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DURKHEIM - DIVISION OF LABOUR The movement from mechanical to organic solidarity, from similarity to difference, from traditional to modern was principally due to increases in the division of labor. The concept of the division of labor refers to a stable organization of tasks and roles that coordinate the behavior of individuals or groups that carry out different but related tasks. Obviously, the division of labor may vary along a continuum from simple to complex. We can build a car in our garage all by ourselves from the ground up (as the first automobiles were built), or we can farm out different manufacturing and assembly tasks to hundreds of subcontractors worldwide and simply complete the construction in our plant (as it is done today). Our illustration illustrates the poles of the continuum, but there are multiple steps in between. Durkheims explanation of the DOL is a characteristic combination of casual and functional analysis. Its function is the provision of a social cohesion suited to the complexities of modern industrial life, which Durkheim calls CIVILIZATION, is a purely social process. CausesThe answer to what increases the overall division of labor is competition. As society expands and population grows denser, human relations are forced to become more complex. Thus, a new type of social bond is necessitated. Human beings find new ways of working together to reduce competition and best serve the survival of the group. Survival of the species comes to depend on the individuals ability to perform a specific function; consequently, individualism becomes more important than the collective. Division of labor becomes necessary for survival and characterizes the organic form of solidarity. There are two main causes of the DOL. They are:1.Increase in the demographic density of population: With the increase in population social structure grows complex. Mans needs also grow. One individual or one group cannot do everything that is required to be done. Hence labour has to be divided.
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2.Increase in the moral density of population: It is the moral responsibility of the society to provide adequate work and situation to individuals as the population grows. He sets up an ultimate cause in concentration and dynamic density through Darwinian Competition. (i.e). As concentration increases, people have to diversify to survive, else they are competing for the same resources. Effects

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1.Society becomes more efficient, which in turn becomes possible to result in social progress. Progress gives birth to many new vocations and a healthy competition starts. There are then new inventions conducive for social development. 2.There is inter-dependence on others who are specialized in their own fields. DOL produces morality in and of itself by subjecting individuals to the duties of their specialized existence. 3.Mechanical solidarity is replaced by Social organic solidarity. The people begin to cooperate with each others and live on the basis of logic and reason. 4.DOL will make the people self-disciplined. There will be social integration. The very status of individual in the society changes. Those who will try to violate social discipline will be subjected to moral and social pressures and also subjected to collective social will. 5.The moral effects of the division of labour is felt when people complement each other, when dissimilar join hands and unity comes out of diversity. SOCIAL SOLIDARITY Durkheim was greatly influenced by Rousseaus famous concept of volonted generale which provided a conception of social solidarity directly dependent upon neither politics nor economics. He studied DOL as a social institution, not as an economic institution, as it is generally taken to be. Social solidarity or collective consciousness was one of the main principles of social life, according to Durkheim. He uses the term solidarity to describe the degree of social integration. Durkheim says that there are two great currents in society: similarity and difference. Society based on Mechanical Solidarity - Society begins with the first being dominant. In these societies, which Durkheim terms segmented, there are very few personal differences, little competition, and high egalitarianism. These societies experience mechanical solidarity. Individuals are mechanically and automatically bound together. Mechanical society is a society derived from primitive nomadic communities of hunter-gatherers. "The social type corresponding to mechanical solidarity is an absolutely homogeneous mass whose parts were not distinguished from one another, and which consequently had no structure." He calls this kind of social organisation a horde. " Think about machines or motors. How are the different parts related to each other? The relationship is purely physical and involuntary. Machines are thus relatively simple. Most of the parts are very similar and are related to or communicate with each other mechanistically. If we think about the degree of solidarity in such a unit, it is extremely

