HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE WOMENS SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT of the 18th and 19th CENTURY

Vanessa Gilyard

There are many events in history that captivated North America, but the most prominent event in history would be the Womens Suffrage Movement. This movement was the catalyst for womens rights because without it, women wouldnt have been able to gain other rights in this country. This essay will be discuss the historiography of the Womens Suffrage Movement, and will discuss some of the most notable suffragettes, Elizabeth Canton and Susan B. Anthony, who paved the way to get womens right to vote. This paper will also argue about the origin of how and where the movement began and some of the religious impacts, which were included, and the paper will defend how this suffrage movement has made a present impact on women in todays society. The essay will also argue whether or not Black women were able to attain voting rights the same time as their counterparts. Mari Jo Buhle theorized in her book Women and American Socialism, 1870-1920, that if Socialists had long slumbered in blissful complacency about the theoretical ramifications of womens suffrage, the enthusiastic campaigns of the twentieth century rudely awakened them.1 Buhle implied that the womens movement did make way for women having a say in present society, and they had a right to be heard and viewed as human beings. The socialists seemed to misunderstand this movement and divulged it based on socio-economic class and what it was really based on was sex (female). Buhle argued that the Native American Socialist women have for decades placed womens suffrage as the principle movement and that the socialist women and the suffragists women should work together and to not differentiate on each other based on socio-economic class.2

Mari Jo Buhle, Women and American Socialism, 1870-1920 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 217.
2

Buhle, Women, 214.

In Suffragists In An Imperial Age: U.S. Expansion and the Woman Question 18701929, Allison L. Sneider argued that the Womens Suffrage is traced back to the late 1800s in Washington D.C. On January 22, 1870, members of the Senate, the House and the press packed a committee room at the Capital building to observe the spectacle of suffrage activists presenting their arguments for woman suffrage under the new District government at a joint hearing of the House and Senate Committees on the District of Columbia.3 Congress recognized the suffragists case on their right to vote, and the women had assistance from Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Stanton. Other womens activists who were present at the event in Washington D.C. were suffragist Paulina Wright Davis, who were affiliated with the first National Womens Rights Convention, Connecticut suffragist Isabella Beecher Hooker and Uncle Toms Cabin author Harriet Beecher Stowe.4 Snieder takes a very aggressive stand in her book, when she talks about this important event. According to the author, all of the suffragists present were members of the American Equal Rights Association (AERA).5 Sneider wrote that the AERA represented members who were against slavery (anti-slavery) and who were for womens rights. Even in its barest outlines, understanding how the AERA came together in May 1866, and the reasons behind its demise in May 1870, requires jumping headfirst into a sea of Fourteenth and Fiftieth Amendment legal scholarship that explores how these amendments together created a constitutional revolution that fundamentally revised the relationship between the federal government and the states.6

Allison L. Snieder, Suffragists in An Imperial Age: U.S. Expansion and the Woman Question 1870-1929 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 22.
4

Snieder, Suffragists, 23. Sneider, Suffragists, 23.

Eleanor Flexner, who wrote a revised version of Century of Struggle: The Womans Rights Movement in the United States, took a different approach on how the suffrage movement began. She said that the movement showed considerable vitality on the suffrage issue during the 1870s and 80s.7 This historian continued her argument saying the activities fell under three areas and they were demonstrative, legal and political.8 By decades end, the only area that was used was the political group, which organized suffrage groups, educated the public and coordinated campaigns in different states, which pressured the members of Congress to change their federal constitution. The western United States embarked on permitting women their right to vote; perhaps its because the venture was done very quietly instead of a more boisterous manner that would come in the later years. According to Flexner, she argued, like the early eastern settlers, those who were building for a future in the West saw the need of encouraging men to marry and settle down as homesteaders, and of persuading women to make a journey from the East.9 The state of Oregon passed the Oregon Land Donation Act of 1850 that gave a husband and wife land to build on; single women also prospered from this law.10 Myra Marx Ferree and Beth B. Hess are sociologists who wrote Controversy and Coalition, The New Feminist Movement across Three Decades of Change, Revised Edition. They

Sneider, 23.

Eleanor Flexner, Century of Struggle: The Womans Rights Movement in the United States, Revised Edition. (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1982), 167.
8

Flexner, Century of Struggle 167. Flexner, Century of Struggle,160. Flexner, Century of Struggle, 160.

