Serquina-Ramiro / PHYSICAL JOURNAL OF ADOLESCENT RESEARCH / July 2005AL 10.

1177/0743558405275170 INTIMACY AND SEXU COERCION

Physical Intimacy and Sexual Coercion Among Adolescent Intimate Partners in the Philippines
University of the Philippines Manila
This study explores perceptions about intimate relationships including perspectives of pressure and sexual coercion as experienced by unmarried Filipino adolescent males and females aged 15 to 19 years. The study design included an initial qualitative phase containing focus group discussions with adults and adolescents and key informant interviews with professionals, a community survey of 600 female and male adolescents, and in-depth interviews with selected survey respondents. The results indicated that sexual coercion was regarded as common in adolescent intimate relationships. Viewed from a broader perspective, it can occur at any stage of the intimate process using a combination of methods. Of the 600 adolescent survey respondents, 64% reported whether they have ever practiced or experienced any form of pressure and coercion in their intimate relationships. Of this number, 321 were targets of coercion, whereas 65 admitted that they had perpetrated the coercive act. Among the victims, 42.3% were males and 64.6% were females (p < .0001). The use of verbal pressure to pursue coercive sex was commonly reported. Recommendations were made to facilitate a healthy sexual development among male and female adolescents. Keywords: sexual coercion; physical intimacy; adolescents; Philippines

Laurie Serquina-Ramiro

Intimate relationships are governed by societal notions of gender roles, socialization, and power relations. Although the Filipino culture is relatively more egalitarian compared to cultures of other East Asian countries (Bouis, Costello, Solon, Westbrook, & Limbo, 1998), certain norms specific to each gender are expected. In the traditional setting, Filipino males need to be strong, firm, decisive, assertive, rational, and responsible; women should be meek, submissive, caring, and affectionate. Males are anticipated to perform the more active part in courtship and sex, whereas females wait for the males
This study was supported by the World Health Organization Special Programme for Research, Development and Research Training In Human Reproduction. Address all correspondence to Professor Laurie SerquinaRamiro, Department of Behavioral Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Manila, Padre Faura St., Ermita, Manila, Philippines; e-mail: lsramiro8888@yahoo.com.

Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 20 No. 4, July 2005 476-496 DOI: 10.1177/0743558405275170 2005 Sage Publications 476

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to make the first move. These patterns, however, are quickly being challenged by todays Filipino youth (Conaco, Jimenez, & Billedo, 2003). The influx of Western liberal ideas either through migration or cyberspace and the strong advocacy by womens groups in the country have increasingly restructured the Filipino adolescents worldview of sex and sexuality. Adolescence signals the beginning of a more serious interaction with the opposite sex. Filipino adolescents generally first engage in romantic relationships at age 15, with males starting earlier than females (Raymundo, Xenos, & Domingo, 1999). Filipino adolescents today face earlier initiation into dating because of advancements in communications, changing lifestyles, more options for living arrangements, and greater liberty in the choice of date partners and places of dating. These romantic relationships provide an important context in which adolescents explore issues of sexuality and intimacy (Feiring, 1996; Shulman, Laursen, Kalman, & Karpovsky, 1997). As part of this exploration into ones sexuality, intimate activities go deeper in many adolescent romantic relationships. In the 2002 Philippine Young Adult Fertility Survey 3 (YAFS3) study, 23% of the 19,798 Filipino adolescents sampled nationwide had engaged in premarital sex (31% of males and 15.7% of females; Raymundo & Cruz, 2004). Among these adolescents who engaged in premarital sex, 42.1% wanted the sexual activity to happen; 32.5% did not want it to happen, but went along with it; 32.5% did not have plans, but it happened anyway; and 2% engaged in the sexual act against their will. Having their first sexual encounter at a younger age, Filipino males have sexual relations repeatedly with different partners, whereas Filipino girls generally engage in such activity only with their boyfriends. An adolescents decision to engage in sexual activity can be affected by a variety of factors. Aside from biological reasons, factors such as personality orientation, sociodemographic characteristics, attitudes and behaviors of parents, siblings and peers, and media influence an adolescents initiation to sex (Lam, Shi, Ho, Stewart, & Fan, 2002; Little & Rankin, 2001; Ouattara & Thomson, 1998). The 2002 Philippine YAFS3 study indicated that those who wanted their first premarital sex to happen were relatively older (20 to 24 age bracket), had lower levels of education, and were currently working. In their study, Gowen, Feldman, Diaz, and Israel (2004) also reported that girls with older boyfriends were more likely to engage in all forms of sexual intimacy and experience sexual coercion. Negotiation strategies, such as bargaining, compromising, and gentle persuasion, have been used by romantic partners to express their sexual desires (Eyre, Read, & Millstein, 1997; Kippax, Crawford, Waldby, & Benton, 1990; Melendez, Hoffman, Exner, Leu, & Ehrhardt, 2003). Often the more aggressive and persuasive of the two sexes, males go on dates, make phone calls,

