4. (28) Berlin 7722: ibid. in Studies in Honor of Dows Dunham.228 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY for which no explanation is given (Fig. 574 and pl. 18 (pls. 22. (36) Pierre de Bourget. 14. 46). 5. 22. 17. n. 16 (83). 29. 3. ASAE 40 (1940). 30. Kendall. 55. 9). (22) G 2375 (ibid. 34).22E: James. (32) Thos. Bankfield Museum Notes 4 (Halifax 1907). (25) G 7721 (T. 1–5. 18. 35 is omitted from both smsw h£yt and r N∞n because the text is within the burial chamber. 21–23. K. 16 (pls. 15. also . 43. room III. Wm. 29.” Saqqara (20) Fakhry. I. (35) Maspero. 86). figs. p. 6 (probably a forgery.S. 37. fig. 87). 87). fig. In ex. 24A. 12 (pl. 110. fig. p. 33. 9. 18). 6. Smith. 3. (34) Quibell. 16 (fig. 23. nos. 19–24. Trois années de fouilles (MIFAO 1/2. Inschr. 15. 12).

10. this bag is called . but the variants suggest that it may be a baton. and so the others are suspect.419 In view of the judicial character of the title. in LD II. the tapered variants. Cf. 31). 24. 420 The variety of wedgelike forms is well exemplified by Simpson. which is known from at least three examples. 35)423 that was used. to be discussed presently. by . Ti I. 419 Ex. but at least one specimen with a beveled edge is thought to belong to that period (Petrie. 42[8]). 33 (bottom) and 38 (tapered end more rounded). 22 (c). 6. 51. pl. LD II. II. Qar and Idu. In a taxation scene. Ptah-hetep.. 27 (9). 142. to have squared ends. pl. perhaps inadvertently. 9. 95.” “crookedness” (Simpson. a man draws another baton from a long bag in an identical context. 18 (fig. 33 (top). 30. The last also occurs in Paget and Pirie. 50 (a). 423 From Epron et al. 39 [5]). in LD II. a police attendant draws a hand-shaped baton from a bag of the same kind. and Claude Sourdive. Smither. the first two of these have proven. 1 6H ET G R OG R O U P S T .e. 15). among other purposes. 42 (with pointed end). the open-ended flute. La Main (Berne 1984). 10. as happened in the case of at the end of the Fifth Dynasty 420 and later.418 And in at able. Wb. 20. It is possible. 21. RdE 9 (1952). HE UPS AND AND 229 . 4. cf. 422 Wb. correctly interpreted by Y.417 Another variant is least one case it is replaced. If it represents a cubit-rod. Harpur. There is no indication that the form of the sign changed to . as usual. Some examples are shown thus in hieroglyphic type (7. pls. Ancient Weights and Measures [London 1926]. 67. Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom (London 1987). 9. pl. as compared with the or of fl£b. Wb. i.”422 The form that is displayed in the present case is totally different from any of these. cf. again in Davies. 33. 5–7. on examination. however.1 6 . 35. 418 Exs. 56. 13. p. line 2. 421 Here may originally have represented something “straight” (a straight-edge or cubit-rod?). who extracts a roll of papyrus). that the original derivation was from . also . 13 (3). Saqqara.421 reinforced by the similarity of the word “staff. Gîza II. figs. p. 9. bound at the neck. A shorter bag of similar pattern. 8. 7. II. no cubit rods earlier than the Middle Kingdom have survived. 28 (left. fig. and represents an elongated bag (Fig. 18 [i]). 18–19. is associated with scribes: Junker. one might be tempted to surmise that derives from m£™t. . 3 (7–8). Elongated bag in the mastaba of Êy. I. LD II. I. 6 (8). Gardiner’s Aa11). 209 (in BiOr 47 [1990]. Deir el Gebrâwi II. 39 (right inner jamb) along with (opposite) and the wedgelike form (pl. almost like . I have mistakenly applied her remark to another figure. pp. 33). a short stick. pl. 19. also possibly ex. and especially might be explained as repro417 ducing a beveled edge. After Epron Perhaps ex. JEA 28 [1942]. to store Fig. 28. pl. Qar and Idu. figs. It is called (Urk. pl.. along with wedgelike forms on pls. Yoyotte. fl£bt “crooked.

MMJ 13 (1978). Kêmi 15 (1959). transcribes as ). h£tyw. tion scenes that are attended by the n∞t-∞rw “tally man” and the z£w-pr “police. 17. 11. If my reading is correct. The form of may be influenced by the preceding term.433 A nisbe form. no. for its use in titles see ZÄS 93 (1966). where may again be a miswriting of . 67. which Smither.230 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY sticks and staves. 2. 14 and 25 the name of the pyramid precedes. . 5 (8). In one case the title smsw h£yt is written . is more probably the indirect genitive. i. in exs. is attested in an obscure context. 427 Note 1 above. 69 (Yoyotte’s ex. Ex. also MDAIK 16 (1958).426 but the title n∞t-∞rw-z£b “tally man of the judiciary” is coupled with smsw h£yt in two of the three cases in which it is known to occur in titularies.428 Apart from thc occurrences of smsw h£yt that have been cited thus far. 429 Ex. exs. 68–69. 28. the end of Dyn. but given its position. it is paired with another class of individuals called ¡myw-t£. This again appears in the context of judicial titles and is at least as late as the case under discussion. although all of it is problematic in some respect.e.427 and in two other cases the smsw h£yt is also an under-superintendent of z£w-pr. but virtually the only clear example like the present one is the of Berlin Pap. cf...V. exs. 34. RdE 9 (1952). 432 Hassan. 425 The composite sign must be considered as a unit. but this detail is not mentioned). The sign has been thought to occur in the title (Malaise. there is another that is said to take the form . Saqqara Tombs I. 11). 431 Note 1. Yoyotte’s ex. and probably later. ws∞t. 82b.e. Ti I. Catalogue des stèles. fig. 16. i. and there is little doubt that it represents a further example of . 101 (= LD II. the festival of the “opening of the year. for the word transcribed as is more probably . “those in the ground/land. Davies et al.” since this has a determinative that is 424 Fischer. this would be the only example of the title in which the horizontal element is lacking. 1. 63 (top register.”434 The same nisbe form is perhaps also to be recognized in the h£tyw of the Abusir Papyri. 435 Posener-Kriéger. pl.”430 The indirect genitive similarly appears in some other cases where this official is attached to the funerary cult of a royal pyramid. cf. 308). CdE 64 [1989]. 95C. Epron et al. 430 Ex. A scene similar to the last also seems to be attested by Louvre E 17499 (Ziegler. 59). p. 6). n.429 The last sign is probably only an approximation. 27. JEA 28 [1942]. pls. lit. 434 Goyon. 62A1. 66. Gîza V. 43). There is some other Old Kingdom evidence for h£yt. it less probably represents the plural sign as in the case of (W. the last two signs to be translated “of the estate. 28.435 This discussion cannot be closed without giving some attention to the more common term wp rnpt. nor does . The sign in question appears to be .431 The sign more clearly functions as a determinative in “one who judges in the 432 court. For the n∞t-∞rw see LD II. 7 (8). In favor of this explanation of the various determinatives of h£yt it may be noted that the stick in the hieroglyph is sometimes replaced by in inscriptions of the 424 And since Old Kingdom. Archives. 428. 19 and pls. for in pls. but is used consistently in this title. 426 For the z£w-pr see Yoyotte. 25. 137.” 428 Exs. 10. does not appear as a determinative in Old Kingdom titles.. for which see section 5 above and Fig. 8869 (in hieratic. 142–44.. 31. 35. since it is given in hieroglyphic type. 33 has n∞t-∞rw ¢wt-wrt “tally man of the lawcourt. 433 This question is raised by Grdseloff’s statement that and are interchanged (ASAE 43 [1943].” for it does not seem likely that represents . the stick alone would necessarily have sufficed if it was to be introduced at 425 It is true that there is no evidence for the presence of the “elder of the hall” in taxaall. 117–18). VI.” the latter wielding batons.

VII. 1. LD II. corrected).M. III. Kanawati et al. With t of rnpt: Mariette. 44. Gîza IV. VI. 63 (1). fig. BM 527A (James.. 19. 28. pp. pl. pl. 2. 39 [3]). figs. With r : Petrie. 49 (2). Simpson. 263. pl. Abu Bakr. no. pls. Gîza I. 6. MIO 7 (1960). 17). 438 Cairo CG 1790. fig. The latest dated example (Daressy. pls. Deshasheh. 210. JNES 13 (1954). 1434. VII. figs. 22. Abu Bakr. 28. CG 1331. It seems clear. figs. 71). Qar and Idu. 154. pl. Vom Nil zum Neckar (Berlin 1986). 91. 7. I. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. 1484. fig. pl. 1404. pls. does not yet appear in most of the earliest examples. and this seems correct. Inschr. fig. pl. 46. 439 . / 441 442 and / . gives the last sign as .R. 12. 59. 57. pls. 119. Mariette. 49 (3). Gîza III. Denkmäler des Alten Reiches II. Moussa and Altenmüller. Hassan. that it does not have the same function in and . pl. Moussa. 34 g. although a sarcophagus of that period already shows . fig. IX. p. Excavations at Saqqara III. fig. VI. the determinative is often omitted. fig. Giza. Gîza III. has . Wilson. albeit with much clearer evidence for occasionally rounded 436 Unlike the case of smsw h£yt.) is Dyn. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions I. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. Mastabas. 37a. Fisher. Davies et al. 1 6H ET G R OG R O U P S T . Brooklyn 37. Gîza II. 32. pl. loc. 58. 26 (a bis). 1695. for the former never shows . figs. dating to the Fourth Dynasty. 440 Petrie. no. Fakhry. pl. fig. 39 [2]). CG 1414. Junker. fig. Gîza II. fig. Western Cemetery I. Fischer. fig. Reisner. 8. Gîza Junker. 442 CG 1403. Brugsch. pl. 279 (corrected). Hassan. 182.1 6 . 12. Hist. 156. 154. fig. . Hieroglyphic Texts I2. Mariette. p. p. BIFAO 82 [1982]. 10. Gli Scavi Italiani.443 Whatever its origin may be. figs. VI (Teti). Nefer and Kahay. 33. 349. IV. : Cairo J 56994 (Cherpion. p. 437 Ignoring the occasional addition of . fig.1495E (James. Gem-ni-kai II. fig. Bissing. Giza. Saqqara Tombs I. 41. fig. Junker. VI/3. pl. Le Musée égyptien I. 72). Two Tombs of Craftsmen (Mainz a. 4. 1420. p. 152. p. 162. Gîza VII. p. Davies. Berlin 11573 (Aeg. Thesaurus. Gîza I. Sept tombeaux. Murray. 5.V. Hetepka.. James and Apted. Dunham and Simpson. Fakhry. 3 (4). despite the very much greater number of examples. p. BM 718 (James. 221. 1. I. 21. 35. 28). fig. however. 38. 9. pl. W. 114. Sheikh Saïd. Sheikh Saïd. pl. 66). Saqqara Mastabas I. and in the latter case this element never takes the form of a vertical stroke. I. according to Maspero. BM 1212 (James. SAK 7 (1979). A. 18. 184. pl. Davies. fig. 19. Wild. 270. 18–19. Giza Necr. 278. Hassan. 9. 85 b.. 41. 283. 1447. 10. BM 1176 (ibid. 15 [1]). CG 1425. 144. Curto. 42. Royal Excavations at Saqqara (Cairo. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. 441 Mariette. at any rate. fig. 13 [1]. Sept tombeaux. Mastabas. Giza. 152. With p of pt: BM 1179 (James. 28. with the bottom restored. Berlin 7513 (Aeg. pl. Ti III. With p.. Brooklyn 37. 8. Gîza II. IV. 237. fig. Khentika. With p and t: Hassan. 443 Usually or : e. 436 E. Moussa and Altenmüller. 217. the frequent omission of and its occasional replacement by suggest that this feature was neither essential nor well understood. Junker. thus in Grébaut. 47 and pl. Murray. 134 (IV. pl. pl. Hist. 40 b. ASAE 17 (1917). which is often demarcated in Old Kingdom examples of . Saqqara I. MMJ 11 (1976). when it tended to be rearranged as . 2. 34b. II. Mastabas. fig. 4. Gîza II. fig. 89b (Berlin 1186. 105. Excavations at Saqqara II. 52.. 248. VI/ 3. 143. Giza. pls. 303. Reisner. Besides 439 440 there is also abundant evidence for four other basic variations: . 179. E. III. 142.Y. no. Giza Necr. Gîza VIII. assimilated to ?). 37 (A). pl. Contrary to what one might suppose from . and I believe that it may derive from the crown of the head between the two horns. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions I. I. 32. fig. Saad. 247. 19 (177). fig. Hassan. 219. p. 27. Mastabas. 1957). pl. fig. Junker. With t: Mariette. Saqqara Mastabas I. Simpson. Deshasheh.g. 20. pl. p. Gîza III.g. cit. Inschr. 27 (a). 136. I. With p: Hassan. Z. t: Hassan. LD II. illustrs. figs. fig. fig. Feucht. 16. 16. Hassan. pl. 132. fig.437 and ends. Cairo CG 1304. fig. 39. 15. pp. Borchardt. pl. the signs and alone occur in the following cases: LD II. Gîza IX. Aeg. 235. fig. Simpson. 19. BM 682 (James. these configurations indicate that the horizontal (or vertical) element is associated with . Hassan. fig. pl. 1975). fig. 39). Daressy. fig. 258. Hassan. 32. CG 1413. 11. 94. Hassan. 19. 116. Junge. 8). Firth and Gunn. With n and t: Fisher. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. 29. pl. Hieroglyphic Texts I2. 27 (a). Western Cemetery I. HE UPS AND AND 231 virtually identical to . Saqqara Mastabas I. Murray. 10. Martin. Nianchchnum. Mersyankh. Moussa and F. fig. p. Sheikh Saïd.438 which is the most usual configuration down to the middle of the Fifth Dynasty. Mastabas. Excavations at Saqqara I. Inschr. CG 1732. Davies.1492E (James.

211*) and says of the Old Kingdom determinatives: “Perhaps is a log. while hints at a wooden 445 Schenkel.232 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY The first reappearance of smsw h£yt in the Middle Kingdom. except that the proportions of the determinative resemble those of the sign ß “lake. no. roof. if represented stone.” I doubt that its subsequent transformation into provides a clue to its original significance. 52. pp. is written .” A log would not be represented with rounded ends. II. 32–36. . a stone roof-beam.446 444 Goyon. Nouvelles Inscriptions. 446 Gardiner. explains this as a borrowing from “ceiling. as in (O39).” “sky. Frühmittelägyptische Studien. moreover it is highly doubtful that a public hall would have had stone beams.445 but is otherwise identical to the Old Kingdom writing. And finally. and is not otherwise used as a generic determinative in Old Kingdom titles. pp.” (ibid. however. it would probably be shorter. dating to the reign of Nbt£wy Mentuhotep. 60–61*.444 with the gratuitous stroke that became common in the Eleventh Dynasty. Onomastica I.

NOTES ON H R HE YPHI P P ND 1 6I.E T O G LG R O UC S A L A E O G R A P H Y 233 Plate 44. False door at Saqqara Courtesy Egyptian Antiquities Organization .

234 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Plate 45. Fitzwilliam Museum. SS 76 Courtesy of the Museum . Cambridge.

5 Gift of Edward S. Metropolitan Museum 28.9.NOTES ON H R HE YPHI P P ND 1 6I. Photography by The Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art . Pencase of Tutankhamun. Harkness.E T O G LG R O UC S A L A E O G R A P H Y 235 Plate 46a. 1928 Plate 46b.

236 NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC PALAEOGRAPHY Plate 47. Museum of Fine Arts. Boston.1877 Courtesy of the Museum . 06.

