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Military Sociology

regimental unit replacement personnel transfer poli- cies whereby a whole military unit’s personnel, and dependent families, relocate together as a group from one military assignment to another; and (e) making it mandatory for military personnel to subject them- selves to inoculations, experimental drugs and thera- peutics, or, owing to insufficient supplies, withholding drug treatments for some personnel. Military psychologists, therefore, have the oppor- tunity to participate in the enactment of social and organizational change in the military, and their work can have far-reaching implications for society at large.

See also: Engineering Psychology; Military and Dis- aster Psychiatry


Crawford M P 1970 Military psychology and general psycho- logy. American Psychologist 25: 328–36 Cronin C (ed.) 1998 Military Psychology: an Introduction. Simon and Schuster, Needham Heights, MA Gal R, Mangelsdorff A D (eds.) 1991 Handbook of Military Psychology. Wiley, Chichester, UK Glenn J F, Burr R E, Hubbard R W, Mays M Z, Moore R J, Jones B H, Krueger G P (eds.) 1991 Sustaining Health and Performance in the Desert: En ironmental Medicine Guidance for Operations in Southwest Asia. USARIEM Technical Note Nos. 91-1 and 91-2, pocket version. DTIC Nos. AD: A229- 643 and AD: A229-846. US Army Research Institute of Environmental Medicine, Natick, MA Johnson E 1991 Foreword In: Gal R, Mangelsdorff A D (eds.) Handbook of Military Psychology. Wiley, Chichester, UK, pp. xxi–xxiv Krueger G P 1991 Introduction of section 3: Environmental factors and military perspectives In: Gal R, Mangelsdorff A D (eds.) Handbook of Military Psychology. Wiley, Chichester, UK, pp. 211–13 Krueger G P 1998 Military performance under adverse con- ditions In: Cronin C (ed.) Military Psychology: An Intro- duction. Simon and Schuster, Needham Heights, MA, pp.


Krueger G P 2000 Military culture. In: Kazdin A E (ed.) Encyclopedia of Psychology. American Psychological Asso- ciation, Washington, DC and Oxford University Press, New York, Vol. 5, pp. 252–59 Krueger G P, Banderet L E 1997 Effects of chemical protective clothing on military performance: a review of the issues. Military Psychology 9: 255–86 Mangelsdorff A D 2000 Military psychology: history of the field. In: Kazdin A E (ed.) Encyclopedia of Psychology. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC and Oxford University Press, New York, Vol. 5, pp. 259–63 Parsons H M 1972 Man–Machine System Experiments. Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, MD Stouffer S A, Lumsdaine A A, Lumsdaine M H, Williams R M, Smith M B, Janis I L, Star S A, Cottrell L S 1949 The American Soldier: Combat and Its Aftermath. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, Vol. II Taylor H L Alluisi E A 1994 Military psychology. In: Rama- chandran V S (ed.) Encyclopedia of Human Beha ior. Aca- demic Press, New York, Vol. 3, pp. 191–201 Uhlaner J E 1968 The Research Psychologist in the Army—1917 to 1967. US Army Behavioral Science Research Laboratory

Technical Research Report No. 1155, US Army Behavioral Science Research Laboratory, Arlington, VA Wiskoff M F (ed.) 1988–99 Military Psychology: The Official Journal of the Di ision of Military Psychology, American Psychological Association. Erlbaum, Mahwah, NJ Wiskoff M F 1997 Defense of the nation: military psychologists. In: Sternberg R J (ed.) Career Paths in Psychology: Where Your Degree Can Take You. American Psychological As- sociation, Washington, DC, Chap. 13, pp. 245–68 Zinchenko V, Munipov V 1989 Fundamentals of Ergonomics. Progress, Moscow

G. P. Krueger

Military Sociology

The study of armed forces is somewhat of an anomaly in the sociological discipline. Although possessing an extensive and cumulative literature, the sociology of the military is rarely included in the university cur- riculum. Moreover, discipline boundaries for students of the armed forces have been exceptionally per- meable. Sociologists of the armed forces have long relied on the work of other students of military in such allied disciplines as political science, psychology, and history. In recent years, there has been an increasing overlap with peace studies and national security studies. Beyond academia there is a larger group— variously, present and past members of the military, defenders and critics of military organization, and journalists—who both give insights and serve as a corrective for professional sociologists of the military. Indeed, few substantive areas in sociology have such a diffuse and broad constituency as does the study of armed forces and society. One readily observed trend in the sociological study of military phenomena is its widening purview. Where earlier accounts saw the military as a self-contained organizational entity, contemporary accounts regard the military and civilian spheres as interactive. The sense of the broadened scope is captured in the contemporary preference for the term ‘armed forces and society’ with its more inclusive connotations, as opposed to the more delimited ‘military sociology.’ Precisely because the study of armed forces and society has become so overarching, it is convenient to present the extant literature by discrete topical constructs: (a) the professional soldier; (b) the combat soldier; (c) the common soldier; (d) the citizen soldier; and (e) organ- izational change.