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maneuver into the situation, and propose sex. Girls use such sexual strategies as hinting at sex, flirting, and working through friends. Coercive behaviors, however, are not uncommon. In their study among Canadian adolescents, Poitras and Lavoie (1995) found that verbal coercion, threats, physical force, and the deliberate use of drugs or alcohol are used to obtain sexual behaviors. In Woods (2001) study of young people in a South African township, the use of weapons or physical threats in rape situations, as well as verbal tactics, such as persuasion, blackmail, or verbal threats, was apparent. Although Holland, Ramazanoglu, Sharpe, and Thompson (1992) found that young women experience both verbal (persuasion or coercion) and physical pressures (intimidation, sex when drunk, child abuse, force, or threat of force), Williams (2001) reported the use of humiliation and degradation; forced sex with other adults, children, parents, or animals; forced prostitution and pornography; and forced sex without protection from pregnancy and disease in intimate partner sexual abuse. Heise, Moore, and Toubia (1995) define sexual coercion as the act of forcing (or attempting to force) another individual through violence, threats, verbal insistence, deception, cultural expectations, or economic circumstance to engage in sexual behavior against the will (p. 4). But as Ingham (1992) stressed, sexual meanings and scripts are dependent on the understanding of the social and normative contexts in particular cultures. In many societies, sexual coercion is viewed in a continuum of tolerated to transgressive behaviors (Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 1999; Jewkes & Abrahams, 2001). It may also exist in a scale of coercion and severity of personal violation (Koss, 2001). For example, people may sanction forced sex with a prostitute, a servant, or an unresisting woman, whereas any sexual relationship between adults and children, or among immediate family members forced or sex with a virgin or rape by a stranger may be considered a crime. Although the experience of nonconsensual sex in marriage and adolescent dating are common, these behaviors are regarded as gray areas in some cultures. Numerous studies have been done to assess the magnitude of sexual coercion among adolescents. Using data from a large national health study of adolescents between 11 and 21 years of age in the United States, Roberts and Klein (2003) found that 21% of boys and 22% of girls experienced being called names, insulted, treated disrespectfully, swore at, threatened, and pushed or shoved or having something thrown at them by their intimate partners. In Jaffe, Sudermann, Reitzel, and Killips (1992) study, 21% of female students in Ontario reported experiencing physical abuse, 23% were sexually abused, and 57% experienced verbal abuse by their intimate partners. Maxwell, Robinson, and Post (2003) found that nearly half of their female American respondents experienced sexual aggression, and one third of males

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admitted committing this type of offense. The likelihood of reporting victimization increases with more frequent dating, going out with different partners, and dating older males. In western India, 26% of the adolescents sampled reported incidents of sexual coercion ranging in severity from unwanted kissing to sexual intercourse. No gender differences were discovered regarding victim status or types of coercion tactics experienced (Waldner, VadenGoad, & Sikka, 1999). Relevant data in the Philippines are mostly in the form of descriptive studies of sexual molestations, including rape and incest, predominantly perpetrated by strangers or immediate family members (e.g., Gabriela, 1987; Ramiro, Madrid, & Santos Ocampo, 1998; Sobritchea, 1990; United Nations International Childrens Fund and the Center of Womens Studies, 1996; Viloria, 1990). So far, no detailed information is available to describe the nature of sexual coercion in Filipino adolescent intimate relationships. This present study was an attempt to fill in this gap of knowledge. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The aim of this study was to explore young peoples perceptions and experiences of physical intimacy and sexual coercion in adolescent intimate relationships. It sought to analyze the emic meanings and scripts attached to physical intimacy and sexual coercion as perceived and experienced by Filipino adolescent males and females. Specifically, this study tried to answer the following research questions: What behaviors between adolescent intimate partners can be culturally considered as physically intimate? How is sexual coercion understood locally? What is the prevalence of sexual coercion among adolescent males and females? At what point in the physical intimate process does sexual coercion usually occur? What types of coercive acts are most common among adolescent intimate partners? What are the conditions or circumstances that lead to sexual coercion? What are the consequences of sexual coercion? METHOD Research Design A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used for this study. Conducted in three phases, key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and in-depth interviews were used in combination with a commu-

