Running head: THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY

The Correlation Between Racial Identity and Academic Success for Minority Adolescents LaKenya M. Browder Liberty University

THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY

Abstract Adolescence is a pivotal time, where the development of ones identity plays a significant role in a youths overall adjustment, which includes academic achievement. Minority youth have the added job of developing their ethnic identity, which may complicate the development of ones sense of self, which has also been linked to academic achievement. How come American Indian youth have reported the lowest ethnic identity scores when compared to African-American, Hispanic, and Asian adolescents? Why have the academic success of Chinese-Americans been a significant focus, while the discrimination they experiences ignored? Studies have associated public and personal regard, low sense of self, messages from parents, social life, self-esteem, and discrimination with the academic achievement of adolescents, though ethnic groups differ in the way their academic success is affected by these factors. The correlation between racial identity and academic success for minorities and the possible causes for the disparities in academic achievement across ethnic groups will be examined.

THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY

The Correlation Between Racial Identity and Academic Success for Minority Adolescents

America has used various stereotypical images to portray the academic values of minorities. African Americans and Latinos have been characterized as devaluing education, as Asian Americans have been characterized as placing a greater importance on academic achievement (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). African American and Latino students, among other minority groups, face stereotypical portrayals of their ethnic group being less intelligent that European American students. Yet, studies have found African American and Latino students' self-esteem and academic self-concepts equivalent or greater than European students (Schmader, 2001).

Studies have been consistent in their findings relating self-esteem to academic success, with self-esteem being associated with competence, coping skills, and social support. Some studies did not found a correlation between self-esteem and academic success, finding academic achievement to be the reason for higher self-esteem. This allows for the consideration that other factors may be involved, for example, ones ethnic identity (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). Osborne (as cited in Schmader, 2001) found that self-esteem was positively related to grades among European American students, unrelated to grades among African American males, and weakly related among African American females. There is little support that minority students place less value on academic success than their White counterparts, as most studies suggest African American high school students generally value academic success, sometimes higher White students (Schmader, 2001).

Adolescence is a time when youth interpret social messages about their ethnic group, which greatly influences their self-identity (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009), as identity

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formation is a primary developmental task (Feliciano, 2009; Jones & Galliher, 2007). A healthy, positive ethnic identity often develops by a child learning about his or her ethnic group through personal context (i.e. family socialization). Daily family practices teach children about their culture (Feliciano, 2009). As a child enters early adolescence he or she becomes more aware of the different messages about race, as they begin to interact more with adults and peers outside the home. Through these social interactions the youth is exposed to more discrimination and unfair treatment though experiences such as ethnic verbal hostility and social exclusion. This may negatively influence their self-concept, in which ethnic affirmation is needed throughout the transition into middle school in order to develop a more positive ethnic identity (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). It has been suggested that messages from parents, adults in school the system, and peers about race and ethnicity are linked to what adolescents believe about their ethnic group (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). Not only is ethnic identity an important part of the identity formation of all adolescents, it is especially significant in the lives of minority children, as well as a deciding factor as to how well children of immigrants will assimilate into U.S. society (Feliciano, 2009; Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005).

Ethnic identity depends on context and circumstances, and is made up of two dimensions, centrality and private regard. Centrality is the extent to which ethnic identity is a significant part of an individual's self-concept. Private regard is how one actually feels about their ethnic group (Feliciano, 2009; Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). It has been found that ethnic minority adolescents reported higher levels of ethnic centrality than White adolescents (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). The schooling experiences of minority adolescents may reveal the process of how his or her public regard is developed. School is one of the primary environments for adolescent in

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which public regard is acknowledged, as it involves many social experiences (RivasDrake, 2011). Adolescents form their beliefs about race identity based on their observations of racial relationships in the classroom and school system. This is where they form an understanding of public regard, how their ethnic group is perceived by others. This conclusion develops over a lifetime of experiences, both positive and negative (RivasDrake, 2011). Public ethnic regard plays a significant role in the academic attitudes of minority adolescents. When public ethnic regard is positive, minority students reported higher academic competence and school adjustment (Jones & Galliher, 2007; RivasDrake, 2011). African American adolescents reported lower public regard than all other groups, and Chinese Americans reported lower public regard than Dominican and White youths (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009).