1. The Professional Soldier

The basic referents for discussion of military pro- fessionalism are to be found in two landmark studies that first appeared in the interwar years between Korea and Vietnam. Samuel P. Huntington, The


Military Sociology

Soldier and the State (1957), and Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier (1960), shared a common perspective in that they eschewed negative stereotypes of the military officer. This was in contrast to the contemporaneous thesis of C. Wright Mills (1956) characterizing military leaders as ‘warlords’ wielding enormous influence in the ‘power elite.’ Huntington and Janowitz also agreed that the complexities of modern warfare and international polices required new formulation of military officer- ship. They differed, however, in their conceptual and programmatic portrayal of modern military profes- sionalism. For Huntington, military efficiency and political neutrality require a form of insulation from the values of the larger and more liberal society. Janowitz, on the other hand, proposes that military professionalism should be responsive to, but not over- whelmed by, external conditions such as managerial skills, civilian educational influences, and emergent social forces. Subsequent studies of the professional officer have been strongly influenced by these con- trasting ideal types.

A hardy perennial in the professional soldier litera-

ture has been the examination of the social origins of

career officers and socialization at military academies. Research on this subject has been as notable in European military sociology as in the USA. The

general conclusion is that professional self-definitions are much more shaped by anticipatory and concurrent socialization than by social background variables.

In the USA, media attention in 1999 was focused on

studies that presented evidence of a ‘civil-military gap.’ The overall finding was one of a growing social conservatism within the officer corps that was in- creasingly alienated from the social values of the

larger society (Feaver and Kohn 1999). At the same time, however, public opinion surveys reported that the armed forces were accorded the highest evaluation among US institutions.

If research on military professionalism in the USA,

Western Europe, and other advanced democracies was becoming more notable in the contemporary period, studies of military officers in other areas followed a different pattern. During the 1970s the literature on the military in Third World countries was quite extensive, but has since declined. The literature on military officers in underdeveloped areas was marked by two quite opposing schools, one seeing the armed forces as ‘moderinizers,’ the other as ‘praetorians.’

2. The Combat Soldier

Any discussion of the combat soldier must use as a benchmark the surveys of World War II reported in the volumes of The American Soldier by Samuel Stouffer and his associates (1949 Vol. II). These studies reveal a profoundly nonideological soldier. The key explanation of combat motivation was seen as a


function of the soldier’s solidarity and social cohesion with fellow soldiers at small group levels. Shils and Janowitz (1948) reported similar findings based on interviews with German prisoners of war. The over- riding salience of the primary group became an accepted tenet of military sociology. Moskos’ (1970) observations of US combat soldiers in Vietnam, however, indicated that the concept of primary groups had limitations. The combat soldier in Vietnam had a more privatized view of the war fostered by the one-year rotation system in contrast to his World War II counterpart who was in the war for the duration. Moskos’ Vietnam research, moreover, found that although the US soldiers had a general aversion to overt patriotic appeals, this should not obscure underlying beliefs as to the war’s legitimacy, or ‘latent ideology,’ as a factor affecting combat performance and commitment. The increasing use of armed forces in peacekeeping missions starting in the 1990s has focused attention on the contrast between soldiers as ‘warriors’ or ‘humanitarians.’ One the one hand, the conventional wisdom is that ‘operations other than war’ undermine combat effectiveness. Field research, however, indi- cates that many soldiers themselves view peacekeeping as conducive to overall military effectiveness (Miller 1997). In any event, the peacekeeping literature has become another genre in military sociology, replacing to a major extent the earlier interest on the combat soldier. Much of this was anticipated by Janowitz’s (1960) earlier formulation of the emerging ‘con- stabulary’ role of the military.

