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1.27.13

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Military Resistance 11A23

We Meet The Fighters Of The Free Syrian Army


Of Course We Meet Them. They Are The Ordinary Citizens Of Maarat

We Have Alewites With Us! No Problem! Christians, Sunni, Shia! We Were Neighbors, Friends And Sometimes Mixed Within One Family
Assad, Iran, U.S.A., Israel, Thats The Problem
They Are Grandfathers, Fathers And Sons. They Are Cousins And Uncles. They Too Are Students, Or Workers, Or Shop Owners, Or Teachers Or Engineers
Comment: T
Nothing else of comparable power; principle; blunt truth; and reality brilliantly described has come first hand out of Syria. We do not know the author, but whoever she is, she has made an outstanding contribution to the present as history. In her conclusion, she cuts through the stupid political phrasemongering too commonly used by too many to pontificate bullshit about the Syrian revolution: There can be no romanticized position next to a regime, just because this regime opposes some of the other regimes or states we also oppose. Assads regime is not the anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist secular dream, or the partner of a humanitarian libertarian left. And many of the rebels on the other side are obviously not as well. But for now they are not an entity or have the power of a state. For now they are the direct result of a people being slaughtered and starved. ******************************************************************************************** From: Ewa Jasiewicz

Subject: Report from German solidarity activists in Syria Date: Jan 26, 2013 My friend wrote this. Its really worth reading. Opened my eyes to a lot I was unaware of. Please fwd... ***********************************************************

Freedom Spray Our Days Within Syria 21.-23.1.2013


[REPORT FROM GERMAN SOLIDARITY ACTIVISTS IN SYRIA]
While I search to find my way through the dark into a borrowed pyjama in the sleeping room of a family I dont get to know because they fled the bombing I stumble over a left behind bottle of deodorant. "Freedom spray" it says. Quickly I spray a little puff onto me and offer the others too. We laugh. We are in Maarrat Al-Numan, a city in Syria in the close range of Idlib. The city used to have about 120.000 inhabitants, now the people remaining we will never get the exact number. The estimations vary from 2000 to about ten thousand. People keep leaving in fear and keep coming back when there is hope that it has become safer. The city is now split in two halfs.

The Constant Barrage Of Bombs And Shooting Becomes Our Usual Surrounding Very Fast
The free side we get to know is that of a constant hide out. But freedom is there, since the people lost the fears of the regime, they tell us. The frontline of fighting between the army of Assad and the dshesh horr, the free army runs through it. You need to know which streets to walk, you dont just take a chat at the wrong corner. Snipers can shoot very far.

We get asked if we want to visit the Jabbha, the front and we reject. The question feels strange, because we are already close to about one kilometer to it, the constant barrage of bombs and shooting becomes our usual surrounding very fast. We reject as we dont see the need to go. Neither are we journalists hunting a story, nor do we feel can we achieve any ease to the situation by going there. We are not on an adventure trip and even if our feelings with the resistance grow day by day, sharing the ditches men in arms lye in is not our mission. But we understand the need of the people wanting us to know all of their story. And that of the resistance at the front understandingly is part of it. We stubbornly stick to our decision that we will not go further and this is respected by all we meet. The shelling that has been inflicted on this city is so intense and the destruction we witness so massive, that searching a comparison I can only find comparisons in the images and stories I know of German cities in 1945. But the massive difference here is this society did not start or lead a war.

We Walk Streets And Corners Of Destruction, Never Knowing When The Next Bomb Drops Close Or Far
The life, that is crawling through the cracks is also similar to the stories Ive heard of those times. Youll see a little chimney popping out of the ground somewhere, the only sign that there is people underneath. Windows of half crushed houses covered to not let the little bit of light through that those inside have managed to organize for themselves. Mainly what we see is just dead and silent. The only sounds we hear is those of the continuity of bombs dropping. Its become a ghost city. We walk streets and corners of destruction, never knowing when the next bomb drops close or far. When you do meet people, everybody greets each other intensely and also the good byes are of a kind that has a different depth than when you usually meet at a street corner. One day we will be passing a building and returning a few hours later find it crushed completely. Two of the young men we had met there in the morning were hit by the crush and were now evacuated with heavy injuries to Turkey. There is quite a lot of cats around and the people remaining have built a strong relationship with them. One will tell us that he has now 27 cats he is feeding because it makes him sad that they too have nothing left to eat.

