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Journal of Political Marketing

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Political Advertising in Greek Municipal and Prefecture Elections of 2002

Tessa Doulkeria; Nikolaos Panagiotouab a Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, b Department of Public Relations & Communication, Technological Educational Institution (TEI) of Western Macedonia,

To cite this Article Doulkeri, Tessa and Panagiotou, Nikolaos(2005) 'Political Advertising in Greek Municipal and

Prefecture Elections of 2002', Journal of Political Marketing, 4: 1, 17 31 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1300/J199v04n01_02 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J199v04n01_02

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ACADEMIC ARTICLES

Political Advertising in Greek Municipal and Prefecture Elections of 2002: The Cases of Thessaloniki and Kastoria
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Tessa Doulkeri
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece

Nikolaos Panagiotou
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece, and Technological Educational Institution (TEI) of Western Macedonia

ABSTRACT. Since the restoration of democracy in 1974, Greek politics have undergone a serious transformation, exemplified by the inTessa Doulkeri is Associate Professor, Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. She has published books and articles on Greek television, advertising and communication, gender and mass media, children and mass media (E-mail: doulkeri@jour.auth.gr). Nikolaos Panagiotou is a PhD candidate in the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication of Aristotle University of Thessaloniki and a Research Associate, Department of Public Relations & Communication, Technological Educational Institution (TEI) of Western Macedonia. He holds an MA in international conflict analysis from the University of Kent at Canterbury. He has been a Chevening Scholar of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office UK, and he has taken part in numerous research projects (E-mail: nikpanagio@yahoo.com). Journal of Political Marketing, Vol. 4(1) 2005 http://www.haworthpress.com/web/JPOLM 2005 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. Digital Object Identifier: 10.1300/J199v04n01_02

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crease in political participation that strongly affected political advertising at the national and local level. The major claim of the paper is that political campaigns in major cities in Greece are modern while in the periphery of the country political campaigning is based more upon direct forms of interpersonal relations. Our claim is based upon an examination of the role of political advertising in the major metropolitan city of Thessaloniki (around 1.000.000 inhabitants), and the semi-peripheral city of Kastoria (around 17.000 inhabitants), both situated in Northern Greece. The primary objective of this study is to establish a strong factual foundation that can be used by policy makers, opinion leaders, and citizens in order to understand the role of political advertising in national and municipal elections in Greece. [Article copies available for a fee from
The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: <docdelivery@haworthpress.com> Website: <http://www.HaworthPress.com> 2005 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.]

KEYWORDS. Political advertising, pre-modern campaign, modern political campaign, Greek local elections

INTRODUCTION Political and commercial advertisement is a part of the communication procedure, which disseminates specific messages to an audience, known as the target group. This procedure is best described and approached by communication models such as the uses and gratifications model (Lazar J. 1991; McQuail D. 1994). Political advertisement is part of the political campaign, while communication techniques applied by product marketing are used (Newman B. 1999: 36-38). Voters are loathe to support unknown candidates (Alvarez & Franklin 1994; Bartels 1986; Westyle 1991) and, in that sense, information is a precious campaign commodity. Typically, to be known is to be liked and campaigns generate large quantities of knows to potential voters. Political advertisement aims at civic engagement, meaning learning about public affairs, trust in political parties and political activism (Fletcher, Ross, and Schweitzer 2002). It is through the use mainly of political advertising that candidates distribute their message and gain a symbolic domination of the election agenda. In the last Greek municipal and prefecture elections of 2002, political marketing techniques were often used, especially political advertise-