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high. The sense of an absolute relationship to the whole is unquestionably there, as every piece is connected to every other piece. Each individual units actions is absolutely constrained by and coordinated with the whole. Society based on Organic Solidarity - The first stage of the evolution of society from a mechanical to an organic form is the absorption of the horde into a society of similar hordes. When this happens, the horde becomes a clan. Clans adopt the characteristics of families, but in fact, blood relationship is not required to be a member of a clan. Amalgamations of clans can form a society. The transition from mechanical to organic society is marked by the development of towns. In towns there is increasing division of labour, the rise of private property and the development of the recognition of the inter-dependence of the different groups. Gradually, the other current, difference, becomes stronger and similarity becomes channeled and becomes less apparent. These social units are held together through mutual need and abstract ideas and sentiments. Durkheim refers to this as organic solidarity. Higher organisms are quite complex systems, when compared to machines. The parts are usually different from one another, fulfill distinct functions, and are related through a variety of diverse subsystems. Organismic structures provide information to one another using assorted nutrients, chemicals, electrical impulses, and so on. These structures make adjustments because of the information that is received. In addition, most organisms are open systems in that they respond to information from the environment (most machines are closed systems). The solidarity of an organism when compared to a machine is a bit more imprecise and problematic. Individuals are no longer grouped according to their relations of lineage, but according to the particular nature of the social activity to which they devote themselves. Their natural and necessary milieu is no longer that given by birth, but that given by occupation. This is Durkheims account of the origin of class. In this way classes and castes probably derive their origin and their character in this way; they arise from the numerous occupational organisations which spring up with the pre-existing familial organisation. MECHANICAL SOLIDARITY Characteristic of primitive Societies. ORGANIC SOLIDARITY Characteristic Societies. Solidarity is due to similarities. There exist vast social differences. of modern industrial

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Cracking IAS Study Circle, Chennai. (i.e.) social differences are limited. Homogeneous Society. Simple division of labour.

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Heterogeneous society. Specialized and complex division of labour.

Limited productivity tends to limit group size. Increased productivity tends to widen group size. Subsistent economy. Private property almost unknown. It has repressive laws. Market oriented economy. Private property has become a legal right. It has restitute laws.

Very limited opportunities for social Unlimited opportunities for social mobility. Mobility. Closed system of social stratification. Degree of Occupational diversity is low. Open system of social stratification. Degree of Occupational diversity is very high. Religion acts as an agency of social Religion becomes purely a private affair. control and provides social solidarity. In the terms of Webers classification In traditional type and based on patriarchy. Kinship relations are strong. Fictive kinship ties come into existence. terms of Webers classification

authority system in such society is Authority system in such society is rational- legal type. Importance declining. of kinship relations are

Production is closely linked to domestic Production is separated from domestic units. units.

However, the transition to modern organic society is not yet complete. So society is at present in a transition phase, and organic solidarity is not fully developed. We exist in a state of anomie normlessless in which there is increased class conflict. However, when the division of labour has been fully completed the class conflict will be eradicated. In the final organic society there will exist private property and inequality, but the hereditary laws governing the transition of property will be abolished. Thus, the final organic society will be a meritocracy, since the only distinctions between people that will be allowed to exist will be those based on the functional differences between people and the need to reward different contributions to the organic whole in different ways. Everyone will accept this as socially necessary.