Another who is a photographer collecting the images of his city being killed has a little collection of happiness in his photo files that he shows me: the cats of his city in various moments and places. People tell us about the story of a cat hit by the Assad army and that they gave surgery for her in one of their field hospitals.

At Least This Way We Get To Remember Them Not Only As Survivors Of The Horror, But Also As The Other People They Are
We have come here with a group called hopeful smile. They have always been here, also before the revolution started. They are just a group of people of this city who have always tried to do nice stuff. They show us pictures of their activities of before pictures where we can also see the city of before and the life there used to be. Street cleaning actions within the neighborhood, like giving aid, toys or times of fun to families in need, maybe a little summer camp or such. At least this way we get to remember them not only as survivors of the horror, but also as the other people they are. Through their eyes and stories we can know this city has once been different. This before the revolution and after it succeeds is the all surrounding frame of the stories of now. When the things developed as they did, from the first demonstrations to the complete destruction we are finding now the people of the hopeful smile decided to stay. They still dont carry guns. They know their people, they know the area and they know what they need to do. They are finding the families in hiding, they search them everywhere in every crack and every cellar, in the holes in the mountains and under the ruins of ancient cities built 4000 years ago. They find the needs and try to cover them. Its an almost impossible task, they themselves have to organize the aid from an outside that is hard to reach and feed the hundreds of people they find in the various shelters. It is everything people need: food, water, blankets, clothes, plastic sheets to protect from the rain, a doctor and a smile. The hopeful smile are a group of young men who are also everybody from this city of before: a doctor, a student, an engineer, a teacher, a teenager who used to go to school or somebody who used to have a little shop. We go out with them to deliver and we are very impressed by the correctness of their work in this big mess. When the search crew has located a family they will first take the exact data. Who are they, how many, which age and as such, what is their need and what can their ration of the few things there are consist of. There are ready packed bags of food, that can feed a family for a few days. There are big packs made of a big plastik sheet serving as a make shift roof, in it wrapped you will find a matrass, a few rubber boots, socks and two or three blankets.

They carry with them a few bags stuffed with clothes they collected and search the exact fit out of these bags when they find people too poorly dressed to withstand the cold. All of it is documented and when things are unclear they are solved first before the aid goes anywhere. It is hand delivery only, this sole correctness hard to keep up when the rules of need and greed take over in the isolation this society has found itself in. From people we hear that whole truck loads of aid are stolen by thieves. But then it is hard to understand again. In many cases of course there is a main criminal intent behind the robbery, but in some it might be the decision to steal from the big agencies who are neglecting the people inside and take care that the aid reaches there. A logical understanding tells me that the resistance of course wants to feed its fighters. The other logical understanding in me knows that this situation creates powers, where only the strong ones have the methods to decide. The hopeful smile stick to their methods of correctness and sit over long exel files, countless photos and videos they make to prove this. The aid they receive is paid by themselves or by few donors like friends of theirs in exile. With them we crawl into little caves in the hillsides. In a cave we will find 10, 20, sometimes thirty people hiding from the bombs that drop on their cities. We travel to the ancient ruins of a byzantine city, once a tourist attraction or a place to have a picnic, the ruins and the aqueducts underneath have now become a shelter for many more families. These are families from a farming community called Faruma that has been hit by the shelling of the regime. As people they have already lost their homes and quite some family members, but as farmers they are determined to at least keep what is left of their live stock. So the byzantine times have become alive again, with simple shepherds filling the scene of a movie like atmosphere in the midst of a surrounding so beautiful its hard to grasp while the sound of bombs shake the air. While the animals are still a little savior and luckily the old aqueducts continue to carry some water, these people too lack whatever else there is. The plastic sheets help cover some of the shelters, blankets and clothes protect from the cold. Wheat, rice and lentils delivered will cover some few days, if portioned in small rations. On the way to the families already on the delivery list we will find more families. More to add to the list the hopeful smile is trying to feed. When we return to our own hideout, we are greeted by the laughing chief cook, a man with a face of a boats captain. We crowd ourselves around a laptop that has made itself a path into the world wide web and discuss why this world is not reacting.

In front of the oldest mosque of the city, just in the city center completely destroyed we find two public phones. The blasts that has his them has modernized them, they are now wireless and we joke while we try to call the UN.

