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This document provides a summary of a newsletter from the Huizinga Institute Research Institute and Graduate School of Cultural History. The newsletter discusses several recent conferences on the history of concepts, including one held in Tampere, Finland that focused on the Fennomanians in the European context. It also reports on conferences in Paris and Italy. The bulk of the document summarizes the papers and discussions from the Finland conference, which centered on the creation of the Finnish political vocabulary in the 19th century.
This document provides a summary of a newsletter from the Huizinga Institute Research Institute and Graduate School of Cultural History. The newsletter discusses several recent conferences on the history of concepts, including one held in Tampere, Finland that focused on the Fennomanians in the European context. It also reports on conferences in Paris and Italy. The bulk of the document summarizes the papers and discussions from the Finland conference, which centered on the creation of the Finnish political vocabulary in the 19th century.
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This document provides a summary of a newsletter from the Huizinga Institute Research Institute and Graduate School of Cultural History. The newsletter discusses several recent conferences on the history of concepts, including one held in Tampere, Finland that focused on the Fennomanians in the European context. It also reports on conferences in Paris and Italy. The bulk of the document summarizes the papers and discussions from the Finland conference, which centered on the creation of the Finnish political vocabulary in the 19th century.
Copyright:
Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
Verfügbare Formate
Als PDF, TXT herunterladen oder online auf Scribd lesen
University of Amsterdam, Department of History, Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam, The Netherlands e-mail: Karin.Tilmans@hum.uva.n1 http://www.hum.uvalnll- huizingalnieuws Colophon Editors: Karin Tilmans, Wyger Velema, Anna V oolstra Lay-out: Bas Broekhuizen
HUIZINGA INSTITUUT Onderzoekschool voor Cultuurgeschiedenis
Research Institute and Graduate School of Cultural History
History of Concepts Newsletter
Nr 4 Spring 2000
In this Issue: Fennomanians in the European Context: Report on the History of Concepts Conference in Tampere Report on the International Conference of the History of Social and Political Concepts Group in Paris Begriffsgeschichte in Italy; on the logic of political concepts Agenda Updated addresslist Fennomanians in the European Context: Report on the History of Concepts Conference, Tampere, Finland, 15-18 September 1999 Pasi Ihalainen, Department of History, University of Jyvaskyla, Finland T he on-going national projects make the history of concepts a dynamic field of lllquny. TIris dyrnurusm became visible during four days of intensive scholarly discussion in a history of concepts conference organised by the University of Tampere in mid-September 1999. The initial purpose of the conference was to present some preliminary results of the Finnish project on the history of concepts to representatives of other national projects for criticism and comparison. Thanks to commentators from Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany, the United Kingdom and Denmark, however, the discussion also concerned issues that interest historians of concepts in any country. Britain and the Continent: Diverse methodological approaches to past political thought One reoccurring issue in conferences on the history of concepts is the existing methodological diversity in the study of past political thought Whereas the German model of Begriffsgeschichte has been successfully applied to the history of continental countries such as the Netherlands and Finland, the Anglophone world remains strongly dedicated to its rather different tradition of the history of political thought. As lain Hampsher-Monk, one of the visiting speakers in the conference, pointed o u ~ studies on the history of political thought characteristically concentrate on nation states. Such concentration on national history is, of course, completely natural, as a shared history of political thought is an essential element in the national political culture of any country. Without disputing the linkage between the history of political thought and present political culture, one might add, however, that a strictly national perspective tends to ignore comparisons between different political cultures which might make the peculiar features of each political culture more visible. Some continental scholars continue to suggest that an application of the conceptual approach to British political culture might also provide interestingly different perspectives. Furthermore, Anglophone historians do also write histories which focus on developments in a particular concept. Hampsher -Monk's review on the history of concepts pointed to some important methodological problems that remain unsolved in many conceptual histories. Though the practitioners of the history of political thought also consider conceptual change as central to history, many remain doubtful as to the justification of selecting concepts as the major objects of scholarly analysis. Undoubtedly, difficulties arise when scholars attempt to identify concepts undergoing change. Yet few historians of concepts would question the necessity of discussing concepts in their proper contexts. The Anglophone history of political thought, however, lays stress more distinctly on the dependence of the language use on the user of the language. It underscores the character of politics as linguistic human action. The conceptual approach, and the perspective taking the potential of international comparisons seriously, gained support from the Dutch speakers in the conference who have already done considerable work in the field. In their approach, concepts are studied in simultaneous use in a high variety of contexts. The comparative history of concepts, as seen by Pim den Boer, wishes to demonstrate how, when and why certain key concepts were translated from one language to another and what sort of problems and diversity of meanings were connected to such transmissions or simultaneous conceptualisations of historical phenomena. The Dutch case is, of course, particularly interesting from the point of view of the comparative history of concepts because of the ability of past Dutch scholars (and present for that matter!) to speak several languages fluently. This cosmopolitanism of the Dutch considered, it is surprising that the otherwise open Dutch society seems to have adopted a cautious attitude towards concepts offoreign origin and thus emphasised its particular character. The tolerant pragmatism of the Dutch project provides an inspiring model for future applications of the history of concepts. Practical solutions that might be followed concern the criteria of choosing the analysed concepts, the source material, the composition of the research group, and the chronological boundaries of the project. Firstly, as Wyger Velema pointed out, the Dutch project has con!,entrated on concepts that were not only central to Dutch public discourse but also enable international 3 comparisons. Secondly, the source basis, including images, is unusually varied when compared to any earlier project. Thirdly, the plurality of approaches applied to the study of each concept diminishes the risk of one-sided interpretations. And fourthly, the widened chronological boundaries contribute to an emancipation of the history of concepts from an excessive dedication to Reinhard Koselleck's original Saltelzeit thesis. The case of the creation of Finnish political vocabulary The main contribution to the conference originated from the team of scholars who have studied the conceptual past of the Finnish political culture. The members of the Finnish project have done an invaluable service to the scholarly community when communicating their findings in the English language. Translations are essential for international comparisons, and the translation process itself - one is inclined to believe -- is likely to strengthen their analyses further. What makes the Finnish case particularly noteworthy in the European context is the fact that one can, with considerable justice, argue that the Finnish political vocabulary was consciously created by the so-called Fennomanians in the ntid-nineteenth century and not merely inherited from the political languages of foreigo rulers, whether Swedish or Russian. The speed and success of the introduction of new words to the Finnish political language appears as quite exceptional in Europe. When searching for explanations for this uniqueness, the participants pointed to the widespread literacy in a homogeneously Lutheran country, to the pre- modern traditions of local self-govermnen!, and to the fact that creating new words seems to have for long been a part of Finnish cultural practices. The Swedish commentators also quite rightly pointed to the influence of conceptual changes in the eighteenth- and nineteenth- century Swedish language. Kari Saastamoinen's work on the variety of political vocabularies in early-modem Sweden, though remaining at a rather general level because of the lack of previous work on the theme, provides essential background information for the conceptual study of the rise of a Finnish political culture in the nineteenth century. What one ntight wish from the other members of the team is a more serious consideration of the potential significance of 4 the early-modem political vocabularies of aristocratic constitutionalism, Lutheranism and the borgerligt samhiille, for instance, for the nineteeoth-century project of the creation of a Finnish political vocabulary, that is, the Fennomanian "translation programme" from the 1840s to l870s. The Finnish political concepts discussed during the conference include power (valta) by Matti Hyvarinen, revolution (vallankumous) by Risto Aiapuro, party (puolue) by Eeva Aamio, representation and parliament (edustus, eduskunta) by Ismo Pohjantamnti, people (kansa) by llkka Liikanen, citizen (kansalainen) by Henrik Stenius, state (valtio) by Tuija Pulkkinen, society and community (yhteiskunta, yhteiso) by Pauli Kettunen and politics (politiikka) by Kari Palonen. Without going into too much detail in each of the scholarly papers, some observations shared by members of the audience are worthwhile. Hyvarinen's solution to the study of the unusually multi- dimensional Finnish concept of power was to approach it through nineteenth-century Finnish literary sources, to carry on the analysis to the language struggles of the latter part of the century, and to finally summarise conceptual developments during the time of independence. Aiapuro's discussion on the concept of revolution pointed to the absence of a domestic revolutionary tradition in nineteenth-century Finland, to the original translation of revolution in Finnish as "the overthrow of power" -- without a sense of progress - and to the importance of Russian revolutionary events and the civil war in conceptualisations of revolution in twentieth-century Finland. Aamio analysed changing attitudes towards the phenomenon of political party, including the transformation from references to "the voice of the people" to an acceptance of the plurality of parties and to the adoption of an idea of party as more systematic action. Pohjantammi approached the concept of political representation by examining its relationship to the creation of the nation, to monarchy, to republic and to democracy. The analysis of the concept of people by Liikanen appeared as particularly interesting from the point of view of international