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While organic solidarity and difference tend to dominate modern society, similarity and mechanical solidarity never completely disappear. Pathological Forms of DOL If DOL does not result in solidarity, then this is an abnormal condition, a consequence of the pathological form it has momentarily assumed. He saw three of them:1) The anomic division of labor - An increasing division of labor weakens the sense of identification with the wider community and thereby weakens constraints on human behavior. These conditions lead to social disintegrationhigh rates of egocentric behavior, norm violation, and consequent de-legitimation and distrust of authority. In these situations, people can more easily become alienated and cut off from one another. Rather than alienation, he called it anomie. (i.e) when extreme specialization is accompanied by decline in communication between persons performing different functions. This in turn increases the likelihood of conflict. E.g: conflict between capital and labour. 2) The forced division of labor - which is the opposite when one group, class, or race of people are forced into a certain kind of labor and denied the opportunity to join other parts of society. (i.e). When DOL is 'forced' instead of arising spontaneously. But spontaneity must mean not simply the absences of any deliberate, formal type of violence, but of anything that may hamper, even indirectly, the free unfolding of the social force each individual contains within himself." Caste and social class system are the principal causes of FDOL. E.g: A priests son is born into a priest hood and thus he is forced to become a priest and so is the case with barber, goldsmith and so on. 3) The poorly coordinated division of labor - which is when different specializations dont result in increased interdependence, but rather in segmentation. These abnormal forms of the DOL explained the various crises and tensions that modern societies of his day were experiencing. He concluded that modern societies are no longer held together by shared experiences and common beliefs. Instead they are held together by their differences. This system works as long as those differences are allowed to develop in a way that promotes interdependence. The key to ensuring true social interdependence is to cultivate a sense of social justice that allows all citizens to have the opportunity to achieve their highest potential and their most appropriate social function. Durkheim offers two solutions for the pathological forms of DOL.

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1.The state should play the key role for ensuring moral and just rules. The appropriate values of individualism, responsibility fair play and mutual obligation can be affirmed through the policies instituted by the state in all these fields. 2.Means of integration have to be provided by the professional or occupational groups. What we especially see in the occupational group is a moral power capable of containing individual ego- of maintaining a spirited sentiment of common solidarity in the consciousness of all the workers, of preventing the law of the strongest from being brutally applied to industrial and commercial relations. The anomic and abnormal forms of the division of labour could only besolved by more planning of the economy, better organization, and moreorganized involvement of workers and employers in the joint regulation of their industries. Durkheim formulates two conditions upon which a cohesive division of labor must be based: regulation, which concretely locates each individual in relation to others and society, and justice, which makes this location agreeable. The former guarantees a non-anomic form of the division of labor, whereas the latter prevents a forced form. Durkheim claims that a cohesive division of labor requires regulation. He writes, if the division of labour does not produce solidarity it is because the relationships are not regulated; it is because they are in a state of anomie. Society avoids this state of anomie whenever the links between individuals guarantee sufficient contact. Only this kind of contact can ground a keen, continuous feeling of their mutual interdependence. According to Durkheim, this interdependence provides each member of society with a sense of purpose: in being made aware of how she depends upon each individual in society, he is made aware of how each individual depends upon him. This sensation of being located, makes cohesion possible. As a tangible example of a way in which these links can be established, Durkheim cites professional groupings: these, he writes, function to absorb [the individual] into the mainstream of social life. Therefore, Durkheim concludes, when appropriate regulation exists that prevents purposelessness through eliminating indeterminate relations, social cohesion, as a likely property of the non-anomic form of the division of labor, emerges. Durkheim argues that in addition to regulation that binds individuals to each other in a definitive, consistent way, society must assign each individual a role that is agreeable to her. Society needs justice; it should function in such a way that unequal external conditions cease to impact the fortunes of its members. If individuals are largely left to their own devices and individual initiatives but regulated in concert, Durkheim believes that a harmony between

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individual natures and social functions cannot fail to occur...Inevitably those most fitted for each type of activity will succeed in obtaining it. Durkheim demands equality of opportunity. According to his argument, because individuals subject to this scheme operate in spheres of activity commensurate with their abilities, their lot appears agreeable to them. Durkheim's claim that the modern division of labor can be more cohesive thus revolves around guaranteeing this agreeability to individuals. Critique1. Rejection of Utilitarian concept of a society. 2. His claim that a great DOL results in an increase of social solidarity is questionable. 3. It is not uncommon for many modern states using highly repressive laws to enforce their authority. 4. His organic analogy and belief that all societies would follow the same evolutionary path have been severely criticized as socially in accurate and historically false. 5. He failed to see class division and class conflict as expounded by Marx. Durkheim suggests that adherence to the code of professional ethics is solution for this.