This Kind Of News Become Terrifyingly Gruesome When You Go To Visit The Only Make Shift Hospital In The City The news of the 50 million dollars for humanitarian aid that have now been decided on by the U.S. leaves everyone speechless, when we understand they have decided to deliver it to the people through the regime. This kind of news become terrifyingly gruesome when you go to visit the only make shift hospital in the city. When you think that meeting the first children of this city and learning that they all have infected themselves with hepatitis is bad news, well the hospital conditions we find just make them feel worse. It is in a cellar and I have no clue if a public report should mention its location. dont know how things go here, but when I know that all hospitals the city used to have were bombed, I feel the need this place not known. The creativity of the last five doctors and the rest of the medical staff has no borders. They have been able to retrieve some basic equipment from the destroyed hospitals and built wooden rooms in the cellar as operation stages. The hygienic surrounding is a disaster, as is that of electricity for light or heating that a place like this would need. A basic x-ray is possible, but thats just about it. The doctor we are travelling with most of the times had just finished his studies and specialized on cardiology. Now, he says I need to do everything, but surgery most of the time. We learn quickly, but we do many mistakes too. Above the operation stage you will notice the professional kind of lamp setting needed to light the surgery. Its shape is just as it is in every operation room, but when they point us at it we understand they built it by themselves. It is a big satellite disc, in which they have fixed halogen lamps. One bigger room is filled with patients. We are supposed to document, but I am too shy to point my camera at them. One is lying in bed like a shadow of life. He is completely paralyzed from top to bottom. He is so thin and so grey that it chokes whatever there is in me. He had surgery in Turkey, but as the care centers there are full he has been returned and now grows thinner and greyer day by day in this cellar, while the bombs around make the building rumble.

We meet a patient whose toes were removed due to diabetes. There is no treatments left also for the sick or old, in a place where you men get their legs and arms cut off, due to the lack of any other medical choice. The people working here in these conditions are the heroes I can easily side with and claim as such.

While We Walk The Streets Again We Receive A Recount Of The Revolution And How Things Developed Here Since Then
While we walk the streets again we receive a recount of the revolution and how things developed here since then. Back at the hide out center the stories told to us are underlined with the many videos and pictures collected throughout these last two years in exactly these streets. We pass more buildings and streets. This was the street of the first demonstration, tens of thousands were peacefully chanting for freedom and change of regime. They shot two of us. We returned with their bodies the day later to demonstrate and filled even this street too -they killed more. There were snipers everywhere. Then there were helicopters, then they dropped two bombs on a demonstration. People were presenting their naked breast and shouting that they could just shoot all of them and the shots fell.

It Was After The Helicopters And The Bombs They Dropped On The People, That The First Arms Were Taken Up By The Citizens Of The City
It was after the helicopters and the bombs they dropped on the people, that the first arms were taken up by the citizens of the city. They show us the locations Assads army used to hold: the museum filled with ancient mosaics for example, that this city is famous for. From here about 200 people were shot by snipers. you want to die? Just visit the museum, they used to say. We had no chance than to defend ourselves they say. It took almost half a year and many dead in Maarat, before the armed resistance took its go. It has achieved a lot: nobody is being shot from the museum any more. This part of the city is free.

People are desperate to prove their peaceful intent. Again and again they demand us seeing the videos, where we can see the proof: the same buildings, the same streets and the people being killed within. There is no way around the facts, this is how it happened. The question where the weapons of the resistance came from in the first place and who delivered them with which intent is another. But the understanding why people decided to take them is easily fulfilled. Some people tell us, where the weapons came from. They say it was the regime of Assad himself who facilitated or at least let gaps open for weapons to flow. They are aware that even if at some point they decided to take up arms there is also the side to the story that it was convenient for the regime to have this change of picture. It supports him, they say to portrait us as violent and terrorists. But we have to defend ourselves too. In the same time many weapons came from the Gulf countries. The explanation people give us is that the regimes in those countries fear uprising themselves. They too like the image broadcasted which is that of Syria now of violence, destruction and fear. The message it sends is clear: you dare a revolution, you receive a civil war. Then of course there is weapons and logistics from the West and various groups with religious narrative.