Nouvelles Inscriptions. Das Ägyptische Verbum I (Leipzig 1899). p. The present example is evidently even earlier. as Borchardt has rightly described it in his text. The use of for suffix should be remarked. 12. 17. Another face-to-face embrace. Karl Martin. it does not show an incomplete mn¡t-necklace. 15. 12 is misinterpreted. The restoration must be rather than . with the couple seated. no. correcting the third line of the architrave in LD III. 23(A–C). JEA 65 (1979). 62. Another pair of small limestone mourners are illustrated in Hassan. 33. 1977) has provided another example from the Second Intermediate Period at El Kab. occurs on a very late Old Kingdom false door in Moscow: Hodjash and Berlev. n.Addenda to Egyptian Studies I. p. no. Reliefs des Alten Reiches. Meir IV. 62(a). Lieferung 3. I have overlooked a further example of the title ¡my-∞t flnw ¡zt in Blackman. Hildesheim. 51. 13–14. p. 237 . The detail shown in fig. p. pl. 16. II and III Volume I p. 42. as Ogden Goelet has reminded me. 7. CAA. but the prows of two very unusual boats. 19. 60. 24. 119 ff. cf. § 267. pp. 301. despite the sequence of signs. Sethe notes several examples of this from the Pyramid Texts. pp. Pelizaeus-Museum. pp. 348. Excavations at Saqqara II. as pointed out in Orientalia 60 (1991). as follows: p. 25. cf. pl. 1. The title s¢∂ ¡myw ™¢™w also occurs in Goyon. for the funerary formulae are more suggestive of Dyn. p. Gerard Roquet has independently discussed this example of ßmt in BIFAO 77 (1977). And Klaus Baer (letter of May 15. 61– 63. 180 and fig. IV than “late Old Kingdom” as opined in PM III. Egyptian Reliefs.

this is countered in GM 128 (1992). 72. Essays on Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom (Beirut 1986). defends De Meulenaere’s idea that the second element of the title refers to Ptah. 43) has as the determinative of £¢wt “fields. 10. 205–207). 9–17 of this monograph. The interpretation of this detail remains somewhat doubtful. fig. n. Archéologia 225 [June 1987]. V. This will scarcely seem credible to anyone who is thoroughly familar with the use of and in Old Kingdom titles. Wm. concludes that the reading is wr ¢mww(t) and that is to be read wr ¢mww(t) nb. and especially those of somewhat later date than the Old Kingdom. offers a different interpretation of the acrostic text at the bottom of my fig. 22. the fourth of those shown on pl. 1. p. but hardly visible on the plate. 126. 11. p. Oudjebten.1806. as indicated by Herman De Meulenaere and Bernard Bothmer. p. He is evidently to be added to the end of the list on p. 16. 11.g. it is difficult to believe it designates so menial an occupation as an ordinary weaver. is mentioned as the owner of a fragmentary block statue in the Newark Museum. New Jersey. 64. To title (5) add another (5a): “overseer of the ornaments. Gîza II.” from the same source. A Heracleopolitan stela. pp.” p. 66. pp. 219). To the evidence for title (22) add Moussa and Altenmüller. fig. Nianchchnum. 60. Since it is evidently no later than Dyn. 2. My drawing of it (Fig. Oriens Antiquus 14 [1975]. EG 29. 78–79. Title (24) must be reconsidered in view of the occurrence of ¡n™t as a separate title on a false door from Giza. however.238 ADDENDA TO EGYPTIAN STUDIES I AND II pp. as I had supposed. 52–53. 66–67. 18. and. Hassan. my Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom (New York 1989). To titles (18–19) add another referring to dancers: (19a) sb£t “instructress. who has also given me permission to publish it. Perez Die. And since the title ¡n™t is applied to a gentlewoman who has the title r∞t-nswt. 61 and n. 168 and fig. p. Cf. Lopez. Ward. yet the coiffure of the determinative suggests the end of a kerchief such as is sometimes worn by female workers (e. Didier Devauchelle (RdE 43 [1992]. further remarks on women’s titles are to be found on pp. 12. The Memphite high priest Nfr-tm. on the basis of an abridged form of the title in demotic. 43– 44. 70–71. fig. Wolfgang Schenkel comments further on writings of ¡m£∞ in BiOr 35 (1978). Zahi Hawass. a late variant of . where only [fl]nrt is preserved before the name. fig.. 1) has been made from a slide kindly supplied by the excavator. since the end of the kerchief usually falls . this example shows that the determinative (Fig. no. To the evidence for title (17) one should probably add an incomplete example in Jéquier. 2) is not. Cairo J 91098 (J.” JEA 67 (1981).

p. p. 114. has cast much doubt on the supposed “women of the council. Another Dyn. Detail of Old Kingdom false door downward on the neck and back. 1635 (7). 92.k¡. 103. 79). a model found in a foundation deposit: Petrie. Determinative of ¡n™t Fig. 75. And it is even more difficult to identify the rectangular object held upright upon the lap. and yet another Dyn. 5 and 6 may be cited. GM 100 (1987). XVIII example in Urk. Zwischenzeit (Wiesbaden 1975). to be published by Zahi Hawass: wr. 16 (34). occurs in Helck. followed by phonetic ™£. n. 2. Wm. A slightly earlier example of for wr.k¡ ™£. A third bronze butcher’s knife of the type shown in figs. Ward. Historisch-biographische Texte der 2. Six Temples at Thebes (London 1897). 116 (to p. 89 (b). p. IV. p. pl. VI example of ™£ occurs on the entrance architrave of the vizier M¢w at Saqqara.ADDENDA TO EGYPTIAN STUDIES I AND II 239 Fig.” . p. where wr and ™£ may be nearly synonymous. 1.

The reference for Gunn’s statement is Teti Pyramid Cemeteries. A Twelfth Dynasty example. where the painter Sn¡ faces right. fig. which shows the left leg advanced as usual. n. 56. § 27. cf. Where a columnar legend in front of the deceased describes him “viewing the lassoing of the wild beasts of the desert. probably a little later than the Old Kingdom.. Les Pharaons: L’Egypte du crépuscule (Paris 1980). Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000 (Boston 1994). beginning “recitation by the lector priest . . CG 1727. 171. 68. . 21. col. 6. pls. p. as noted in LÄ V. 39. p.” . 22. fig. exceptionally inscribed on both sides. See Caminos and James. with the reader facing right and the signs in his text oriented leftward.L. fig. 127. n. for other references see PM VI. Egyptian Paintings of the Middle Kingdom (New York 1968). Gebel es-Silsileh I. 12(b). is to be found in Kanawati. p. 110.B. the text is the list of kings in the temple of Seti I at Abydos. both showing normal rightward orientation. n. 26 and pl. El-Hawawish I. and the statement he makes is reversed. pl. p. Monument funéraire de Pepi II II. 42. . 47 and n. 73. Although it is no longer certain that the further development of retrograde inscriptions will be followed in the present series. 7. pp. 110. 74 must be eliminated. fig. where. 13. p. 91. 121. 190. Further Old Kingdom evidence for the prevalence of dominant rightward orientation may be found in the pair of scenes shown in Jéquier. in opposition to the list of offerings that follows it. 2. a column of signs is reversed. XXII. n. but has the right hand raised to hold a staff: Leclant et al. 19 and fig. LÄ V. p. 231. 25. as may be seen from Kent Weeks. Another example. for the sign has proven not to be reversed. 114. Further evidence is provided by a bronze statue of Dyn. on the elaborately painted coffin published by E. p. Add an Old Kingdom false door. But the example in my own fig. Terrace. 191. 28. read by Prince Ramesses: Jean Capart and Marcelle Werbrouck. p. Memphis (Brussels 1930). where the passage in question is translated: “The doer is I. 8. n. 10.” and the signs of “beasts” are reversed. p. n. 36. the signs facing leftward. A similar example is to be found in Kanawati. my principal conclusions are presented in L’écriture et l’art de l’Egypte ancienne (Paris 1986). p. 49. 109. El-Hawawish VII. pls.” There is also a Nineteenth Dynasty example in which a document is read. p.240 ADDENDA TO EGYPTIAN STUDIES I AND II Volume II p. 105–28. 31. col. This readjustment evidently reverts to reality. n. p. 1.

191. and these possibly add the epithet “possessor of reverence” ( p. 27. n. 295. right. In his review. Thus this case does not constitute an exception. 27. BiOr 37 (1980). 145 (g). Pascal Vernus points out that it is not Ìr-⁄n¢rt to whom the suffix pronoun of ¢mt. Addenda to this Volume p. For another exception from Giza see Ann Macy Roth. A Cemetery of Palace Attendants (Boston 1995). 216. V. 32. p. p. pls. who is named on the opposite side.ADDENDA TO EGYPTIAN STUDIES I AND II 241 p. but his father Nfr-¢tp. The number of the Dendera stela is 29–66–693. . 97. 215 and n. 256. pl. as noted on p. Deir el Bahari II. For the phrase for queen and god see Naville. mentioned on my p. 110. pl. 103. 132). n.f refers. There seem to be further traces of signs at the end of the inscription on the proper ? ). This also shows the absence of a horizontal attachment at the bottom. 288. n. 103a. 103 above.

23. n.¡-Pt¢. 8. 24.s (f.f-mwt. 26 ⁄n¡. n. 69. 25 ⁄t¡. 194 ⁄m-s∞r. 63 ⁄r¡-k£(.). 26. 61 ⁄w-n. Pl. 24. Pl.n-k£-Pt¢. 69. 75. 137.n-Ônmw (Stockholm Medelhavsmuseet 11415). 59. 206 ⁄w-n. comment n. 7 ⁄rt-Pt¢. 147. 38. 6.¡)-Pt¢. 70 ⁄mpy. 138. 97.)..¡) (f. verbs is omitted. n. 24 ⁄w. 129. n. and rejected readings by [*]. Fig.). 74 ™n∞-Ppy. 102.f-n(. Fig. n. 17. 129. 7 ⁄rt-Nfrtm (Copenhagen 5129). 73. 2. 64 ™n (m.¡)-m-Mn-nfr. 1.). 84.¡).¡). comment r. Fig. Pl. 33 ⁄r-k£(. 131. Pls. n. 14 ⁄n-¡t. 103. 24. 126. 204 ⁄y-mry. 48. 26 *⁄¡-n(.154). 1.j)-nn. 125. 108 ⁄npw-¢tp. 206 ⁄w-n.INDEX A. 231 ™£-Ìr (MMA 63. 5. 198. n. n. 61. 2 ⁄b¡ (MMA 68. 79 ™n∞-¡t. 90. Pl. 4.s.) (MMA 68. 14. n.) £∞¡ (Saqqara). Fig.14). 25 ⁄b-¡™ (MMA 63. 131.f )-nn. 219 ⁄ty.f.14).s-n(. 48. 138.154). 34.s.).n. (f.). 127 ™£-Ìt¢r. 59 243 .wy (MMA 63. 8 ™n∞w.f-¡t.5). 62 ⁄¡. 131.f. 1–2 ⁄¢y (Saqqara).154).f-n-™n∞ (f. 12. 113. Pl. 129. 138.]. 5. 129. 128. 67.¡). 14 ⁄t(. 25 ™n∞-Ppy-m-Mn-nfr. Fig. 68.s-n(.¡).9. 75.f-¡qr. 219 ⁄f¡ (f. 68.f. 203–204 ⁄¡-Nfrt. Pl. Personal Names (Feminine names are so indicated by the addition of [f. Pl. 131. 17. 26 ™£-Sbk. 8.). 33 *⁄rt (Saqqara). Pl. 8. n. 216 ⁄rw. 29.). Pl. 8 ⁄¢y-∞w. 39 ⁄b (Saqqara). 221 ⁄p¡ (MMA 28. 134. 24 ™n∞. 66 ⁄¡-flr-nfrt (Berlin 1204).14). n. n. 10 ⁄r. 69. 104 ⁄™y. 182 ⁄™t (f. Pl. 4. 4 *⁄w. 23 ⁄wt-n. Pl. 67 ⁄£m-Nt. 57 ™n∞(. 25 ⁄z¡ (Louvre C 164).) (Berlin 7779).s-¡t. 139. 17. Fig.¡)-nn. 189 ⁄£w-n(. 1. n. 4 ⁄pwt (f. 70 ⁄w.¡)-¡b(. Pl. 21.s (f. 90. 4. 14. 3. n. 38. nn. 84. 39 £∞-Nbty.f-n(. 36 ⁄¢y-n.¡). Pl. 50 ⁄rw-k£-Pt¢. 203–204 ⁄n-¡t. 61.154). 219 ⁄t(. 66 ⁄wn-Mnw.f. 48. 231 ⁄w. comment l. Pl.f-n-mwt. Pl. 83. 26 ⁄p (El Saff). n. 207. Fig. n.¡) (Saqqara).¡). 38. 14. 18 ⁄k (f. n.¡ (f. n. 23.14). Fig. 71. n. 139.) (MMA 68. 24. 1 ⁄nw (f. 104 ⁄¡-k£(. 4 ⁄p¡ (Berlin 7779). n. 139.¡)-Pt¢. 46a ⁄p¡ (Berlin 7779). f. 68. 205. n. Pl. 58 ⁄r.). 21. 34 *⁄¡-΢wty. 139. 227 ⁄m-n(. 39 ⁄wn-R™. n. n. 194 ⁄n (MMA 63. 67 ⁄£w-n-Pt¢. 3b *⁄r. 10. 71. 1. 73. 61.t (f. 10–11. 59. 60–61 ⁄¢y-m-†£w-Mryr™. 138. 182 ⁄w.). Also note that the weak ending of 3ae inf. 206. 60–61 ⁄∞∞¡ (Ónty-k£) (Saqqara). 112. n. 205. 39 ⁄wn-K£(. n. 57.¡)-΢wty. 62 ⁄£w-Pt¢. 23. 205. 149 ⁄n¡t-k£. 235. Pl. Fig. 73. n. 123 ™n∞wy-Pt¢. Pl. 24 ⁄t(. 1 ⁄z¡ (MMA 68.