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nity survey. Phase I explored the notion of physical intimacy in adolescent relationships and community perceptions of sexual coercion and violence. Phase II consisted of a community survey that provided an age-specific and generalizable description of physical intimacy and sexual coercion in adolescent intimate relationships. In Phase III, in-depth interviews were conducted to provide more details about the respondents coercive experiences and to clarify some preliminary information from the survey. Study Setting Data collection was done in 2001 in the Sampaloc district of the city of Manila. Compared to other areas in the city, Sampaloc has a dense residential population. As one of the 14 administrative districts of Manila, it has a total population of 352,329 in 2000. Predominantly a middle-class community, the district is composed of 241 barangays (villages), with an average of 315 households per barangay. Sampled from the 10 barangays with the highest residential population, three barangays with household populations of 561, 608, and 560 were randomly chosen for this study. Study Population For Phase I, three groups of respondents were involved. Four men and 4 women with ages ranging from 28 to 60 years composed the group of professionals that included social scientists, medical doctors, law enforcers, and teachers. Being in their professions for an average of 14 years, they have had intensive experiences with adolescents either through counseling, teaching, research, clinical treatment, and other social encounters. The second group was composed of 3 male and 3 female adults with ages ranging from 36 to 59 years. All of them were employees of a government institution and were chosen on the basis of their having children aged 15 to 19 years at the time of the study. Finally, 5 males and 5 females, whose ages ranged from 15 to 19 years, composed the adolescent group. The adolescent interviewees were college students in a government university and had experiences in intimate partnerships. Six hundred unmarried adolescents aged 15 to 19 years were asked to participate in the Phase II survey. Among them were 298 males and 302 females. They were 17.7 years of age on average (males = 17.7, SD = 1.67; females = 17.6, SD = 1.77). About 47% reached the college level (males = 48.3%, females = 46.4%) and 2.5% had elementary education alone (males = 3.1%. females = 2.0%). Eighteen percent (males = 16.2%, females = 19.0%) were currently working, either as crew in a fast-food chain, part-time office

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worker, house helper, vendor, or service provider (e.g., gasoline boys). In all sociodemographic variables, there were no significant differences between males and females. A total of 820 households in the selected barangays were approached for the survey. Of this number, 220 households did not participate in the study. About 62% had no eligible adolescent in the household; 27.3% had an eligible adolescent but was not available at the time of survey; and 10.5% had an eligible adolescent who refused to be interviewed. For Phase III, 40 survey respondents were invited to participate in the indepth interviews. Out of this number, 29 agreed to get involved in the third phase. The 14 male and 15 female interviewees had an average age of 17.2 years (SD = 2.4). Of these interviewees, 4 had sexual preferences for the same sex, 3 were having a relationship with married men or women, 4 were having an affair with older men or women (i.e., older by more than 5 years), and 3 were going steady with persons of higher social status and 3 with persons of lower social status. The remaining 12 persons were having intimate relationships with partners from the opposite sex who were of the same age and social status as the respondents. Procedures Key informant interviews with professionals and focus group discussions with adults and adolescents were conducted. Questions related to the local understanding of physical intimacy and sexual coercion were asked during these exploratory interviews. In addition, the range of adolescent behaviors perceived by the community as physically intimate were identified. The context, process, and outcomes of sexual coercion within adolescent intimate relationships were also discussed. The results of the interviews and focus group discussions were transcribed verbatim. Main themes, patterns of responding, and significant quotes were noted. The data obtained in Phase I were used in designing the questionnaire for the subsequent community survey. In Phase II, a multistage sampling scheme was used in the selection of the final respondents. From each of the three sample barangays, 200 eligible households were selected through systematic sampling. If there was more than one eligible adolescent in the selected household, the final respondent was chosen using a computer-generated table of random numbers. Two callbacks were required before the selected respondent was dropped from the sampling list. The 15-page pretested questionnaire, written in Tagalog, consisted of questions that asked about history of intimate relationships; experience of a variety of physical intimate acts; and opinions, attitudes, and experiences of

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sexual coercion and violence. The list of physical intimate acts in the survey questionnaire was based on the results of the exploratory interviews that identified the intimate behaviors commonly experienced by Filipino adolescent partners. Similarly, all questions and response options relating to sexual coercion conformed to the findings of the initial interviews. As part of the ethical standards, the purpose and mechanics of the survey were explained to the respondents. They were assured that their answers will be treated with utmost confidentiality. They were told that a second interview may be necessary in the future. They were also given the opportunity to ask questions prior to the survey, after which they were asked to sign the informed consent form if they wished to participate. Because of the sensitivity of the topic, the respondents were freely given the option of answering the questions by themselves or asking the assistance of an interviewer. Throughout the interview, the interviewer was available for clarifications regarding the questionnaire. Male interviewers did the asking of questions to male respondents. Similarly, female interviewers assisted the female interviewees. The questionnaire was answered in a place of utmost privacy. The survey data were checked and field edited for completeness and consistency. They were encoded, edited, and cleaned. Answers to the openended questions were listed down before major domains were established. These domains were then coded and entered into the data entry system. Descriptive statistics (e.g., frequencies, proportions, measures of central tendencies, and variability) were predominantly used to summarize the data. Significant differences between males and females were tested using the t test for continuous variables and chi-square for categorical variables. The in-depth interviews (Phase III) were conducted 2 months after the survey had been completed to provide more details about the respondents coercive experiences and clarify some preliminary information from the survey. Forty survey participants were invited for the in-depth interviews. They were selected on the basis of their reported coercive experiences with their intimate partners, on the distinctiveness of their intimate relations (e.g., same-sex relationships, intimacy with older partners), and on their availability for the interview. The in-depth interviews lasted for 1 to 1.5 hr and were conducted in a place where utmost privacy was observed. Once rapport had been established, the respondents were asked to tell a story about their coercive experiences. They were also encouraged to do written narratives if they found it difficult to orally disclose their experiences. The respondents were also asked to explain some of the initial findings of the survey. For example, they were