We Meet The Fighters Of The Free Syrian Army


We meet the fighters of the Free Syrian Army. Of course we meet them. They sit at the sides of the road and come to greet us on our ways. They are grandfathers, fathers and sons. They are cousins and uncles. They too are students, or workers, or shop owners, or teachers or engineers. At least within this city. They are the ordinary citizens of Maarat. They too are very upset about the image of them being some sort of Al Qaida. Where is Al Qaida? they ask. Joking they add that maybe Al Qaida could actually help them out with the fight at the front only two kilometers away. They, just as people before grab us by the shoulders and intensely demand us hearing that they are not fighting an ethnic or religious war. We have Alewites with us! No Problem! Christians, Sunni, Shia! We were neighbors, friends and sometimes mixed within one family. Jews! We have Jews in Syria, there is no problem, no problem. Al Nizar (-the gouvernments) thats the problems. Assad, Iran, U.S.A., Israel, thats the problem.

No problem Alewites or Jewish. No problem people. They explain us how the ethnic divisions are systematically produced. They know about villages of poor Alewites, first besieged and starved, then pressed into fighting on the side of the regime. A big amount of the free soldiers we meet have been police or soldiers in Assads forces themselves. They know how terrifyingly difficult it can be to defect. They tell us that its not even the soldiers in that army they consider as their enemy. But the reality of this fighting knows no pity. They tell us that as well. And they know that the media reproduces these fears and divisions. They fear that the ethnic and religious war will become the truth, when only the powers push long enough for it. They fear this imposed on them, more than they fear death itself. And the way they move and talk and act I strongly believe them: they have lost the fear of death. Religion and belief surely is part of gaining this strength. But the fear of their society becoming one they never wanted is still alive. I have come here and I am moving around as a single woman also in the nights that have become the streets of men. It is these men who easily are reduced to a picture of the extreme and hateful. I did decide to wear a veil in these days to not make things more complicated and as we have no experience anyhow in how things can develop in these circumstances. We too were frightened before entering. And it was not just the bombs we were frightened of. It was also the fierceful image of militias we see as the image of Syria nowadays. But even though my veil keeps sliding off, as I have no practice in tying it, even though I smoke, talk and move as a woman in a conservative surrounding here wouldnt, I receive respect and protection in all the days and places we travel. On our ways to the city and to the villages we see other faces of fighters than from the city. More grim behind some weapons, more strict in the look, more controlling. The fighters from Jabbah al Nusra who freed Taftanaz Airbase surely are not the chatty kind of guys we can easily become friends with.

They obviously did an amazing job: seeing the huge space and tens of now burnt helicopters they freed is impressive. From this place the wrath of the regime was braught upon the Syrian people. But we feel this wrath has been returned. What happened to those injured or captured and the many bodies of the dead of the Assad army is a question nobody we dare to ask can answer. We discuss the intentions of religious groups coming to fight in Syria. People dont deny, also the men we get to know from FSA dont deny that there is those who come with a vision of there own. That there is those who are criminal and low in moral. People tell us how they are struggling to set up courts to trial those who use the power their guns give them wrongly. It becomes obvious that things are a mess. A very big and a very sad mess. But this mess is a mix more complex than a division between the good and the bad. The secular or the religious. The peaceful or the violent. Even if the vision of some of the very religious is not shared by all, this does not mean that all the very religious fighters are low in moral, are acting with crimes against the people or are trying to impose their visions. It is a whole mess of a people fighting to save themselves and others, of trying to keep up the ideas and demands of a revolution, keeping up the popular committees while drowning in the isolation the world has set upon them and the interfering interests of states and secret services, of groups intending to import sharia, all of them acting through the channels of support and neglect, money, weapons or aid. But all of the wrong in the territories freed by the FSA does not make right what is on Assads side. The paths to solidarity with the Syrian people have become quite stumbly. It is hard to find them and also not when you want to find. While we move around we have to question every story we hear again and again, we learn to look at it from all sides and have still understood much too little and much too much. It is very obvious that the things happening here are a big heap of a crime, committed by many. But these have many colors, and they many seem to agree in one thing: that they all have the need to instrumentalize the crumbling of the Syrian society for the benefit of theirs. The only reason this is happening and all parties are participating in doing the best possible actions and inactions leading to this total chaos, is the power struggles in which each part thinks they can win their strategies, when only the Syrian society has at last lost its soul.