10

asked the question in their opening chapter, Where Did All the Feminists Go?11 Ferree and Hess noted that without the Suffrage movement, there wouldnt be a womens movement, nor would they be able to vote. However, they criticized the lack of experience that these nineteenth century women had. According to the authors, the leaders of the suffrage movement were not

as politically or socially conscious. They never produced a broad spectrum among the various citizens and they failed to attack the roots of womens inferior status in all areas of social life, particularly in the family.12 The first clear assertion of womens right to vote was made in 1848 at the womens rights convention organized in Seneca Falls New York.13 However, it wasnt until the 1890s that full-fledged enfranchisement began to be secured, and Wyoming, which had enacted votes for women in 1869 when it was still a territory, entered the union in 1890 with its woman suffrage provisions in place.14 Earle F. Layser said in her article, The equality state: Womens rights on the western frontier, women's right to vote and hold office was the subject of the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848, but early attempts to gain suffrage were defeated in Washington Territory in 1854 and the Nebraska and Dakota Territories several years later.15 In 1868, congressional legislation

11

Myra Marx Ferree and Beth B Hess, Controversy and Coalition: The New Feminist Movement across Three Decades of Change, Revised Edition (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1994), 1.
12

Ferree and Hess, Controversy and Coalition, 1.

13

History Study Center, Suffrage Movement, The Readers Companion to U.S. Womens History. http://www.historystudycenter.com.ezproxylocal.library.nova.edu/search/displayMultiResultReferenceItem.do?M ulti=yes&ResultsID=12454CC2DB8&fromPage=search&ItemNumber=4&QueryName=reference (accessed November 13, 2009).
14

History Study Center, Suffrage Movement.

15

Earle F. Layser, The equality state: Womens rights on the western frontier, The World & I 18, (March 2003), http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=11&did=304272131&SrchMode=1&sid=3&Fmt=3&VI nst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1254248501&clientId=62546&cfc=1 (accessed October 11, 2009).

also failed to pass, leaving the Fourteenth Amendment to declare only males twenty-one or older (regardless of race) eligible to vote. No one could have foreseen what would transpire just one year later in an unlikely frontier setting in Wyoming Territory16 Layser mentioned that the women lacked organizational skills, which were needed if they wanted to campaign for their right to vote. However, through their organizational efforts and lobbying skills, Wyoming women had transformed their state into a national stronghold for women's rights, which is why Wyoming is nicknamed the Equality State.17 Layser also spoke about a widow named Esther Slack who was trying to claim land that her husband left her. Even though she was a successful businessperson, she was not able to get the land because she was a woman, and this action made her become an advocate for womens rights. Layser mentioned how women started to hold offices once the suffrage bill was passed. The historian discusses how in Laramie, Wyoming, women started participating in jury duty assignments; Cheyenne, the states capital soon followed. Historian T.A. Larson, contributed to Laysers article by arguing that, "Frontier style, all-male juries frequently interrupted their deliberations with drinking and gambling, and engaged in smoking and chewing.18 However, those practices had to stop because it became disrupting and unappealing to the women. Carmen Hieder wrote an essay on how the women from Thayer County, Nebraska fought for their right to vote and how it failed to do so. However, Heider argued about how there was a difference between the radical suffragettes and the more lady-like temperance women. Hieders essay was called, Suffrage, Self-Determination, and the Womens Christian Temperance Union In Nebraska, explored how from 1879 to 1882, Nebraska was the focal point of national

16

Earle F. Layser, The equality state, 2003. Earle F Layser, The equality state, 2003

17

18

Earle F. Layser, The equality state, 2003

woman suffrage activism, and the small Thayer County town of Hebron became the hub of that activity.19 The historian wrote that womens rights suffragettes organized a group called the Thayer County Woman Suffrage Association and this arranged the suffrage movement for this state.20 There was also a study made in Thayer County, which included religion and temperance. Heider argued there were two types of women who were working in this movement; suffrage and temperance. Temperance news published in the Western Woman's Journal demonstrated not only a growing reform movement, but also shifting perceptions of femininity and the negotiation of social norms regarding gender.21 Heider wrote how suffragette women were more militant for their rights to vote and temperance women wanted voting rights, but they acted in a well-mannered fashion, because they were religious. While suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Amelia Bloomer, and Susan B. Anthony actively participated in temperance reform during the 1850s, disagreements later surfaced between the two groups.22 This historian says that the Christian ideology of the temperance rhetoric was less radical and more tenacious. Temperance and suffrage activists were demographically similar except for religious affiliations: temperance activists tended to be Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian, while suffragists tended to be Congregational, Unitarian, Universalist, Quaker, and Episcopalian.23

19

Carmen Heider, Suffrage, Self-Determination, and The Womens Christian Temperance Union in Nebraska, 18791882, Rhetoric & Public Affairs, 8, 1. (Spring 2005), http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=0&did=860553751&SrchMode=1&sid=3&Fmt=4&VIn st=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1254247579&clientId=62546&cfc=1 (accessed October 11, 2009).
20

Carmen Heider, Suffrage, Self-Destruction, 2005.