comparison. Liikanen demonstrated that the Finnish language, following a collectivist Hegelian tradition, does not draw a clear distinction between ethnic people and the political nation but implies that people and state have a close connection. Similarly, Stenius pointed to the specifically Finnish conceptualisation of citizenship which excluded allusions to urban traditions and rights and he turned nationality and citizenship nearly identical. Pulkkinen's discussion on the peculiarly Finnish concept of state strengthened such conclusions, pointing to the development of state towards being an increasingly active agent. Likewise, Kettunen emphasised the typically Nordic conceptual confusion between the concepts of state and society. Finally, Palonen demonstrated that the intemational concept of politics lacked some peculiarly Finnish features when being adopted to an increasingly "European" Finnish political language within a relatively short period of time. In commentaries on the findings of the Finns, questions emerged conceming the criteria of choosing the analysed concepts. Importantly, the research group did not claim that the chosen concepts were the key concepts of the Finnish political culture. In the beginning of the project, the emphasis was rather laid on analytical concepts, whereas nonnative concepts were left for future projects. However, the chosen concepts, or at least the way they were studied, suggested to some observers that, in the Finnish political language, collectivities appear as more important than individuals. This emphasis on collectivity at the cost of individuals may not be that surprising taken the German rather than Anglophone cultural influences in Scandinavia. Finland, together with other Scandinavian countries, adopted Gennan conceptual traditions in which the concepts of rights and liberty, for instance, have not played such a dominant role as in the conceptual worlds of Britain and the Netherlands. The Finns do have their "Liberty Street" as opposed to the former ''Nicholas Street!! and their "War ofFreedom ll as an alternative term for the civil war, but freedom in these cases refers to the freedom of the entire nation rather than to the freedom of individuals. At least for those unfamiliar with Finnish history, surprising may also have been the almost total absence of eastern elements in Finnish political vocabulary. Russian presence in Tampere featured more in the additional program of the conference, with visits to the Lenin Museum (a sort of a museum of a museum), to a Russian ethnic restaurant and to a Neo-Byzantine Orthodox church, than in the papers themselves. This absence, though somewhat self-evident to most Finns, certainly calls for a clearer explanation, whether concerning the separate Swedish character of the Finnish administration in the imperial period, or the inability of the Soviet foreign-political influence to fundamentally alter Finnish domestic structures and political language during the Cold War. A note conceming interdisciplinarity needs to be added. As the variety of approaches shows, the Finnish group is genuinely multidisciplinary, consisting of political scientists, historians, philosophers, and a sociologist. The undeniable differences between the approaches of history and political theory, for instance, mostly remained under the cover of an existing concensus among the Finnish scholars, humorously suspected for sharing the ideals of the Fennomanians. Yet certain friction between various approaches did occasionally come up during the conference. Tolerance and open-mindedness between the divergent approaches of history and political theory is, of course, essential for fruitful cooperation and comparative work in the future. Necessity of further comparisons between and within political cultures: Or, was the Finnish case that unique after all? The Finns, like most nations, readily identifY themselves as a special case in the European context. As far as their political concepts are concerned, this belief in peculiarity carries some truth in it, but it may also lead to a neglect of wider contexts. For many an outside observer, the impression may have been that most Finnish scholars also remain dedicated to a belief in the nniqueness of Finnish experiences. The scholars seem to remain excessively cautious in integrating Finnish conceptual developments within wider European contexts. Undoubtedly, already before the c o ~ e r e n c e , the members of the team were conscious of the impossibility of analysing conceptual change in merely one language. As Matti Hyviirinen pointed out in his opening speech, the scholars were aware that the particular features of the Finnish political language only become visible in comparisons with other political cultures. However, the European context - and the enormously important Swedish context above all -- cannot be left 5 merely to foreign commentators to provide. The context should be more clearly reconstructed by the researchers themselves. At this stage, some papers most obviously failed to take Europe-wide late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century conceptual developments into considerations in a way that would have made Finnish developments more uoderstandable to an international audience and would probably have made them appear rather less unique than the Finnish scholars see them. Swedish historians Torkel Jansson and Lars Pettersen in , particular, pointed to the uodisputable fact that several nineteenth-century innovators of the Finnish language (or, Fennomanians) continued to speak Swedish as their mother tongue and to be involved in Swedish-speaking public discourse both in Sweden and Finland. In other words, Finnish conceptual developments can hardly be distinctly separated from simultaneous developments in the Swedish language. The Swedish language in Sweden and the Swedish language in Finland deserve further comparison. As Jansson pointed a common Swedish translation of EU-documents was acceptable to both the Swedish and Finnish governments still in the 1990s. Such uniformity is revealing as to the close relationship between the Finnish and Swedish political vocabularies. Hence a strengthened comparative aspect of conceptual research was called for. Scandinavia with her Swedish- Finnish and Danish-Norwegian historiographical traditions was seen as a fruitful starting point provided that the specific circumstances of each couotry were taken into consideration. Finally, a strengthening of the contextual (i.e. historical) dimensions of the papers was called for so that the risk of writing anachronistically history of such concepts that were not important to the contemporaries themselves could be avoided. Still after this conference, the difficult question of the proper relationship between social history and the history of concepts seems to remain unsolved. The Tampere Conference thus left scholarly work to be done both as far as the Finnish political language and international comparisons are concerned. All in all, it was a most successful and uousually well-organised conference which provided, with the excellent conference facilities of the Tampere Hall and an inspiring evening program, a perfect starting point for genuine international comparisons between political cultures. I believe that for all the participants the days in Tampere were intellectually 6 rewarding. One may only wish that parallel conferences on national and comparative projects in the history of concepts will be organised frequently also in the future. Social Controversies in Political Language: Political and Social Concepts, use and abuse of words. Saint-Cloud! Paris; 14-16 October 1999 Raymonde Monnier B etween 14-16 1:99, the " Analyses de corpus lingulSllques of the Ecole Normale Superieure of Fontenay/Saint-Cloud (equipe "Pratiques du langage au 18' siecle ") and the Laboratory of Social Sciences of the Ecole Normale Superieure of Paris, rue d 'Uhn, hosted the second International Conference of the History of Political and Social Concepts Group, organized by Kari Palonen and Melvin Richter. The chief foci of discussion concerned "Use and abuse of words", Comparative History of Socio-political Concepts, and Contemporary Debates on the History of Concepts. The Conference consisted of five panels and was closed by a Rouodtable over the Handbuch politish-sozialer GrundbegrifJe in Frankreich (1680-1820), with the participation of Hans-Jargen Liisebrink, co-author of the Handbuch with Rolf Reichardt. After a word of welcome by Michel Blay, Director of the Research of the Fontenay/ Saint-Cloud ENS, Jacques Guilhaumou (CNRS) opened the first session on 'Use and abuse of words' by developing the idea, in the Handbuch perspective, that the question of" l'abus des mots" in century France of great interest is as a methodological criterium for an empiricist and historicist problematization of the history of concepts. A historical revival of concepts is based here on the empiric connection between language and reality. He developed the link between the study of the partition of language ("langue commuoe" versus "langue politique") and the characterization of linguistic events (by example "Assemblee nationale" in 1789) in the engagement against "l'abus des langues" during the century. 'Despotism', a basic political concept in century French political discourse, was treated by Melvin Richter (New-York City University) as a contested concept with both pejorative and ameliorative senses, and as a concept with a long history, inclucting the permeable boundaries separating it from 'tyranny'. Anyone seeking to add a new meaning or application to the concept had to fight against a diachronic thrust, which this history had created. The concept often produced political consequences unanticipated and undesired by those using it. TIris was to be the case in the context of the Maupeou crisis and in the years preceding 1789, provicting the key elements of the integrating revolutionary concept of a despotic ' ancien regime' in which absolute state worked with aristocracy and Church to peIpetuate feudalism and superstition. Th.e next paper, by Raymonde Monnier (ENS Fontenay! Saint-Cloud) dealt with the use of the 'indistinct' name of ' peuple' , introduced in its political sense in 1789 by colingualism effect. Keeping close to the use of the word from statistical data and discourse, she follows the semantic evolution of the concept, through the emergence of the expression representants du peupZe, and the use of neologisms that emerged in the event. The ones likely to represent the new sovereignty in the metaphoric and realistic style (sans-culottes! sans-culotterie) or in the republican and prophetic style (pll!bbenl pt.ibeianisme) throw a light on the double temporal dimension the concept has acquired in its connection to revolutionary action and to the idea of liberty. Martin Burke (New-York City University) showed how confessional terminology - 'Papists' or 'Catholics', 'Popery' or 'Catholicity' - common to public discourse, were employed in different circumstances in Ireland and the United States in the late 18" and early 19" centuries. In Ireland, by the early 1830s, there was a parrisl separation of the political and religious aspects of 'Popery', but confessional terminology remained a staple of Irish political culture. In the United States, due to the separation of church and state, confessional terminology had receded from the lexicon of politics. Warnings about 'Popery' continued to be acceptable, if contested, language when used in religious contexts, but in politics they now constituted an abuse of words. A highly ambivalent concept at the end of this century (bolstered by the millenary perspective), is the concept of 'globalization', treated by Jan Ifversen (Aarhus University). The