As a European citizen I feel my main objective in demanding our governments to play a role in breaking the isolation people are trapped in, at least on the level of making humanitarian aid possible. People we are talking to are very aware of foreign intervention and they dont wish it. But as the world acts as if it werent happening, the mess here is a whole collection of foreign intervention already. Only that it solely seems to be the ugly side of it reaching and not that of simple aid. The activists on the ground are having to fill this gap, their political struggle for freedom and equality is being pushed aside while they are pressed to do what aid agencies should do in a much bigger scale. The starvation of the people and massive displacement is the fertile ground for corruption and violence to have its go, while the societies popular movements are systematically destructed. The complete refusal of our governments, or the International Community to launch their capacities for aid can only mean that there is a great interest in this society breaking and extremist forces taking over. As an anti-imperialist I feel my main objective in tossing the debate of the traditional left into a new analysis and this very fast, as our traditional debate has already lost track of the fast developments in the area. In my opinion the useless try of our voices being heard and our positions being set within the debate of siding or opposing whole states strategies as such have always been wrong. In the case of Syria they are more wrong than ever. There can be no romanticized position next to a regime, just because this regime opposes some of the other regimes or states we also oppose. Assads regime is not the anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist secular dream, or the partner of a humanitarian libertarian left. And many of the rebels on the other side are obviously not as well. But for now they are not an entity or have the power of a state. For now they are the direct result of a people being slaughtered and starved. If we live up to our so called ideologies of freedom, equality and justice we must continue no we must at last start to walk in Syria, we must be creative and loving in the solidarity we have to offer, we must not let the sole aid be that of

liberals or extremists, we must not let the people drown into dependence on partners that are none. At the moment it is not the right to determine political aims of ours within Syria, at the moment people just need support to survive. They are very well capable of keeping up their society of differences, of creating a free and equal Syria for all, if we only meet face to face with them and give the isolation and stigmatization they are confronted with a united blow.

DO YOU HAVE A FRIEND OR RELATIVE IN THE MILITARY?

U.S. soldier in Beijia village Iraq, Feb. 4, 2008. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)

Forward Military Resistance along, or send us the email address if you wish and well send it regularly with your best wishes. Whether in Afghanistan or at a base in the USA, this is extra important for your service friend, too often cut off from access to encouraging news of growing resistance to the war, inside the armed services and at home. Send email requests to address up top or write to: Military Resistance, Box 126, 2576 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10025-5657.

The single largest failure of the anti-war movement at this point is the lack of outreach to the troops. Tim Goodrich, Iraq Veterans Against The War

FORWARD OBSERVATIONS

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Oh had I the ability, and could reach the nations ear, I would, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppose. Frederick Douglass, 1852 The Social-Democrats ideal should not be the trade union secretary, but the tribune of the people who is able to react to every manifestation of tyranny and oppression no matter where it appears no matter what stratum or class of the people it affects; who is able to generalize all these manifestations and produce a single picture of police violence and capitalist exploitation; who is able to take advantage of every event, however small, in order to set forth before all his socialist convictions and his democratic demands, in order to clarify for all and everyone the world-historic significance of the struggle for the emancipation of the proletariat. -- V. I. Lenin; What Is To Be Done

A New Threat For Lynne Stewart, Imprisoned Civil Liberties Champion

January 22, 2013 by Alan Maass, Socialist Worker Radical lawyer Lynne Stewart, who is incarcerated in federal prison on bogus charges of "supporting terrorism" while she served as an attorney to an imprisoned Muslim cleric, is facing a new threat to her health. Stewarts supporters report that the breast cancer she was diagnosed with in the 2000s has returned and spread to her lungs and upper back. According to Jeff Mackler of the Lynne Stewart Defense Committee, Stewarts husband Ralph Poynter says her condition is still treatable, especially if prison officials allowed her request to receive expert treatment at a New York City hospital, as she has before. But Stewarts request to be moved was denied, and she will therefore be treated at a facility attached to the prison where she is being held, in Texas. Stewart has been a fearless lawyer for many decades, defending clients targeted by aggressive prosecutors, especially in the era of escalating state repression that preceded and followed the Bush administrations declaration of the "war on terror" in 2001. In a clear attempt to exact revenge, the Bush administration targeted Stewart herself. She was accused helping a client, Sheikh Omar Abdel-Rahman, to communicate with an Islamic organization in Egypt at a time when he was barred from making contact. How did Stewart supposedly do this? By issuing a press release on behalf of Abdel-Rahmen. Despite the flimsy evidence and obvious political motivations of the prosecution, Stewart was convicted in 2005.