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asked to elaborate more on the concept of sweet talking as a mechanism of sexual coercion. They were also asked to explicate on the findings on male sexual assault. As in the survey, the interviewers and interviewees were matched by gender and age. The interviews were taped upon consent of the interviewee. The qualitative data were then transcribed. Key themes, patterns of responses, and significant quotes were highlighted. All data from the three phases were finally presented in triangulated form. The survey results were explained and substantiated by the information derived from the exploratory and in-depth interviews. RESULTS The results of this study are presented thematically. Findings from the exploratory interviews, community survey, and in-depth interviews are combined to form a more complete picture of each theme or subheading. History of Intimate Relationships Results of the exploratory interviews showed similar perceptions about what constitutes an intimate relationship. In the Tagalog vernacular, intimacy is referred to as pagkakamalapitan, taken from the root word lapit (close). Couples were said to have an intimate relationship if they were emotionally attached, lovers, romantically linked, and engaged in a serious relationship and if they had feelings of mutual commitment. Intimacy may also connote oneness (pagiging isa); there is an emotional and spiritual connection and a deeper sharing of one another. In intimate relationships, there are more physical expressions of love. Defining an intimate relationship as experiencing a romantic involvement, all survey respondents claimed to have been engaged in an intimate affair at least once in their lifetime. The mean age of onset was 15.5 years (male = 15.4 years, SD = 5.04; females = 15.6 years, SD = 2.41), with the majority of their first partners being of similar age as them. The respondents reported to have been involved with about two to three intimate partners on average (range = 1 to 12). At the time of the survey, 51.7% of the 298 male respondents and 66.9% of the 302 females had current intimate partners. The average duration of current intimate relationships was 9.4 months (range = 1 to 32 months).

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Holding hands Sticky eye staring (malagkit na tingin) Putting arms around shoulders Hugging/ Embracing (yakap) Touching the nape Touching or stroking the hair

Torrid kissing

Kissing the lips (halik sa labi)

Smacking (panandaliang halik)

Kissing the cheeks (halik sa pisngi)

Kissing the face and neck except lips and cheeks

Wrapping the waist and hips with arms

Touching the breast

Kissing/ fondling the breast

Touching/ stroking the buttocks

Touching /stroking the thighs

Stroking pubic hair

Licking the navel

Undressing

Kissing the feet upwards to face

Kissing the thighs

Touching the genitals

Rubbing/ fingering the genitals

Licking or swallowing the genitals

Penetrative sex

Figure 1.

Sequential flow of intimate events as reported by the adolescent respondents.

Concept of Physical Intimacy The initial interviews emphasized the physical elements of intimacy. Although a number perceived an intimate act as synonymous with penetrative sex, sexual intercourse, or sexual act, a majority of the respondents had a broader perspective of physical intimacy. Accordingly, physical intimacy involves a wide range of behaviors that include holding hands, eye staring, putting arms around the shoulder, embracing, touching, smacking, kissing, torrid kissing (i.e., intense kissing involving the tongue), rubbing, licking, fondling, fingering, undressing, and sexual intercourse. There was, therefore, a common notion that physical intimacy is not always in the form of penetrative sex. Based on this broad list of physical intimate acts, the survey respondents were asked to arrange the behaviors according to their normal sequence in the intimate process (Figure 1). Generally, it appeared that holding hands and sticky eye staring (malagkit na tingin) were considered as the first steps in the intimate process, with penetrative sex as the ultimate goal. Moreover, the intimate process starts from the upper portions of the body, down to the waist and hips, and then to the lower extremities and genitalia. The survey respondents were also asked about the forms of intimate acts they have already engaged in with their current or last partners. Table 1 provides the proportion of adolescent males and females who have experienced each intimate act.