conceptual instability of space and time recurs in the use of historical time concepts. Globalization becomes linked to a temporal concept of postrnodernity, of which the primary meaning is: fragmentation and syncretism. But if time is both fragmenting and fragmented we come near to a meaning of differences located in spaces. Other fundamental categories of our mental and social horizon, such as culture, nation and universalism, are touched by the campaign of globalization. The second session was on comparative history of concepts and began with a contribution of Kari Palonen (JyviiskyJii University) on the perspective of a rhetorical history of the (fe-) conceptualization of the concept of politics. While the first stage of thematization consisted of a spatialization of politics into a sphere, professor Palonen was most interested in the second stage, which signifies a temporalization of politics into an activity. He analyses nine topoi thematizing the different perspectives - Cleverness, Wanted Future, Lacking Rules, Action or Pratice, Play or Game, Partisanship, Conflict, Situation, The Possible. The examples from four political cultures - German, French, British and Finnish - show that the concept is a contested one and can be thematized from competing perspectives. Pim den Boer (Amsterdam University) analyzed a concept that can be called a 'transnationalism' : 'civilization' that emerged simultaneously in French and English in the third quarter of the 18" century and was rapidly adopted by many other languages, like Italian and German (Dutch is an exception). It was one of the basic concepts in the Idea of Progress, and became a political slogan, but at the same time it was also used as a scholarly term. By the end of the 19" century the concept acquired a layer of meaning, Pim den Boer suggests to add as fifth hypothesis to the working hypotheses of the Geschichtliche GrundbegrifJe : the nationalization of concepts, which is particularly pronounced in German-speaking regions, but operates in other European languages too. The contribution of Stuart Jones (Manchester University) was concerned to chart the history of the concept of 'representation' in the era of transition from classical representative government to mass democracy, when most western states were forced to confront challenges to established electoral systems. He considered how proponents of the various electoral reforms in France (1880-1914) deployed the concept of representation, focusing on the tension between artempts to 7 reconceptualize political representation in an era of political change, and the efforts of jurists such as Esmein to act as guardian of a stable concept in the name of a coherent and authoritative constitutional tradition. A concern with the new debates on the history of concepts animated the contnbutors to the third panel. Patricia Springborg's thesis (Sidney University) is that English Renaissance classical translations and imitations represent works of political surrogacy in an emergent nationalist discourse. For reasons of censorship in a harsh literary environment, but also because this is how people expected to get their information, certain classical works, for instance, those of Homer, Virgil, Lucan and Ovid, were read as coded texts. Ranged on a spectnun from royalist to republican, classical translations were transposed to new nationalist settings as manuals for good government and the classical virtues of citizenship. In the hands of humanist courtiers and their clients, they were rhetorical instnunents to school both the elite and the masses for their historic roles in the transition to modernity. In the next contribution, Tuija Pulkkinen (Helsinki University) explains why she thinks that the conception of historians who consider the Porvoo meeting (1809) as the birth place of the "Finnish state", is a case of misuse of words. She argues that the question of the status of the Finnish state within the Russian Empire was less crucial for the formation of the word valtio in Finnish than is suggested by the intense debate which ensued among generations of historians. The word-formation seems to bave more to do with the formation of the polity, with the form of political life and with the expression of political action. The fact that politics so forcefully came to be verbally associated with the state might well be one of the most interesting features of Finnish political vocabulary. Following the methodological insights of the "Cambridge School", Balazs Trencsenyi (Budapest University) traces the conceptualization of the national community in Hungary in the early-modem period. In order to grasp the intellectual context and emergence of an increasingly secular and finite cornmunity as the principal focus of political identification, he descnbes the Hungarian discourses of nationhood in terms of the interplay of the Hungarian humanist vision of patria, the Protestant conception of elect nationhood, and the emerging ideology of territorial statehood rooted in the pragmatist 8 political prudence of the "ragion di stato" tradition. He shows how the ideology of territorial statehood and the potentials of absolutism posed a crucial cballenge for subordinated power-elites, living in the framework of "multinational" empires. The session organized by Gerard Noiriel at the Laboratory of Social Sciences of the Paris Ecole Normale Superieure, concerned interdisciplinary, namely semantic, pragmatic. and political approaches of the History of Concepts. Pierre Fiala (ENS Fontenay/ Saint-Cloud) developed the proposition that lexical semantics is closely linked to morphology. He illustrated this point by showing, through the example of the words laiC! larque! laicite, and the partial stabilization of the concept in the "longue duree", how variations became meaningful, argumentative and enonciative strategies of speech. Grammatical and lexical morphology are therefore a good observatory of semantic facts. Sandro Chignola (Verona University) made a presentation of the two principal directions that Begriffigeschichte took in Italy in the centres for study and research on the History of political concepts. (See here after, page 7 to 13) He presents the main characteristics of the University of Trento's approach, and that of the universities of Padua and Bologna. The paduan research group approach to the history of concepts achieves the effect of de-structuring, by tracing the genealogy of modem political categories, the ideological block which has come about between modem political science and its very own retrospective representation of the conceptual times of its own history. It allows an unveiling, even if reconstructed in terms that are rigorously political conceptual structures of modernity, of the aporia and the contradictions on which the modem neutralisation of the question of good and justice has been fed. A.new approach of the conceptualization of the History of Women is proposed by Christine Faure (CNRS, Paris) with a critic presentation of three examples. The first example is that of the uvesuviennes", a category of the history of work and its organization during the Revolution of 1848. The second exarople is the conceptualization of feminioe mobilization under a totalitarian regime, which raised many controversies and requires a very narrow contextualization. Through the third example, concerning the paradoxical character of feminine action, a joint approach is proposed with actions of women and forms of public denunciation in order to find a third dimension between individual and collective action. In the fifth session, Catherine Larrere (Universite de Bordeaux) examined some aspects of the history of the word and concept of 'economie' . She argues that the second use of the word 'economie' in the 1750s was not a mere revival of Montcbrestien's use but a real new birth on new basis. Montcbrestien's "CEconomie politique" was an attempt to extend the original meaning by shifting from the domestic to the political areas, whereas Quesnay's use of the word draws from already metaphorical meanings, the physiological one (=onomie anirnale) as well as the theological one (economie as dispensatio, God's general plan of distnbuting goods). Her thesis is that the delayed widespread use of the word is not to be attnbuted only to the frequently noticed gap between ordinary language and scientific use, but must be related to various and conscious strategies in the use of the word. Modem conceptual mutations of the idea of rights claim is then considered by Elena Meleshkina (Samara State University). Secularization led to the introduction of reason, state, law, typically natural law and finally standards of human rights as authority, or in other cases took a revolutionary character. Protesters had to introduce a source of authority contrasting to the formally existing one. Thus, she argues, the scheme of redressing the wrong by appeal to higher authority by restoring violated norms and conventions has been replaced by revolutionary substitution of one authority and related set of norms and conventions by another authority and its norms and cODventions. Mikhail llyin (Moscow) discussed the relation between institutions and concepts during the process of political change with the emergence of the Russian Federation at the wake of the Soviet Union. It rnay seem that new institutions have been conceptualized in a new way. But there are Significant problems in interpreting the notion of federation and federalism. On the one hand there has been achieved more consistent use of "federal" terms, but on the other the idea of federal union became less conspicuous. Asymmetry of political relations as well as the relations between the "federal center" and the federal territories are poorly conceptualized in the official absence of the concept of autonomy. In this situation alternative wordings and meanings are developing to conceptualize a . political configuration that combines both imperial and federal properties. A round table discussion concluded the conference. Participants included the organizers and Hans-Jiirgen Liisebrink, who presented the rnain features of the Handbuch politish-sozialer Grundbegriffe in Frankreich, in its pragmatic, intercultural and comparative dimension. Then were discussed the constitution of the executive board and the perspective of the next Conferences that will be organized in Copenhagen in October 2000 ( see page 16), Tampere, Finland in 2001 (see page 17) , in Aahrus, Denmark in 200 I and in Amsterdam in 2002. The Conference in Saint-Cloud! Paris wonld not have been possible without the support of the Ecole Normale Superieure of Fontenay/Saint-Cloud and of the UMR " Analyses de corpus linguistiques". Thanks are due to the members of the laboratory and to its co-director Pierre Fiala and to Gerard Noiriel for welcoming us in the Laboratory of Social Sciences of the ENS of Paris. BEGRIFFSGESCHICHTE IN ITALY, ON THE LOGIC OF MODERN