She was originally sentenced to 28 months in prison--already an outrageous term for a lawyer who did nothing more than communicate on behalf of her client. But federal prosecutors then demanded a still-longer sentence on the outrageous grounds that Steward was a danger to "national security." Stewart was ultimately given a 10-year sentence--a potentially life-threatening term given that she was battling breast cancer at the time. The sentence was upheld by an appeals court in June of last year. Stewarts team of lawyers is preparing an appeal asking the U.S. Supreme Court to throw out the sentence. Stewart explained on Democracy Now! in 2009 that her case raises "important constitutional issues--the right to speak to your lawyer privately without the government listening in, the right to be safe from having a search conducted of your lawyers office. All these things are now swept under the rug and available to the government." Despite her health problems, Stewart has continued to help fellow prisoners with legal advice while behind bars. And her spirit remains strong. In a message to supporters for the New Year, she said: I have a strong sense of never allowing any such problem deter me from someday getting released and walking out under my own power to rejoin our struggle... We...face a formidable challenge in getting my case before the Supreme Court. Will they deign to hear us? Will we advance the sunlight or only increase the shadows on our constitutional rights?? We can only strive to present our issues in the best possible way and fight like hell. There is no predicting results, but in prison, HOPE is the only currency. Lynne Stewart deserves all the support we can give as she continues the struggle for her rights and ours. ******************************************************************

WHAT YOU CAN DO:


Find out more about the struggle at the Justice for Lynne Stewart website [http://lynnestewart.org/]. Be ready to show your support when Stewarts appeal for a hearing is made to the U.S. Supreme Court. You can write letters of solidarity and support to: Lynne Stewart #53504-054, Federal Medical Center, Carswell, P.O. Box 27137, Fort Worth, TX 76127.

Soldier Fights For, Gives Up American Freedoms

File Photo: A Soldier returns home. 27 January 2013 by Ron, The Duffle Blog SWAINSBORO, GA Friends and relatives praised PFC Brian Malloy for his commitment to fight for Americas freedoms, apparently unaware that he himself has given up those same freedoms, report sources from a recent family barbecue. Malloy, a 19-year-old paratrooper assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division at Ft. Bragg, drove to his hometown last weekend. The occasion marked the first time Malloy had seen most of his family since enlisting, and he was greeted with enthusiasm and wellwishes. Thank you for your service, maternal uncle and tire salesman Mike Riggins said while vigorously shaking Malloys hand. You make me so proud there are still good Americans out there, but you wouldnt know it if you looked at that asshole Obama, Riggins added, communicating an opinion about the Commander in Chief that Malloy was expressly forbidden from agreeing with in any way. Since enlisting, Malloy has lost six of the ten inalienable freedoms listed in the Bill of Rights, according to a report from Brown University historian and Constitutional scholar Todd Zeitbart.

The Founding Fathers decided that the Bill of Rights constituted the absolute minimum amount of liberty a citizen could expect his government to afford him, Zeitbart said. You know, unless youre in the military. Last June, Malloy was punished under Article 15 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice for calling his First Sergeant an asshole, unaware of the First Sergeants presence behind him. That was a violation of Malloys First Amendment rights, Zeitbart said. There are limitations to free speech, Zeitbart explained, but I met Malloys First Sergeant, and the guy is a grade-A asshole. I can say that. Im not in the military. Since he has joined the army, Malloy has been: Prevented from carrying or transporting his legally owned handgun on base Stopped by MPs for going one mile over the speed limit and administered a sobriety test Forced to crawl on his hands and knees and blow dust bunnies out of the corners because he failed to make his rack correctly in Basic Training Denied travel pay he was entitled to due to a clerical error, and subsequently denied a chance to challenge the administrative offices ruling through legal channels By Zeitbarts estimate, those and other incidents have been violations of Malloys First, Second, Fourth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Amendment rights. Not everyone agrees with Zeitbarts interpretation of the Constitution. Its the military, not a country club, said Air Force SrA Clifford Gainesville upon hearing of Malloys story. Oh boo hoo, you cant go around doing shit you like. Stop being a whiny bitch and be a man. Gainesville then asked the maid in his hotel room to use hypoallergenic pillow cases when making the bed. For his part, Malloy doesnt seemed fazed by his lack of basic liberties. I kind of knew it would be tough in the Army so I guess it dont bother me none, Malloy said. I just wish theyd switch up that part in the Constitution about sodomy and adultery. Some guy in the barracks told me that BJs are considered sodomy, Malloy added, so now every time Im with (sometime girlfriend and another man's wife) Kendra, I keep thinking MPs are gonna bust in and take me to jail. After the barbecue, Malloy is scheduled to pick up trash on base, punishment for having posted a Ron Paul bumper sticker on the wall locker in his barracks room.