n. 66. 24. 26 Mn-∂f£-Nfr¡rk£r™. comment b. 2b M¢w (Saqqara).¡-nswt. n. 26. 165 W¢m-k£.f-nb(. n. Fig. 227 Fdnw (Saqqara). 43–44. n. n.). 70 Mryt-¡t. 68.s-Ppy. 19 Wr-k£. 6 ™n∞-n(. 92. 19 Wr-n. Pl.). 138.14).182. nn.).f. 10–11.¡)-n†r(. 1–2 W£ß-k£.).). n. 74. 61. 38. 31. Pl. n.154). 74 ™n∞-n(. 12. Pl. 165 W£∂t-¢tpt(¡) (f. 14. 73. 164 W¢m-k£.(¡)-⁄mn. n. n. 68. 15 Ppy-mnw-nfr(?).f-¡t.¡)-¡t(. 34.14). 65. 65.). 7 ™n∞-Nbw. 1 ™n∞-n. 129. n.2. 65. 15. 4 ™n∞ty. 209 ™n∞-n[. n. 70 Wp-m-nfrt (Giza).14).f (Manchester 10780). 165 Wrt-k£ (f. 93.f. 8 ™n∞-Ìt¢r. Fig. 112.s. 22 W£¢-™n∞ ⁄n-¡t.6). 201. 73. n. 26 Wr-Ì™py.).f. 60 Mr-sy-™n∞ III (f. 89. 64. 65. 4 Ppy. 64 ™n∞-n. 64 Wsr-k£. Pl.244 INDEX B£k-n-Pt¢ (CG 1731). 129 P£-∞m(t)-nw (MMA 68. Pl. n.154). 56. n. 16 Mryr™. 3b B¡£ (Saqqara). 69 Mrr¡ (Dendera). n. 1. Pl. n. 131.(¡)-Sbk. 75. 63 *W™b-Bsw. 56. 76 Mn-k£. 165 ™ß£yt (f. 95.f. 7 Pt¢-∞™.). 101. 26 Mn-nfr-m-†£w(. 69 ™n∞-n-nb. n.).). n. 113. n. 53. 70 W™b-sw.?). 114. 12 B£k-n-Ônmw (Stockholm Medelhavsmuseet 11415). 19. 21. Hildesheim 2970).). 2 M£™ (CG 1707). n. 194 Mwt (f. 6. 139.f. 3.¡ (Giza. 129. 8 Mn-swt-¡t. 32 ™n∞-R™-∞™. 74 Ppy-nfr. 26. 4 Ípss-Pt¢. comment k. 13a Mr-sy-⁄¢¡ (f. 70 Mrt-¡t. Pl. 222 Wn¡ the Elder (Abydos).). 4 Mryr™-nfr.).). n. 180 Bw¡w (f. 11 ™n∞-¢£. 59 Ípss-Pt¢/⁄mpy (Saqqara). n. 65. n.). 31 W∞-¢tp (MMA 12.). 202. 25 Ppy. 131. 106. 74 Mry(t)-⁄f¡ (f. n. 39. 198 Wsr-N∞bt (f. Pl.) (MMA 68. 75. 60 ™n∞-m-†nnt. 9. n. 16. 2. n. 3. 75 [M]r[¡](?). n. n. 8 Wsr. n. 164–65 ™n∞t-k£ (f.f (Giza G 2011). 150 ™n∞-Pt¢. 163 B£qt(¡) (Saqqara). 82. 79 Wr-£∞ty. 60. 138. 86 ™n∞t-w¢m (f. 4. 165 W£ßt-k£ (f. 83 Wsr (f. 13 Mn¡ (Dendera).154). 129. n. n. 170 Wsr-k£w-R™∞™. 77 Mn-⁄¢y. 139. 65. 4. 16. 88 W£ß-Pt¢ ⁄s¡ (Copenhagen 5129). 65 Wsrt-k£w (f. 115. 139. n. 70 Mr-sy-Tt¡ (f. n. 62 Wr-Ìt¢r. 25 Bb¡. 79. 16. 67. Fig. 9 Mr-Pt¢-™n∞-Mryr™.154). 3a Mr-Tt¡ (Saqqara). Pl.f (Giza G 7948).¡).s-Mryr™. 66 Wsrt-k£ (f. 112. 69. 77 Mrr-w(.¡). 69 ™n∞-n. 39 . 60 Wsr-Ìt¢r-t (f. 131. 170 Pt¢-¢tp (or Ìtp-Pt¢) (MMA 04.¡) (Saqqara). 65 Wsr-k£w. 73. Pl. 74.¡)-k£(. Pl. 56. 70 Mkt-R™. 164 Mn†w-¢tp (MMA 63. 104.fy. 21–23. 65. 138.¡). Fig. 6.132). n.s (f. 50 M¡-n. 9.) (MMA 68.f-⁄npw. 2.s]-¡t. 5 Pt¢-¢tp (or Ìtp-Pt¢). 83. n. 26. 66. n. 8. 26 ™n∞-swt-NN (Berlin 7779). Fig. Pls. 35. 96. 61 Mny (MMA 63.) (Saqqara). Pl. 13 Pflr-nfrt. n. n. 22. 74 P¢-n-k£w.s (f. Fig. 66 *Pflrt-Nfrt. Rs¡ (MMA 63. 198. 65. 68. Fig. 13a Pt¢-∞™. 8. 64 ™n∞∞w (MMA 63. 11 ™n∞-n. 69 ™n∞-n. 92. 131. 127 Bb¡ (f. n. 139. Pl. 65. n. 25 Mn¡ (CG 1586). Pl.¡).

10–11. 57. 7 Ny-¡m£t-Pt¢. 232 Nfr (Edfu). n. 131.INDEX M†n (Saqqara).¡)-nbt(.¡)-Pt¢.). 16 Nfr-⁄npw-nb-Z¢-n†r. 55 Ny-sy-¢nwt. 57. n. 56.f. 63 Nb(. 57. 57. 110.).s. 56 *Ny-R™-m£™t. 36 Ny-ßpss-R™. 70 Nbw-¢r-∞nt (f. n. 6. 145 Ny-¡t(. n. 60. 67.¡)-Nbw. 227 Nfr-n£y. n.¡)-Ìp. 57 Ny-k£(. 70 Ny-™n∞-W£∂t. 1–2 Ny-k£w-Nt. n. 61 Nfr-™wy. 125.). 19 Nfrw (f. n. 134. 149 Nj-k£w (Saqqara). 75. Pl. 71. Fig. 57 Ny-™n∞-nswt.¡)-Tt. 57 *Nyt-™n∞-Ìt¢r (f. 55. 2 Ny-™n∞-Mry-R™-km. 12.). 26 Nb-t£wy-R™ (Mentuhotep). 70 *Ny-k£w. 4. n. 27. n.) (MMA 63. 139.s. 22. n.f. 23.¡)-Ìr. 8.) (CG 1682. 21 Nfr-M£™t. 58. 57 Ny-¢pt-R™. 8. n. 63. 23.¡). 61. 60 Ny-k£w-Pt¢ (Manchester 10780). 36 Ny-k£(. 63. 4 Ny-k£w-Nfrtm (Copenhagen 5129). 57. 40 Ny-nfrt-nswt (f. 37 Ny-k£(. 17 245 *Ny-sw-⁄¢y. 57 Ny-™n∞-Ônmw. 60 Ny-m£™t-n†r. n. 60 Ny-sy-nswt (f. 57 Ny-∞£swt-k£w. 186. 57 Ny-™n∞-Ss¡. 71 Ny-swt-Pt¢. 71. Pl. 58. n. 57 Ny-ßps-Pt¢. 68. 62. 7 *N¡. 26 Nbw-¢r-ß. n. 44 *Ny-¢tp-Pt¢. n. 55–60 Ny-nfrt-Mnw. 131. 57 Ny-Ìr-™n∞. 59 *Ny-Pt¢-k£w. 37 Ny-k£(.¡.). 67 Ny-¢zt-Ônmw(?). 55 Nyt-Nbty(?). 68. 108. 57.¡)-™n∞. n. 62.w). n. 64. n. 41.¡)-Ìr. 3a Ny-™n∞-NN (Giza G 2435). 61 Ny-sw-Ìr. n. 43. 74 Ny-™n∞-Pt¢. Pl. 14 Nfrw (f. 198 Nfr (f.) (Giza). n. 56 Ny-k£(. 28 Ny-™n∞-Ppy. 59 Ny-™n∞-Wsr-k£. 105 Nfr-¢r-n-Pt¢. 59 Ny-k£(. Pl. 227 Ny-™n∞-Mnw. 198. 60 *Ny-Pt¢-ßpss. 59 Ny-ßpss-nswt. 75 Nb-¢pt-R™ (Mentuhotep). 56 Ny-m£™t-R™. n. 70 Ny-™n∞-Tt. 75. n. 57 Ny-k£(. 35.¡)-R™. 139. 2. 36.) (Cairo J 55618). 58. 19. n. CG 1700). 215 Nfr-¢tp. 59. 89 Nb(. n. 75 Nbw-∞™. 58 Nfr-™n∞-t (f. Pl.). 57 Ny-™n∞-N∞bt (f. Pl. n. 44 Ny-∞£swt-nswt. 55 Ny-¢pt-Pt¢.¡]?). 71 Ny-™n∞-⁄f (f. 7 Ny-k£w-⁄npw (Oriental Institute 10621).154). 60 Ny-¢zt-Pt¢(?). 34 Ny-k£w-™n∞. n. Pls.¡)-¡m£(? ⁄m£-nb[. n. 59 Ny-Pt¢-k£w. 56. 97 Nfr (f. n. 56. 57. 96. 22 Ny-™n∞-N∞bt (f. n. 59 Ny-™n∞-Ppy-km. 159. n. 185.t-¢r(. 182.¡)-pw-M¢w. 69 Ny-k£(. 57 Ny-ßpss-Pt¢.). 7. 34. 40. 36.154). 57 Ny-™n∞-Ìr. 70 *Ny-Pt¢-™n∞.). 28 Ny-™n∞-N∞bt (f. 57 Ny-™n∞-Mn. n. 124. 37. 19 Nfr-Mnw. 58. 147 Ny-R™-wsr. n. n. 83 Nb-Swmnw (MMA 63. 64 Nfr-™nqt. 55. 75 Nbw-¢tpt(¡). 75. 67 *Ny-¢tp-wr. 107 . 34 Ny-∞wt-Pt¢. n. 60 Ny-sw-Wsrt. n. 57 Ny-™n∞-R™.) (Turin 1868). 68 Ny-sy-N∞bt (f. 22. 62 Nfr-⁄¢y. 68. 71 Ny-¡m£t (BM 65953). 59 Ny-k£w-Pt¢. 74 Ny-™n∞-Nfrtm (Strasbourg 2541A).). 57. 237 Nbw-∞ntt. 60 Ny-™n∞-Ìt¢r (f.).

10–11. n.154). n. n.). 131. n. 111 N-ksmm-k£(. 28. n. 138. 31. 29. 34. 129. 58. Pl. 25 Ìnw (CG 20138). 138. n.f. 108.f (?).¡) (Berlin-Charlottenburg 1/85).¡)-wr. 29 Ìzyt-Pt¢ (f. 165 Nfrt-wnn. 8. 9. 65 Nfrt-k£ (f.132).s (f.s (f.f. 40 Rn. 237 Ì£p-Ônmw (or Ônmw-¢£p(w)) (Stockholm Medelhavsmuseet 11415).¡)-Pt¢.).) (MMA 63. 19 Nfr-Sߣt.14).¡). n. 91 Ì™py-wr. 67 Ìzt-n-Ônmw (f. 147 Ì£-¡ßt.). 138.154). 138..154). n. 67 Ìq£-¡b (Aswan). Pl. n. 139.) (MMA 63. 1 Nnw. 223. n. 62 Nfr-Ìt¢r.¡)-B£. 65. 62 Ìtp-Pt¢ (or Pt¢-¢tp) (MMA 04.¡)-snb (m. 79 Ìtpwy-sy (f. Pl. n. 8. 83. 78 Ìtp-N∞bt (f. Fig. 56.). 17 Ìnn¡. 139. 67.182. 139 Nfr-k£. 31 N¢y (f.). 32. 26 Hy (Giza).2. nn. Pl.f (Saqqara). 26. n. 147. 22. Pl. Fig. 198 Ìzy-R™. 129. n. 5 Ìtp-Pt¢.) (MMA 68.). 32. 64 Ìzyt-Nbw (f.) (MMA 68. 160 Nn.154). 64 R™-wr (Giza). 61 N∞t-tp-nfr-⁄ntf.) (Medum).). 174. 63 Ìtp-Nbw. 26 *Rn.).. 9.2. 61.f (Aswan). 139. 206. SS. 26 N∞bw (Giza G 2381). 5. 64. 205. n.). 62.f-snb. 44. n. Pl.76). n. 60 Ìr-⁄n¢rt.) (Cairo J 55618). Pl. n. n. 139. Fig. 62 Ìtp-Nbty. 127.) (Saqqara). 60 Nfrtm. 63–64 Ìtp-n(. 130.). 64. 8 Ìpt-k£ (f. 61 Ìtp-Mnw. 63 Rn(. 71 Ìr-¢(w¡). 131. Pl. 56. 58. 25 Rn. Pl.14).).¡)-⁄mn) (MMA 63. 31. 103 Ìnwt-sn.).f-rs (MMA 63. 108. 241 *Ìr-nt. n. 115. 209. 5 N∂m-¡b (f.). 132. 226 Ìtp(?). 238 Nfrtm-m-z£.). 41b Rn-snb (MMA 68. 130. 2. 6. 43. 27. 39.). 126.14). 53. 173. n. 204 R™-¢tp. 75. 91 Ìwnt-k£ (f. 58. 64 Ìz-n-Pt¢ (m. 191.). 14 Hnn.¡). Pl. 5. 70 Nfr-k£-R™.¡)-Ônmw. 58. (MMA 68. 62 Ìtp-R™. n. n. 44 Ìtp-n(. Pl. Pl. 79 Nn¡ (f. 16 R™-w∂™. f. 103 N∞t. 129. 8. n. n. 65 Nfrt-k£w (f. 250 Nn-∞ft-k£(. n. n. 44 Ìtp-Nb(. Pls. 226 Ìz-£∞t. 61.6). 60. 22. 66 Nfr-k£w-km. Pl. 110. 21. 157. 58. 3b Nfrt-™n∞ (f. 16 Ìtp-¡b(. 12. 190. 158. 132 Rnn¡ (El Kab). 39. n. Fig. n. 80. 3. 67 Ìzt-n-Pt¢ (m. n. 134.s (f.. 165 Ìmt (f. 198 N∂m-Sߣt. 241 Nfrt-Ìt¢r (f. 64 Nfrt-s∂mt (f. 65. 222. 68. n. n. n. 184 Ìz¡ (f. 3b Ì™py-™£. 25 Rs (on market). Pl. 60 Ìtp-W£∂t.). 6 Ìtp-n(. 61 Ìtp-M£™t. 58 Ìtp-n(. 192. n. 63 Ìtp-⁄mn. Fig. Pl. 62 Nfr-sßm-Ppy/Snn¡ (Dendera). 250 Nn(¡). 129. 62. 61. 40. 65. 143. f. 36 . 129. 209. n.6).f. n. 219 Ìzt-£∞t (f. 79 Ìtp-B£. 220 N∞t-M£™t. 147 Nfr-¢tp.f (Copenhagen 5129). (Cambridge E. 131. 153. n. 67 Ìzt (f.14).¡) (MMA 04. 127. 1–2 Nfrt-n-¡t.).¡). 30 N∞bt-m-z£. 64. 15 Hnqw. 165 Ìpw (MMA 12. n. 3. 8. n.s-snb (f. 71 Ìr-∞w. 6 [Nfr]tm-∞™¡. 145. 44 Ìtp-n(. n. 44 Ìtp-n(. f. 63–64 Ìtp-Nfrt. 65. 65.). 64. 25 Rs¡ (Wr-n(.¡)-R™. 125. 68.246 INDEX Ì£t-ßps<wt> (f. 190.). 79. Pl. 205.). 63–64 Ìtpwy-Mn. 114. 131. n. n. 66 Nfrt (f. Pl.