Dr. Sandre Chignola, Universita di Padova, Italy T he aim of this paper is the brief presentation of the two principal directions that Begriffsgeschichte took in Italy and to attempt to enucleate a few theoretical proposals from the Italian model to further European historical - conceptual research. The history of political concepts in fact has not been directly applied in Italy to develop lexicographical works and neither has it been used to reconstruct the political vocabulary. It has acted rather as a stimulus for the importation of German constitutional and social historiography, for the translation, in volume, of individual items from the Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, for the planning of seminars and joumals and above all for the production of research and anthologies with a strong unitary set up through which it has elaborated a strategy for autonomous use and, which I believe, is unique on the international scene. 9 The main centres for study and research on the History of political concepts in Italy today are the University of Trento and the Institute of Italo-Germanic History in Trento which publish the jownals Scienza & Politica and the Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento and the universities of Padua and Bologna with the journal Filosofia politica - the first pan of each issue is dedicated to the presentation of <<Materiali per un lessico politico europeo (material for a European political lexicon) and the anthologies of the research on modem political concepts. At the universities of Milan and Bologna there are also more general editorial projects, with the aim of producing volumes for general consultation and political dictionaries which take into due account the specific History of political vocabulary. (Omaghi-Parsi, 1991; 1993). The method and the perspectives of the history of concepts were introduced into Italy with German constitutional historiography. The interest in a method of research which united cultural, juridical, institutional and economic history in a comparative prospective to investigate the complex and many-sided logic of the western political experience was pre-eminent in a phase when the attention of the historian was drawn to the material constitution and to the complex structures of the modem state. Amongst the leading lights in Italy involved in this renewal of methOdology who allowed a "global" approach to the state and to institutional history, were historians and legal historians of the ilk of Otto Brunner, Otto Hintze, Werner Conze, Ernst-Wolfgang Bockenforde and Reinhan Koselleck. In this context the history of concepts has served above all as an instrument for the "historicization" of the juridical categories with which the very notion of 'constitution' (Konstitution) was intelpreted, and which paradigm to adopt to develop the field of research towards that of social history, beyond the limits of formal rights. It has its origins in the 19" century bourgeois state, that is - this is when the first contnbution was made in the true sense to the history of concepts - categories such as 'rights' , 'individual', 'division of power', . distinction between public and private' or 'society'I'State', could not have been applied to previous institutional and political realities as they previously were unknown. What carne into play - according to a conceptual distinction which can be traced to Costantino Mortati and to Carl Schmitt, the latter the 10 author who at the time entered the Italian debate exerting a great influence (thanks to G.Miglio and P.Schiera) - was a d i f f e r e n ~ a wider-ranging "material" conception of constitution (Verfassung) . This could be used to investigate the problem of political unity in ideological and institutional contexts, which had preceded the forming of the system of co-ordinates in the 19" century state (Rechtsstaat) . It was by these means that politics could be studied independently of the presumed universality and all pervasive nature of its own concepts in the 19" century state and be reconstructed around a system of self supporting and specific concepts in the "constitutional contexf' (in the sense of the material constitution, or that which in German is called Verfassung) which every now and then was taken into consideration. The history of concepts therefore made its entrance from the beginning in this renewal of constitutional historiography. It was used as an instrument 10 lesl the categories of the hisloriographical reconstruction so as 10 avoid misunderstandings or inaccuracies from the moment in which concepts which did not belong to the semantic contexts under investigation could nol be used and to analyse the latter by means of their own specific concepts. German constitutional historiography was introduced into Italy between the 70's and the early 80's through the translations of Bockenforde, Brunner, Hintze and Koselleck and with the initiation of important research on the modem state. During that period the role played by Pierangelo Schiera and his students and collaborators and by the Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico of Trento were decisive in carrying forward thai undertaking. The translation of the work of those authors and the subsequent participation which ensued as a resull has opened the way in Italy to research into the global hislOry of the modem stale which employs openly comparative perspectives and which assumes in political concepts and in their history, the material "use value" of the doctrines. AU of this has created a profound renewal in the study of political hislory in Italy. On the one hand it has pennitted the stale as a theme 10 be rescued from the obscurity (at the highest level furthermore) of juridical history. On the other, it has broughl aboul the inclusion of the history of political theory in the mosl extensive seal of the hislory of ideological political structures, detaching il from the idealisl rhetoric which reigned supreme in the theme of the history of thoughl to anchor it 10 the complexities of political, administrative, economic events and the vicissitudes of political theory concerning the modem state (Schiera 1971-74). By taking on the Koselleckian premise that in the Germao political lexicon it is possible to docwnent a process of ideologisation, of democratization and of politicization of political concepts from the end of the 1 8 ~ century to the first half of the 1 9 ~ which docwnent and accompany drastic changes in historical experience. The horizon of which becomes mobile and temporalized by the discovery of foreseeing the future in the past and by the grafting of the present into the patterns of the philosophy of history. This flrst direction of Italian conceptual historical research has focussed its attention upon the ideological changes which have been produced in the constitutional theories of the 1 9 ~ century and has formalised the necessity of studying political theory through the filter of "political doctrine" (Gherardi-Gozzi, 1992; 1995; Schiera, 1996). In the latter, or rather in the description of the link between theory and practice, between the theoretical imagination and concrete political practice which occurs with the processes of the ideologisation of theory, it is possible for historiography to recover the material ''use value" of political concepts, taking them on in the intermediate space between the thought and the action, between theoretical speculation and the course of history, and to evaluate concepts like this as Koselleck described much of them; as indicators of the historical process and yet, at the same time, as concrete factors of the same. The area where political doctrine takes shape, precisely because it is intermediary between theory and practice, is the area of the production of knowledge and the practice of government where the process of hegemony which guides constitutional processes is asserted (Schiera, 1987; Gozzi, 1988). In this perspective the area offers itself therefore with grounds for research which combine the historiography of political theory with social and juridical history, with the aim of historicizing and contextualizing the concepts of the political lexicon within a system of structures and processes, both ideological and political, which guide the articulation of individual historical phases. Tracing the history of concepts therefore signifles- in this perspective - the analysis of the latter within the material context of use, and the evaluation of the contribution that the concepts and the political doctrines make in the setting up and in the obstruction of historical constitutional processes. Before an area like that of the political doctrines can evolve and before the political concepts can be contextualized within that area it is obviously necessary to differentiate between the theory and the practice which are antecedents and results of the processes of ideologisation of political theory. It is also necessary for the area of the constitution to be invested with processes of controversial political polarization which temporalise the processes of recoguition of problems relating to the constitution, problems of government and priority within the political agenda (Ricciardi, 1995). All of this is necessary to obtain the hegemony on which the concepts of the political lexicon are drawn up, the authentic KampjbegrijJe, in opposite political camps. Having stated thus, this tITSt guiding general plan of the Italian reception of the history of concepts directly takes on a large part of Koselleck's model. It investigates the concepts as elementary components of the doctrine and historicises them by contextualising them within the framework of the processes of ideologisation, politicisation and temporalisation of the political historical experience. These begin to be perceived between the end of the 1 8 ~ century and the 1 9 ~ century. This has made it possible for the istituto Storico italo-germaoico of Trento to promote seminars and research initiatives which concentrate above all on constitutional history and on those themes which result fully in a social, political and practical involvement of the concepts: the area of the science of knowledge for example, or that of the theoretical and immediately applicable, of the public administration, of the PolizeywissenschaJten, of the statistics, of the StaatswissenschaJten and of administrative law. In each of these flelds, historical constitutional research uses the history of concepts as a preferred instrwnent in the contextualisation of the political theory of the practical system of government to whose setting up it has contributed (Shiera, 1987; 1996; Gherardi-Gozzi, 1992; 1995). In synthesis this flrst directive in the Italiao reception and re-elaboration of the history of concepts coherently develops (and with important results) the following theoretical premises: a. It evaluates the elements of the political lexicon - or 11 rather the concepts - with a permanent dynamic relationship within the referred social context and takes them on only in so far as the power games and the snuggle for hegemony in which the material constitution (Veifassung ) of a historical epoch are expressed. b. As a consequence it takes on the concepts, in view of a coherent historicisation, as fundamental mechanisms of the passage between theory and practice within a specific historical phase. c. It allots a fundamental relevance, with the aim of understanding the historical sense of the convergence of political theory and the processes of the modem state, to science (Wissenschaft) or the process of constitutional recognition of the doctrines and theoretical knowledge (the institutionalisation at university level of the political and adnllnistrative disciplines, the birth of political science, the theoretical framework for the founding of universities, of scientific academies, of Grandes Ecoles) . d. It assigns the history of concepts an auxiliary role in relation to social or constitutional history within the "global" reconsnuction of logical mechanisms and political, economic and institutional strategies on which the vicissitudes of the constitutional transition between the 19" and 20" century are based. c. All this coherently pursues the aim of an accurate historicisation of thought in view of a more precise reconsnuction of the constitutional circumstances of the modern state. Leading on from the effects of modem political philosophy on the constitution (the way in which it has anticipated, included or planned the system of logical references of the modem state) and following in the wake of Schiera's initial work, relying in turn on the