POVERTY Poverty is intimately associated with inequality. There are poor societies and rich societies. Within a given society also, there are poor people and rich people. Historically, poverty has been related to income, which remains at the core of the concept today. However, other resources such as assets, income in kind and subsidies to public services and employment should be imputed to arrive at a comprehensive but accurate measure of income. There are three concepts of poverty have been identified:1. Subsistence concept focus on the minimum necessities for the maintenance of mere physical efficiency. This concept has been criticized because it implies that Human needs are mainly physical rather than also social needs. 2. Basic needs concept: This concept was strongly supported by the international labor organization. It defines poverty as the lack of basic needs such as adequate food, shelter and clothing, as well as Household furniture and equipment. This concept is an extension of the subsistence concept. 3. The concept of relative deprivation defines Poverty as lack of both income, and other material and Social resources.

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Poverty is thus a multidimensional concept that reflects the many aspects of wellbeing. People can be said to be in poverty when they are deprived of income and other resources needed to obtain the conditions of lifethe diets, material goods, amenities, standards and services that enable them to play the roles, meet the obligations and participate in the relationships and customs of their society. It is not enough to describe poverty as a condition applying to those whose disposable income is low relative to that of others. This is to fail to distinguish conceptually between inequality and poverty. Poor people are not just the victims of a maldistribution of resources but, more exactly, they lack, or are denied, the resources to fulfill social demands and observe the customs as well as the unfolding laws, of society. This criterion lends itself to scientific observation, measurement and analysis of multiple deprivations. However, as with any formulation, there are problems in defining poverty operationally. Under the relative deprivation approach, a threshold of income is envisaged, according to size and type of family, below which withdrawal or exclusion from active membership of society is common. According to Amartya Sen, poverty is a complex, multifaceted word that requires a clear analysis in all of its many dimensions. "Human beings are thoroughly diverse" he explained. There are geographical, biological and social factors that amplify or reduce the impact of income on each individual. The poor generally lack a number of elements, such as education, access to land, health and longevity, justice, family and community support, credit and other productive resources, a voice in institutions, and access to opportunity. According to Sen, being poor does not mean living below an imaginary poverty line, such as an income of two dollars a day or less. It means having an income level that does not allow an individual to cover certain basic necessities, taking into account the circumstances and social requirements of the environment. Furthermore, many of the factors are interconnected. Rather than measuring poverty by income level, Sen Recommends calculating how much an individual can achieve with that income, taking into account that such achievements will vary from one individual to another and from one place to another. Otherwise, how could we explain the existence of pockets of poverty in rich countries among middle-income people? In the inner cities of the United States, because of inadequate services the quality of life (measured in terms of life expectancy, infant mortality, health, education, and safety) of people who earn acceptable incomes and live in a rich society is comparableand sometimes even inferiorto that of many poor countries in the rest of the