138. 26 Ónzw-¢tp(w). Fig.). n. 204 *Z-n-™n∞. 23. 129. 23. 132 Ónsw-¡™. 15 Ìtp-S∞t. 61 Ôty. n. 62 Ìtp-Ônmw (Stockholm MM 11415). 114. 19 Ó™-k£w (f. 108.). 49. Fig.). 1–7. Pl.14). comment q. 203 Ówfw-™n∞ (Boston MFA 21. 4 Ów-΢wty(?). n. 23 Ónty-k£ (⁄∞∞¡) (Saqqara).). 221. 3b Ìtp-Sbk(?).154).f-¡b (f. Pl. Pl.f (BM 1324). 63 Ìtpy (Aswan). 50 S£¢w-R™. 26 Z£t-t∞ (f. 38. 110. 63–64 Ìtp-Sߣt. 23 St-k£. 134. n. 125. 75 Ó™-M£™t. Pl.. 212. n.) (MMA 63. Pl. 51 Ówfw-∞™. 16 Ów (f. n. 12 Ìtp-¢r-nbty. 222 Ónw (Saqqara false door). 108.14). 25 Ó™-k£w-R™ (m. 24 Ów¡ (Berlin 7779).s (f. 62 Ìtp-Z†t.¡). Pl. 62. 1. 131. 21. 65 Óntyt-k£ (f. 138. 112. 113. 64 Ó™-mrr-mbty. 127 Sbk-¢tp.n-Ìt¢r. 17. n. n. 129. Pl. 23. 368 *St-™n∞. n. 21 Sbn(?). 63–64 Ìtp-Zpt. 21 *Snb-d¡-sw. 149. 8 Snn¡ (Dendera). 63 Ônmw-¢tp (f. n. 70 Ónsw (= Ónsw-¡™. 138. n. 203 Sm∞-sn. 6. 65 Sw∂£-k£(. 204 *Z£t-΢wty (f. 65 *Swt-™n∞. Pl. 51. 21. n. 137. 227 Z-n-¢tp-k£(?). 139. nn. 23 Swt-k£w.).) (MMA 68.f (BM 1324).. 8. 130 Ó™-b£w-Pt¢. 75 Ó™-b£w-Zkr.f-¡b) (f. 125. 63. 131. 399 Ìtp-Ônmw (or Ônmw-Ìtp) (MMA 68. 39 Ónty-k£. 63 Ìtp-k£(.) (MMA 63. 12.).f (stela).). 139. 57. 61 Z£-rnpwt (Aswan). 139. n.INDEX Ìtp-¢r-£∞ty (Leiden).). 240 Snw. Pl. Pl. Fig. 89 Z£t-⁄mn (f.¡) (Giza). Pl. n. 131. 71 Ìtp-k£-R™. (MMA 68.14). 128.f I. 65 Ônmw-¢£p(w) (or Ì£p-Ônmw) (Stockholm Medelhavsmuseet 11415).). f. Pl. Giza). 112. 205 Z£-⁄mn. 16.¡)-snb (f. 1–6 Ónty-k£ (Saqqara mastaba. 25 Snb-Rn(. Fig. 139 . 113.. 2. n. 16 Ìtp-S∞mt. 57. 188. 56 S™n∞. 226. Fig. 127 Sn¡. 62. Saqqara). 4 Z£-£st.). Figs. 63 Snfrw-∞™¡. 182. 127 Z£t-k£-⁄wnw (f. 2c. 125. 26 Snbtysy (f. 25 Ìtp-Ônmw (? f. 1 Ìtp-¢r. 131. 21 Sbk-™£¡. 49.¡). 70. 151. 14. 2 Z†t-¢tp-¡. 8a.154). 8 Snfrw-¢tp. 63–64 Ìtp-Ìt¢r. 151 Ó™-⁄npw. Pl. 24. n. 63. 26 Znt (f. 21 Snfrw-b£.).). 130. below Room III). 13. 126. 8. 6 Z£t-Sbk (f. 149 [Z]†w (Saqqara). 226.154). 180 Snb (f. Pl.154). 75. 55 Z£t-Nfrtm (f. 1–2 Ónty-k£ (funerary priest. 129. 139. 189 Ôry-™wy. 61 Z£-n-mwt. 64 S£b.14). Pl. 22 S™n∞-k£-r™ S∞m-k£-r™. 70 *Snb-Dd¡. n.3081). n. 19 Ônmt (f. Pl. 134. 57. n. 191. n. 25 Z£-n-¡t. Fig. 149. Pl. 63–64 Ìtp-Q¡sy.f. 58 Ôrd-n(.) (MMA 63. n.). 110. 100. 399 Ónt-swt-Ìt¢r. Pl.f. 221 Z£-Ízmtt. 108 Snb (m.). 12. 187. 64 Ó™. 75 Ó™-b£w-Ìt¢r. Pl.). 3b 247 Ônmw-¢tp. 42. 21. 104. 106. 150 Ìtp-Ìqt. 131. 112.) (MMA 63. 125. 63. 68 Ìtp-Ônmw. 63. 91. 134. 63–64 Ìtp-Ónzw. Pl. 71 Znt (f. 226 Ìtpt¡. 126 Snb-Dd¡-m£™-∞rw (f. 62. 71. 138.) (MMA 68.). 129. 134. f. 8.

4 Q£r (Edfu).f (Saqqara). n. 108. 26 Dd-snb(w). 14. 65 K£(. comment p.2.¡)-Ìr.¡). 79 *Dng. SS. 202. comment j. n. 27. n. 64 *Dmg. 79 Dr-sn∂.76). 20.¡)-wsr. 13a. 103 Dd¡ (m.¡)-ny-nbty. 56 K£(.f.¡)-¢(w)¡. 24. 65. 58 K£(. comment o. 58 K£(. 129. 18 T™£.¡)-db¢.f . 182. 114 Q£-swt-Ìt¢r. 236. 2 K£(. 79. 164 K£(. 77. 68 Dw£t-Nbw (f.¡)-∞nt. n. n. 67 Dw£-n(. Pl. 16. 62. 1. 53. 21. 203 […]-∞™¡. Pl. 204 ΢wty-n∞t.n(. 61. 1–2 S∞m-Ìt¢r. 165 Ípss-k£w. 10–11. 104. 214. 21. 182 Qd-ns (CG 1484 g). 59. 3. 79 *΢wty-w∂™. 18 K£(.¡)-R™.s. 138. 4 Ípss-Pt¢ (Cambridge E.¡)-m-†nnt. 41 Q£-™. 77 Q£-Pt¢. 222 K£(. 39. 4 Sßm-nfr II (Giza). 205. n. 8. 2. 220 Îf¡. 77 *S∞m-™n∞ (Saqqara). 2. 16 . 14. 201. 31. 1. 219 Tt¡ (MMA 68.¡)-m-Ó™-nfr-Mrnr™.76). 96.¡) (Giza). 77. 61. 1.). 22. n. 16. 23. 21 Êtw (Saqqara).¡)-ny-Nbw. 38. n. 71. 109. 59 Ípss-Pt¢. 70 Dw£-n(. 65.¡)-Ì™py. 7 Snnw. 58 K£(. 26. n. 67 Dw£-t¡-Snfrw. 65. 38. 139. 127 Ddw-sbk (MMA 63. n. 94–95. n. 24.14).). 63 S†t.¡)-nfr. 25 Tt¡-¡qr (Saqqara). 23 Q£-s∞m-R™. n. 50 K£(. n. 72 K£(. 204 T-¡¡(w). 229. 5 Êzt (f.¡)-w¢m. 79 *Dng.¡)-gm. 38.¡)-ny-¡t.). 59 Ípss-Pt¢ (Berlin 7779). 8 K£(.¡)-mn¡. 83 *Dmg. 1 D£g¡. n. 64 Dw£t-Ìt¢r (f. 65.¡)-ny-nb. 26.¡)-m-nfrt (Giza). n. Pl. 65 K£(. 101. Pl. 61. 58 K£(. Pl. 35 Ênt¡ (MMA 04.) (Cambridge E. 64 Ípss-k£. 13b Skr-¢tp.248 INDEX K£(. 132 D¡-sw-Snb. 220 Q£-⁄¢y.¡). 202. 204 T¡-nt-Nbw (f. 16 K£(. 67. 24. Pl. 127 Dd¡-snb(w). n. 14. 79. 127 Îf£(. n. 165 Ípsst-k£w (f. n. 65. 56. 41 Q£r (Berlin 7779). n. 77 Qr¡ (Hatnub). 51. 4 Êy (Saqqara). 2 Êtt¡ (Saqqara). Pl.154). Fig. 220 Êt¡ (Aswan).¡) (Saqqara). Pl. nn.¡)-w™b. 164 *K£(. Fig. 47 Snn∂m. 56 K£(. 165 Ípst-Nbty (f. 60 Ípss. 139. Fig. 14. 77 Ê£wt¡ (Qasr es-Sayad).¡)-ny-™n∞. Fig. 9. 69 D£g. 65. 205.. 133.¡)-pw-R™ (Philadelphia). 67 Dw£-n(. 15. 70 K£(. 7 S∞m-™n∞-Nfrtm (Copenhagen 5129). 64 Sßm-nfr (Berlin 7779).154).) (MMA 63. n.¡)-™n∞. 203 ΢wty-¢tp(?). n. n.¡)-w∂-™n∞(. f. 26 *Tf-∞£j. Pl. 131. 8. Pls. n. n. 234 Q£-b£w. 205. 80. 16. 164 K£(. 205. 13–29. 74 K£(.f.). 15 Ê£wt¡ (Dendera). 41 Q£-M£™t. 28. 64 Ín™y ( J 49803). n. 110.f. 7 S∞m-™n∞-Pt¢. 126. 220 Ípss-Ìt¢r. 151 Sn-n∂sw-¡ (Dendera).). Fig. 91.6). 65 K£(. 77.n(. Fig. 58 K£(.¡)-m-Nfr-k£w. n. 131. n. Pl. SS. 17. n.¡)-ny-nswt.¡)-nfr (BM 1324).

“overseer of the two workshops. “steward and under-supervisor of the household. 235. Fig. Pl. Fig. 39. 2 (78 [h]). 45 ¡my-r pr. 3. 6. “overseer of the troop(s). 5 [¡my-r pr-¢∂ n] R™-∂d. 40. “gentle of hand”(?). Pl. 24. 84. 6 ¡m£∞. 35. Pl. 110. 85.” 30. 14 *¡my-r wpt z£(w)-pr. Pl. 4.” 30. ¡my-∞t (pr). 39. 19. 2. 34. 2. “overseer of the king’s domain.” 46. 41. 34 ¡my-r w™bty.” 19. 219. 434.” 46. n. “overseer of priests. 29. “revered and justified. “senior pillar of Anubis. 29.f. “pillar of the Knmt. 25. “overseer of the two bureaus of the house of documents. 5 ¡my-r prwy nbw.” 205. Fig. n. 10 ¡my-r w™bt. Pl. Fig. 1.” 49. 4. 83. 4 ¡p †zt m prwy. n. “one who takes stock of troops of men and cattle in the two houses. Pl. n. Pl. 40. “overseer of commissions of police. 85.” 30. “[overseer of the treasury] for Cheops. 5 ¡my-r ¡zwy pr m∂£t. Occupations and Selected Epithets £wt-™wy. “overseer of the two bureaus 249 of those in charge of reversion offerings.” 51–52 ¡my-r ¡zwy flry ∞tmt. qb¢w.” 20. 234. “overseer of the two chambers of the king’s regalia. 6.” 28. Pl. 30. 4 ¡my-r mß™. 4.” 14. n. “revered condition. “revered. 108. n.” 52 ¡my-r ¡zwy mrt. 108. 5 [¡my-r pr-¢∂] n Ówfw. 17. “overseer of fowlers. Pl. 26. 10a ¡my-r ™wy zmywt nb. “overseer of the two bureaus of the registry of royal decrees. n. Pl. Fig. 6 ¡my-¡b Ìr nb t£wy. 18.” 18. 134. 196.” 20. 21 ¡p ™wy zmywt. 43 ¡my-r ¢m(w)-n†r. 1. “overseer of the house of gold. “overseer of the two bureaus of serfs. “senior pillar of Anubis who belongs to the divine booth. 226 ¡my-r ™w(w). “overseer of confectioners. n. 6. 46a ¡m£∞y. 218 ¡m£∞w m£™-∞rw.” 2 ¡my-r pr-¢∂.” 193–201. 20. Pl. 90. 17. 322 ¡b£t/wb£(y)t. 39.” 19 ¡my-r w¢™(w). 16 ¡my-r pr. 2.” 32 *¡my-r ™pr. n. 45.” 32. Fig. 43 ¡my-r pr-nswt. Pl.” 18. n. 238 ¡m£∞ ∞r. Fig. 25 ¡m£∞y m ßmsw Skr. 10a ¡my-r ¢wt-nbw. “overseer of two treasuries. 190. “overseer of the two bureaus of the registry of serfs. n. 211 ¡my-r ¡my-∞t ∞nty(w)-ß pr-™£. 237 ⁄£m-™.” 14. Fig. “overseer of the army. n.” 32. Pl. “pillar of Upper Egypt. “attendant of the ruler’s table. “revered with.” 84. “overseer.” 32. 38. 23. 52 ¡my-r ¡zwy (n) flkrw nswt. 67. n. 218. 180 (partial) [¡p] ™wy sp£wt Ônw-N∞n ¡pwt.” 158 ¡my-r. “[overseer of the treasury for] Redjedef. n.” 30. 38.” 84. Pl. “overseer of the mansion of gold. 35. Pl.” 18. “overseer of the two houses of gold.” 20.INDEX B. “overseer of the treasury. Pl. ߣw. 44. 48 ¡wn smsw ⁄npw z¢y-n†r. 5.” 52 ¡my-r ¡zwy pr ¢ry(w) w∂b. “one who takes stock of the production of the deserts. 38. Pl. 181.” 130. “who takes stock of the production of Upper and Lower Egypt and all foreign lands. Pl.” 51–52 ¡my-r ¡zwt. 40. 34. 230. “maidservant. 48 *¡wnw Ím™w. 28. 169. 23 ¡my-r ¡z [n flkrt nswt]. 40.” 32. 44.” 4.” 51. Pl.” 14.” 81. 164 ¡m£∞w ∞r nswt. “steward. 220. 186 £†w n Êt ¢q£. 25 ¡my-r bnr(w). 9 . 126.” 18 ¡my-r pr nbw.” 32. 207. Fig. Pl. Titles.” 32. “revered with the king. n.” 81. “one who assessed the production of the nomes of southern Upper Egypt which were to be assessed(?). 20–21 (i). 34 ¡my-r prwy-¢∂. 180 ¡my-r ™bw-r nswt. “overseer of the two bureaus of the registry.” 158 ¡m£∞w. “overseer of the king’s repast.” 195. “revered with the lord of the two lands. 39. 4. 39. marshlands and heaven.” 18.” 18.” 105 ¡m£∞y ∞r nb t£wy. 110. Fig. lord of the two lands. n. 2 ¡wn smsw ⁄npw.” 125. 138.” 51–52 ¡my-r ¡zwy flry ∞tmt mrt. 82. 1. n. 40. 4. 90. “wide of wings” (epithet of Nekhbet). “overseer of the chamber [of the king’s regalia]. 33. 80. “revered. “overseer of the king’s repast. Fig. 20 ¡p ™wy Ím™w T£-m¢w ∞£swt nbt. Pl.” 20. “revered as a follower of Sokar. which heaven gives and earth creates. 89. Fig. 16. “overseer of foreign mercenaries.” 218 ¡wnw Knmt. “overseer of the produce of all the deserts. “overseer and under-supervisor of tenant landholders of the palace. n. 12. “overseer of fowling/fishing. n. n. 129. 117 ¡my-r ¡zwy nw flry ∞tmt ™ nswt. “who is in the heart of Horus. n. Pl. 24. 1. n. “overseer of the workshop. 14 ¡my-r w¢™t. 6 ¡my-r ™bw-r nswt n ddw pt qm£t.