work of those historians that he introduced into Italy (Brunner above all, but also Hintze, Conze and Koselleck) a second direction in Italian research responded in a markedly more philosophical way to the formation of a European political lexicon. For this second direction the problem of the choice of concepts on which to trace the history was resolved by the same methodological option as the Begriffsgeschichte, understood in the manner of Brunner as "the history of modem political concepts". The task is that of reconsnucting, genealogically, the system of categories and the modem political concepts and the effect of organisation of reality that they produce. An effect so 12 powerful as to determine a logical framework which is stepped around with difficulty and capable of producing that illusion of "objectivity" and "universality" of modern political concepts and categories which allows it in turn to project the same concepts and categories - even if typically modern - into previous idealogical and semantic contexts which did not know them (Duso, 1999b). The epoch of modern political concepts - isolated from research on texts of the political philosophy tradition and enucleated, beginning from the latter, as historically circumscribed and determined (I emphasize here the latin derivation terminus, limit, boundary) - requires inevitably the historical reconsnuction of its own conceptual times. The supposition of linear continuity in the processes of transformation, which have assigned logical elements and snuctures of the political lexicon, is deprived of meaning by the adoption of this same perspective (Duso, 1994; 1997; Chignola, 1990; 1997). Politics cannot be seen, in this perspective, as a continuous sequence in its historical and temporal scanning, nor can it be represented, along the axis of its own history, outside the categories that were adopted to produce it. Modem politics - or rather the system of concepts forged in the doctrines of the social contract in the black hole of the religious and civil wars_(Duso, 1987) - consists of a sequence of organisation which is logically and historically de-fermined. Included, that is, in a theoretical area, the circumference of which it is possible to trace and reconsnuct the procedures of constitution. And commencing from such assumption, that a second modality for the re-elaboration of the history of concepts questions the modern political lexicon and animated not with the intention of recomposing but rather by an instance of criticism and of deconstruction. Here recomposition is intended properly as the reconsnuction of a map of fundamental concepts, as the composition of linear histories of the concepts from antiquity to the contemporary era, as the task of providing more refined instruments for the theoretical political elaboration as an accurate historicisation of linguistic usage. Or rather, precisely the way in which a person believes they can use the model of the history of concepts. This critical interpretation, on the contrary, deems that recomposition as an authentic misunderstanding of the methodological premises of the Begriffsgeschichte. If it is possible to assigu a limited historicity to modem political concepts, then it will be possible to critically denounce the pretences of "universality" and "objectivity" of the modem political concepts and not reconstruct the framework of the entire western political experience around the modern political lexicon and its limited historicity (Duso, 1999). This second thread of interpretation and research, which was elaborated in particular within the Gruppo di ricerca sui concetti politici moderni (the modern political concepts research group land active from the end of the 70's under the direction of Giuseppe Duso at the Istituto di Filosofia of the University of Padua, re-elaborates the Begriffsgeschichte of Koselleckian stamp in a duplicate direction. First of all, Koselleck's methodological proposal is radicalized. This is grafted onto a notion of "historical science", the contingency of which is never brought into question (even though it is the same Koselleck who is author of an important history of the concept of 'history'). Koselleck on the contrary, is obliged to assign a foundational value to general meta-historic categories (the categories, rigorously formalised and therefore "modern" in historic time, for example past, present, future or 'experience' and 'expectation') which alone allow for the provision of a "frame" in which histories which traverse different historical semantic contexts are enclosed. Even those, like classical antiquity where the philosophical historical distinction is unknown - early eschatalogical- christian and then modern and secularized - between 'experience' and 'expectation" should instead remain "impermeable" at such an interpretation (Bira!, 1987; Duso, 1994; Chignola,1990). In the second place, the historical semantic torsion is objected to in the Koselleckian model. What is in question in this second Italian proposal, is not the social history of the 'words' or the evaluation process which gives them surplus value political weighting and transforms the 'words' into 'concepts' on the level of collective action. This, on the other hand is what happens in the Trentino model of the history of concepts. Neither is it the intention to dissolve the logical power of the modern political concepts through extenuating procedures of contextualisation. What is being brought into play here is not exquisitely historical. The problem, to which a solution could be offered in conceptual-historic terms, is that of the genesis of modern political philosophy as modem political science. (Chignola, 1997; Duso, 1997). In this perspective, what is taken on board from the Koselleckian model, to be further radicalized in its theoretical logical consequences is, essentially, the supposition (originally Nietzschean) according to which the "concepts do not have history". That the concepts should have no history, as Koselleck opportunely reveals, and that nonetheless they contain it, means essentia1ly that the concepts can not be taken on as identical entities in themselves, or anyhow permanent, that they project themselves, evolving and changing their significance in relation to each individual historical context they traverse on the chronological and temporal plane of 'history'. The concepts do not have history because they do not carry a constant rational nucleus of which it is possible to trace the history. To relinquish this supposition would signify a contradiction of the theoretical premise of Begriffsgeschichte itself and a renewed assumption of the concepts as general universal entities, constant in any event even if moving or in constant transformation. Only of the modern concepts is it in fact possible to state that they have a 'history'. This is because their origins are historically definable and because it is only with them that the formal categories of time appear which permit a historiographical representation (Duso, 1999b). What is more if the history of concepts limited itself to the tracing of the history of ideas or of words, then it would do not other than assume, dogmatically and as an "objective", the framework of references and co-ordinates of modem science. By doing so it would do nothing more than eternize and universalize the theoretical device of modernity and imperialistically subsume all of history to its categories (Duso, 1999). The question is not the prerogative of this perspective, the re-composition of the European political lexicon via the reconstruction of the histories of the individual concepts. Nor is it to safeguard, thanks to the universal plane of "historical science", the perfect logical translation of ancient concepts to modem ones, to be able to evaluate instances of continuity and of transformation in the process of contextualisation of the western political experience (Chignol .. 1997). What is in question here is the problem of the specificity (or the partiality) of the 13 modern political categories and the capacity for criticism which is possible to claim io their respect once they are deprived of their supposed universality (Duso, 1997; 1999). The study of the political lexicon cannot be, followiog the course of this study, anythiog other than a critical genealogical study on the specificity and on the determioed meaoiog of modem political categories, on the process of their eternization and naturalization produced by modern political scientism, on the way of their conditioniog our historical, theoretical and philosophical approach to the question of political action (Biral, 1997). It is for this range of motives that the historical contextual perspective of the Padua group has taken two directions: I) it has carried out research on the Trennung between ancient and modern which has impelled them to pre-date the Schwellenzeit io historic time. 2) it has questioned the modem characteristic of 'achievement' and reopened the philosophical question of politics, from the excesses exercised by the question of justice io relation to the logical system of the modem concepts, which they have historically neutralised io juridical tenns (Duso, 1987; 1999b; Biral, 1987; 1997). The process at the begioniog of the revolution io political modernity is produced through moral philosophy and the politics of the mechanism and with the doctrioes and the social pact. In that context - which is a context to be understood io substantially logical tenns rather than historical temporal terms, because the artifice of the categories and the concepts is what is created here and politics will be perceived by these means up to the period of the 19" century crisis - the system of anthropological references on which ethical-political considerations are founded - is radically transformed. The issue here is the dissolution of the long term horizon of which a Christian "aristotlianism" had taken hold and the imposition of a new epistemological foundation based on the mechanistic irreducibility of action and of the importance of political mediation io the crisis which has upset every type of consolidated topology of the natural order sioce the age of the wars of religion and the risiog bourgeois iodividualism (BiraL 1999). Modem political science refutes the system of natural logic of government which stems from the self- 14 government (or self discipline) of the wise and free man, capable of domioatiog passions to extend ioto the political space. Sioce it refuses to consider men to be different io terms of differently wise or differently ioclined, by nature, to command or to obey, modem political science annihilates classical political anthropology by attemptiog to scientifically co-ordinate the supposition of equality with that of the political order. Modern political science and the more geometrico ioterpretation of ethics and of human behaviour attempt to artificially create the conditions for peace and the neutralisation of ethical- religious conflicts. Modem law originates from the capacity of theory to anticipate and forecast what, with regard to human conduct, pure wisdom can no longer control. How easy it is to deduce that skill and practical wisdom, as io the "self-governmenf' of the exercise, have more to do with the world of 'virtue' than they have with 'science'. This much is vouched for in the insistence - from Cicerone to Jean Bodin - of the metaphor of gubernator rei publicae. as the helmsman of the ship of state. For centuries, the topos has recited the apology of an order of politics which precisely because it referred to a whole composed of parts ( the differences io nature between men, between father and son, between male and female, between the nobility and the plebeians, between the different orders and estats of the