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world. Thus according to Sen, poverty analysis should focus on an individual's potential to function rather than the results the individual obtains from functioning. There are forms of impoverishment, for example through social exclusion, when individual capabilities to overcome poverty are not at issue. Poverty as lack of freedom Amartya Sens Focus Since its emergence, development theory has been concerned with the achievement of better human lives, but, Sen argues, by focusing on the possession of commodities, development theory has failed to include the very nature of human living and has failed to take into account the fundamental aspects of the life that a human being succeeds in living. Sens capability approach characterises human well-being in terms of what people are or do (like being healthy, reading or writing, taking part in the life of the community), which Sen calls functionings. And more specifically, as he considers freedom as one of the most basic aspects of human life, well-being is to be assessed not as much in what people are or do, but in what they are able to be or do should they choose so (like being able to be healthy, being able to read and write, being able to participate in the life of the community), which Sen calls capabilities. A capability is a persons ability to do valuable acts or reach valuable states of being, it represents the alternative combinations of things a person is able to do or be. While functionings are distinct aspects of living conditions or different achievements in living a certain type of life, capabilities are real notions of freedom and reflect the real opportunities people have to lead or achieve a certain type of life. Sen often refers to the example of the fasting monk and the starving child. While both show a similar level of functionings (nutritional deficiency), the fasting monk has the capability to be adequately nourished (he could eat should he choose so), while the starving child does not have that capability. Poverty is thus seen as a lack of freedoms, as an unfreedom. And development can be regarded as the removal of various types of unfreedoms that leave people with little choice and little opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency. Development is a matter of liberating people of what makes them unfree, of what prevents them to live a life they would have reason to choose and value. Capabilities are different from perceptions. These sometimes offer a valuable correction to independent analysis of behaviour and living conditions. In an attempt to define
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poverty operationally, the World Bank in 1990 adopted a rule-of-thumb measure of US$ 370 per year per person at 1985 prices (the dollar a day poverty line) for poor countries. This crude indicator may have been a convenient interim measure for practical purposes, a short-term expedient, but has not turned out to be of continuing value. Poverty thus as a public policy concern, whether at the global, national or community level, is now widely considered to be a multidimensional problem. Over the last few decades, new perspectives on poverty have challenged the focus on income and consumption as the defining condition of poor people. Studies of the problems of poor people and communities, and of the obstacles and opportunities to improving their situation, have led to an understanding of poverty as a complex set of deprivations. These alternative perspectives have refocused the concept of poverty as a human condition that reflects failures in many dimensions of human life hunger, unemployment, homelessness, illness and health care, powerlessness and victimisation, and social injustice; they all add up to an assault on human dignity. The analytical application of the capability approach has been developed and diffused through UNDPs Human Development Reports (HDR). They view poverty as reflecting the lack of choices and opportunities in the key areas of education, health, and command over resources, as well as voice related to democratic processes. The first HDR in 1990 introduced the Human Development Index (HDI). Despite this shift to a multidimensional poverty concept, monitoring has continued to rely on the income measure. At the global level, the $1.25/day (PPP) measure developed and updated regularly by the World Bank is the one that is consistently used to monitor the size and trends in global poverty. At the national level, most governments define poverty threshold lines by household income. A composite measure that makes the overall assessment that can aggregate the different features of deprivation, HDR 1996 introduced the Human Poverty Index (HPI) to fill this gap. HPI - a measure of capability deprivation It is a composite measure set in the capability and human development space, drawing on the several important perspectives that have enriched our understanding of poverty. In this framework, poverty is the deprivation side of human development the denial of basic choices and opportunities to lead a long, healthy, creative and free life; to enjoy a decent standard of living; and to participate in the life of the community including political freedom and cultural choices.

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HPI is a measure of capability deprivation; it aims to capture human poverty as distinct from income poverty, i.e. failures to achieve the basic capabilities needed for human functioning rather than any given level of consumption or income. But like the HDI, the HPI is a highly incomplete measure and does not capture many of the dimensions of a full life, nor the social conditions that are necessary. Sen refers to five instrumental freedoms as essential to a life of dignity, namely economic facilities, social opportunities, political freedom, security and transparency guarantees. Neither the HPI nor HDI include indicators of political freedom, security and transparency. The challenges of measuring human poverty are considerable, starting with the selection of key dimensions, their weighting, and a search for appropriate data sets. Important aspects of human poverty, notably those relating to participation such as political freedom and cultural choices, are simply not quantifiable or lack data and thus not included. Still, HPI is a more adequate measure of deprivations in human lives than the income poverty measure. For long it has been thought that poverty is a condition that may be wholly described in terms of income. If household income falls below a specific income level min ymin, which is called the poverty line, then the household is called poor. In many developed economies such a poverty line is defined and households are eligible for social assistance, if they earn less than min ymin. This approach is the cornerstone of the first poverty studies like by Rowntree (1901). Poverty has the following non-economic aspects as well. 1. Culture of Poverty - Oscar Lewis It made its first prominent appearance in the ethnography Five Families: Mexican Case Studies in the Culture of Poverty (1959) by anthropologist Oscar Lewis. Lewis struggled to render "the poor" as legitimate subjects whose lives were transformed by poverty. He argued that although the burdens of poverty were systemic and therefore imposed upon these members of society, they led to the formation of an autonomous subculture as children were socialized into behaviors and attitudes that perpetuated their inability to escape the underclass. Laziness is often considered as a factor of poverty in the concept of Oscar Lewis. When the culture is supportive of hard work social condition will automatically improve. Not having ambition or dream is an expression of poverty. On the other hand, the consequence of not nurturing a dream is to be in poverty. In the theory of Oscar Lewis certain condition in culture is referred to as poverty.