21

Carmen Heider, Suffrage, Self-Destruction, 2005

22

Carmen Hieder, Suffrage, Self-Destruction, 2005 Carmen Hieder, Suffrage, Self-Destruction, 2005.

23

Maureen Flanagan discussed another western state that was liberated when it came to the womens right to vote. In Flanagans book review Becoming Citizens: The Emergence and Development of the California Women's Movement, 1880-1911, that was written by Gayle Gullet mentioned how California gave women the right to vote which started the political movement called progressivism.24 According to Flanagan, Gullet argued that this movement gave approval to the socialists and to the people who were lower and middle socio-economic class; these classes were always separate from each other. Flanagan mentioned that the evidence that Gullett presents of its alliance with elite male reformers, its claims to seeking political power only to enhance "the public good," and its adherence to "good government progressivism" does explain much about the suffrage victory in California.25 Flanagans review on Gullets book demonstrated what historians Snieder and Layser were right about how it was a good idea to liberate some of the states in the western United States. Allison L. Sneiders book review for the Journal of Womens History called, Religion and Biography: Re-visioning Feminism in the Gilded Age. The review is about Mrs. Stantons Bible which was written by Kathi Kern and Carry A. Nation: Retelling the Life by Fran Grace.26 Sneider wrote about how Elizabeth Stanton created a Womens Bible which was an antithesis of the regular bible. This bible embraced science and religion, rather than just
24

Maureen Flanagan, Becoming Citizens: The Emergence and Development of the California Womens Movement, 1880-1911, Review of Becoming Citizens: The Emergence and Development of the California Womens Movement, 1880-1911 by Gail Gullett. The Journal of American History 87 (March 2001), http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=21&did=71039592&SrchMode=1&sid=3&Fmt=3&VIn st=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1254249189&clientId=62546 (accessed November 18, 2009).
25

Flanagan, review of Becoming Citizens by Gail Gullett, 2001.

26

Allison L Sneider. Religion and Biography: Re-visioning Feminism in the Gilded Age. Review of Mrs. Stantons Bible by Kathi Kern and Carry A. Nation: Retelling the Life by Fran Grace. Journal of Womens History 15, Iss. 1.(Spring, 2003). http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=7&did=349951201&SrchMode=1&sid=3&Fmt=3&VIn st=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1254248093&clientId=62546 (accessed October 11, 2009).

religion and it was Stantons commitment to produce and publish Sneider argued that Stanton had a found love for science and that one of Kerns most important insights for historians of the suffrage movement is her linkage of racism, science and religion.27 Kern also discussed the unintended consequences that accrued when reformers of Stantons generation turned to science in order to combat religion. In Kern's carefully researched and wonderfully developed narrative, Stanton's commitment to produce and publish The Woman's Bible -- an eclectic collection of commentary, exegesis, and interpretation solicited from a range of woman's rights activists across the United States and Europe -- is at once the dramatic end point of a life dedicated to women's emancipation and a central turning point in the history of the suffrage movement as a whole. 28 In this review, Sneider didnt reveal a lot of information about Fran Graces book. Snieder said that her book was not as motivated as Kerns book when discussing womens suffrage. In Sneiders article Grace argued, that scholars have yet to account sufficiently for Nation's distinctive approach to public life by focusing on Nation's presence on the national and international stage during the last ten years of her life. As Grace suggests, Nation's relationship to the WCTU needs further investigation in terms of grassroots members and national leadership. In turn, Nation's ability to reach working-class and vaudeville audiences suggests the range of new political styles open to women in the first decades of the twentieth century.29 The American Journey: A History of the United States, explained in detail, about the Fifteenth Amendment. The Fifthteenth Amendment allowed states to keep the franchise a male

27

Allison L Sneider, review of Kern and Nation, Religion and Biology, 2003.

28

Sneider, review of Kern and Nation, Religion and Biology, 2003 . Sneider, review of Kern and Nation, Religion and Biology, 2003.