corporate - and class society), required the virtue of wisdom and of mediation of its governor (Duso, 1999b). It is this practical aspect, prudential and phronetical of virtue which disappears from the scene when the revolution of equality - anticipated by the natural right - breaks up the possibility of an order founded on the immediate legitimacy of the government of the best (Biral, 1999). In the context of the wars of religion the wise man is not he who strives to impose moderation and counsel io the public debate, but he who has understood how anarchy and revolt can only be halted by a unitary and sovereign power which defines the good act io the same way for all the 'public' criteria. In this way legality becomes, through an ironic twist of history, the only earthly form possible of justice. The state is the guarantor of peace and the equality of the subjects (Biral, 1999). The caesura between 'internal' and 'external" between 'public' and 'private' , articulates the Trennung between the modem and the ancient world. Only in the modem world are the individuals, who have been rendered equal by the power which liberates them from subjection and dependence in relation to other men, able to exercise reason uin private" - also in a critical way, as Koselleck himself reminds us - and not to interfere one with the other as a force which imposes peace amongst them The society of modem man, as opposed to the society of the ancients (politikti koinonia, societas civilis), is no longer representable as a wbole composed of parts where the prudential and phronetical logic of government are affinned, because this becomes a space where the individuals, lIberated from subjection and dominion, can freely lead their own lives so long as they obey the laws and are respectful of the equality and liberty of others. The distinction between the modem societas sine imperio - free federation of rational egoistic individuals which negotiate the reciprocal recognition of their equality in the equal independence for all, entrusting it to the legal form - and the ancient societas cum imperio, of which the 'government' sanctions the internal differentiation founded on inequality, is the fundamental distinction which operates within the artifice of the social pact - the epocb of which coincides, in this second Italian interpretation of the Begriffsgeschichte, with the epoch of the modern political concepts - having a considerable effect on the constitutional level for many centuries to come (Bira!, 1999; Duso, 1999b). It is thus that the theories of the social contract - or rather the system of concepts and of logic on which the sovereignty question is based - have founded the constellation of concepts of political modernity (Duso, 1987; 1999a). The problem of the just disappears, to be replaced by that of legality. Men are equal in their will, and therefore free: the political expression of the collective body, since neither differences nor 'parts' no longer exist within it, must of necessity be represented as unique. The uniqueness of the sovereign will, as a result, will not be able to be produced in representational terms, and will become legitimised through rational procedures, from the moment in which the supposition of equality has rendered the immediate legitimacy of the logic of government politically evanescent. According to Duso "End of government and the birth of power" is another way of describing the dissolution of the ancient world and the birth of the modem (Duso, 1999b). 'Individual' , 'equality" 'subject', 'liberty', 'will', 'rights', 'representation', 'legitimacy', 'sovereignty' - amongst others - are the fundamental concepts of modernity (unknown in antiquity) and they correspond, according to this proposal, to the transition which invests politics to the measure in which it begins to be thought of according to the scientific interpretation of ethics and of the categories of the modem legal form. The political now coincides with the juridical. The modem political lexicon with a logical device in which each of the concepts are deferred to the others, and none of which have a founding external reality. There are no values, nor are there objective historical realities, where the task of "substantiating" the constituent procedures through which modern political concepts produce their effect of orgauising reality could be demanded of them 1bis means that this second interpretative direction, even though taking on board the problem of the European political lexicon of the modem epoch, is not applicable to the reconstruction of the history of the individual concepts, but favours instead the analysis of the logical device which has shaped their ( the modem concepts) unitary significance. It concerns an important point which needs to be confirmed. In this research project the historical- conceptual perspective, as we have already confirmed, does not function as a simple methodological option. ' Instruments' (the concepts) and 'modality' (the historical-conceptual perspective) of research are given by the 'object' (the modem political lexicon), to which the research is applied. It is the ' object' of the research which defines the plan of its fundamental elements - or to provide the list of the necessary concepts to understand the shape of modem politics and to request an interpretative perspective which assumes the absolute discontinuation of the latter with regard to how much historically precedes it. A discontinuation which leads from the revolution of the logical device which poses the modem political concepts in relation to it (and in reciprocal tension ). Not by chance, the second effect of the torsion of the political lexicon - after that of the "scientification" of ethics which promotes the distinction between 'public' and ' private' - is produced from the ideologicisation of thought which bends the concepts into vehicles for the orgauisation of reality. The applied distinction between 'theory' and 'practice' is exclusively modem, according to which the second relies on the first. Political modernity, 15 unlike ancient thought, departs from the supposition that from the act it is possible to isolate a perfect and rational model, which must then be applied to real historical relations. Yet again the Trennung is placed at the level of the theories of the social contract, when political thought posed the task of constructing a rational and rigorous theory for the first time, the model that has the precision of the mathematical sciences and which justifies, in absolutely rational terms, the difference which is created between sovereign and subject. Thought - the 'political theory' - gives way to the destructuring of the normal everyday political experience in which the surplus idea of the good and the just is reaffirmed, as, for example, happens in the platonic experience (Biral, 1997), it affirms itself now as the vehicle for the rational organisation of practice and as a principle of giving structure and legitimacy to the political obligation. In the modem world - there cannot be a relationship of command/obey which is not legitimate in exclusively rational terms. The epistemological revolution of modem political science (and of its concepts ) starts from here. This implies at least two important consequences on the level of historical-conceptual methodology. The first is,- once more - the impossibility of accessing ancient thought without causing a hypostasis of the categories of modem political science. Nothing like the "theory of ancient politics" exists, if with that expression we mean the corresponding version of the logical device with which modem thought believes it is able to mould reality. On the contrary, the experience of ancient political philosophical thought could be replicated as a recovering of that question on the just and the good which was discarded and concealed - because it was potentialIy subversive and de-stabilising - from the theoretical process of modem political science. The second concerns instead the fact that the sources investigated according to this perspective are exclusively those in which the flow which constitutes modem political theory has crystallized to the greatest extent. It is not a history of individual concepts then, nor is it a study intenting on isolating the items for a composition of the lexicon of modem political concepts. It's rather a critical analysis of the logic which has presided over, on the base of the annihilation of the politike episteme of the ancients, the constitution of modem political theory, carried out on the authors and the 16 sites of greater theoretical density and of more immediate effect on the constitutional practice of the modem era. In synthesis, this second modality of the approach to Begnffsgeschichte has favoured, leading from the radically historical conceptual premise, a criticism of the modem political lexicon (above all of the pretensions of universality and objectivity of its categories and then of the effects of depoliticization and expropriation of action which they render operable in the name of guarantees conceded to the rising possessive individualism), of which the evidence is as follows: a. the importance of not dealing with the history of the individual concepts, but with the process which formed the unitary logical device formed by the effeclS of a reciprocal resonance in modem political concepts; b. the importance of retracing that process as a set of transformations which intend to bury classical ethics and politics (the scientification of moral philosophy, the ' public/private' distinction, the schism between 'theory' and 'practice') and which inaugurate the founding of modern political science; c. the importance of treating this process through an analysis of the phases of constitution in the ''high'' places of modem political philosophy in which the theoretical frameworks, which will have evident constitutional consequences, have established thernselves; d. an anchorage for philosophy - beyond the crisis of modem political science - as a knot removed from the modem trend of giving an empty juridical interpretation to the question of good and justice. Such a type of approach to the history of modem political concepts achieves the effect of de-structuring, by tracing the genealogy of modem political categories, the ideological block which has come about between modem political science and its very own retrospective representation of the conceptual times of its own history. It allows an unveiling. even if reconstructed in terms that are rigorously political conceptual structures of modernity. of the aporia and the contradictions on which the modem neutralisation of the question of good and justice has been fed. ITALY AND THE' HISTORY OF POLITICAL CONCEPTS: AN ESSENTIAL BIBUOGRAPHY '<<Anna.Ii dell'Istituto storico italo-getmanico in Trentm" XIII, 1987 (on the Works ofOno Brunner). ' Auciello N. - Racinaro R. (a c. di), Storia dei concetti e semantica storica, Napoli, ESI, 1990. ' Biral A., Koselleck e la concezione della storia, <<Filosofia politic"" , I, 1987. *Biral A., Platone e 1a conoscenza di se, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1997. 'Biral A., Sloria e critica della filosofia politica modema, Milano, Angeli, 1999. *Chignola S., Sloria concettuale e filosofia politica Per una prima approssimazione, Filosofla Politica, IV, 1/1990, pp. 5-35. 'Chigno1a S., Storia dei concetti e storiografia del discorso politico, <<Filosofia politic"" , XI, 111997, pp. 99- 122. *Chignola S., Historia de los conceptos y historiografia del discurso politico, <<Res Public"", Revista de historia y el presente de los conceptos politicos, I, 111998, pp. 1-33. 