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This theory therefore provides evidence that if the poor adapted a more positive culture, then there would be no absolute poverty in society since everyone would have enough to attain a better standard of living which would therefore cause less public spending on the provision of benefits since everyone would have enough to physically survive. This in effect would eradicate poverty to an extent. On the other hand this theoretical explanation fails to account for the fact that the existence of poverty could be caused by another source other than the individuals themselves. This other source to be considered would be society. It may not be so obvious straightaway, but it depends on how it is assessed. Lack of employment, low wages, social stratification etc. which are caused by society are different ways and means through which society could make situations or living unbearable for individuals. This thereby causes them to adapt to this subculture thus perpetuating poverty in the society. This view is further supported with evidence from the work of Elliot Liebow (a sociologist), who argues in favour of the fact that it is society that causes poverty and not individuals. He proves this from research he carried out among Black men in Washington, where he realised that they did accept mainstream values but because of their situational constraints of being poor they never succeeded in accomplishing these mainstream values. Also, as argued by other sociologist, if you were born into a deprived background, i.e. poor housing, poor diet etc., it was very difficult to escape this cycle. Hence you would go through this cycle into adulthood and it might continue through your children, which puts no end to the cycle. Thus it could be said that it is social, economic and environmental factors that prevents the poor behaving. 2. Peasant culture - a factor of the continuity of poverty: - Geoff Wood Long term investment or the desire for future receives less priority in a culture prevalent in peasant community. In a peasant society where the influence of peasant culture is still strong, aspiration for future good may be found weak among the community members and their the priority is the immediate survival. In Woods term the poor is a person who cant fight the process of poverty over a long period and prioritizes the immediate survival. 3. Livestock concept By confining human needs to food only, the concept of poverty is dehumanized. It gives the impression that the objective of human existence is only to survive physically. But there is also the need to live with dignity and respect. There is need for recognition, realization of the human potential. This philosophy is mainly geared to the need of a materialist society that

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requires unhindered supply of human labor. There is an indication of exploitation underlying such an approach. Such a view completely reverses the existing notion of basic need and includes a wide range of socio-psychological elements. 4. Power structure Concept The lack of power is often identified as the main shortcoming of the poor. In terms of the position in the power structure, rights to express opinion or accessing the resources vary. With the empowerment of the marginal people it is possible to reduce or eliminate these factors. 5. The absence of agency or will to establish ones own rights is also seen as a mark of poverty. As we know agency is posed against structure. If by structure we mean something imposing from above agency is the means for change. In a class divided society it is not possible for the poor to use own agency to rise against the structure that account for their deprivation. There is a need for social mobilization. Through mobilization it is possible for the poor to establish their rights. Thus in a simple categorization following the logic of mobilization the poor are those who accept the dictate of the structure generating deprivation passively and the non-poor are those who challenge the deprivation. 6. Gender and Poverty: The relationship between gender and poverty is complex. Feminization of poverty needs to be better understood and operationalized in policymaking. Feminization of poverty means either one or a combination of the following: a. Women compared to men have a higher incidence of poverty. b. Womens poverty is more severe than mens. c. Over time, the incidence of poverty among women is increasing compared to men. Poverty impacts on poor women and men, boys and girls differently. Poor women and girls find it often more difficult to access suitable social services and income. Women are more vulnerable to poverty because of inequalities in access to productive resources, lack of control over their own labor and earned income, gender biases in labor markets, and the exclusion that women experience in a variety of economic, social and political institutions. Women are also subjected to socially imposed constraints that further limit their opportunities to improve their economic and social conditions or to enjoy equal access to public services and consumption with required goods.