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TABLE 1: Forms of Physical Intimacy Experienced With Current or Last Partner, by Gender, Urban Philippines, 2001 (In Percentages)

Type of Intimate Act

Holding hands Sticky eye staring Putting arms on shoulder Touching or stroking the hair Kissing the cheeks Hugging or embracing Kissing the face and neck except lips and cheeks Kissing the lips Touching the nape Torrid kissing (involving tongue) Wrapping the waist and hips with arms Touching breasts or chest area Kissing or fondling the breast Touching genitals Undressing Rubbing, fingering, or fondling of genitals Penetrative sex Licking the genitals Touching or stroking the buttocks Touching or stroking the thighs Kissing thighs Kissing the feet upwards to face Stroking pubic hair Licking the navel

Male (n = 298)
100.0 100.0 100.0 92.9 93.6 92.4 81.2 70.1 82.2 57.7 42.9 23.2 13.1 22.8 21.1 22.1 19.8 21.8 12.4 4.0 2.0 2.3 5.4 1.6

Female (n = 302)
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 98.0 90.1 83.8 86.8 73.6 54.6 65.5 18.5 27.5 17.5 14.6 13.6 13.9 10.9 16.6 15.2 12.6 7.6 2.1 1.3

Both (N = 600)
100.0 100.0 100.0 96.4 95.8 91.2 82.5 78.4 77.8 56.2 54.2 20.8 20.3 20.2 17.8 17.8 16.8 16.4 14.5 9.6 7.3 5.0 3.8 1.4

The reasons for engaging in physical intimacy were feelings of true love (males = 42.9%, females = 44.7%), impulsiveness (males = 32.3%, females = 30.5%), physical attraction (males = 30.5%, females = 28.6%), curiosity or experimentation (males = 18.8%, females = 5.7%), environmental influences (males = 9.3%, females = 7.7%), and lust (males = 4.5%, females = 2.1%). Males and females differed significantly with regard to being curious or experimenting in their intimate relationships (p < .0001, 2 = 24.319, df = 1). Meaning of Sexual Coercion In general, sexual coercion was regarded as a process where a person is forced to engage in a physically intimate act against his or her will. Locally, it

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is understood as sekswal na pamimilit, from the root word pilit (forced, forcing). The essential elements were believed to be the use of force and the unwillingness of one party to engage in an intimate act. Force was defined by the key informants as pressures that are physical, psychological, and verbal. However, not all pressures were believed to be harmful because a person can be sexually coerced through promises, gifts, pleading, and the use of loving words. Unwillingness was also regarded as either overt or covert. As an adolescent male commented, There are girls who really tell you that they do not like to make love with you, they struggle when you make attempts but there are also girls who are difficult to spellthey show you conflicting cues (Male, 19, student). Sexual coercion was seen to be highly associated with power. Males and older persons were unanimously thought to be more prone to do coercive sex. However, girls, older women, gay men, and lesbians were also perceived to be capable of instigating the coercive acts. Aside from gender and age, power was also associated with high social status. Persons with higher educational and socioeconomic status were more likely to coerce their partners. Aside from a show of power, sexual coercion was also seen as a form of disrespect to ones partner. One male respondent commented, if you truly love your partner, you should respect her wishes. You should uphold her dignity. If she does not want to engage in sex, then be patient. Do not force (Male, 20, working). The survey results revealed that 45% and 29.3% of respondents perceived sexual coercion as not okay and extremely not okay, respectively. About 16% said that sexual coercion was acceptable, whereas 9.5% were noncommittal. For example, a gay respondent in the in-depth interviews claimed that he enjoys being sexually coerced (how I wish these young and handsome men will always force me to do it with them). Another male interviewee commented, if a woman coerces me, that means, I am irresistible, whereas a young woman said I like being coerced. It makes it all the more challenging and exciting. But not when it becomes violent. In intimate relationships, sexual coercion (pamimilit) was not perceived as exactly synonymous with sexual violence (pananakit) where one party suffers from physical injuries and emotional trauma. Although sexual coercion can have positive and negative effects, sexual violence was seen as a purely negative event: It is the extreme negative side of sexual coercion, where love is absent (Female, 19, student).

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Context of Sexual Coercion Sexual coercion was said to be usually incidental in romantic relationships. It can occur without the obvious intentions because sexual coercion happens mostly during the couples intimate moments. According to the indepth interviews, a man, at the height of arousal, can have difficulty controlling his urges. His tendency is to do every means to convince or force the woman to give in to his sexual desires. If the relationship is still new and the woman is a first timer, then sexual coercion normally ensues. Sexual coercion was perceived by survey respondents to be most possible when there is privacy (78.3%), the place is dark (45.3%), a person is drunk or on drugs (32.1%), and when either party experiences some personal problems (11.3%). One common scenario derived from the in-depth interviews illustrates the context of sexual coercion.
It was my first time to go and watch a movie with my boyfriend. Our relationship was a month old then. At the ticket booth, we were already arguing where to sit but as most dates are, we decided to be in the balcony. When we were inside, my boyfriend insisted that we sit at the backrow, but my decision prevailed to be in the middle seats. As soon as we were seated, he put his arms around my shoulder. It was OK with me until he kissed me in the lips. His kiss was so intense, then his hands began to travel to my breasts. I tried to remove his hands, but he prevailed. He then unbuckled my pants and planned to go beyond my waist. I whispered to him to stop, but he seemed so engrossed with what he was doing. I struggled because I felt he was rough. I could sense his plans. I talked to him again, but he could not be stopped. He held my waist so tight I nearly could not breathe and told me to keep still. Then his hands went on seeking beneath my pants. I wanted to shout, but I felt ashamed because we were in a public place. I just silently cried. (Female, 18, working)