'Chignola S., Review of: lain Harnpsher - Monk, Karin Ti1rnans and Frank Van Vree (Eds.), History o/Concepts: Comparative Perspectives, Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 1998, <<Filosofia politica 3, 1999 (in print). *Chignola S., Tra storia delle dottrine e filosofia politica. Di alcune modalita della riermone italiana della Begriffsgeschichte, <ill Pensiero politico, 2000 (in print) 'Duso G. (a c. di), n contratto sociale nella filosofia politica moderna, Bologna, II Mulino, 1987 (now: Milano, Angeli, 1998 3 ). *Duso G. (a c. di), n potere. Per la storia della filosofia politica modema, Roma, Carocci, 1999a. 'Duso G., Historisches Lexikon e storia dei concetti, <<Filosofia politic"" , 1, 1994, pp. 109-120. ' Duso G., Sloria dei concetti come filosofia politica, <<Filosofia politiCa>" 3, 1997, pp. 396-426. *Duso G., Historia conceptual eomo filosofia politica, <<Res Public"", Revista de historia y el presente de los conceptos politicos, I, 1/1998, pp. 35-71 'Duso G., La logica del potere. Sloria dei concetti come filosofia politica, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1999b. '<<Filosofia politic"", 3, 1997 (this number of <<FP>, contains the Italian translation of Koselleck's, Pocock's and ruchter's papers edited by H. Lehmann and M. ruchter in The Meaning of Historical Terms and Concepts. New Studies on Begriffsgeschichte, Washington D.C., 1996) 'Galli C. (under direction of), Lessico della politica, Bologna, II Mulino, 1999- (volumes till now appeared: B. Accarino, Rappresentanza; P. Portinaro, Stato; M. Barberis, Liberta; M. Fioravanti, Costituzione) *Gherardi R - Gozzi G. (a c. di), I concettifondamentali delle scienze sociali e della Stato in Italia e in Germania tra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1992. 'Gherardi R - Gozzi G. (a c. di), Saperi della borghesia e storia dei concetti fra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1995. *Gozzi G., Modelli politici e questione sociale in Italia e in Germania fra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1988. Merlo M., La ambivalencia de los conceptos. Observaciones acerca de algunos reiaciones entre Begriffsgeschichte e historiografia del discurso politico, <<Res Public"", Revista de historia y el presente de los conceptos politicos, I, 111998, pp 87-101. *Ornaghi L., Sui concetti e Ie loro proprieta nel discorso politico modemo, <<Filosofia politic"", I, 1990, pp. 57-73. 'Omaghi L. - Parsi V. E. (a c. di), I concetti della politica: Liberta, Progresso, Democrazia, Politica (italian translation of GG essays: Freiheit, Fortschritt, Demokratie, Politik), Venezia, Marsilio, 1991-1993). ' rucciardi M., Linee storiche del concetto di popolo, <<Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-getmanico in Trento, XVI, 1990, pp. 303-369. *Schiera P. - Rotelli E., Lo Stato modemo, voll. I-ill, Bologna, II Mulino, 1971-1974. *Schiera P. (a c. di), Societa e corpi. Scritti di Lamprecht, Gierke, Maitland, Bloch, Lousse, Oestreich, Auerbach, Napoli, Bibliopolis, 1987. ' Schiera P., Otto Hintze, Napoli Guida, 1974. 'Schiera P., n laboratorio borghese. Scienza e politica nella Germania dell'Ottocento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1987. *Schiera P., Considerazioni sulla Begriffsgeschichte a partire dai Geschichtliche Grundhegriffe di Brunner, C01JZe e Koselleck, Societa e stoOO" 72, 1996, pp. 403- 411. *Scuccimarra L., Lo Begriffsgeschichte e Ie sue radici intellettuali, Storic"", 10, 1998, pp. 7-99. *Valera G., Storia delle scienze e analisi della societa: qualche considerazione di metodo, Scienza & Politic"", 1, 1989, pp. 7-25. 17 Agenda 12 Mai 2000 Saint-Cloud Conference - History of social-political concepts Morning session 10:00-12:30. Chairperson Pierre Fiala (ENS de Fontenay/Saint-Cloud): -Linda Pietrantonio (Universite de Montreal): The use of the concept equality in the scientific discours on political expressions of positive discrimination. -Colette Capitan (CNRS): The concept equality and the little nephews of Locke and Rousseau. -Discussion Afternoon session 14:30-17:00. Chairperson Raymonde Monnier (CNRS): -Haitsma Mulier (Universiteit van Amsterdam) Dutch conceptual history in theory and practice: the example of liberty. -Jacques Guilhamou (CNRS): A discussion on the history of concepts: language contexts, linguistic conventions and networks of opinion (???) (about the book of Mark Bevir The Logic of the History of Ideas (Cambridge University Press 1999). -Discussion Place: Ecole Normale Superieure, Pavilion Valois 2, Avenue de la Grille d'Honneur du Pare Saint-Cloud E-mail: contact-urnr8503@ens-fcl.fr 1-S August 2000 Quebec IPSA World Congress - PoliticS, Rhetoric and Conceptual Changes Conceptual changes and political theories Convenor: PalonenIRosales Chairperson: Kia Lindroos (Goldsmiths College) Papers: 'Oliver Marchart: "Conceptual history, hegemony theory and the concept of the political"; 'John S. Nelson (University of Iowa): "Rhetorics for electronic politics: reconceiving political communication"; ' Cesar Cansino (Centro de Estudios de Politica Comparada): "The conceptual genealogy of political 18 science; in defense of an inward history of the discipline"; 'Tapani Turkka (University of Tampere): "The fate of Locke's very strange doctrine" 'Michail llyin (Moscow State Institute of International Relations): "Teilhardian vision of 'un monde qui s'enroule' as a conceptual pattern for globalization"; Submitted paper: K.ari Palonen "History of Concepts as a subversion ofNorrnative Political Theory". Discussants: PalonenIRosales Conceptual changes and political culture Convenor: PalonenIRosales Chairperson: Tina Buchtrup Pipa (University of Copenhagen) Papers: 'Yan Peng (Stockhobn University): "Conceptualization of rulership in Shang-Zhou China"; 'Jose Luis Villacanas : "Dynastic change, conceptual continuity. Spanish patrimonialism between the Austrians and the Borbons"; ' Jan Ifversen (Aarhus University): "Western civilization in the wake of World War I - the importance of a concept"; 'Bjorn Wittrock (Swedish Council for the Advanced Study in the Social Sciences): "Modernity an conceptual change"; 'Eliane Thomas: "Changing conceptions of citizenship and nationality: A nuw theoretical framework for comparative analysis". Discussants: Melvin Richter (CUNY) and Matti Hyvlirinen (University ofTampere) Convenor: Kari Palonen University of JyviiskyHi P.O. Box 35 FIN-4035I Jyviiskylii, Finland E-mail: kpalonen@cc.jyu.fi Co-convenor: Jose M. Rosales Universidad de Malaga Departemento de Filosofia Campus de Teatinos E 29071 Malaga, Spain Tel: +34 95213 18 13 Fax +3495213 18 14 / 23 E-mail: jmrosales@uma.es 19-21 October 2000 Copenhagen History of Concepts Annual Conference - The Concepts of Democracy Seldom has a concept been so debated, so contested and so abused as democracy. Since, at least, the beginning of the 19th century democracy has been a battle concept forming politics in the public arenas of the European states. Although democracy has been generally accepted since the end of the cold war and generally stands as the only viable form of society for the future, the debate over democracy has (pace Fukuyarna) certainly not ended. The concept of democracy is confronted with new challenges stemming from a radically changing world. Globalization and postmodernity alter the traditional intellectual and practical strongholds within which democracy bas been embedded. Concepts of territorial sovereignty, citizenship and public opnion bave to fit a world of new political structures, due to the disappearance of the East- West confrontation and tot the cballenges to the nation state from above by transnationalizations and from below by localizations of politics. Since these concepts are part of a semantic field surounding democracy, how will conceptual changes affect the meaning of democracy. But, maybe, the concept of democracy bas always been able to adapt to changing situations. The concept bas shown a fantastic capacity of adaptation over time. Since its (re) introduction in European political langnage in the 18th century as a rather negative term (mob rule), democracy has appeared in different situations and in very different ideologies. Liberalisme, republicanisnt, socialism and nationalism bave all found a place for democracy. But, is it the same democracy that appears in these different ideologies? This conference will discuss both contemporary and historical changes in the concept of democracy. Part of the discussion will be an examination of the role of related concepts in the semantic field surrounding democracy such as e.g. state, nation, people and sovereignty, such as representation, parliamentarisnt, political participation and citizenship, sucb as buman rigbts, etc. The conference will consist of four major sessions: I) The conceptual history of democracy 2) Contemporary challenges to the concept of democracy 3) Cultural diversities of the concept of democracy 4) Related concepts Preliminary program Thursday, October 19 Afternoon session: 14:00-18:00 -opening speech -presentation of the organisation -presentation of the conference theme by U. Jacobsen and J. Ifversen: The conceptual history of democracy -reception Friday, October 20 Morning session 9:00-12:00 "The conceptual history of democracy" Afternoon sesSion 14:00-18:00 "Comtemporary challenges to the concept of democracy" Saturday, October 21 Morning session 10:00-13:00 "Cultural diversities of the concept of democracy" Afternoon session 15:00-19:00 "Related concepts" Dinner Please send your proposals to or contact for further information: Assistant Professor, Dr Jan Ifversen Centre for European Cultural Studies University of Aarhus Nobelparken, Jens Chr. Skousvej 5 DK-8000 Arhus C, Denmark Tel: +45 35 32 34 04 Fax: +45 8942 64 63 E-mail: kullji@hurn.au.dk 19 Associate Professor, Dr Uffe Jacobsen Institute of Political Science University of Copenbagen Rosenborggade 15 DK-II30 Copenbagen, Denmark Tel: +45 35 32 34 04 Fax: +45 35 32 33 66 E-mail: UI@ifs.ku.dk 7-9 December 2000 Jyvaskyla Politics revisited Symposium There are several perspectives from which the concept of politics, or the political, has been actualized and revisited in the recent years. We have decided to invite proponents of some of the novel perspectives to a symposium in order to confront the different viewpoints, aspects, levels and dimensions of the discussion. In addition, we want to discuss the significance of the rethinking of politics in workshops dealing with special topics, to which the relation to politics is obvious, but which bave almost remained outside the recent reconsiderations of politics. To deal with questions like these on the history, cbaracter and present-day significance of the concept of politics we invite you to participate at a symposium "Politics Revisited" at the University of Jyvaskyla, from 7 till 9 December 2000. The symposium consists of plenary sessions and workshops. In the plenary sessions our guest speakers give presentations which are then joined by a comment from a Finnish colleague as well as a discussion. The workshops offer especially an opportunity for both post-doctoral scholars and Ph. D. candidates to present their own research related to the topic of the workshop and the symposium. Plenary sessions Guest speakers from abroad: Frank Ankersrnit (Groningen), Lisa Disch (Minnesota), Michael Greven (Hamburg), Chantal Mouffe (London), R.J. Walker (Victoria, Canada). Commentators: Sakari Hiinninen (Jyvaskyla), Kari Palonen (Jyvaskyla), Tuija Parvikko (Jyvaskyla), and Tuija Pulkkinen (Helsinki). 