Fig. 4. “under-supervisor of directors of the army. 25. “under-supervisor of craftsmen of the palace.” 108. “one who acts with his two hands. “under-supervisor. 38. Pl. 72 ¡my ∂srw Ìr stp-z£. n.” “keeper. n. “functionary of the granary.” 24 ¡my-st-™ n ßnwt. “overseer of sealbearers. n. 153 ¡my-r ßn™. “overseer of linen of the house. (and for the Pyramid) Mn-swt-Nywsrr™. 19.” 17. 1.” 181 ¡r ¢zzt nb. “who does what his lord praises. 8. 1. “under-supervisor of police.” 216 ¡my-∞t ¢ry(w)-pr. “overseer of stores. 216 ¡my-r sßr pr. 25. 153 ¡r ¢zt nb.” 33 ¡my-∞t. “overseer of everything that heaven gives and earth creates. “functionary. Fig.” 51–52 ¡my-r zßw flry ∞tmt ™ nswt. 4. 38. 1.” 51–52 ¡my-r flry ∞tmt n ™ nswt n pr-™£ n mrt n £¢t.f. “overseer of scribes of the two workshops. 25. “who does what his lord praises. 25. 4 ¡my-r zßw prwy-¢∂. Pl. 146. 1. 129.” 230 ¡myt-r flkrw.” 20.” 14. n. 37.” 14. n. “overseer of tenant landholders. n.” 4 ¡my-r ∞tmtyw.f. “keeper of (manufactured) production. 37.” 17 ¡my-∞t flnw ¡zt. “he who is in the splendor of Horus.” 219 ¡ry. “overseer of scribes of the two houses of gold.” 14. 1.” 193 ¡my-r st¡(w) nbw flkrw nswt.” 210.” 4 ¡my-r ∞tmt T£-wr.” 21 ¡r m ™wy. 238. “overseer of the milk herd.” 193.” 26 ¡my-st-™ ∞nt-ß.f. 4 *¡my-∞t r-pr. “overseer of regalia. 24. 4 ¡my-r zßw flry ∞tmt. “overseer of scribes of the registry. “overseer(?) of the nomes of Ôn-N∞n. 18 ¡my-∞t pr-¢∂. n. 18. “overseer of the eastern deserts.” 32 ¡my-r ∞tmt. 38. 146 ¡my-r st¡(w)-nbw. 178.” 3. 38. “overseer of scribes of the registry of royal decrees.” 237 ¡my-∞t z£(w)-pr.” 20. bodyguard. “functionary of tenant-landholdings of the palace.” 14. Pl. 15. 18. Fig. 4. “overseer of the treasure of the Thinite Nome. “overseer of scribes of the two treasuries. “functionary of tenant-landholdings. 4 ¡my-st-™ ∞nt-ß pr-™£.” 18. “functionary.” 192.” 2 (79 [e]). 23 ¡my-∞t ¢mwt pr-™£. Fig. “overseer of the registry of royal documents of the palace for serfs and for fields.” or “of (agricultural) produce. Pl. 19. 20. 46a ¡my-r qd(w) n w™bt.f.” 24. “overseer of the treasury. 1. Fig. “overseer of the treasure in the entire land. Pl. n. Pl. 319 ¡my-r ßn†wt. “those in the ground/land. “under-supervisor of the temple.” 51–52 ¡my-r swt ßpst pr-™£.” 37 *¡ry ™wy st¡(w).” 17. “custodian.” 34 ¡my-r zmywt ¡£btt. 235. 35. “overseer of necklace-stringers. 38 ¡my-[r] sp£wt Ôn-N∞n. .” 50 ¡my-r flrt-™ n nswt pr-™£ n mrt n £¢t. Pl.” 64. 46 ¡my-r sßr. 2 ¡nn ∞rt ∞£swt rsyt m¢tt n nswt. “overseer of builders of the workshop. 5. 5 ¡ry ™wy Tp-∞pß(?). 207. “overseer of necklacestringers of the king’s regalia. 106.” 14. 4 ¡my-r zßw prwy-nbw. 179 ¡ry ™wy.” 24.250 INDEX 208. Fig.” 216 ¡my-r sßrt. 6. n. n. n.” 19 ¡my-r †zt. 25. 138. 29.” 17. “undersupervisor of the treasury who takes stock of the production of Upper and Lower Egypt and all foreign lands.” 2 (79 [d]). n.” 21. “overseer of directors of recruits. 1. n. 44. 25. Pl.” 104 ¡myw-t£. n. 181 ¡my-st-™wy. 25. 44. Pl. “keeper of produce/production of the Letopolite nome (for) Re in (the sun temple) Ízp-¡b-R™. Fig. 4 ¡my-∞t pr-¢∂ ¡p ™wy Ím™w T£-M¢w ∞£swt nbw.” ¡my-r ∞ntyw-ß. 21 ¡my-r ∞t nbt ddt pt qm£t t£. “overseer of the registry of royal decrees of the great house for serfs and for fields. n. 239. Fig. 5. “one who brings back the produce of the southern and northern lands for the king. 5 ¡my-r ∞tmt m t£ r ∂r. 17. 38. “overseer of linen. “overseer of the registry. 3.” 2 (79 [h]). “under-supervisor of major-domos. 25 ¡my-st-™. Fig. (meaning uncertain). “overseer of scribes of the two chambers of the king’s regalia. 3.” 219.” 51–52 ¡my-r flry s∂£t.” 14. 177.” 18. 4 ¡my-r zßw w™bty.” 227 ¡my-r ∞rpw n nfrw. 34. 11.” 14. 38. 38. Fig.” 214 ¡my-∞t ∞rpw n mß™. “overseer of the herd. 211 ¡my-r zßw ¡zwy flkrw nswt. 104. “overseer of the august places of the palace. “keeper of the production of jewelers. “overseer of sealers/treasurers. 21 ¡my-r ∞rp(w) zß(w). n. n. Pl. 25 ¡my-r flry ∞tmt.” 238 ¡n™t. “overseer of disputes. n. “overseer of directors of scribes. “under-supervisor of the treasury. “under-supervisor of those who are within the palace(?).

” 103. “great of Upper Egyptian grain.” 132 w∂™ mdw m h£yt. “regulator of a phyle. 26 m£t Ìr. Pl.” 159 p∂ty. Pl. Pl. 227 mdw r∞yt.. 16 ¡ry-p™t. 139. Pl. Pl. 35. “king of Lower Egypt. 51 … m£™…. “warrior. Fig.” 22. n. “his beloved. “w™b-priest of the 200 of Mn-nfrPpy. 153 ms. “bowman. n. “w™b-priest of the 200 of the palace. 9 ¡ry m∂£(w)t.” 32.” 125. 21 wn r hrw n mdt nb ∞pß r™ n ™¢£.” 3. 36 wr m∂w Ím™w. 26.” 177 mn¡w/z£w N∞n. 89. 12 *¡ry-N∞n.” 5.” 23. “w™b-priest of Hathor. “abounding in brilliant objects”).” 21 m££ k£t.” 87 mry ¡t.” 36 p¢rr. 3. 127. 138. n. n. 153 ¡qr n∂t-r m ¢b n Ên¡.” 129. n. Pl.” 31. Pl.” 200.” 36 wr ∂¢™.” 45. n. n. 15 w™b ™£. “w™b-priest of the 200. 110. 47 wb£(y)t/¡b£t. 139. 6. “his child of the funerary estate. 25 w™ wr(w) ¢b. 132.” 177–79 mn¡w nfr. n. “she who beholds Horus. 21 w™b nswt.” 108. 2.” 105 m££ ™wy M¢w Ím™w. “he who is beloved of the two ladies.” 112. 134. Pl. “herdsman.” 125.” 218 *wr ¢mww(t). 3 ¡qr s∞r.” 131. “w™b-priest of Re. 128. “attendant. “staff of the commoners. 238 wr ßm™w. easy of gait.” 189 mrwty.” 36 wr bzt.” 50 ¡rr ¢zzt nb t£wy.” 238 *wr ¢mww(t) nb. Pl. “beloved of his father. 26.” 230 b¡ty.e.” 214. “who supervises the production of Lower and Upper Egypt. 70 ¡ry ∞tmt. 2 ™¢™.” 36 wrt-¢zt. “good herdsman (royal epithet).INDEX 37. 133. 134. “custodian of property of the treasury. 82. 139.). n.” 125. Pl.” 64.” 87 ¡dnw. “supervisor of works. n.” 8.” 2 (79 [k]).f ∂t. 152 m£™t-∞rw.” 44 mn™t. 126. 89.” 44–45 ¡ry ¢£t-nfr m st nt nswt. n.” 31 mty n z£. 25.” 193. 85. Pl. mistress of Dendera. 71 mry (n) ¡t.” 178. “warrior who defends Wepwawet. 40. 25.” 103. 236. “greatest of the directors of craftsmen of Unas. “great of bzt” (i. “justified (f. 60 mn∞ s∞r. possessor of a (strong) arm on the day of fighting. Fig. “w™b-priest of the king. 35. 45. “great of incense.f.” 238 wr-∞rp(w)-¢mwt n Wn¡s. 3.” 31 msw. nst ∞ntyt. Pl. 126.” 47 wdpw. “keeper of what is sealed. 134. 21. “greatest of the tens of Upper 251 Egypt. 26 (See D(6) the servant Rn(.” 159 ¡rr ¢zzt ¢zz sw. “great of praise. “great w™b-priest. “wr-scepter of the craftsmen. 139. 19 m¢nk nswt. Pl. “keeper of the diadem in the place (storeroom?) of the king. adhering to the ways of the lord of the two lands. Fig. 131. “his children of the funerary estate. a m£™-∞rw.” 126. 24. 9 mrt. 3. 9 mry Nbty. 4. 24 mrrw sn[w. 26 ™¢£. 138.” 221 [¡rt] ¢zzt Ìt¢r.” 33. 137. “keeper of Nekhen. “whose excellence was seen by the lord of the two lands.” 82. n. pl.f].” 159 mn¡w. “wr-scepter of all craftsmen.” 79. “embalmer. 6 . n. Fig. “hereditary prince.” 21 ¡ry-∞t pr-¢∂. “herdsman/guardian of Nekhen. “his children and brothers of the funerary estate. “stalwart of the town. “warrior.” 44. n.f snw ∂t. 139. 83.” 127. n. 3 w™b 200 pr-™£. 15 w™b 200 Mn-nfr-Ppy. n. “who does what Hathor praises.” 219 w¢™.” 28 w™b 200. 131. 137. Pl. 6.” 131.f nw ∂t. 215 w™b R™. 2 ™¢£ n∂ Wpw£wt.” 21. “beloved. 127. “Osiris” (as epithet).” “warrior and defender of Wepwawet. “who does what is praised by him who praises him.” 87 wr ¡dt. 234 wt. “servant.f. Pl. “butler. n. “efficient of counsel. 82. “great of leather. 16 ™mt. “… true….” 182 Ws¡r. 5 *¡ry P nb. Fig.” 34. 130. “who does what the lord of the two lands praises. Fig. Pl. 34. n.f.¡)-snb) ™n∞ n n¡wt. “maidservant. 212.” 3. “fowler. 33 w™b n Ìt¢r. “whom [his] broth[ers] loved. “rewarded by the king. of preëminent seat. “deputy. 4. 129. “firm of sandal.” 31 *msw. “runner. “I was excellent of counsel in the council of Thinis.” 48. 5. “keeper of documents. Fig. Fig.f. Pl. 1 mn †bwt hr ¡wt m∂d w£wt nt nb t£wy.” 32. Fig. “justified. “unique one of the greatest of the festival. “excellent of counsel. 40. “keeper of every Butite. “nurse. “one who judges in the court. 131. 71.” 103 ™¢£ty. 16 ptr n nb t£wy ¡qr. 113. “beloved of his father. 126.” 103. nbt ⁄wnt. 89. “who is open of mouth on the day of speech. Pl.

” 8–9.” 230 r P nb. Pl.” 47. 125. 24 r∞ nswt. 190 ¢ry-sßt£. “tally man.” 34. 193. 4.f. Swt. 214 nb ¡m£∞. 125. 132. 43. 276 ¢ry (n) pr n pr-™£.” 47. “priest of the pyramid ‘the places. “who belongs to the heart of his god. “possessor of reverence of the lord of the two lands. 26 nb ¡m£™∞ n nb t£wy. Pl. n. 218 ¢m-n†r R™ m N∞n-R™.” 32. Pl. “lord of the east” (epithet of Sopdu). “king’s acquaintance” (f. Fig.” 131.” 237 ¢m(t)-n†r Ìt¢r. “possessor of reverence with his god. “true acquaintance of the king. “priest of the seal(?). 147 *nfrtj. Pl.” 31 ¢ry pr.” 32. Pl. “priest of Anubis. 33. Fig. 6. “king’s acquaintance of the palace. 45 r N∞n. 49 ¢m-n†r ∞tm(?). . “major-domo of the palace. . “king’s wife. 236.” 159 ¢ry-sßt£(w) n n†r. n.” 17 r∞ nswt m£™. “privy to the secret of the house of morning. a nb ¡m£∞ ∞r n†r. 131.” 4. he of the divine booth.” 159 n∞t-∞rw. “king’s acquaintance and under-supervisor.” 44. . 427 n∞t-∞rw z£b. 21. 3 ¢ry-sßt£ n nb t£wy. n.” 182. “count. . 46a ¢mww. “whose authority was granted by the lord of the two lands. Pl. Pl. “lord of the sacred land. n.” 7 n¢b n nb t£wy k£. 26 rd¡ n nb t£wy f£w. “supervisor of the robing room. 6 ny ¡b n†r.” 226 ¢mt-nswt. 48 *¢m-n†r ⁄npw z¢-n†r W£∂†.” 14. Fig. Fig. “lord of the thrones of the two lands” (epithet of Amun-Re). 2. “mouth of every Butite. “lord of eternity” (Osiris). 25. n.” 84. “major-domo. 25. 10.f. Fig.” 131. 9 ¢ry-sßt£(w) n Pt¢. “priest of the cushion. 26 nfrwt. 28 ¢m-n†r ⁄npw z¢y-n†r. “priestess of Hathor. n. “priest of Sahure. “beautiful ones. “supervisor of the tm. 40. Pl. n.” 200.” 214. 4 nb t£wy.” 64. 13 nbt pr. 47. “foremost(?) funerary priest. “priest of Wadjet.” 214. 84. n. 236. “privy to the secret of. “priest. “major-domo of the robing room.” 19 ¢m-n†r. . 106. 128.). 137. “funerary priest. 158. 90. Pl. “priest of Maat. “possessor of reverence. n. “craftsmen.” 218 r∞ nswt ¡my-∞t. 26 ¢ry n pr. “lord of eternity.” 159 nb ¡m£∞ ∞[r] ¡t. 35. 158.’” 76 *¢m-n†r ßmswt. “mistress of the house. Fig. n. 49. 15 r∞ nswt n pr-™£. 28 ¢ry-sßt£ n mdw-n†r. “privy to the secret of the god’s word.” 64. 235. 8.” 214.252 INDEX ¢£ty-™. 230 n∞t-∞rw ¢wt-wrt. “whose k£ was provided by the lord of the two lands. Fig.” 18. “priest of Re in (the sun temple of Userkaf) N∞n-R™.” 230. 2. 35. 173. 23. 157. Pl. 28 nb ¡£btt.” 46. “priest of the divine booth of Anubis in Aphroditopolis. n.” 2 (79 [i]).” 129. “mouth of Nekhen. 134. n. 125. “privy to the secret(s) of his god. pl.” 131. 173.” 46.f.. 15 nb nswt t£wy.” 6. pl. 106. n. “tally man of the judiciary. “major-domo. “commander of the king’s scribes. Pl. 28 m∂¢ zß(w) nswt.” 214. 147 nfrt flkr(wt). n. 139. “king’s acquaintance and inspector of the palace. 47 r∞ nswt s¢∂ pr-™£. 139. 4 ¢m-n†r. “most beautiful of ornaments. 26. 40 nb ∂t. Pl. 40. 47 ¢ry n tm. “his wife. 83. 90. the daughter of the funerary estate. 127.” 104. 48 ¢m-n†r W£∂t. Pl. 10 ¢mt.f.f. “privy to the secrets of Ptah.f. Pl.” *45. 1. 157.f z£t ∂t.” 157.” 34. “craftsmen. 139. Pl. 2. 173. Pl. 21.” 214 ¢ry n pr ∂b£t. 24 r∞t nswt. Pl.” 123. 134. 131. “lord of the gods” (epithet of Amun). 40 nb n†rw.” 159 ¢ry-sßt£ n pr-dw£t. 49 ¢m-n†r M£™t.” 20 ¢ry-sßt£ n ™bw-r nswt m †s w∂¢w nb t£wy. 138. 47 nb n¢¢. 40 nb t£ ∂sr. 39 ¢m-k£ ¢ry ∞nt. “baker.” 48. 4 ¢m-n†r Ìr ⁄npw ∞nty pr ßmswt. “privy to the secret. 21. 139. Pl.” 179. “tally man of the lawcourt. Pl. 236. “king’s acquaintance. 139.” 214 ¢ry-sßt£. 25. 49 ¢mwt. “who has to do with the throat (in slaughtering).” 47.” 9 ¢m-n†r S£¢w-R™. 238 [rt¢]. 207. “privy to the secret of the king’s repast as the one who arranges the tables of the lord of the two lands. Pl. 134.” 43–45. Pl. “priest of Horus-Anubis who presides over the House of the Retinue. 38. “lord of the two lands. Pl. “possessor of reverence with his father. Pl. 138. 26 *¢ry n ∂b£t. 101. 85. n.ty(?). “privy to the secret of the lord of the two lands.” 159 .” 104. 129. 4.” 2 (79 [f]). n.” 1 (78 [a]).” 9 ¢m-k£.