ANNIVERSARIES

Happy Anniversary: January 28, 1989 To The Committee Of Soldiers Mothers Of Russia:
Hundreds Of Mothers Organised By CSMR Went To Chechnya To Take Their Sons Away From The War

Carl Bunin Peace History ...for their courage in upholding the common humanity of Russians and Chechens and opposing the militarism and violence in Chechnya CSMR was founded in 1989 and officially registered the same year by 300 mothers of soldiers, whose initial aim was to campaign for their sons to return home early from military service in order to resume their studies. They succeeded in bringing home nearly 180,000 young men for this purpose. The mothers had been horrified by what they saw and learned about conditions in the armed forces: the regular beatings, abuse and humiliations, the lack of food or other necessities, the effective slavery imposed in the construction battalions which comprised about 30 per cent of military manpower.

Their demands were for thorough reform of military structures, reform of the armed forces on a democratic basis, an end to forced labour in the construction battalions, demilitarisation on the justice system, the establishment of effective civil control over the military and legislation to provide for an alternative civil service. In 1990 some of these demands, including partial demobilisation of the construction battalions, were conceded by President Gorbachev, but in general the situation did not improve. CSMR set up a Rehabilitation Centre for soldiers who left the army for health reasons. Its activities expanded and diversified to include the organisation of human rights education for conscripts and their parents, dealing with individual complaints concerning human rights violations, regular inspections of military units, the working out of legislative proposals and the organisation of non-violent public protests. In November 1994 the war in Chechnya broke out and, as CSMR put it, the peaceful time for the Committee was over. They opposed the war from the start, both in itself and for the threat it posed to the new Russian democracy. Their new activities included dealing with individual complaints from soldiers and their mothers, running a weekly School for Conscripts, supervising the special military unit for the rehabilitation of so-called deserters, which is under the aegis of the CSMR, as well as participating in working groups of the State Duma (parliament). In the first six months of the war, the Committee received letters from up to 200 people a day and in the same period nearly 10,000 people brought their complaints in person. Hundreds of mothers organised by CSMR went to Chechnya to take their sons away from the war. They negotiated with the Chechen army and obtained the release of prisoners of war. CSMR organised a remarkable March of Mothers Compassion, bombarded the Russian government with statements and petitions, and campaigned for the young men who refused to serve in Chechnya, declaring themselves conscientious objectors. Most controversially, they started a campaign encouraging mothers to support the right of their sons to refuse military service - and they travelled abroad to support the idea of an International Tribunal on Chechnya. The founders of CSMR were five women - two engineers, a journalist, a teacher and an economist. An all-volunteer organisation with no regular budget, CSMR now acts as the umbrella group for 50 regional organisations of soldiers mothers and liaises with others. In 1995, CSMR received the Sean MacBride Award from the International Peace Bureau and an award from the Norwegian Committee on Human Rights. The mothers love, the mothers aspirations to defend their children, turned very soon into conscious human rights activity... The soldiers mothers understood

that to defend their children they have to change the State and society. Their call for human rights in all the military power structures meant a call for democracy. - Ida Kuklina Contact Details: Committee of Soldiers Mothers of Russia 4 Luchnikov Lane, Door 3, Room 32, 103982 Moscow Russia

DANGER: POLITICIANS AT WORK

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CLASS WAR REPORTS

61 Slaughtered When Venezuelan Troops Enter Prison:


Relatives Cried At The Morgue Saturday As They Waited To Identify Bodies
Venezuela Currently Has 33 Prisons Built To Hold About 12,000 Inmates, But Officials Have Said The Prisons Population Is About 47,000