29

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prerogative, angering many in the women suffrage movement more than had the Fourthteeth Amendment.30 This situation burned the relationship between the suffragettes and the Republican Party, because Republicans did not want the women to have equal rights to vote.. The authors brought up a good point on how Elizabeth Canton used aristocracy of sex as a way to entice this amendment to pass.31 Canton remarked if you do not wish the lower orders of Chinese, African, Germans and Irish, with their low ideas of womanhood to make laws for you and your daughtersawake to the dangerand demand that woman, too, shall be represented in the government!32 Lori D. Ginzberg examination looked further in the historiography about how black women were omitted from the suffrage movement based on race. In her article, which included other historians views on her topic, Re-viewing the first wave, it depicted the struggle that ensued with African American womens struggle to vote. Ginzberg mentioned how white women were granted the right to vote, while Black women had to struggle attain their voting rights. Rosalyn Terborg-Penn whom Ginzberg reviewed argued, It was African American women, who most emphatically and consistently insisted on universal suffrage in the face of white suffragists' increasingly narrow efforts, seeing woman suffrage as part of, not contrary to, the fight to end racism and inequality.33 Terborg-Penn also added that there were many White

30

Carl Abbott, Virginia DeJohn Anderson, Jo Ann E Argersinger., Peter H. Argersinger, William L. Barney, David Goldfield and Robert M Weir. The American Journey: A History of the United States, Fourth Edition, Volume 1. (New Jersey, Pearson Education, Inc., 2007), 496.

31

Abbott et al., The American Journey, 496. Abbott et al, The American Journey, 496.

32

33

Lori D Ginzberg. "Re-viewing the first wave." Review of. "African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850-1920" by Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, "Joyous Greetings: The First International Women's Movement, 1830-1860" by Bonnie S. Anderson and "Sex and Citizenship in Antebellum America" by Nancy Isenberg, Feminist Studies 28, (Summer 2002), (accessed October 11, 2009).

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suffragists, who supported the cause of having Black women to vote but they still felt that no one was helping them. African Americans desperately needed political representation in some form, to explain black suffragists' greater willingness to ally with the American Woman Suffrage Association34 Ginzberg and the other historians in this article demonstrate how racial bigotry was among this movement. Her review stated that the nineteenth-century feminists were, as these books show, rejected identities grounded in class privilege and cultural arrogance. Indeed, even as we highlight the very real limitations of feminist goals and accomplishments, it is worth reminding ourselves that none of us lives outside our culture, even as we challenge and, far more rarely, rebel against it.35 Historian Joan Lester supports the historians that were in Ginzbergs essay and gave a strong rendition in her essay titled, Women's Legacy: Essays on Race, Sex and Class in American History. Lesters essay supports Ginzberg about how Black womens voting rights werent recognized. Lester argued Their key unity, which had been given organizational form in the Equal Rights Association, organized by Susan B. Anthony and headed by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Frederick Douglass, was "broken by the combined impact of racism in the women's movement, racist and male supremacist practices in abolitionist ranks, and the machinations of Republican politicians, including abolitionist men, unwilling to support women suffrage."36

http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=13&did=209596561&SrchMode=1&sid=3&Fmt=4&VI nst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1254248585&clientId=62546&cfc=1 (accessed December 1, 2009).

34

Ginzberg, review of Terborg-Penn and Anderson, Re-viewing the First Wave, 2002.

35

Ginzberg, review of Terborg-Penn and Anderson, Re-viewing the First Wave, 2002.

36

Joan Lester, Womens Legacy: Essays on Race, Sex and Class in American History, Off our Backs 13 (December 31, 1983),

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Lester talked about the two main struggles that existed in the last two centuries, which were Black equality and woman equality.37 Lesters essay gave a lot of focus on how America looked at Black people, especially Black women. They did not have the same socio-economic class as most White women and were largely ignored when it came to voting rights due to their assumed lack of education. Unlike Ginzbergs and Sneiders historiography essays on how American women protested in the suffrage movement, Donna M Kowals essay, One cause, two paths: Militant vs. adjustive strategies in the British and American womens suffrage movements, it divulged into a more aggressive way of how the British women fought violently during the Suffrage movement, which took place in Europe. The author spoke about how Great Britain took a difference approach than from the American women. Kowal commented, although the suffrage movement in Britain and the United States shared a common goal and collaborated in an international effort to enfranchise women, they differed in rhetorical tone and protest tactics.38 Kowal argued that women in Great Britain took matters that were more aggressive in order to get attention concerning their civil rights. One of the methods included using bombs, stones or hammers for their methods of attack.39 Women were eventually arrested and sent to jail for these violent out lashes, and these occurrences in Britain lasted for almost ten years in the early 1900s. Kowels essay contrasted the way the American women handled their movement;
http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=1&did=659260871&SrchMode=2&sid=2&Fmt=3&VIn st=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1260475645&clientId=62546 (accessed December 10, 2009).
37

Lester, Womens Legacy, 1983.