3. The Common or Enlisted Soldier

The benchmark referent for any discussion of the common or enlisted soldier (‘other ranks’ in British terminology) is again the volumes of The American Soldier (Stouffer et al. 1949, Vol. I). Never before or since have so many aspects of military life been so systematically studied. These materials largely re- volved around the enlisted culture and race relations as well as combat motivation. These issues continue to interest military sociologists, with the more recent topical additions of gender and sexual orientation. A lacuna in the military sociology of enlisted personnel has been the near absence of studies of sailors, airmen, or marines. The overriding finding of The American Soldier (Stouffer et al. 1949, Vol II) was the pervasive enlisted resentment toward the privileged status of officers. The centrality of the enlisted–officer cleavage was further corroborated by other sociologists, who described the military from the vantage of active-duty participation in World War II. Starting in the Cold War period, another distinction in the military struc- ture appeared. The college-educated draftee is de- scribed as far more alienated from his enlisted peers of

Military Sociology

lower socioeconomic background than he is from officers with whom he shares a similar class back- ground. In the Vietnam War, the most significant cleavage was between single-term servicemen and career servicemen, cutting across ranks (Moskos 1970). In the post-Cold War era, yet another cleavage has appeared, that between soldiers serving in combat units and those in support units. One of the most celebrated findings of The American Soldier was the discovery that the more contact white soldiers had with black troops, the more favorable was their reaction toward racial integration (Stouffer et al. 1949, Vol. II). Such social science findings were used to buttress the arguments that led to the abolishment of racial segregation in the armed forces. By the early 1950s this integration was an accomplished fact, resulting in a far-reaching transformation of a major US institution. Following ups and downs in race relations during the 1960s and 1970s, the armed forces by the 1990s were viewed as model for black leadership in a racially integrated institution. One key finding, however, was that blacks consistently take a more negative view of race relations than do whites. If race relations, relatively speaking, were positive in the armed forces, the interactions between men and women were viewed as more problematic. By the 1990s, the role of women had greatly expanded in the US armed forces to the point where women were in nearly all positions excepting direct ground combat. Much public and media attention was focused on recurrent scandals involving sexual harassment and adultery in the military. Indeed, between 1995 and 2000 more books were written on gender than on any other topic in the armed forces. One key finding is that enlisted women and women officers were not in accord on the role of females in the armed forces, the former favoring a more limited role than the latter (Miller


4. The Citizen Soldier

A running theme in American military life has been the juxtaposition of the professional soldier and the citizen soldier. The notion of the citizen soldier raises the twin issues of the extent to which military life affects civilian sensibilities of noncareer soldiers and civilian input affects the military system. Although topics such as reserve forces and officer training programs on college campuses are directly related to the concept of the citizen soldier, these topics have not been objects of major research by military sociologists. The controversies over conscription during the Vietnam War did relate conceptual issues and em- pirical findings to the sociology of the citizen soldier. Even with the end of the draft in 1973, sociological interest in the citizen soldier remained strong (Segal 1989). The policy debate on the all-volunteer force and military recruitment has largely become one between sociologists and economists.

5. Organizational Change

A major paradigm for understanding change in the

military organization is the institutional–occupation thesis (Moskos and Wood 1988). Where an institution

is legitimated in terms of values and norms, an

occupation is based on the marketplace economy. In an institution, role commitments tend to be diffuse, reference groups are ‘vertical’ (i.e., within the organization), and compensation is based on rank and seniority. In an occupation, role commitments tend to be specific, reference groups are ‘horizontal’ (i.e., with like workers external to the organization), and compensation is based on skill level and labor market considerations. An ideal type formulation, the ‘I O’ thesis has served as a basis for much subsequent research in Western military systems outside the USA. The overarching thesis is that contemporary military organizations are moving away from an institutional format to one more resembling that of an occupational one. In the wake of the end of the Cold War, even more momentous changes are occurring within armed forces of Western societies. The modern military that emerged in the nineteenth century was associated with the rise of the nation-state. It was a conscripted mass army, war-oriented in mission, masculine in makeup and ethos, and sharply differentiated in structure and culture from civilian society. The ‘postmodern’ mili- tary, by contrast, loosens the ties with the nation-state, becomes multipurpose in mission, and moves toward a

smaller volunteer force. It is increasingly androgynous

in makeup and ethos and has a greater permeability

with civilian society (Moskos et al. 2000). At the turn of the new century, military sociology has yet to find a significant niche within the academic community. Yet military sociologists are increasingly being noted by the media and policy makers.

See also: Cold War, The; Military and Disaster Psychiatry; Military and Politics; Military History; Military Psychology: United States; Police, Sociology of; Professionalization Professions in History; Pro- fessions, Sociology of; Racial Relations; Violence:

Public; War: Anthropological Aspects; War, Socio- logy of


Feaver P D, Kohn R H 1999 Project on the Gap Between the Military and Ci ilian Society. Triangle Institute for Security Studies, Durham, NC Huntington S P 1957 The Soldier and the State. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA Janowitz M 1960 The Professional Soldier. Free Press, Glencoe, IL Miller L L 1997 Do soldiers hate peacekeeping? Armed Forces and Society 23: 415–50 Miller L L 1998 Feminism and the exclusion of army women from combat. Gender Issues 16: 333–64