Another male victim said,

I knew he was a gay (bakla). He said he liked me. I do not know why I agreed to have a relationship with him, maybe because he is very thoughtful, sweet (malambing) and caring. I can tell all my problems with him and he supports me all the way. The first time we did it, we were in their house and his parents were away. He asked me to come to his room and he locked the door. He began to undress me. . . . I felt numbed, a bit shocked. (Male, 17, college student)

Prevalence of Sexual Coercion Sexual coercion is not uncommon among young people, according to respondents in the exploratory phase. It is not at all unusual in adolescent inti-

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mate relationships mainly because of heightened sexual instincts during adolescence and the cultural limitations and taboos related to the expression of ones sexuality at this stage of life. One 18-year-old male adolescent respondent elaborated that the libido is extremely high in adolescence and the person experiences an intense need to have this expressed. Out of the 600 survey respondents, 386 or 64.3% reported to have ever practiced or experienced any one form of pressure and coercion in their intimate relationships. Of this number, 321 had been targets of coercion, whereas 65 admitted that they had perpetrated the coercive act. About 64.6% of the 302 female respondents compared to 42.3% among males (p < .0001, 2 = 29.950, df = 1) claimed to have been victimized by their intimate partners. Although 80% of the perpetrators are males, the findings indicated that young men can also be victims of sexual coercion. In the in-depth interviews, one male respondent commented,
Men, especially young men like me, are also victims of sexual coercion, sometimes, violent. But our sufferings are often unheard especially if it has been done by a woman. People believe that with or without coercion, it is always the man who wins. But this is not true. (Male 19, student)

Gay men and older women (matrona) were regarded to be the perpetrators of male sexual abuse, although it was not uncommon to see the same-age female intimate partner carrying out the coercive act. Locus of Sexual Coercion The meaning of physical intimacy appeared to be important in the way sexual coercion was conceived. The range of behaviors culturally considered as intimate acts defined the locus of sexual coercion. Although some respondents in the exploratory phase considered sexual coercion only during attempts on penetrative sex, the majority thought that it can occur at any stage of the intimate process. Sexual coercion can be present at the beginning albeit becoming consensual as the intimate process proceeds, can start at a later stage, or can be continuously coercive from the beginning of the intimate process until the consummation of the penetrative act. Accordingly, sexual violation was perceived to be more severe in parts below the waist, especially the thighs and genitalia, although the breast and lips were also considered as sensitive parts. Findings in the survey showed that a majority of the respondents experienced sexual coercion during attempts to touch or kiss the breasts, thighs, and

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TABLE 2: Locus of Sexual Coercion Among Victims, by Gender, Urban Philippines, 2001 (In Percentages)

Intimate Acts
Touching or kissing the breast Touching or kissing the thighs Penetrative sex Kissing or touching the genitals Holding hands Rubbing or fingering the genitals Kissing the lips Kissing from neck to waist Embracing or hugging Kissing the cheeks a. These values are statistically significant.

Males (n = 126)
18.3 15.9 25.4 5.6 5.6 1.6 2.4 4.8 4.0 5.6

Females (n = 195)
34.4 31.3 16.9 15.4 12.8 12.3 11.3 9.2 8.2 7.2

p Value (2, df = 1) .002 a .002 .07 a .007 a .03 a .001 a .004 .14 .13 .57
a

genitals and during penetrative sex (Table 2). About 10% experienced coercion when holding hands. Respondents in the in-depth interviews commented that holding hands is normally the first step in the intimate process and the first is always the most difficult. Moreover, touching the thighs and genitals makes penetrative sex easier to accomplish. Genderwise, significantly more females reported to have been coerced in most of the intimate acts prior to penetrative sex (Table 2). Although not statistically significant, more males claimed to have been forced to have sex. In the in-depth interviews, the respondents agreed that the coercive act in males may have been inflicted by a gay man or an older woman. In general, however, they opined that young Filipino women today have become sexually liberated: Sometimes, the woman can be more aggressive than the man. Men, now-adays, are more careful. They want it easy and do not like to assume unwanted responsibilities (Male, 20 years, student). This type of attitude may have been precipitated by the economic difficulties faced by the country. With scarce opportunities for employment and increasing costs of living, men seemed to have become wary of engaging in premature serious relationships. Nevertheless, there were also comments of possible underreporting on the part of young women for reasons of shame and embarrassment. Process of Sexual Coercion In general, a combination of methods was used to force the partner to submit to the sexual desires of the other (Table 3). However, the use of verbal mechanisms, such as verbal deception and verbal insistence, were noted to