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VILLAGE STUDIES Village studies that have been made right from the days of British Raj to the present day could be broadly categorized into the two divisions:1. Studies / reports that brought out by administrators:Some of them are:1. W.F.Firmingers The 5th Report from the select committee of the house of commons on the affairs of the East India Company [1812]. 2. Charles Metcalfes Minutes on the village of Delhi [1830]. 3. H.S.Maines Village Communities in the east and west [1871]. 4. B.H.Baden Powells The land systems of British India [1892]. The studies by Munroe, Metcalfe, Maine, and Baden Powell considered the Indian village as a closed and isolated system, Sir Charles Metcalfe considered the Indian village a monolithic, atomistic and unchanging entity. Metcalfe writes: the village communities are little republics, having nearly everything that they want themselves and almost independent of any foreign relations. However several anthropologists and sociologists have vehemently refuted this view. 1. Studies by anthropologists and sociologists:In the 1950s a large number of studies were undertaken on the village community. In 1955 alone S.C.Dubes Indian Village, M.N.Srinivas Indias villages, D.N.Majumdars Rural Profiles and McKim Marriotts Village India were published. All these studies have analyzed structure and process of change in village India. Significance of Village studies Srinivas writings on the village were of two broad types. There was first of all ethnographic accounts of fieldwork done in villages or discussions of such accounts. A second kind of writing included historical and conceptual discussions about the Indian village as a unit of social analysis. In the latter kind of writing, Srinivas was involved in a debate about the usefulness of the village as a concept. Arguing against village studies, some social anthropologists like Louis Dumont thought that social institutions like caste were more important than something like a village, which was after all only a collection of people living in a particular place. Villages may live or die, and people may move from one village to another, but their social institutions, like caste or religion, follow them and go with them wherever they go. For this reason, Dumont believed that it would be misleading to give much importance to the village as a category.

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As against this view, Srinivas believed that the village was a relevant social entity. Historical evidence showed that villages had served as a unifying identity and that village unity was quite significant in rural social life. Srinivas also criticized the British administrator anthropologists who had put forward a picture of the Indian village as unchanging, selfsufficient, little republics. Using historical and sociological evidence, Srinivas showed that the village had, in fact, experienced considerable change. Moreover, villages were never selfsufficient, and had been involved in various kinds of economic, social and political relationships at the regional level. The village as a site of research offered many advantages to Indian sociology. It provided an opportunity to illustrate the importance of ethnographic research methods. It offered eye-witness accounts of the rapid social change that was taking place in the Indian countryside as the newly independent nation began a programme of planned development. These vivid descriptions of village India were greatly appreciated at the time as urban Indians as well as policy makers were able to form impressions of what was going on in the heartland of India. Village studies thus provided a new role for a discipline like sociology in the context of an independent nation. Rather than being restricted to the study of primitive peoples, it could also be made relevant to a modernizing society. 1. Planning rural reconstruction: It provides information about various dimensions of rural society and hence assists the policy framers in devising a reconstruction programmes for rural societies. 2. Provides valuable information to other disciplines: Village studies provide information which is sought by Political scientists, Philosophers, Historians and other specialists. 3. Knowledge about social reality: As rightly said by M.N.Srinivas Indology can develop only if along with the book view of India, comprehensive study of contemporary Indian reality is carried out. According to him empirical study of the present society would help to give a new meaning even to some of the elementary but key concepts like Varna, Caste, Joint Family and Hinduism. Limitations of Village studies in India They are not often representative in nature. Overemphasis on unity / solidarity of the village. Most of the studies imitate western methods. Important Village studies in India A.R.Desai, 1979 Peasant struggles in India