20 Workshops The convenors write a background statement, which serves as a call for the papers for the workshop. The convenors select the papers to be presented in the workshop and act as the chair of discussion. The plenary speakers are expected to participate in the workshop sessions. Topics: "Aesthetics and Politics", convenor Kia Lindroos (JyvaskyliiILondon) (E-mail: sosOlkI@gold.ac.uk or kialind@globalnet.co.uk) "Displacement of politics and politics of displacement at the turn of the millenium", convenors: Tuija Parvikko (Jyvaskyla) (E-mail: parvikko@dodo.jyu.fi) and Jussi Vahamaki (Tampere) (E-mail: ytjuva@uta.fi) 28-30 June 2001 Tampere History of Concepts Group Conference - Rhetorical Perspectives & Problems of Conceptual Change This early announcement is made in order to give you an opportunity to reserve the dates for the conference and suggest special sessions an session chairs for the event. The members of the program committee are Pirn den Boer (Amsterdam), Uffe Jakobsen (Copenhagen), Raymonde Monnier (ENS de Fontenayl Saint-Cloud), Kari Palonen (Jyvaskyla), Yija Pulkkinen (Helsinki), Melvin Richter (CUNY, Hunter College), Patricia Springborg (Sydney), Bjorn Wittrock (Uppsala) and Matti Hyvarinen (Tampere). From April 2000 on, you can follow the progress of the congress preparations on our web-site: http://www.uta.ftlIaitoksetiyty/concepts/ Please send your proposals at the latest by December I , 2000, addressed to Matti Hyvarinen or to any other member of the program committee. Dr Matti Hyvarinen Research Institute for Social Sciences (YTY) University of Tampere FIN-33014 Finland Tel: +358-3-2146 999 (office) +358-3-2609663 Fax: +358-3-2156 502 http://www.uta.fiI-ytrnahy/ Book annoucements Des Manuscrits de Sieyes (1773-1799), supervision Christine Faure, in association with Jacques GuilhaumOll and Jacques Valier (paris 1999; Editions Honore Champion) 576 pages. E-mail: champion@easynet.fr La parole des sans. Les mouvements actuels iJ l'epreuve de la Revolution jran9aise by Jacques Guilhawnou (ENS editions) is available on the following website: http://www.ens-fcl.fr/bibli/guilhaumoul Barbarism and Religion, volwne I (ISBN 0-521-63345-1) ; and The Enlightenments of Edward Gibbon, volwne 2, Narratives of Civil Government (ISBN 0-521-6402-4) by J.G.A. Pocock (Cambridge University Press 1999) Finnish Yearbook of Political Thought, volwne 4 (forthcoming in May-June). Contains, among others, the contributions of Stuart Jones "Political uses of the concept of 'representation': how the French debated electoral reform, c. 1880-1914" and Mark Bevir "The text as a historical objecf' as well as articles on Finnish concepts of the state (valtio) by Tuijja Pilkkinen, and of society (yhteiskunta) by Paul Kettunen. Call for copy Please send any information relevant for this Newsletter to: Karin TiIrnans I Wyger Velema, University of Amsterdam, Department of History, Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Please enclose also a diskette (WordPerfect or Word) or send your copy to: Karin.Tilrnans@hwn.uva.u1 Colofon Editing: Karin TiIrnans, Wyger Velema, Anna Voolstra Lay-out: Bas Broekhuizen 21 Conceptual Changes in Political Cultures Participants/ Adresses Prof. Hans Aarsleff Mark Bevir Dept. of English Dept. of Politics McCosh 22 University of Newcastle Princeton NJ 08544-1016 Newcastle upon Tyne USA NEt 7RU United Kingdom Dr R.A.M. Aerts Drs. PJ.E. Bielinga Lage der A 16a Gouden Leeuw 437 9718 BKGroningen 1103 KK Amsterdam The Netherlands The Netherlands Prof. David Armitage Prof. dr P.B.M. Blaas Dept. of History Mozartlaan 4 Columbia University 1901 XS Castricum New York NY 10027 The Netherlands USA Prof. dr W.P. Blockmans Peter Baehr Vakgroep Geschiedenis RUL Dept. of Sociology Postbus 95 t 5 Memorial University of 2300 RA Leiden Newfoundland The Netherlands SL John's New Foundland Canada A IC 5S7 Hans Blom E-mail: Dept. of Philosophy pbaehr@morgan.ucs.mun.ca Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam P.O Box 1738 Gyiirgy Bence NL-300 DR Rotterdam Dept. of Philosophy The Netherlands ELTE Fax: +31 10-212 0448 . Piansta k6z I E-mail : H.W.Blom@fwb.eur.nl Pf. 107 1364 Budapest Hans Elich Biideker Hungary Max-Planck-Inst. fur Tel.+3612663769 Geschichte Fax.+3612664612 Hermann-Foge-Weg 11 e-mail:bence@ludens.e1te.hu D-3400 GOttingen Germany Prof. dr W. van den Berg Leerstoelgroep Modeme Pim den Boer Letterkunde Dept. of Cultural Studies Spuistraat 134 University of Amsterdam 1012 VB Amsterdam Spuistraat 210 The Netherl ands 1012 VT Amsterdam The Netherlands Leonard Besselink Tel. +31-205253503 (office)! Parklaan 14 a +3130251 5426 (home) 2011IKV Haarlem Fax +3120525 3052 The Netherlands E-mail pdenboer@hum.uva.nl Prof. dr J. W. de Beus A. Harkemaweg 11 9831 SV Aduard The Netherlands 22 Marc Boone Janet Coleman Fac. der Lett. en Wijsbegeerte Dept. of Government Blandijnberg 2 B- 9000 London School of Economics Gent and Political Science Belgium Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE Dr G. de Bruin United Kingdom Anna Paulownalaan 4 Fax: +44-171831 1707 1412 AX. Naarden The Netherlands Dr E. Dekker Emmastraat27 Greg Burke 2802 LA Gouda Box 109 The Netherlands King's College Cambridge, CB2 1ST Arjan van Dixhoom Uni ted Kingdom Koningslaan 22 3583 GE Uo-echt Martin J. Burke The Netherlands Dept. of History Lehman College Dr H. Duits City University of New York Elzenlaan 39 250 Bedford Park Boulevard 1214 KK. Hilversum WestBronx. New York 10468 The Netherlands USA E-mail:martinj@alpha.lehman. Mr W.T. Eijsbouts cuny.cdu LSG. Europese Geschiedenis Spuistraat 134 Prof. L. Gerald Bursey 1012 VB Amsterdam Political Science Dept. The Netherlands Northeastern University Boston MA 02115 Dr M. Everard USA Plantage 6 2311 JC Leiden Mw. M. C3rasso-Kok The Netherlands Dr. Koomansstraat 21 1391 XA Abcoude Dr M. Fennema The Netherlands Vakgroep Algemene Politicologie Dalio castiglione Oudezijds Achterburgwa1237 Dept. of Politics 1012 DL Amsterdam University of Exeter The Netherlands Exeter United Kingdom Pierre Fiala E-mail : ENS. Fontanay Saint Cloud- D.Castiglione@exeler.ac.uk laboratoire de lexicologie Le Pare. 92211 Sandro Chignola Saint Cloud Cedex Dept of Philosophy France University of Padoua E-mai1:Fiala@ens-fcl-fr Via Muro Padri 17 37129 Verona. Italy Fax: +45-913880 E-mail chisa@Sis.it Michael Freeden DrI. de Haan Dr Chris Lorenz Peter Alexander Meyers Mansfield College Leerstoelgroep Nedertandse Instituut voor Geschiedenis 5 Rue dAtsace Oxford OXl 3TF Geschiedenis Doelensteeg 16 75010 Paris United Kingdom Spuistraal 134 2311 VL Leiden France Email : michael .freeden@ 1012 VB Amsterdam The Netherlands Email : pameyers@ socstud.ox.ac.uk The Netherl ands compuserve.com Vincent van der Lubbe Fumee Sisko Haikala Van Vredenburchweg 37 Prof. dr W.W. Mijnhardt Vakgroep Geschiedenis University of 2282 SE rujswijk Slotstraat 12 r Oude Kijk in 't Jatstraat 26 Dept. of History 0703988648 4101 BH Cul emborg 700 AS Groningen PL35 The Netherlands The Netherlands The Netherlands FIN -40351 JyviskylA Finland AJadan Madarasz Mw. drs Col. Misset Prof. dr. M. van Gelderen E-mail : haikala@campus.jyu.fi Institute of Economics Historisch Seminarium Ritterfelddam 82d Hungarian Academy of Spuistraat 134 0 1 000 Berlin 22 Hennie Haitjema Sciences The Netherlands Germany. or Serials Department BudaOrsiut 45 School of Eur. Studies, Arts Central Library Budapest Raymonde Monnier Building Flinders University of Hungary 49 Chemin de la Vallee aux Falmer. Brighton BNI 9NQ South Australia E mail: madarasz@ Loups United Kingdom GPO Box 2100 econ.core.hu 92290 Chatenay Malabry Adelaide SA 500 I France Daniel Gordon Australia Peter Mair Email : Monni er@ensfcl.fr Dept. of History Tel. (08) 8201 2736 Department of Political Science University of Massachussets Fax (08) 8201 3362 Leiden University Olof Miirke Amherst MA 010033930 P.O. Box 9555, ChristianAlbrechtsUniv. Zu USA Prof. dr E.O.G. Haitsma 2300 RB Leiden, Kiel Email: Mulier The Netherl ands. Historischcs Seminar dgordon@history.umass.edu l..eerstoelgroep Nicuwc Tel: + 31 715273908 01shausenstrasse 40 Geschiedenis Fax: + 31715272815 J).24098 !Gel Dr F. Grijzenhout Spuistra.at 134 &mail : Germany De Wittenkade 86 1012 VB Amsterdam Mair@fsw.leidenuniv.nl 1051 AK Amsterdam The Netherlands Jan Wemer Muller The Netherlands Guido Mamlef All Souls College Tina lahogue Departement Geschiedenis Oxford OXI 4AS Prof. dr S. Groeneveld Institute of Poli tical Studies UFSISA United Ki ngdom Vakgroep Geschiedenis University or Copenhagen Prinsstraat 13 E-mail : santOO68@ Postbus 9515 Rosenborggade IS 200 Antwerpcn sabl e.ox.ac.uk 2300 RA Leiden DK-! 130 Copenhagen K Belgium The Netherlands Denmark- Eis NaalJkens E maiI : TI@ifs.ku.dk Dr M. Meijer Drees Vakgroep Italiaans Prof. dr E.K. Grootes Paulus Potterstraat 6 Bungehuis Kerklaan 55 Prof. dr P.H.D. Leupen 3583 SN Utrecht Spuistraat 112 2101 HL Heemstede Lsg. Middeleeuwse Gesch. The Netherlands 1012 VB Amsterdam The Netherlands Spuistraat 134 or: The Netherlands 1012 VB Amsterdam G. van Walenborchstraat 14 Jacques Guilhaumou The Netherlands 3515 BT Utrecht Gerard Noirlel 29 Bd Rodocanachi The Netherlands ENS F 13008, Marseille Kia Lindroos 48 Boulevard Jourdan France 41 Milford Gardens Dr W.F.B. Melching 75014 Paris Email : Edgware Leerstoelgroep Nieuwe France guilhaum@newsup.univnus,fr Middlesex HAS 6EY Geschiedenis Email: noiriel@elias.ens.fr United Kingdom Spuistraat 134 E-mail: kialind@ 1012 VB Amsterdam Dr J. 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Spies Herengracht487 PL 29 Dept. of Philosophy Herenstreat lib 1017 BT Amsterdam Fin-OOl4 Helsingin yliopisto Campus de Teatinos 1015 BX Amsterdam The Netherlands Finland E29071 Malaga The Netherlands E-mail: tupulkki@helsinki.fi Spain Dr Mark Olsen E-mail: jrnrosaleS@uma.es Dr H.C.G. Spoormans ARTFL Institut filr Philosophie. Faculteit dec Rechtsgeleerdheid Dept. of Romance Languages Emst-Moritz-Amdt-Universitat Dr Mark Rutgers Postbus 616 University of Chicago Kapaunenstr. 5-7 Departement Bestuurskunde 6200 MD Maastricht Chicago IL 60637 D-17487 Greifswald Faculteit Sociale The Netherlands USA Germany Wetenschappen E-mail: pulkkine@rz.uni- Pieter de la Courtgebouw Patricia Springborg Kari Palonen greifswald.de Postbus 9555 Dept of Government Political Science 2300 RB Leiden University of Sydney University of lyvaskyla l(jrgen Pieters The Netherlands Sydney. 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Box 792 S-10691 Stockholm SE 220 07 Lund Sweden Sweden Email: yan.peng@) statsvet.s u.se 24 Karin Tilmans Dept. of History University of Amsterdam Spuistraat 134 1012 VB Amsterdam The Netherlands Fax: +31-20-525 4433 or +31-23.5258420 E-mail : Karin.Tilmans@ hum.uva.nl Balasz Trencsenyi 1032 Zipor u.63 Vill. 46 Budapest Hungary E-mail , NPHTREI4@ phd.ceu.hu Keith Tribe Dept. of Economics Keele University Keele Staffordshire ST5 5SG United Kingdom Prof.dr E. van Uitert LSG Kunstgeschiedenis Herengracht 286 1016 BX Amsterdam The Netherlands Judith Vega Molukkenstraat 72 9715 NW Groningen The Netherlands Dr H.Te Velde M.L. Kingslraat 115 9728 WN Groningen The Netherlands Wyger Velema Dept. of History University of Amsterdam Spuistraat 134 1012 VB Amsterdam The Netherlands Fax' +31-20-525 4433 Judith Verbeme c/o E.M. Nusca Via Libero Leonardi 120 d, 29 00173 Rome Italy Anne Vial Box 585 King's College Cambridge CB2 1 ST United Kingdom E-mail : avv21@cam.ac.uk. Fernando Vidal Max-Planck Institut rur Wissenschaftsgeschichte Wilhelmstrasse 44 10117 Berlin Germany Tel. +49-30-22 667 232 (office) +49-30-611 00 16 (home) Fax +49-39-22667299 E-mail : vidal@ mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de Dr F.P.I.M. van Vree Leerstoelgroep Cultuurgeschiedenis van Europa Spuisrraat 210 1012 VT Amsterdam The Netherlands Hans Waalwijk Baarsjesweg 292 1058 AG Amsterdam The Netherlands Jan Waszink Hooigracht 69a 2312ICP Leiden The Netherlands E-mail: jwaszink@stad.dsl.nl Alice Weeks Box 698 King's College Cambridge, CB2 1st United Kingdom Matthias Weiss Historisches Seminar JWG UniversiUit PFlII932 60054 Frankfurt am Main Germany Dr E.M. Wiskerke Rolklaver 79 7422 RE Deventer The Netherlands Bjorn Wittrock SCASS G6tavagen 4 S-75236 Uppsa\a Sweden Fax, +46-18-5211 09 E-mail : Bjom.Wittrock@ scass.uu.se