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TABLE 3: Methods of Sexual Coercion With Victims, by Gender, Urban Philippines, 2001 (In Percentages)

Method of Coercion
Verbal deception Verbal insistence Sweet talking Direct command or raising of voice Physical assault Avoiding communication Threats Harsh eye contact Bribery a. These values are statistically significant.

Male (n = 126)
27.8 17.5 15.1 10.3 11.1 11.9 6.3 3.2 8.7

Female (n = 195)
35.4 27.2 16.4 16.9 14.4 10.3 7.2 2.6 1.0

p Value (2, df = 1) .55 a .04 .75 .10 .40 .64 .79 .75 a .001

be most common in all stages of the intimate process. Significantly, more females experienced verbal insistence than males (p = .04, 2 = 4.038, df = 1). Sweet talking was also mentioned as a way of persuading the partner to give in to the sexual advances of the other. In the in-depth interviews, the respondents clarified that sweet talking can take three forms: paglalambing, pangungulit, and pambobola. Paglalambing was considered as a form of sexual negotiation where a person makes persistent persuasion through the use of sweet words, pleading, cajoling, and seductive gestures. On the other hand, pambobola and pangungulit are more coercive in nature. Pambobola is a form of verbal deception where a person tells sweet lies to the partner (e.g., saying how beautiful or handsome he or she is, promising marriage), whereas in pangungulit, one partner repeats again and again his or her intentions, though in a more gentle manner, until the other party gives in because of irritation or annoyance. Direct commands and raising of the voice, physical and psychological threats, and harsh eye contact were also used for a good number of cases. Significantly more males experienced being bribed (p = .001, 2 = 11.692, df = 1), typically in intimate relationships with gay men and older women. What comes to mind while sexual coercion is in process? In the survey, 76.6% of the 321 victims reported to have harbored negative thoughts. Young women felt angry, afraid, sad, and uncomfortable. Others felt not being loved and respected, thought of their own dignity, wished to slap the partner, or felt like cutting the mans penis (bayagan). An interesting case was that of an 18-year-old girl who said that she was totally devastated when her boyfriend attempted to have sex with her.

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I never thought that my boyfriend of 2 years would do that to me. I had so much respect for him, so I expected him to respect my womanhood. We never talked about having sex, never, because both of us are not yet ready for marriage, much more in having children. I felt betrayed, I cried, really cried. I dont feel safe with him anymore. (Female, 18, college student)

Another female respondent who had a partner 7 years her senior reported,
When he tried to rape me, I fought back. First, I was shocked. How can he do that to me? We had good times together. Several times, he made verbal attempts to make me agree to his sexual desires, but I always said no. He even said I do not love him because I do not want to give myself to him. But when he finally did it, I had to defend myself. I caught his penis and twisted it. . . . It was painful but that was a lesson for him. We have now parted ways. (Female, 18, working)

Male victims also felt angry, afraid, shocked, and remorseful. Others were turned off by their partner and were afraid that they might be forced to marry the woman (pikot). Others suspected that their partner was a prostitute. On the contrary, about 16% of female victims and 29% of male victims regarded the sexual encounter favorably. Among females, the foremost reasons were its part of the game and they finally liked it. Males were sexually aroused and were assured that their partners loved them. Consequence of Sexual Coercion Although sexual coercion among adolescent intimate partners can have positive consequences (e.g., assurance of love, sexual excitement, enhancement of macho image), the majority of the respondents opined that sexual coercion can be emotionally devastating because it indicates a lack of respect from the partner. Especially when it turns violent, it could also bring about physical harm. One female professional said that sexual coercion is a moral issue since it violates rules on human dignity. The survey results revealed that about 39% of the 321 respondent victims were temporarily abandoned by their partners; 36% were left for another woman or man, whereas 35.8% received insults or were belittled. Physical violence was not unusual but to a lesser magnitude. About 5% were slapped in the face; 3.4% were hit with a fist; 1.2% were kicked; and about 1% were beaten repeatedly. Seventeen percent (males = 13.8%, females = 23.0%) continued to love and forgive their partners. From whom did the victims seek help and advice? The peer group (52.3%) and family (24.1%) were the major sources of social support. About 19% of the coerced respondents did not seek help from other people.