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Cracking IAS Study Circle, Chennai. Andre Beteille, D.N.Majumdar, 1958 Edrian Mayer, 1960 G.S.Ghurye, 1960 K. Gough (1955)

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Sripuram of Tanjore Study of Mohana Village in U.P. Caste and kinship in Central India Lokinand in Pune Kumbapettai village of Tanjore district of Tamil Nadu

M.N. Srinivas (1955) M.S.A. Rao (1974) Mckim marriot (1955) Oscar Lewis, 1958 S.C. Dube (1955)

Rampura in Karnataka Yadavpur, a village situated on the fringe of Delhi Kishan Garhi in Aligarh district of Uttar Pradesh Village life in North India Shamirpet village with the city of Hyderabad

CASTE AND KINSHIP IN INDIAN VILLAGES The village consists of a vertical interdependence of castes, i.e., relationships among different castes. It is reflected in the jajmani system. But these vertical ties are cut across by the horizontal ties of caste and kinship, i.e., the relationships within the caste, which extend beyond the village to other villages and even towns. Ones relatives live in different villages and one has to interact with them on different occasions like births, marriages and deaths. One may also have to depend on them for help in times of need. In north India where village exogamy exists along with caste endogamy, one has to look outside the village for a marriage partner for ones son or daughter. In south India where village exogamy is not a rule and marriage between a woman and her mothers brother or marrying ones mothers brothers daughter is preferred, one may still have to look outside the village for a marriage partner. Sociologist Oscar (1955) Lewis Place of study Rani Khera a north village Mckim marriot (1955) Kishan Garhi in district Aligarh of Indian Observations Rani Khera, like other villages in north India, is basically a part of a larger inter-village network based upon kinship ties. There were forty six local lineage groups in Kishan Garhi, each wholly separate from every other in descent. There was no marriage inside the village within or among any of these groups. Daughters of the village moved out and wives of the village moved in at marriage,

Uttar Pradesh

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moving to and from more than three hundred other villages. At the time, he made the study he found that fifty seven marriages connected Kishan Garhi with sixteen towns and cities. Half of the marriage ties of groups in Kishan Garhi connected them with places more than fourteen miles away, while 5 percent connected them with places more than forty miles distant. As caste endogamy is the rule (i.e., one has to marry within ones caste), ones kin normally belong to ones caste. Intra-caste relations and other caste matters are regulated by a caste panchayat whose members belong to different villages. In pre-British India, the horizontal expansion of caste ties was limited by the political boundaries of a number of small kingdoms as well as poor roads and communication. With the unification of the country brought about by the British and the introduction of better roads and railways, cheap postage and printing, there was a rapid spread in intra-caste relations because it was easier to keep in regular touch with each other. Caste associations were formed which worked for the welfare of caste members. Educational institutions and hostels were set up and scholarships were provided to the needy members of the caste. Each caste also worked at regulating the lifestyle of its members so that the attempt at mobility of the caste, through Sanskritisation could be successful. In the last sixty years or more, horizontal unity of the caste has increased and the strong walls erected between sub-castes have begun to crumble. This is primarily due to two factors. (i) Since numbers are important in a parliamentary democracy, horizontal unity of caste over a wide area provides a vote bank that can ensure the election of a candidate from ones caste. (ii) The need to find educated life partners for ones children and the demand for dowry particularly among the higher castes has widened the endogamous circle and increased the horizontal spread of caste ties. Thus the village has always had ties with other villages and towns for kinship and caste purposes. This was limited in pre- British India when communication was poor and small kingdoms existed whose boundaries acted as effective barriers. The horizontal spread of caste ties greatly increased during British rule and since Independence it linked the village to a much wider area.

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