104 ¢q£w ¢ryw tp-dßrt. 50. 127. n. 84. 186 ¢q£. 236. 50 ∞rp ¡zt ⁄npw z¢t-n†r. “bearer of milk bottles. 35.” 127 flry-¢bt n Ìt¢r nbt ⁄wnt.” 45. 236.” 86 ¢q£ ∂t. “chief.” 189 flry-™ ∞rp z¢.f.” 32. “director of the troop(?) of Anubis.E. Fig. “director of necklace-stringers and director of gold. “lector priest of Hathor. 97. 16 ∞rp ¡zt ⁄npw “director of the troop(?) of Anubis. 137.” 21.” “deceased. n.” 17.” 207. 4. 9 ¢zw mwt.” 33.” 218.” (title of rank). Fig. 21 ∞rp z¢. 22 flry-¢bt. “overlord of lector priests. n. n. 38.” 1 (79 [b]). “overlord of El Kab. “overlord of clothing. Fig. 88.” 3 ∞tmty n Ê£ty ™n∞w. “one who presides over the ornaments of the dancers of the Great house. “great overlord of Upper Egypt. 3. “director of gold.” 14. “senior lector priest of the robing room. nomarch. “who presides over Karnak in Thebes” (epithet of Amun-Re). 2. 90. 12 flry mhrw. “praised of his mother.” 21 ∞nty z¢-n†r.” 189 flnmt nfr-¢∂t.” “percussionists. Pl. 6. 235. 40. “great overlord.f. Fig. “exempted.” 56. 185.” 193. Pl. “master of secrets of the Master of secrets (= Anubis) of the prince of ⁄wnw.” 86 (c) ¢ry-tp ™£ n Ím™w. 106. 1. 6 ¢s.” 104. he of the divine booth. 32. Pl.” 48 ∞ntyw-ß. 2. 3. “tenant landholders.” 179. Fig. “director of the two seats. n. “director of grain-measurers. Fig. 85.” 1 (78 [b]). “possessor of a k£. “chief.” 219 ¢ry-tp md(w) n w∂™ mdw ßt£ n ¢wt-wrt.” 214. 235. 316 ¢ry-tp flry-¢bt. “overlord of linen. “assistant of the director of the dining pavilion. 10 ∞w. Pl. 26 ∞tmty.” 34. 86. “who presides over the Western Nome (L. 26 ∞rp nbw. 6 . 46.” 49.” 84. Fig. 1.” 218 ¢ry-tp ∂£t. n. 131.” “overlord.” 207. 36 ∞tmwty(w). 46a ¢zy (n) mwt.” 218 ¢z¡ n ¡t. Pl. 280 flry s∂£t.” 20. 44 ¢ry-tp ™£ n nswt. “director of every kilt.” 83.” 131.” 2 (78 [f]). “chiefs who ruled over the desert.” 47. 2 ∞rp h£†s km. “overlord of the words of secret judgment of the tribunal. “seal-bearer of the god.f>. Pl.INDEX *¢ry-sßt£(w) Ìry-sßt£ sr-⁄wnw. 6. “privy to the secret of all foreign lands.” 218.” 50 <flry> k£(?). “chamberlain of the king. n. 315 ¢ry-tp sßr. “sealer of ßzpt-cloth of the king. 190 ¢ry-tp ¡dr ™£. 3)” (epithet of Hathor).” 2 (78 [g]) ∞rp ∞£(w). n.” 47 ¢ry-sßt£ ∞£st nbwt. 206. 10. 46a ¢z n mwt<. “great overlord of the king. 84. 315. 2 flry-¢bt smsw n ∂b£t. 85. 4. Pl. Pl. “sealbearer. 24 ∞nty flkrw n ¡b£(w) n pr-™£. “singer. 14. Fig.” 193. 6 ∞nty ¡pt-swt m W£st. “one whom his father praised.” 127 flry-¢bt ¢ry-tp. 90. 4. 15 ∞rp st¡(w) nbw pr-™£. 85.” 46.” 85.” 205. 45 ∞rp ∞rpw n ¢wt-™£t.” 218 ¢ry-tp ™£. Pl. 208. 40. “overlord of great punishment. n. n. 82. Pl.” 219 ¢ry-tp N∞b. 54 ¢ry-tp. n. “lector priest of Dendera. “overlord of the secret words of the tribunal. 53 ∞tmty ßzpt nswt. “she who joins the king of Lower Egypt.” 214. 209 ∞rp sßm n nb t£wy.” 86 ¢q£w Ím™w M¢wt. “director of the dining pavillion.w.” 123 ∞tmty n†r. “director of the affairs of the lord of the two lands. “treasurer of the king of Lower Egypt. “chief lector priest. 235. Fig. 49 ∞rp ws∞t. 47 flnmt b¡ty. 86. Pl. n. “treasurer of the vizier ™n∞w.” 207. “director of directors of the palace. “director of the broad hall. Fig. beaters. Pl. 139. 108. “seal-bearer.” 193. 209. “director of necklace-stringers of the palace. 139. mistress of Dendera. 89. 153 ∞rp ßn∂yt nb.” 21. n.f. 2. 425 ∞nw. Fig. Fig.” 230. “who seals the best of the king’s food. 4. n. “lector priest. Pl. Fig. “one whom his mother praised. “who presides over the divine booth. 110. 16. n. 240 flry-¢bt (n) ⁄wnt. “whom his mother praised. Pl.” 24 ∞ntt ⁄mntt. “prince of everlastingness” (epithet of Osiris). Fig. 1 ∞tm ¢£t ∂f£w b¡t. Pl. 234. 3. 10a ¢ry-tp mdw ßt£ n ¢wt-wrt. Pl. 30. “treasurers. “director of linen cloth of the first weaving.” 2 (78 [e]). nn. 90. 4. 46a flry-tp nswt. Pl.” 21.” 50 ∞tm(w)ty-b¡ty. 153 253 ∞rp nsty. 17. n. “chiefs of Upper and Lower Egypt. “director of the black vessel. 153 [∞rp] st¡(w) nbw ∞rp nbw.” 159 ∞rp sßr n tpt. 6. “she who joins the white crown. 25.

n. 39. 114 sm£yt NN mryt.” 22.” 34. “brother of the funerary estate. n.” 189. “daughter of the funerary estate. “scribe of the registry.f. “inspector. “scribe of the (document) chest. 9 smsw pr. n. 17. “assistant of the director of the dining pavilion. 40.” 20.” 8. “elder of the domain. Fig. Fig. 5 z£ mr.” 1 (78 [c]. 112.254 INDEX zß n pr-¢∂.f mry. 228. “one who belongs to the divine booth (of Anubis).” 230 z£w/mn¡w N∞n. “judiciary official. n. Pl. 80.” 18.” 48.” 157. n.” 219 z£t. 53. 14 smsw w∞rt. 5. “brother of the funerary estate.” 44 z£b. 237 z£t ∂t.” 31.” 56. 5 z£b smsw h£yt. 9. n. 114 sm£wt mry Nbty. Pl. 82. n.” 19. 402 zß ¢wt-n†r. “elder of the chamber. 21. “elder of the dockyard. 34 sn. n.” 205. n.” “belonging to the council. “a councillor whom his god loved. 117 *zß m sßr.f ∂t.f ∂t. scribe of a phyle. 4 zß w™bt.” 69.” 127 zß flry ∞tmt.” 84. Pl. 12 zß flkrw nswt. “judiciary ™∂-mr official. “loving son.” 31. n. “scribe for linen. 105 z£ mr. 35.” 22. 81 smsw ¡z(t). n. 220 z£. “painter. “elder of the snwt-house. 4 snt ∂t. n. 1. 127. n. “scribe of royal documents of the palace in the workshop of (? and?) the two houses of gold. 25 z£. 104. 137.” 44. 1. 25 zß sßr. “his son of the funerary estate. 25.” 14. 36.” 51–52 *zß-flr(t)-™. Pl. “scribe of the phyle. “scribe of the phyle of Mn-nfr-Ppy. 85. 89. “policeman. 89.” 125. “scribes of the treasury. “scribe of royal linen of the king’s regalia. n. under-supervisor of police. 24.f. “loving son of the lord of the two lands. 4. 2) zß. “judiciary official and mouth of Nekhen. “scribe of royal linen and (scribe) of phyles. Pl. 36 z¢y ™£ mrrw nb[. “scribe of the two workshops. “judiciary elder of the court. “guardian/herdsman of Nekhen. Pl. 157. 2. 39. 227. 39. 79 [a]). n. 4 z£b r N∞n. “policeman. 83. 413 z£b zß.” 18. “she who joins him who is beloved of the two ladies. n. “he who belongs to the divine booth of Anubis. “his daughter and his funerary priest(ess). Fig. n. Pl. 2. 230. “official at the front of the people.” 72. n.f ¢m-k£.” 81 smsw w¢™w. “scribe of linen. 125 z£w pr. 9. 3. 1.” 31.” 18 . Pl. “sole ornament of the king. 228.” 2 (79 [j]) zß hn. n. n. 219. “scribe of the workshop. Fig. “scribe of royal decrees.” 34 zß ™(w) nswt pr-™£ m w™bt prwy nbw. 31.” 47. n. 36 zß w™bty. “ one who supplies the arrows of the lord of Asyut. n.” 22 zß sßr nswt n z£(w). Pl.” 189. n. 45. 39.” 47–48 z¢y-n†r ⁄npw. 18. n. “sole companion.” 230 z£ pr. “king’s daughter. “scribe of royal linen. 228.” 81 smsw h£yt. 173. “scribe of the temple (at Dendera).f].” 19 zß ™(w) n nswt.” 31 z¢y.” 31. 2. 35. 36 z¢y-n†r.” 30. 82.” 19 zßw pr-¢∂. “judicial scribe. 49 z¢y ™£. “great councillor.f n nb t£wy. “scribe of royal documents of the palace. “dutiful son. “elder of the (judicial) court. 44 s¢∂.” 81. “sister of the funerary estate. 128.” 34. see flry-™ ∞rp z¢. 57 zß sßr nswt flkrw nswt. Fig. Pl. “scribe of the king’s regalia. “his beloved son. n. 22. Fig.” 48.” 189 smr-w™ty.” 22.” 2 (78 [i]) zß n z£. 24. 173. 1. 4 z£ ¡qr. n. 84. Fig. 57 zß n z£ Mn-nfr-Ppy. Pl. “his brother of the funerary estate. 90. “scribe of the treasury.” 81 sn ∂t. 38. 16. Fig.” 238 spd ßsrw nb S£w. 10a smr zß n z£.” 226. 40 z£ n ∂t. “elder of the fowlers. “councillor. 113. “great councillor. whom [his] lord loved. “scribe of the southern w™bt. “elder.” 31 z£t-nswt. 231. 42 *zß qdt n†r. “scribe of troops. 6.” 19. 5 zß ™(w) nswt pr-™£. “companion. 203. “instructress. Fig. n. 34. 56 zß sßr nswt. n. Fig.” 8. “the beloved one who joins the two ladies.” 48. Fig.” 105 z£ pr. 134. “police. 232 smsw snwt. 24 flkrt w™tt nswt. 3. 9 zß †zt.” 45–49 (with 46. 5.f. 3. “scribe of the god’s book. Pl. 413 z£b ™∂-mr.” 48.” *21. n. n. 222–224 zß.” 19. 56 zß m∂£t-n†r. 5 smsw. n.” 104 sm£yt Nbty mryt. 36 z¢y mr n†r.” 34 sr m-¢£t [r∞yt]. Fig.” 29. Fig.” 80–81.” 33 sb£t.” 81.” “painter” 19 zß w™bt rsy(t). “scribe. ¡my-∞t z£ pr. “the beloved one who joins King NN.

“inspector of priests of Îdswt-Tt¡. Pl.” 23. 106. “inspector of custodians of property of the treasury.” 186 dw£t Ìt¢r. n.” 105 ßmsw ∂b£t. n. 139. 280 qsty. “who finds a phrase when it is lacking. “sculptor. 280 *s∞m-™. “inspector of sealbearers.” 129. 34.” 18. “washer(?). “who worships Hathor every day.” 19. 130 st¡. “necklace-stringer of the king’s regalia. 220. T£-wr Tp-Ím™w. “inspector of priests of Mnnfr-Ppy.” 65 dw£t Ìt¢r r™ nb.” 51–52 s¢∂ ßmsw.” 214. n. 35.” 192. “retinue of the robing room. 24.” 87 . 4 s¢∂ ¡ryw-∞t n ßnwt.” 19. Pyramids.” “workshop. “inspector of stonemasons. 153 255 st¡ nbw flkrw nswt. “powerful of arm”). 17. n. “who worships Hathor. Pl. “inspector of scribes of the treasury and of the king’s regalia. 6.. “who gives offerings to the lord of the two lands. . “stringer of beads. 153 st¡(w) n pr ∂t. “inspector of the palace. under-supervisors of funerary priests. . “jewelers of the funerary estate. who declares a statement in its (proper) time. n.” 98. Fig. n. ∞nty t£-∂sr.” 2 (79 [g]). 146 *s∂£wty b¡ty.” 65 dd ¢tpt n nb t£wy. n.” 193. “inspectors of funerary priests. 45 s¢∂ ¢m(w)-n†r . . 25 ßmsw nswt. “inspector of embalmers of Anubis. 17. 25.” 129.” 104 stp-z£ n nb n¢¢.” 193 st¡ nbw.” 14. 25 ßmsw n n†r. “inspector of scribes of the treasury.” 18.” 2 (78 [j]). 153 st¡-rw. 32 s¢∂ ∞tmtyw. “place of embalming.” 193. “inspector of priests of the k£houses of the tomb(? £∞t). “inspector of scribes of the registry. Fig. “Thebes (in) Ôn-N∞n. 23. Kom el Hisn.” 193. 34 s¢∂ flrty(w)-n†r w™bt nswt. Fig. n. Pl. 32 .” 129. “protector of the lord of eternity.” 237 *s¢∂ ⁄npw. “glorious are the places” (of Nebhepetre). n. 1. “se(te)m-priest. 4. Fig.” 2 (78 [k]) s¢∂w ¢mw-k£. Fig. “inspector of the robing room. “inspector of custodians of property of the granary.” 85 ßmsw. 26 s¢∂ ∂b£t. 24 s¢∂ Pr-wr. 22 gm †s m g£w. “follower of the god.” 51–52 s¢∂ zß(w) flry ∞tmt ™ nswt. “inspector of priests of . 234. z¢y-n†r. 18. “priest of the temple of Anubis.” 19.” 105 ßmsw Skr p∂ty.” 20. 70 *s¢∂ w™bt flrt-n†r. 27 W£st Ôn-N∞n.” 4 s¢∂ ¢m(w)-n†r Îd-swt-Tt¡.” 18 s¢∂ ¢mwt w™bt. 181 †m£-™wy.” 192. n. “glorious are the places of Nebhepetre. n. 28 ⁄m£w. 1 stm ¢wt-n†r ⁄npw. “inspector of those who are in attendance. 2 s¢∂ ¢m(w)-n†r ¢wt-k£ £∞t. 108 *⁄zz¡-nfr(w). “inspector of Anubis. n. 25. “inspector of the great house (temple of Nekhbet). Buildings and Places £∞-swt. 49 strw.” 131. 138. and the Thinite Nome (in) the Head of Upper Egypt. 199 C. “necklace-stringer. 24 s¢∂ zß(w) pr-¢∂.” 19 k£ny. Pl.” 179. “inspector of stonemasons of the king’s workshop. n.” 19 s¢∂ zß(w). 42 and 50 s¢∂ ¡ryw-∞t. “liegeman. 1. 146 stp-z£. nn. .” 49. 24 s¢∂ pr-ßn™. n.. 4 s¢∂ zß(w) flry ∞tmt. “treasurer of the king of Lower Egypt. 25 ßmsw n ¢q£. “liegeman of the king. n. Pl.” 19.” 4 s¢∂ ¢m(w)-n†r Mn-nfr-Ppy.” 46. 3. “inspector of department of stores. “stringer. 46 w™bt. Pl.” 159 ∂d †s r h£w. 3.” (lit.” 14. Pl. “protector.INDEX s¢∂ ¡myw ™¢™w. Pl. 70 s¢∂ ¡ryw-¡∞t pr-¢∂.” 76 £∞t-R™ (sun-temple of Menkauhor at Abusir). “gardener. he of the divine booth. n. 2. “inspector of liegemen. funerary priests.” 205. 50 s¢∂ pr-™£. 138. “liegeman of the ruler. Fig.f. “inspector of craftsmen of the workshop. ¡myw-∞t ¢mw-k£. archaic title. n. presiding over the sacred land. 38. 34 s¢∂ wtw ⁄npw.” 19 . “harpooner. 138.” 204.” 18. n. “strong of hands.” “jeweler.” 49. 38. 15 s(t)m. 76 ™£wy pt.” 104. 214.f. “two doors of heaven.” 87 †m£-™. “inspector of scribes of the registry of royal decrees. “strong of hand” (epithet of Horus). n. 1. “inspector of scribes. Estates. ¢mw-k£. “inspector of custodians of property. 4 s¢∂ zß(w) pr-¢∂ flkrw nswt.” 23. Fig. “follower of Sokaris and bowman. n. shrine. “inspector of the workshop of the necropolis. n. “attendant. 76 £∞-swt-Nb-¢pt-R™.” 2 (78 [d]).” 3 s¢∂ flrty(w)-n†r. n.