The process of developing a healthy, positive ethnic identity is an important stage in the life of a minority adolescent, as it has been associated with better school adjustment, higher academic achievement, greater self-esteem and confidence, and positive psychological outcomes, which influences their educational, social, psychological and behavioral functions (Feliciano, 2009; Jones & Galliher, 2007; Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way, 2008; Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer (2009) suggest that one's overall self-concept, which includes self-esteem and cultural identity, supports a range of other relevant characteristics that promote academic success. They believe the more competent a student feels about his or her abilities, the more success he or she will have in school (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). It has also been suggested that some of the hindrances to academic success, such as behavioral problems through alcohol and/or drug use and antisocial behavior, may decrease if the student develops positive self-esteem and a more positive ethnic identity (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). Although adolescent males tend to have higher levels of self-esteem, females tend to have

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a higher level of personal resources, which may cause lower levels of problematic behaviors and greater academic success (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009).

Ethnic self-labeling is one dimension of ethnic identity, which is somewhat influenced by the labels outsiders place on ones particular ethnic group (Feliciano, 2009). Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia (2005) found no correlation between specific ethnic labels and academic achievement. They found that the ethnic identity of a minority adolescent is more related to academic achievement than the ethnic label he or she chooses to identify him/herself (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). The ethnic identity ascribed to a minority adolescent by society may not coincide with his or her personal ethnic identity. One study found the level of ethnic identification to be more prevalent in predicting academic achievement than specific ethnic labels personally chosen. Yet, West Indian and Mexican children of immigrants who are connected to their familial traditional ethnic origin tend to have a greater connection to school than children who identify themselves with Americanized ethnic labels, for example, Black or Chicano. Mexican youth who identify themselves as Chicano tend to have lower academic achievement than those who identify themselves as Mexican (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). Discrimination experienced in early adolescence may negatively affect his or her sense of self. Discrimination experienced among minority youth has been correlated with various negative outcomes, including depression, delinquency, substance use, and a decline in selfesteem over time (Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way, 2008). It has also been found that experiences of discrimination may incite one to identify stronger with their ethnic group (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). Familial preparation for tends to result in greater positive outcomes academically, as family racial socialization influences ethnic identity formation cross-culturally (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). Some minorities who have experienced perceived

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discrimination have low academic achievement, while others have managed to maintain positive academic attitudes and success. The negative effects of discrimination are lower levels of academic motivation, lower grades, less academic persistence, an increase in dropping out of school, and higher levels of academic disengagement (Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009). Psychological disengagement consists of two psychological processes. One is devaluing the domain, where the outcomes received are no longer viewed as relevant to how one defines him or herself. The second process is discounting the relevance of an evaluation one has received, as minorities perceive evaluations by outside their culture as stereotypical and ambiguous (Schmader, 2001). Psychological disengagement involves the detachment of ones self-esteem, which, in the academic domain, results from devaluing academic success or discounting the validity of academic outcomes (Schmader, 2001). An individual engages in such behavior in order to prevent his or her self-esteem from being measured by the success or failure in that domain. This is used when ones personal or social self is threatened through factors such as poor performance, negative feedback, social rejection, or discrimination. Disengaging allows the individual to maintain their level of self-esteem despite the outcome. When used in school, the student may chronically disengage in order to relieve his or her performance anxiety. This may in turn cause negative effects by confirming society's stereotypes about certain ethnic groups being less intelligent. Past research suggests that African American students may be more likely than European American students to disengage their self-esteem from academic outcomes (Schmader, 2001).

Beliefs about ethnic injustice, but not academic performance, predicted greater discounting and devaluing for African American students. Yet, among European students, poor

THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY academic performance predicted greater devaluing and discounting, but not beliefs about ethnic injustice. Among Latinos, poorer academic performance was related to a greater level of devaluing (Schmader, 2001). Ethnic hierarchies may develop within a school setting which may open the door to discrimination, rejection and harassment from peers, resulting in a more negative ethnic identity (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009).

Positive academic attitudes have been suggested to be a resilience factor, mediating discrimination experiences and academic success. High school minorities who had higher levels of academic motivation scored higher on standardized tests (Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, GonzalesBacken, Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009). Due to a general distrust of academic feedback and test scores, many minority students perceive discrimination when it comes to the accuracy of their scores and grades. This is especially true when it comes from a European White evaluator, as the minority student may ignore any advice given, as opposed to being more receptive if the evaluator was the from the same ethnic background or also a minority (Schmader, 2001). Minority youth have reported ethnic discrimination by peers as well as adults in school. One study found that 46% of African Americans and 50% of Hispanic youth reported that they were given a lower grade by a teacher because of their race or ethnicity. Another study reported that 16% of Puerto Rican adolescents perceived discrimination by teachers and 7% by school administrators (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). 18% of Puerto Rican adolescents report discrimination by classmates. 84% of East Asian and 73% of South Asian youth report being called racially derogatory names (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009).