Military Sociology

Mills C W 1956 The Power Elite. Oxford University Press, New York Moskos C C Jr 1970 The American Enlisted Man. Russell Sage Foundation, New York Moskos C C, Wood F R 1988 The Military More Than Just a Job? 1st edn. Pergamon–Brassey’s International Defense Publishers, Washington, DC Moskos C C Williams J A Segal D R (eds.) 2000 The Postmodern Military. Oxford University Press, New York Segal D R 1989 Recruiting for Uncle Sam. University Press of Kansas, Lawrence, IN Shils E A, Janowitz M 1948 Cohesion and disintegration in the wehrmacht in World War II. Public Opinion Quarterly 12: 280–315 Stouffer S A et al. 1949 The American Soldier. Vol. I: Adjustment During Army Life. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ Stouffer S A et al. 1949 The American Soldier. Vol. II: Combat and its Aftermath. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ

C. Moskos

Copyright 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Mill, John Stuart (1806–73)

J. S. Mill’s main contributions to Social Science lay in three areas, political economy, political philosophy, and the philosophy of social science; the major works identified with these three fields are: Principles of Political Economy, On Utilitarianism, On Liberty, Considerations on Representati e Go ernment, and his Logic. Although educated in the intellectual environ- ment of classical Utilitarianism associated with Jeremy Bentham and Bentham’s collaborator, Mill’s father James Mill, Mill is famous for his amendment to utilitarianism strictly considered, particularly in his essay On Liberty, a classic statement of political liberalism. In many works he evinced a recognition of the importance of historical process that was absent from the aspiration to a deductive social science which characterised the previous generation of utilitarians, and the thinking of liberal political economists who would claim his legacy. Mill’s iconic status as a liberal has made his intellectual legacy a site of fierce ideological contestation. Born in London, on May 20, 1806, his precocious education—famously described in the celebrated Autobiography (1873)—deliberately prepared him for a career as a social and political thinker and reformer. Although commonly held to have inculcated him with utilitarian principles, his early education was grounded in the classics—his father started him with Greek at age three—and was much wider than this, wider, indeed, than that of most modern social scientists. He spent a year in France in 1820–2 before beginning a career in the Civil Service, following his father’s footsteps at India House. In his Autobiography he describes an emotional crisis at age 20 which had important intellectual


dimensions and was finally resolved only following the death of his father in 1836. In the intervening period Mill remained an active member of the Philosophical Radicals—a largely extra-parliamentary grouping on the more radical wing of those seeking reform of parliament culminating in the 1832 Reform Act—but his underlying philosophical position was undergoing a radical reappraisal. This was first outlined in a series of articles on ‘The Spirit of the Age’ in the periodical The Examiner. Establishing some distance from his father and his upbringing, he claimed, liberated his thinking from Benthamite utilitarianism, and led him to promote the ideal of self-cultivation (which his own Autobiography sought to encourage). He was inspired in the development of the imagination and emotions by his relationship with Harriet Taylor, a married woman whom he met and fell in love with in 1830. To her he also credited considerable influence in the intellectual development of his arguments. They were married eventually in 1851, after her husband’s death. Despite this awakening of feeling, Mill rejected intui- tionism as a basis for philosophy and was committed to extending the experiential methods of the natural sciences to the social. The new dimensions in his thinking did, however, stress the limitations of the associationist psychology which had informed his own upbringing, and introduced ideal-regarding criteria— standards which look to the fulfilment of certain ideal principles—into the predominantly consequentialist character of his inherited utilitarianism. Furthermore Mill increasingly recognised the thick historical tex- ture required for an understanding and appraisal of social and political institutions. Through his father’s Scots education and his teacher Dugald Stewart, Mill had access to the thinkers of the Scottish Enlighten- ment—David Hume, Adam Smith, William Robert- son, and Adam Ferguson—who had developed sophisticated accounts of what would today be called historical sociology, then termed philosophical his- tory. Mill’s interest in this can be seen as early as his essay Ci ilisation (1836). There were new influences which he also acknow- ledged. These included that of S. T. Coleridge to whom he devoted an essay with his concern to institutionalize historically acquired learning and cul- tivation in a national clerisy—a kind of secularized church establishment; Alexis de Tocqueville, whose two volumes of Democracy in America Mill reviewed for the Westminster Re iew in 1835 and 1840 and who had a profound effect on his thinking about the need to manage the political effects of the historical move- ment to more democratic societies; and Auguste Comte, whose sense of history as a process of rational amelioration survived (frailly) in Mill, even after his rejection of the more elitist policy implications which Comte had drawn from it. Impressed as Mill was by Tocqueville’s account of local democracy in American townships, and seeing democratic culture as the inevitable future for Euro-