38

Donna M. Kowal, One Cause, two paths: Militant vs. adjustive strategies in the British and American womens suffrage movements, Communication Quarterly 48 (Summer 2000), http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=1&did=72038420&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=3&VInst =PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1259961118&clientId=62546 (accessed October 11, 2009).
39

Kowal, One Cause, 2000.

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even the suffrage women were not this brutal and violent with their radicalism. The historian analyzed in her essay and discussed how just like the American suffragettes, the British women were divided socio-economically. All of the women, rich or poor wanted voting rights but the upper class women were expected to act in the norms of true womanhood, and the women who were less of financial power acted the opposite way. Class division further fragmented the movement with working-class women more interested in labor issues than those of middle-class status40 John Milton Cooper, Jr. wrote Pivotal Decades: The United States, 1900-1920, and in his text he discussed on how two presidents from different parties felt about the suffrage movement. According to Cooper, Republican President Theodore Roosevelt, stated that he believed in woman suffrage but didnt think that it was a high priority.41 He never endorsed this movement in public and was not happy about it being on a ballot for people to vote for. I am more and more convinced that the great field, the indispensible field for the usefulness of a woman is as the mother of the family.42 Cooper argued that Roosevelt felt that womens place was in the home and that the breadwinner should be the supporter of the house and that is the man. On the other hand, President Woodrow Wilson who was a member of the Democratic Party was for the suffrage movement wanted to help women achieve their right to vote. According to Cooper, on January 10, 1918, the suffragists won their first victory on Capital Hill

40

Kowal, One Cause, 2000.

41

John Milton Cooper, Jr. Pivotal Decades: The United States, 1900-1920 (New York: W.W. Norton Company, 1990), 100.
42

Cooper, Pivotal Decades, 100.

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when the House narrowly approved a constitutional amendment to grant women the vote.43 There were some issues in getting this bill passed; the women activists had to make sure that President Wilson kept his promise that he made during his 1916 campaign pledge.44 The Nineteenth Amendment was also passed during Wilsons presidency, which finally gave White women the right to vote. Cooper wrote that with the passing of this amendment, women in the United States for the first time could vote in a presidential election.45 This amendment is essential now because if we did not have a president who believed that woman should vote, then men would be the only ones who would vote for laws in our country. The historians that were discussed in the previous pages rectified the historiography of how the revolution of the womens suffrage affects womens empowerment today. The authors who wrote , The American Journey: A History of the United States, Fourth Edition, Volume 2, argued, the increasing prominence of women and family issues in national politics was a steady, quiet revolution that bore fruit in the 1990s, when the number of women in Congress more than doubled.46 A chapter in this book explained how women have taken offices for various political positions: something that was very different from what women could do in the nineteenth century. The United States had their first Black woman national security advisor and a woman to serve as the United States attorney general.

43

Cooper, Pivotal Decades.,308 Cooper, Pivotal Decades, 308. Cooper, Pivotal Decades, 308.

44

45

46

Carl Abbott, Virginia DeJohn Anderson, Jo Ann E. Argersinger, Peter H. Argersinger, William L. Barney David Goldfield and Robert M. Weir The American Journey: A History of the United States, Fourth Edition, Volume 2. (New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc. 2007), 998.

15

Political gains for women at the national level reflected their growing importance in grassroots politics, and there are more training grounds that women can use to train themselves on how to run and campaign for office.47 Some of the organizations mentioned that helped women are League of Women Voters and the National Womens Political Caucus which train women how to run for office and how to engage in volunteerism.48 The differences in where women live by region have been affected. The West is more open and liberal to women who choose to hold state and local positions than the southern states before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified. The Voting power amongst African Americans including African American women drastically changed for the better. According to Carl Abbott and the other authors, minority leaders and community activists realized that a return to district voting could convert neighborhood segregation from a liability to a political resource.49 The essay discussed how womens suffrage made an impact on American and how the western part of the United States became liberated by allowing women to vote before the other regions in America. The paper also argued that Black women were never equal with White women when it came to voters rights. Black women had to wait until the 1960s attain the same rights as their counterparts. Religion played a part in the suffrage movement, which divided suffrage women who were little more radical and the temperance women who wanted voting rights but felt that they should have a lady-like approach to the movement. If the suffrage movement had not existed, our nation would not have women running for public office and women would not be able to move forward to pursue their mission in society.