Fig. n. 89. 76 Nfr-Wn¡s.” 48. 83. (estate name).” 77 Mn-™n∞-Ppy. Words and Phrases £™w. “the beauty of Pepy abides. n.” (estate name).” 87 Ny-nfrt-Êy.” 75 Mn-nfr(w)-Mryr™. “house of royal decrees. “bag. 36 pr ™w nswt. 31 Ìwt-s∞m. “(up)land. 76 Wr-S£¢wr™. 58 Nfr-⁄zz¡. “treasury. “Ênnt. “necropolis. “Sesostris beholds the two lands. n. 24 pr m∂£wt. 215 ∂b£t.” 83 Tp Ím™w m¢tt. “I returned in peace.” 88. (estate name).” 21. 74 Ó™-[Nfrk£]r™. “estate of cattle.” 52 Pr-wr.” 77 Mn-swt-Nywsrr™. n. “Exalted is the beauty of Amenemhet. “pavillion. 75 Wr-R™∞™. 261.f. “the mansion” (modern Hu).” 230 ¢wt. temple of Nekhbet. (estate name).” 208. n. 156.” 76 Ôn-N∞n. “desert. “northern head of Upper Egypt” (region of the Thinite nome).” in names of pyramids. Fig. 74 D. 82. “fiery of burning. 74 Nfr-Ówfw. “(the pyramid) ‘the places’” (pyramid of Merykare).” 36 £t. 42.n.” 21. 76 h£yt. “the south and the north. “the north. 74 N∞b.” 88 prw nw m¢ty.shrine. n. Pl.” 75 Mn-nfr.¡)-Êy. “royal residence.” 75 m¢wt.¡) <r> rmn.” 77 Tp-rs. Memphis. “the places of the appearances of Amenemhet (I). “robing room. 28 ¡w ¡r. “Upper Egypt. 51 Ím™w. 74 *ws∞t. 73 Ìwt-¡¢yt. 74 Ìzt-n-Wn¡s. n. 31 Ìwt. 76 Swt.” 20.” (estate name). (estate name). “house of documents. “every foreign land/all foreign lands. “the mansion-is-powerful. 423 £m.” 180. pyramid and temple name.” 52 pr ¢ryw w∂b. “mouth of the valley. “I made the procession of Wepwawet.” 214 Wr-Wn¡s. this entire land.256 INDEX Ó™-b£w-S£¢wr™.” 211 *R™-∞™. 46 flrt-n†r. 191 Ôkrw-Ppy.” 82. (estate name). n. 31. “great is the beauty of Re” (temple). 74 Wr-nfr-R™.” 186.” 74 Dw£-n(. “the god is coming! Rejoice!” 97 ¡¡. 54 ∞£st nbt. “the wrt-crown of Sahure appears. Pl.¡)-Snfrw. when he proceeds to defend .f. “haven. n. “the mansion Kheperkare (justified)-is-powerful. 67 Îb£-sk£w. n. “house of those in charge of reversion offerings. 58 Ny-k£(. “pyramid.f-wr(w). “I will be his support. 31 Ptr-Snwsrt-t£wy. (estate name). El Kab.” 45–49 swt. 89. “head of Upper Egypt. 76 Swt Mryk£r™. n. “the places of Merykare” (pyramid of Merykare).f.f r n∂ ¡t.” 86 msprt.” 108 ¢wt-n†r. 206 r-¡nt.” 48. “power. 92 Ìr. n. n. 37 Q£ nfrw ⁄mn-m-¢£t.” 28. 36 zmyt.” 36 ¡¡ n†r z£ t£. 54 Ó™-wrt-S£¢wr™.” 229. n. n.” 83 Tp Ím™w. 74 Nfr-R™∞™f. “diadem. “bag of the scribe.f. (estate name). (estate name). 4 Ìwt-k£-Pt¢. 74 Ó™-Ówfw. 211 z¢.” 224 Ím™w M¢t t£ pn r ∂r. “the beauty of Meryre abides.” 73 Ìwt-k£-£∞t. 76 Swt ∞™w ⁄mn-m-¢£t. (estate name).” 19. “head of the south. (estate name). 95 £zb ¡£∞w. “temple. “she who encompasses the places of Khakheperre. “House of Khety.” 210. “mansion. 37 mr. 74 Ônmt-swt-∞prk£r™.” 52 pr-¢∂. 423 £™w n zß. 67 ∞£st.” 73 Ìwt-s∞m-Óprk£r™-m£™-∞rw. 83. “the domains of the northerner. (estate name). 135 Pr-Ôty. 9 Ênnt. 13. 3.” 229. 73 Mn-nfr-Ppy. “divine booth. 75 Ó™-nfr-Mrnr™. “court. (estate name). “the wages of tilling. “places.” 36 £t. “court. 209 z¢ n†r. pyramid of Mrnr™.kw¡ m ¢tp.” 86 Ízp-¡b-R™. “the life of Pepy abides.” 230 Bzt.” 76 stp-z£.¡ prt Wpw£wt w∂™. Memphite temple of Ptah. (estate name). 3. n. 9 ¡w(. (sun temple). “Upper Egypt. “pressing (grapes).” 21.

” 182 ™ ∂™m. 23.¡ Wnn-nfr hrw pf n ™¢£ ™£.† m ¡t pn ¡w. says the western desert.” 191. welcome.” 183 mn¡t.f ∂¢£. 20. “bind.” 4.” 182 ¡drwt. 33 ™wy. n.” “support. “who is in the place of embalming.” 239 Ws¡r. “washing of hands. “Open the two doors of heaven that the god may come forth!” 97 wr. “hands. “offerings.” 182 ™wy d¡. 40. 87 ¡h mk sn™™(. n. 132.†n.f n Ws¡r Ónty ¡mntyw. “wetting a stave.” 226. “handwork for the craftsmen. “I am great and mighty.” 182 ™bw-r. 51 m££.n. 39 [1]). that they may give. 46a mr¢t m ¡zwy. 20 p¢w. “I defended Onnophris on that day of the great fighting.” 48.” 229 m£wt.” 191 257 ™n∞ ∂t r n¢¢.¡) ¡∞t nb(t) ¡pt. I. “brilliant objects.” 203 b£. I.” 131. “box.” 183 mw r ™wy.” 28 wsr m£™ ∞rw. Pl.f.” 237 mnmnt. prosper and be healthy (after name of nomarch). 39 ¡bw. “mrt-singer. n. n.” 181–82.” 1. 63 ¡ty. Pl. “I acted as ‘loving son’ for Osiris Khentamentiu. 42 mrt. “brazier.” 183 ™wy n ¢mww. 132.k¡. “oil from the two chambers. 33.” 216 ¡dr n. 139.” 229 m£t.” “leopard skin.n. 139.” 19. 403 . “supervise works.” 216 m£™t. “remove your hands (from) under us.” 104 ¡w n∂. “see to.k w¢™ pw. “I assessed everything that was to be assessed ” (Urk. “that invocation-offerings go forth for him. “vindication. “be living?. n. 20.k. rd.¡ z£ mr.” 132 pr¡ n. Fig.” 21 ™wy (n) mw.” 71.¡). n. “being powerful and justified.” 229. the flood that it may purify. “pillar. “necklace. 185 m∞tm.” 21.” 182 ™ mdw.” 44. 139.” 219. “great is thy foot.” 191 wp(t)-rnpt. Pl.” 52 ¡zwy. 208.” 36 bsw. “neck. “opening (day) of the month. 42 ¡t. Pl. “purification booth. “water for the hands.k¡ ™£.” “produce. 230. n. 182 ™n∞ w∂£ snb.” 36 b£t-emblem. n. “what the inundation brings. “by virtue of. 231 wn ™£wy pt pr¡ n†r. “water upon the hands.” “binding. “Wepwawet at the first procession from Shenhor. “leopard.f ∞rw. “father.” 103. “flute.” 193 m££ k£(w)t. “may he live for ever and ever. “two chambers. “there is a catch (of fowl) for thy hands. 26 ™bw-™wy. ¡™ ).” 188 wdn m ™wy.” 217 ¡dr. n.INDEX his father.” “supervise. n. “master. 27 ¡p(. n. 28 ¡my-st-™wy.” 76. “Osiris. “the two arms. kind of cloth.” 183 mw ¢r ™wy. n.” 104 ¡w ¢b n ™wy. see (how well) I am smoothing. 106 [7–8]). “punishment. 32. 21. Pl. “opening (day) of the year. 26 ¡r. “clap. 231 ¡dr. “mission. it is (but) straw.” 181 m££. n. “offer with your two hands. “look at my batch of pzn-loaves. O fowler!” 182 ¡wn. “wash. “a ewer and basin of electrum. 180 ™wy M¢w Ím™w. 47 ¡my-wt.” 182 m ¢tp m ¢tp ¡n zmt ¡mntt ™wy. “production.” 105 ¡ b™¢ sw™b. “flood. 77 ™wy.” 131.” 180. “staff.k wr¡. her two arms towards them. 132. n. “lift your arms from this grain. n.” 71. “Ho.” 180 m££ stt n pzn.” 131. proleptic.” 98. “bureau.s(n). “schedule of duty.” 183. 33.” 83 wpt-r™. (var.” 103 ¡w ¡r. “truth.” 188 wsrt.” 189 b™¢.n.s r. n.” 191 ™∞. n.” 219 ™.t(¡) ¡rt ¡m.” 183. “end.” 227 Wpw£wt m prt tpt m Ín-Ìr.” 19.¡ m ßmsw n n† m stp-z£ flrt-hrw. thy foot is large. n. “staff.” 21. “thus I was a follower of the god. 51 m££ ™wy pr . 51 m£™ ∞rw.” 187. 231 ¡t¡wy. 422 m£¢t. “punishment. 186 ¡myt-r.“may he live. “viewing the production of the weaver’s house. “(the work) that was done on them (a pair of false doors) in the stp-z£ was supervised throughout the day” (Urk. 12 ¡nnt ¢™py. “washing of mouth. repast. 26 bzt. 29 m-flnw-™wy.” 20.†n ™wy. “welcome. 6. n. 7 wpt. 323 f£¡ ™wy.” 207. n. 7 ¡∞ wn. “production of Lower and Upper Egypt. “flood. “two vessels of water. 235.” 182 ™£ rd.” 31.” 181 w∂¢w. “cattle.†n flr.

“day of conference.” “batch.† ¡n Ìr.” 193. .” 180.” 186 rmn. 238 ¢nwt(.¡). 53 zp tpy skr ¡£bt.¡). 152 s†£t. 56 zß ∂£t. “support. 76 ∞tmt. 139.” 77 qb¢ mw ¢zmn. . registry. “mother-in-law. “ßn∂t-kilt. “count. n. 247 *s†£t.f m flrt-n†r. “my mistress” (referring to pyramid).” 21. n. “See (how well) I am smoothing. “watch out!.” 217 sßr. “” 108. 51 *st¡. “over. n. 147 ß™wt(y) n(ty) ¡™w-™wy. “an offering which the king gives.” “sky. .” 193. “ßzpt-cloth.” 4.” 75 nb ™n∞. 3 ¢wt-™. “linen. Pl. 186. 21.” 75 nbw. “yearly offerings. 77 flrt. n.” 193 st¡/str/stt nbw.” 192. “all travelling (lit.” 178. 446 h£tyw. “make offering. “a libation of water and natron. n. “crooked.n(. “two vessels” (ewer and basin).” 178.” 87 sn™™. “moulding. “the revered Hnqw travelling . n.” 43 r-™wy. “counsel.t rmw. n. n.¡) mrt. 132. 9 ¢ry ™wy.” 187.” 192 st¡/stt. “milk herd. “chest.” 232. n.f m££. 75 ¢r(y).s <n> pr-¢∂(?). 187.” 47. “festival.” 219 qb¢w. n.” 208.’” says Horus. “the first occasion of smiting the east.” 87 spr. 52 flryw-™.” 208. “ 421 *flr. “wander. “exalted. fl£bt. “one who is cold. to spear fish. “breathing of emanations of myrrh and incense. 114 ∞™ nbw m rwt wrt q£ s∞m. Fig.” 7 nty ¢n™(. n.” 51. . “gold” (epithet of Hathor). 185. “writing down the (amount of) of linen.” 28 mk nbw ¡¡.” 85 ßm. every going and coming) to this place. “treasure of the god.” 2. 13 ßmt.. n. 209. “support. n. “chest.f nfr.” “crookedness. n.¡).” 50 ∞tmt n†r. “that he might be buried well.” 183 rw¡.” 24 ∞tm.” 183 ß™t¡. 214 q£.” 50 ∞tmt flrt sty-¢b.” 192 st¡ nw r mn∞. Fig.” 181 rw¡. . “libations.¡]. 239. 209 ¢b nb.” 192 st¡ nt[y ¢n™. “dance.” 103 r.” 237 ßn∂t.” 88 ¢b. “possessor of life.” 126 sßr. “to smooth. “that he might be buried in the necropolis. “every feast.” 192. “my companion. “beat (the rhythm).” “throw in.” 212. 153 stt. 27 ∞n¡. “Behold.f flrt-hrw ¡m r™ nb. “assemblage.) power is exalted. “sing.3081).” 85 ßzpt. “while his majesty supervised the daily requirements thereof every day” (MFA 21. n. r st¡. “arrive. “ribs. 87 ∞nt-ß. “mouth for utterance.” 192. nn. “writing its balance of the treasury(?).” 63. 269 zß m sßr. n. 13 rmn.t¡.” 28 qrs. “plantation. “milking. “these two (pyramid) cities. n.n. “what is sealed.” “coffin.” 193 n∂t-r.” 50 s∂£t ¡m£∞ Hnqw. “stringing a necklace. n. n. “ceiling.” 193 s†¡-¢b. 51 flry ∞tmt. “wanderers.” “holdings.258 INDEX n.” 192 st¡ nbw ¡n st¡(w) n pr ∂t.” 186 ¢tp d¡ nswt. . “treasure. “turned out. 190.” 183. 14. “Propitiate Hathor! Say what she loves every day! Open the two doors of heaven for the mistress of the two lands!” 97.” 230 hnw. 7 n¡wty ¡ptn.” 87 ßm£w.” 131. .” 183.k(w¡) m wpt nt nb(. “activity. 59 spr. 183 ßm ¡y nb r st tn. I did what he desired. n. 146 sßrt. “treasure (or “that which is sealed”) containing festival scent. Fig. 185 ¢sw.” 181 ¢s¡.” “towel. “Having gone on a mission of this my lord. “throat. “seal.” 50 fl£b. “authorizations. 28 rnpwt. n.s r™ nb wn ™£wy n nbt t£.” “great. n. n. “Gold appears in the great portal: ‘Thy (f. 75 *nfrt. 26 h£t. “spearing. 26.” 51. . “festival scent. [my] com[panion]. 146 sk ¢m.¡) pn ¡r. “court people.” 208.” 229. n. “mouth. Gold (= Hathor) has come forth!” 97 mk r. 20 qrs.” 44 r n ∞n. n.” 75.” 226 hrw n n∂wt-r. “stringing of necklaces by the jewelers of the funerary estate. “count this out properly. “the two vessels of the wash (-hands) and a jar.” 22.” 213 s∂£t. 7 s¢tp Ìt¢r ∂d mrrt. 26 ssnt †£w m ™ntyw sn†r. n..f.” 51.” 50. “handkerchief.” 182. .k sn™™(.” 186.