Relatives of inmates outside the Uribana prison in Barquisimeto, Venezuela, Jan. 25, 2013. A bloody riot erupted at the Uribana prison in the central Venezuelan city of Barquisimeto Friday when National Guard troops clashed with inmates. (AP Photo/Roger Varela/El Informador) 01/27/2013 By JORGE RUEDA, AP. Associated Press writers Vivian Sequera and Camilo Hernandez in Bogota, Colombia, and Fabiola Sanchez in Caracas contributed to this report. [Excerpts] CARACAS, Venezuela The death toll has risen to 61 following fierce gunbattles between inmates and National Guard troops at a Venezuelan prison, a hospital director said Saturday. About 120 more people were wounded in one of the deadliest prison riots in the nations history. Penitentiary Service Minister Iris Varela said Saturday that officials had begun evacuating inmates from the Uribana prison in Barquisimeto and transferring them to other facilities, but she did not provide an official death toll. Dr. Ruy Medina, director of Central Hospital in the city of Barquisimeto, told The Associated Press that the number of dead had risen to 61. Medina said that nearly all of the injuries were from gunshots and that 45 of the estimated 120 people who were wounded remained hospitalized. Some underwent surgeries for their wounds. Relatives wept outside the prison during the violence, and cried at the morgue Saturday as they waited to identify bodies. Critics called it proof that the government is failing to get a grip on a worsening national crisis in its penitentiaries. Government officials pledged a thorough investigation, while some critics said there should have been ways for the authorities to prevent such bloodshed.

Nayibe Mendez, the mother of a 22-year-old inmate in the prison, told the AP that she was able to talk by phone with her son and he was uninjured. "What they say is that there were shots all over the place, and they dont know where they came from," Mendez said. "It was a massacre. A full list hasnt come out of the dead and injured." Mendez spoke by telephone from the morgue, where she said she went out of solidarity. "Were all hurt. No matter what, a prisoner has a right to live," she said, demanding that the authorities fully investigate what happened. Varela did not provide any estimates of the numbers killed and injured, and instead criticized Venezuelan news media at length for their coverage of the violence. Varela said that the violence erupted on Friday when groups of inmates attacked National Guard troops who were attempting to carry out an inspection. Douglas Briceno said his nephew, an inmate, was wounded in the foot during the shooting. "I think hes out of danger," Briceno told the AP. "I havent been able to communicate with him because they dont let me pass to the prison." Venezuela currently has 33 prisons built to hold about 12,000 inmates, but officials have said the prisons population is about 47,000. "No one doubts that inspections are necessary procedures to guarantee prison conditions in line with international standards, but they cant be carried out with the warlike attitude as (authorities) have done it," said Humberto Prado, an activist who leads the prison watchdog group Venezuelan Prisons Observatory. "Its clear that the inspection wasnt coordinated or put into practice as it should have been. It was evidently a disproportionate use of force," Prado told the AP. His group says Uribana prison was built to hold up to 850 inmates but currently has about 1,400. Chavezs government previously pledged improvements to the prison system, but opponents and activists say the government hasnt made progress.

Remember Ramadi? Remember Fallujah?


The Old Battle Flag Is Risen Again In Fallujah, Birthplace Of The Resistance 2003

An Iraqi mourner waves a pre-U.S. invasion battle flag of Iraq during the funerals of victims killed in clashes with government security forces in Falluja, 30 miles west of Baghdad, January 26, 2013. Thousands attended on Saturday a funeral procession for protesters killed on the day before in Falluja during clashes with Iraqi soldiers in the wake of protest against government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki. At least three more were killed on Friday when Iraqi troops opened fire during clashes with protesters in Falluja city. REUTERS/Thaier Al-Sudani

A BURNING IRAQI ARMY ARMORED VEHICLE IN FALLUJAH

Protesters celebrate a burning Iraqi army armored vehicle during fighting in Fallujah Jan. 25, 2013. (AP Photo/ Bilal Fawzi)

RAMADA RISING

In this Thursday, Jan. 24, 2013 photo, local militia men parade during a protest against Iraqs government in Ramadi, 70 miles (115 kilometers) west of Baghdad, Iraq. (AP Photo/ Khalid Mohammed)

Protesters rally against Iraqs government in Ramadi, 70 miles (115 kilometers) west of Baghdad, Iraq, Jan. 24, 2013. Thousands of Iraqi massed along a major western highway in a demonstration, intensifying pressure on the government. (AP Photo/ Khalid Mohammed)

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POLITICIANS REFUSE TO HALT THE BLOODSHED THE TROOPS HAVE THE POWER TO STOP THE WAR
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