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DISCUSSION This present study made a modest attempt to understand the sociocultural meanings and scripts attached to sexual coercion by young people in their intimate relationships. However, the information derived is limited by the extent to which the respondents were ready to disclose their sexual experiences. The results of this study revealed that sexual coercion is a phenomenon that can happen even in passionate adolescent relationships. It was thought to be common at this developmental stage because of young peoples heightened sexuality and emotional immaturity. Being inexperienced, adolescents have difficulty managing the complexity of feelings and decisions and conflicts that arise in their relationships. Gaps in age, and social status, environmental conditions, and the psychological states of partners at the time of dating were believed to be the predisposing factors to perpetrate or be a victim of a coercive act. Sexual coercion was seen as justifiable under certain circumstances. Sexual coercion was tolerated when one party allows the privacy of the environment, sends conflicting cues, and provides the impetus for physical intimacy and coercion to occur and when sexual impulses could no longer be controlled. In their study, Jaffe et al. (1992) found that forced sex was perceived by adolescents as okay if the couple had dated for a long time or if she sexually excited him. As indicated by previous studies (e.g., Russell & Oswald, 2001; Sugarman & Hotaling, 1989; van der Straten et al., 1998), there is also a tendency for girls to interpret sexual coercion, including jealousy and possessiveness, as normal signs of love. The study also revealed that the mechanisms of sexual coercion vary according to the stage of the intimate process in which it occurred, although verbal strategies were more generally popular. Verbal insistence was most common among females, whereas bribery was more significantly applied to young men. In some respects, the dividing line between sexual negotiation and sexual coercion seemed obscure. Sweet talking in the form of paglalambing, pangungulit, and pambobola is one instance where the method can be misconstrued as negotiating and, at the same time, coercive. There also seems to be a growing understanding of the extent to which coercive sex can be consensual. A number of respondents in the in-depth interviews admitted having eventually agreed to engage in physical intimacy with their partners after a series of persuasions, sweet talking, pleading, bribery, and the like. Such predicament was also illustrated in a number of studies where the sex act may be ultimately agreed on but in which full consent of one party was not freely given (Holland et al., 1992).

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Model I:
Risk factors

Model 2:

Sexual conflicts

Sexual coercion

Sexual violence

Consequences (-)

Figure 2.

Model of sexual coercion in nonintimate relationships as illustrated in forced sex. NOTE: The negative sign indicates negative consequences.
Model II:
Sexual negotiation (paglalambing)

Conflict resolution

Risk factors

Sexual conflicts

pambobola pangungulit
Sexual coercion (pamimilit) Sexual violence (pananakit)

+
Consequences

Figure 3. Model of sexual coercion common in intimate relationships. NOTE: A positive sign indicates positive consequences. A negative sign indicates negative consequences.

Based on these findings, two models of sexual coercion can be distinguished. The common notion of sexual coercion assumes that sexual conflicts brought about by personal, interpersonal, social, or environmental exigencies lead one partner to force the other to engage in an intimate act against his or her will. In this first model (Figure 2), sexual coercion always has a negative consequence and may, in fact, result in sexual violence. Sexual coercion in incest and forced sex between strangers or nonintimate partners conform to this model. The second model applies to intimate relationships (Figure 3). Romantic partners who experience sexual conflicts may either negotiate peacefully by using verbal methods, such as paglalambing, or resort to sexual coercion (pamimilit). In some cases, prolonged sexual negotiation (e.g., pangungulit and pambobola) can eventually result in a coercive act. But because love exists between partners, the coercive act may not necessarily lead to sexual violence (pananakit). What inferences can be made from this study? A major issue pertains to the legal implications of the way sexual coercion in intimate relationships is conceived. If intimate partners regard sexual coercion as inevitable in their romantic relationships, then when can the coercive act be legally binding? If sexual coercion is seen with favorable outcomes, then at what instance can the perpetrator be criminally liable? What evidence can be presented in court if judgment is based on the presence of physical injury or psychological trauma and if these negative consequences may not necessarily be present in intimate partner sexual coercion?

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In conclusion, the development of a healthy sexual development among young people is an important concern of society. As reflected in the consensus statement of the National Commission on Adolescent Sexual Health (Bacon, 1999),
an important goal of adolescence is to develop sexually healthy adults who have the ability to develop and maintain meaningful interpersonal relationships; appreciate own body; respect both men and women in a manner that is appropriate and true; and express affection and intimacy in accordance to ones own beliefs and values

Policies and programs to guide adolescents in their sexual development must be established. Through the home and school system, adolescents should be given support for developing the skills to negotiate a more consensual, pleasurable, and nonexploitative relationship with their intimate partners. REFERENCES
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Laurie Serquina-Ramiro, Ph.D., is an associate professor of the Department of Behavioral Sciences and an affiliate faculty of the Department of Clinical Epidemiology, College of Medicine, University of the Philippines Manila. Her research interests include domestic violence, lifestyle behaviors, and health-related quality of life.