40 ∂¢£/d¢£. “best quality” (of cloth). 8 †£w m. det. 157. 177–79 . n.” 202.” ¡ry D— D— . Mrt. they (refreshing) north wind is smoke.” 156 k£w. 22 for (?). 58 for . 21 †£w n∂m n ∞nty-¡mntyw r ßrt “NN. 180 tp(w)-™wy. 77 . 158. smsw.” 7. 126. 182. from hieratic . 6 . 28. . “over. at end of Heracleopolitan Period. 79. 4. 21 [†£w n∂m] n ™n∞. 134. ¡™. ¢r.” 185. n.” 182.” 108. 182. “council of the funerary estate. 179. for “keeper. ∂sr. 181. 33. 425 .” 2. 1 . 130 . 6 . 179 .” 73. 227 and assimilated. 88 . “payment. 230 . 247 tpy-™wy. and for m¢. 3 *tmt. “straw. 165 (D2). “cubit. Pl. as feminine det. n. title. 180–87 . “food. 238 .” ¡ry “keeper. with long wig. “breath.. “cages. n. . 10 ∂£∂£t nt ∂t. rmn.” 193 ∂b£. n.” 182. mn¡w. wd£t-eyes in pyramid name. of ¢sw. n. 65. 103. mouth on coffin. n. n.” 190 . ™wy. 43.” 36. n. 3 . n. 183. “sweet breath of life. ™¢£.” 209. 28. “thy breath is incense. det. n. “be sound. n. Forms of Signs A1 A1 A19 A20 A20 A21 A24 A25 A30 A40 A47 . n. “tmt-cloth. 180–87. 153–56 k£ Pt¢. ™£. “one who is cold. 50 ΢wtyt. n. 1 . n. 27 .” 215 ∂b£w.” 239 (A47). 196. of name. n. as redundant name det. fem. 2. . n. 173.” 128 d¡t ∞n n mß™.” 180. “white bread of festivals. 230. “wind from/namely/consisting of. 34 *tpt-r.INDEX k£. emphasized on front end of coffin. “herdsman. “ibis. .k sn†r m¢yt. 5 . 134. flry. “the k£ of Ptah. 79. 110 . “the Thoth festival. “k£. k£ny. . 43–45 . as dual of . “great. n. 32.” 204 †£w. ™¢£.” 125. 47 for . ™wy. for . n. ¢s. 177. 82 *db¢w. 6 or for .” 215 ∂f£w. “singer. n. 186 .k ¢ty.” 179. wd£. 43. 128. 207 .” 186 . 62 . for for . 14 t∞n. redundant det. 183. 103 D41 D45 D52 D61 D— D— D— . Pl. fusion of. “sweet breath of Khentyamentiw to the nose of NN. mn¡w. n. 204 A48 A50 A— A— A— A— A— B1 B— B— D1 D2 D2 D10 D21 D28 D29 D34 D36 D41 D41 259 .” 189 . “nourishment. “predecessors. “giving the rhythm to the army. n. 79. 177–79 (A47). n. 103 . k£. emphasized on head end of coffin.” 125. 6 . “wash.” 126 †£w. n. Pl.” 21. 49 . 153–56 for E. “herdsman.” 177–79 . n. 32 . variants of.” 103. “speech. ™bw-r. var. n.” 156 t ¢∂t ¢bw. 80 . 186 .

37. ¡m£∞. 437 . . n. 229. 22 . ¡m£∞. 129 replaced by . 205 M12 M13 . ]) . 207. “spearing. 43. 45–47. 190 . in pyramid name. 45. 36 . wp. 205 . 194–201 (with variants. n. t£. 23. 84. vars. nswt. as terminal ending in personal name. of Thebes. n. 194 . 11 . 207 . 3. n. for Ím™w (M26).. as det. ¢ry-tp. 232. 83 . ¡my-r. 202. . Fig. n. 230 . 19. 33 for for for . Upper Egypt. Ím™w. Fig. 205–207 . 135 for . 22. 188 . 190. 86. 192. r™. . for suffix . “king. wpt-r™. 158 . of h£yt. ¡my-∂srw. n¢. 205. 146 . flrt-hrw.” 203 . 23 . 224 . 81 N18 N24 N25 N29 . 232 for (A25). 190 . for . ¢ry-sßt£. 127. ⁄npw. Upper Egypt. 231 (absence of). 58 . w¢m.” 80. 87 derived from . “elder of the portal. 26 . . and for K— M3 M3 . 49. 191 for . Upper Egypt. in smsw h£yt. 207 N5 N7 N16 N16 . 190 and n. 26 . 26 . 86 . Ím™w. n. 24. 31. . ¡t¡wy. 157. 218 . .. in cryptic writing. “opening (day) of the month. reversals and semi-reversals [ . 123 . 45.260 E15 E16 F4 F9 F12 F13 F20 F21 F23 F25 F29 F29 F29 F— F35 F39 F39 F40 F— G6 G12 G15 G17 G21 G26 13 G— G— G— I4 I— INDEX . 76 . ¢£t. 3 . n. ΢wty. “overlord. 51 (F42). n. 221 . for . for w∞rt. 21 . det. . 22 for . omission of. Fig. 201–205. 85. 104.” 104 . 22 .” 193 . ear det. n. 65. . 192–94 M17 M17 M17 M22 M23 M23 M23 M26 M26 M28 M40 M— N1 . n. 231. det.” 45. 211 for flkrt. 9 for . base on standard of Thoth. . Thoth.” 191. of stt. replaced by . rnpt. 129 for . 231 . 202 . det. in hieroglyphic “faces” on coffins and concubine figures. 63 . n. 205–207 . 79 probably miscopied for . 26 for (F39). 196 . 49 . 194 . for .” not shown in honorific transposition. “join (the land). sm£.¡. 28. 207 . esp. 23. 187–90. 191. 21. n. for M4 M8 M12 M12 . of F29. n. det. “who is in the splendor. 230 . 157. 22. 147.

n†rw.” 230 (O15). for . (Pyramid Texts). z¢y-n†r.” “court. n. fl£bt. 215. 28 (¡£t). designating a supply of water. n†r. “offerings. det.” 203 for . 8 . ∞tm. det. 46 for . in w∂™ m h£yt. dw£. n. for (plural). †£w.” 229.” 20. 25) . . .” 191 . 73. 5 . of hnw.” 1 (F9). det. 205. 32. 49 .” in personal names. of qrs. Tp-∞pß(?). Fig. 43. 57. reversed. 213 . 33 . n†r. det. var. “court people. 26 . . for h£yt. ∞tm. 371 . 227 . n. ß. “gods. etc. ¡mnt. 139 . . 189. 67–68 for . for .” 23. “chest. in fl£b. n. . ¢p. 434 unlikely for hall. 36 . replacing replaced by . 221 . 9 . 28 . n. . 96. in titles. 8 . 210–14 . variant of . 183 for . . 434 . “crooked. 9. det. 205. 237 . 230.INDEX N35 N35 N35 N(35) N37 O1 for 261 . sn†r. 79 . Fig. det. flrt-n†r. n.” “ergastulum. tm. . 226. “portal. 33 . with n. of ¡mywt.”). in h£ytyw. of w∂¢w. 178. ¢tp. 227.” 230 . “brazier.” 208–209 . Fig. 216 . 24. 156. “one who judges in the court. 220 . “necropolis. for both z¢ “pavillion” and ¢b “festival. 157 R8 R10 R12 R13 R14 R14 R15 R15 R— R— R— 37 S19-20 S29 S42 T3 T7 T11 T19 T20 T20 T21 T25 T28 U1 U1 U6 U15 U25 in . . . 190 .” 219.” 230.” 19 . 229 (as det. 191 esp. “storehouse. 2 . 27. “sculptor. 11. 319. 23 . “broad . . 189 .” “crookedor ness. separated from and . 216. for . 214 . det. 222. 94. 214–16 (with in . dom). 421 for . for . 29 . 191 . in T£-wr. 26 .” 158 . 191. . det. n. for suffix for for for n. Lower Egyptian Nome 2. flrt-n†r. . n. displaced. “breath. 192 for . ∂b£t. “Thinite nome.” 226 . variants of. 192 .. 238 for (Middle King- O1 O4 O21 O22 O28 O31 O34 O44 O49 O49 P5 P5 P8 Q5 Q6 Q7 Q7 Q— R3 R4 R7 R8 for . separated from . “western. Fig. n. qsty. n. “burial. 158 . of ™∞. 201 . 28. 63 for . as det. in ws∞t. .” 227 . 33 . z¢-n†r. n. in ßn™. read as *wr. 50–52.

n. 255 . . as writing for Thoth. gameboard. . 189 . 109. £st. as det. “wash mouth. 207 for Fig. 207 .” 218 . . with esp. 204. 216–19. 222–225. “(judicial) court. 130 . “maidservant. omitted from (M28) in wr m∂w Ím™w. ¡™w-™wy. as det. flnmt. “two vessels W22 W25 W— W— . . 202. 1 X2 X8 Y1 Y3 Y3 Y5 Aa1 . ™bw-™wy. “beasts” (reversed). n. “libations. . . 219 . vessels for “washing hands. “greatest of the tens of Upper of Egypt. 53. Fig. 44 . 22. n. n. . ¡b£t for . “stores. 127 for for for for . 437 for (O22). 223.” 228.” 209 . .” 181 for . . wb£(y)t. Fig. ¡ry. 20. . det.” “court. b£t-fetish.” 20. 44. flry-¢bt. 22. “wash hands. 319 . “linen. . n. “lector priest. . n. 59. . . “wide of wings. n. 217. 77 var. 229. 205. 189 . “produce. z¢. n.262 V1 V2 V7 V20 INDEX .” 183 . 23 . n.” 180 . .” 43.” 227– . nn. 84.” 208 . ™wy. 22.” 219. n. 208–209. nb.” 203 . nb. . Groups and Arrangement of Signs .” 183. . “two hands. . “Isis. n∂. in name Q£r. with value d.” not reversed. 157 Aa5 Aa11 Aa12 32 Aa27 Aa27 Aa— . “fields. . 189 . Isis-knot. £wt-™wy. 34. n. det. . 20 F. with esp. 103 . zß. . ™wy (n) mw. 240 . . 207. . . Figs. . 87–88 . n. “festival. 157. det.” 182 . 29–30. 56. 203.” 183 .” 238 . n∂. ™wy. . 4. h£yt. 219–22 . 24.” 22 . 55. 193 V24 V28 V30 V30 V33 V35 V35 V37 V8+39 V39 V— V— W3 W4 W4 W5 W5 W9 W14 . . 44 . of h£yt. 209 . . 212 for (Y2). . designating supply of water. 229–30 . 205 . 216 for . . . 217 . . . 178 . 26. and hieratic for . 231. 87 . of ¡my-r ßn†wt. “overseer of disputes. 20. ™bw-r. in ¡mywt. 207 . ™wt. . 24 . 183 . . of ßn™. “bring.” 126 . for ¢b. 20 . n.” 4. . . 208–209. . . “portal. of £¢wt. 420–21 . sßr. 225–27 . . 157. 209. . 255 . n. of water. ¡my-r. in hieroglyphic “face. . ¡n¡. w∂.” 182 .

” 186 . .” 48. .” 192. sßrt. z¢y n†r ⁄npw. 47.” 130 . ∞nt. 60 . . “ruler. “abide. 20. clothing. .” 183 . “look at my . n. “stoneworkers. n.” 192. . mn. 43–45 . str/st¡. n Ìr-¢(w¡). snb. n. 29 . 28 . n. 50 . n∞t ∞rw. p£ ∞mtnw. “activity.” 180. “stringing a necklace. infinitive of st¡. 50 . . mw ¡™w-™wy.” 193 .” 157–58 . ™n∞ ¢tp. . mw ¢r ™wy. . m££. ). n. . rmn.” 181 . for .” 31. “smoothing. with det. 22. “the two vessels of the wash(-hands) and a jar. . “handkerchief. “alabaster (jars of ointment). 74 . 206 . 209. (nominal . mw r ™wy. “the . 146 . ß™t¡. “milk herd. 47. flrty(w)-n†r. 71 for 87 . N∞byt.” 183 with det. m-flnw-™wy. 23 . st¡/str/stt . flrt-n†r. 46 . “they of the divine booth.” 208.” . ¢q£. .INDEX . n. 21. mn∞t. ¢ry ™wy. ¢tp. “batch of bread.” 183 .” 76.” 181 . “having arrived” (old perfective).” 191. incense and oil. 146 for . . mn¡w.” in name of pyramid.” 129 . 192.” 208 . .” 132 ..” 177 . 29 . for . 57 .” 47.” 183 . 239. “offerings. 135 . ßs. n. 63 / . water and washing vessels. ¢ry-pr. s†¡-¢b.” 19 . r£-™wy.” 189 . “major domo.” ).” 181 for . “support. n. for nbw. sn™™. N∞b. 57 263 . “the two vessels. Ôn-N∞n. N∞bt. 36 (var. 206 for . 206 . sßr. 247 . 28 . . “cattle. “herdsman. . “spearing. . “opening (day) of the year. on coffin. mr¢t. “beat (the rhythm). 193 . n. sn†r. “councillor. det. and variants. 45–49 batch of pzn-loaves. water upon the hands. n. 179. “live and be at peace. . “festival scent. for ™n∞. m££ stt n pzn. spry. “milking. pr-¢∂. El Kab. . in the epithet of Anubis ∞nty z¢ n†r.” 192 . wp(t)-rnpt. n. z¢y.f.” 192 . prt-∞rw.” 207 .” 183 . r N∞n. 231 for third. ß™wt(y) n(ty) ¡™w nmst. 59. mnmnt. water for the hands. n. . ¢m-k£. “treasury. “by virtue of. N∞bt. n. / “towel. for n. 183 . . z¢yw n†r. .

†m£-™. “food.” 181 . ). “ancestors.” 180 . ∂f£w.” 204 . “before. “΢wtyt-festival. . “best quality .” 158 . tp-™wy.” 180 INDEX .264 . (also with dets.” 180 / . (of cloth). . tpy-™wy. tp(w)-™wy. var. “strong of hand. .