Minority youth may attempt to define themselves according to their own terms rather than take on projected stereotypes of society (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). Immigrants are

THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY more likely to identify with their country of origin and the US, rather than adopting racial/panethnic identities (Feliciano, 2009). Individuals may choose an ethnic label of national origin, such as Asian or Latino; or a panethnic/compound label, such as African American or Asian American. Children of immigrants may choose nationalistic labels, such as Mexican or

Chinese, rather than compound labels, like African American or Asian American. This may done in order to prevent American values and behaviors from infiltrating their family and children (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). The type of ethnic label a child of an immigrant chooses to identify his or her self with is an indicator as to how they are assimilating into US culture (Feliciano, 2009). Ogbu (as cited in Feliciano, 2009) suggested that adopting ethnic labels that contrast the mainstream leads to poor academic outcomes, as racialized groups perceive academic achievement as "acting white," thus not putting in the effort needed to success. For example, one study found that Mexican-origin youth who identified themselves as Chicanos did poorly in school, while those who identified themselves according to more Mexican-oriented labels were more successful in school- though there is little support that identifying with an ethnic group correlates with negative academic attitudes. Some suggest school environment and experiences influence identity formation. One study found that over a ten year period, children of immigrants changed their ethnic identity; nearly half change their ethnic label from adolescence to early adulthood (Feliciano, 2009).

The racial oppression and ethnic discrimination among Asian American youth have been ignored and misunderstood, producing negative consequences, such as psychological distress. Peer discrimination has been reported a high rates by Chinese American early adolescents. Studies have reported frequent teasing and name calling among Chinese American adolescents. Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way (2008) found that private regard, rather than public regard, is

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related to self-esteem; with lower private regard triggering lower self-esteem. Chinese American youth have reported fewer depressive symptoms when they perceive positive public regard. Although previous studies have suggested that positive private regard may buffer against negative outcomes due to discrimination, the results have not been clear concerning Asian American youth (Rivas-Drake, Hughes & Way, 2008).

Among African Americans, a positive public regard may be related to a positive attitude towards academics (RivasDrake, 2011). A positive correlation has been found between academic performance of African American youth and the strength of their ethnic identity (Fuligni, Witkow & Garcia, 2005). Previous studies have suggested that low academic achievement among African American you is related to low identity resulting from marginalization and prejudice (Awad, 2007). It has also been suggested that African American youth's low self-esteem is associated with stereotype threat, "when one is in a situation in which a negative stereotype about his or her social group is made salient and the individual fears that he or she will confirm those stereotypes or be treated stereotypically" (Awad, 2007, p. 193-194). Whether the self-esteem of African Americans influence their academic achievement has not been consistent across research studies (Awad, 2007). Awad (2007) found that racial identity, academic self-concept and self-esteem are related to standardized test scores among African American you, though function differently with each aspect, finding self-concept to be the significant predictor of GPA. Latino adolescents tend to have lower grades and a higher dropout rate when they feel stigmatized and left out (RivasDrake, 2011). Although Latinos are the largest ethnic population in the United States, almost half over the age of 25 do not have a high school diploma (Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009). Latino youth reported

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discrimination inside and outside of school, with experiences being different for boys than girls. Latino adolescent girls tend to have a greater level of positive academic attitude than Latino boys (Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders, 2009). Alfaro, Umaa-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bmaca & Zeiders (2009) found that academic motivation was influenced by discrimination for Latino boys only, not for girls.

American Indian adoelscents are at risk for school failure (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). It has been reported that Native American youth have the lowest level of ethnic identity compared to African American, Hispanic and Asian youth (Jones & Galliher, 2007). Studies have found low academic achievement among American Indian youth to be related to the separation from their traditional ethnic culture, thus a connection with their heritage will cause more academic success (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). Jones & Galliher (2007) found that Native American adolescent males who were in the process of exploring their ethnicity developed a higher level of substance use than other minority groups. This may be related to the overall anger of Native Americans at the historical and current ethnic abuse by the dominant White society (Jones & Galliher, 2007).

Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer (2009) questioned how academic success was defined during most of the studies concerning Native Americans, which was founded on European American values such as high grades, outperforming peers and higher education. Native American youth may have more traditional ethnic values, like balancing academic goals with other aspects of life and communal success (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009). Schooling may be difficult for Native American youth who hold traditional values, such as maintaining harmony, sharing, nonconfrontational and respectful behaviors; all which may interfere with the

THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY direct, verbal, and assertiveness needed to success in American schools (Hildebrand, Phenice, Gray & Hines, 2008).

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Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer (2009) did not find a correlation between academic achievement and a connection to traditional ethnic identity among Native American youth. They suggested that other factors associated to self-esteem, and not self-esteem itself, influenced academic success in Native American youth. How one felt about him/herself paralleled his or her personal resources. This study did not support the notion that cultural identity was correlated to academic success, as they suggested that focusing on increasing self-esteem and personal resources, as well as interventions to reduce problem behaviors, would be more successful in increasing academic achievement in Native American youth (Whitesell, Mitchell & Spicer, 2009).

Though some studies did not find a direct correlation between adolescent racial identity and academic success, a majority did find come correlation, as there are many aspects of ones overall racial self-concept that influences his or her academic attitude. It has been shown that ones ethnic identity is significantly related to ones overall self-concept, which will directly or indirectly affect ones academic success. Some of the negative ways a minority adolescent may be affected is through perceived discrimination and negative public regard. Some positive ways ethnicity promotes academic success is through positive messages from adults and peers about ones ethnic group, as well as a familial teaching about his or her traditional culture. Though each minority adolescent will respond according to his or her unique way, there are general aspects of ethnic identity that has been related to academic success, like self-esteem and private regard. All minority adolescents have been, or will be, exposed to various stereotypical images

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and discrimination towards their culture, bringing them to a crossroads demanding that he or she make the decision as to whos report they will believe. With a strong family background in cultural teaching, faith in God, and self-confidence, every minority adolescent has a chance to develop positive beliefs about his or her ethnicity and achieve great academic success.

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References Alfaro, E. C., Umaa-Taylor, A. J., Gonzales-Backen, M. A., Bmaca, M. Y., & Zeiders, K. H. (2009). Latino adolescents' academic success: The role of discrimination, academic motivation, and gender. Journal of Adolescence, 32(4), 941-962. doi: 10.1016/j.adolescence.2008.08.007 Awad, G. H. (2007). The role of racial identity, academic self-concept, and self-esteem in the prediction of academic outcomes for African American students. Journal of Black Psychology 33, 188-207. doi:10.1177/0095798407299513 Feliciano, C. (2009). Education and ethnic identity formation among children of Latin American and Caribbean immigrants. Sociological Perspectives, 52(2), 135-158. doi: 10.1525/sop.2009.52.2.135 Fuligni, A. J.; Witkow, M. & Garcia, C. (2005). Ethnic identity and the academic adjustment of adolescents from Mexican, Chinese, and European backgrounds. Developmental Psychology, 41(5), 799-811. doi: 10.1037/0012-1649.41.5.799 Hildebrand, V., Phenice, L. A., Gray, M. M., & Hines, R. P. (2008). Knowing and serving diverse families. (3rd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education. Jones, M. D., & Galliher, R. V. (2007). Ethnic identity and psychosocial functioning in Navajo adolescents. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 17(4), 683-696. doi: 10.1111/j.15327795.2007.00541.x

THE CORRELATION BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY Rivas-Drake, D., Hughes, D., & Way, N. (2008). A closer look at peer discrimination, ethnic identity, and psychological well-being among urban chinese american sixth graders. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 37(1), 12-21. doi: 10.1007/s10964-007-9227-x

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Rivas-Drake, D., Hughes, D., & Way, N. (2009). A Preliminary Analysis of Associations Among EthnicRacial Socialization, Ethnic Discrimination, and Ethnic Identity Among Urban Sixth Graders. Journal Of Research On Adolescence (Blackwell Publishing Limited),19(3), 558-584. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2009.00607.x

RivasDrake, D. (2011). Public ethnic regard and academic adjustment among Latino adolescents. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 21(3), 537-544. doi: 10.1111/j.15327795.2010.00700.x

Schmader, T. W. (2001). coping with ethnic stereotypes in the academic domain: Perceived injustice and psychological disengagement. Journal of Social Issues, 57(1), 93-111.

Whitesell, N. R., Mitchell, C. M., & Spicer, P. (2009). A longitudinal study of self-esteem, cultural identity, and academic success among American Indian adolescents. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 15(1), 38-50. doi: 10.1037/a0013456