47

Abbott, et al., The American Journey, Vol. 2, 999. Abbott, et al., The American Journey, Vol. 2, 999. Abbott, et. al, The American Journey, Vol. 2, 1001.

48

49

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Works Cited

Abbott, Carl, Anderson, Virginia DeJohn, Argersinger, Jo Ann E., Argersinger, Peter H., Barney, William L., Goldfield, David and Weir, Robert M. The American Journey: A History of the United States, Fourth Edition, Volume 1. New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc., 2004. Abbott, Carl, Anderson, Virginia DeJohn., Argersinger, Jo Ann E., Argersinger, Peter H., Barney, William L., Goldfield, David and Weir, Robert M. The American Journey: A History of the United States, Fourth Edition, Volume 2. New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc., 2007. Buhle, Mari Jo, Women and American Socialism, 1870-1920. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1983. Cooper, John Milton Jr., Pivotal Decades: the United States, 1900-1920, New York: W.W. Norton Company, 1990. Flanagan, Maureen. Becoming Citizens: The Emergence and Development of the California Womens Movement, 1880-1911. Review of Becoming Citizens: The Emergence and Development of the California Womens Movement. The Journal of American History 87 (March 2001), http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=21&did=71039592&SrchMo de=1&sid=3&Fmt=3&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=12 54249189&clientId=62546 (accessed November 18, 2009). Flexner, Eleanor. Century of Struggle: The Womans Rights Movement in the United States, Revised Edition. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1982. Ginzberg, Lori D. Re-viewing the first wave, Review of "African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850-1920" by Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, "Joyous Greetings: The First International Women's Movement, 1830-1860" by Bonnie S. Anderson and "Sex and Citizenship in Antebellum America" by Nancy Isenberg Feminist Studies 28, Iss 2, (Summer 2002) http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=13&did=209596561&SrchM ode=1&sid=3&Fmt=4&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1 254248585&clientId=62546&cfc=1 (accessed October 11, 2009). Heider, Carmen. Suffrage, Self-Determination, and the Womens Christian Temperance Union in Nebraska. Rhetoric & Public Affairs 8, Iss.1, (Spring 2005), http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=0&did=860553751&SrchMo de=1&sid=3&Fmt=4&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=12 54247579&clientId=62546&cfc=1 (accessed October 11, 2009). Hess, Beth B and Ferree, Myra Marx. Controversy and Coalition: The new Feminist Movement across Three Decades of Change, Revised Edition New York: Twayne Publishers, 1994.

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Kowal, Donna M. One cause, two paths: Militant vs. adjustive strategies in the British and American womens suffrage movements, Communication Quarterly 48 (Summer 2000). http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=1&did=72038420&SrchMod e=1&sid=1&Fmt=3&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=125 9961118&clientId=62546 (accessed October 11, 2009). Layser, Earle F. The Equality State: Womens rights on the western frontier, The World & I 18, (March,2003) http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=11&did=304272131&SrchM ode=1&sid=3&Fmt=3&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1 254248501&clientId=62546&cfc=1 (accessed October 11, 2009). Lester, Joan. Womens Legacy: Essays on Race, Sex and Class in American History. Off Our Backs13,(December31,1983),http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index= 1&did=659260871&SrchMode=2&sid=2&Fmt=3&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT= 309&VName=PQD&TS=1260475645&clientId=62546 (accessed December 10, 2009). Sneider, Allison L., Suffragists In An Imperial Age: U.S. Expansion and the Woman Question 1870-1929. New York: Oxford Press, 2008. Sneider, Allison L. Religion and Biography: Re-visioning Feminism in the Gilded Age. Review of Mrs. Stantons Bible by Kathi Kern and Carry A. Nation: Retelling the Life by Fran Grace. Journal of Womens History 15, Iss.1 (Spring 2008), http://proquest.umi.com.ezproxy2.apus.edu/pqdweb?index=7&did=349951201&SrchMo de=1&sid=3&Fmt=3&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=12 54248093&clientId=62546&cfc=1 (accessed November 18, 2009). "Suffrage Movement." The Reader's Companion to U.S. Women's History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999. History Study Center. ProQuest LLC. 13 Nov. 2009 http://www.historystudycenter.com (accessed November 18, 2009).