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ment that has become the dominant method of political communication. As Mills states, the most expensive one, perhaps the most precise one and the only one over which the parties have complete control (1986: 132). Greek politics is undergoing a transformation because of major technological, economic, demographic, cultural, and political changes (Zaharopoulos and Paraschos 1993; Yannas P. 2002). Although in national elections TV holds a central role in political advertising, especially after the launch of private-owned TV stations fifteen years ago, its role is less important compared to the role of the press, especially in the periphery of Greece during municipal elections (Doulkeri 2001; Leandros 2000). Taking this into account, the paper examines only newspapers, since they have a central role in political advertisement (Doulkeri 2003). The paper intends to underscore the importance of political marketing in the Greek prefecture and municipal elections by contrasting advertisements of a major metropolitan city, Thessaloniki (1.000.000 inhabitants), to a semi-peripheral city, Kastoria (17.000 habitants), both located in Northern Greece. METHODOLOGY Analysis is conducted on the micro and the macro level. As far as the micro analysis is concerned, the research focuses upon political advertisement as it appeared on a selection of Greek newspapers during the peak of the municipal and prefecture campaigns in Thessaloniki and Kastoria during the months of September and October 2002.1 Two hundred political advertisements that describe the electoral contests in the cities of Thessaloniki and of Kastoria were examined. The selection was based on representation of ideological positions across the political spectrum and on circulation figures of the newspapers under examination. The research, it must be stressed, involves qualitative analysis of political advertising from a selection of newspapers. (Berelson 1952; Harris P., Lock A.R., and Roberts J. 1999; Kellner D. 1995). Quantitative analysis of political advertising will be performed on the whole set of advertisements indicating the way it is perceived and interpreted by the public. Additionally, textual analysis as a methodological tool is also applied to the political advertising of the two cities (Fields E. 1988; Altheide D. 1991; Teo 2000). Textual analysis focuses upon the study of words used in political advertisement, since words constitute forms of representations in which different social categories, different social

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practices and relations are constructed from and in the interests of a particular point of view, a particular conception of social reality (Deacon D., Pickering M., Golding P., and Murdock G. 1999: 146). The macro analysis, on the other hand, aims to conceptualize the role of political advertising in the municipal and prefecture elections within the broader framework of Political Marketing using P. Norriss (2000: 226-228) categorization of campaigns into pre-modern, modern, and post-modern campaigns. In pre-modern campaigns, campaign organizations rely upon direct forms of interpersonal communications, the press acts as core intermediary between parties, and the public and the electorate is anchored by strong party loyalties. In modern campaigns, party organizations are coordinated more closely at the central level. In the news media, national television becomes the principle forum of campaign events, supplementing other media. The electorate becomes increasingly de-coupled from party and group loyalties. Finally, post- modern campaigns are understood as those where professional consultants on advertising and marketing become more co-equal actors with politicians, as they assume a more influential role within the campaign as well as coordinating local activity more tightly at the grassroots (2000: 228). THESSALONIKI ELECTIONS CAMPAIGN 2002 Thessaloniki is the second largest city of Greece with approximately 1 million inhabitants. The city, located in Northern Greece, is the home of major industries and with its port and other infrastructure facilities it aspires to become the major economic center of the Balkans. The city also hosts many European Union (EU) organizations (such as European Agency for Reconstruction and the European Center for the Development of Vocational Training). Additionally, Black Sea Trade Bank, an international financial institution, also operates in Thessaloniki. The political outlook of the city is conservative, as evidenced by the electoral dominance of the New Democracy center-right party in the 2000 and 2004 national elections. Mass media role during elections is more important than in Kastoria, while political advertising is more professionalized. Differences and magnitude are also reflected in the use of the media. Medias significance in the political campaign of Thessaloniki can also be established by the fact that candidates who attract mass media attention acquire name recognition quickly, and also gain a high percentage of the votes. Bearing that in mind, the content analysis of political advertising in the press reveals the following ten characteristics:

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1. Concerning gender, the presentation of males (70%) is three times higher than the corresponding for females (30%) (Figure 1). This differential percentage reflects the larger share of representation males enjoy in the candidate lists. The participation of females in the candidates lists continues to be closer to the minimum percentage (30%) imposed by a recently introduced system of quotas (Article 75, Law 2591 of May 2001). 2. The participation of candidates representing ethnic and cultural minorities is only 2% of the candidates (Figure 2). Parties feature them in political advertisements in order to underscore the multicultural character of Thessaloniki. 3. The language in the candidates electoral leaflets, included only in Thessalonikis newspapers, castigates capitals insensitivity to the citys problems. The language is intense, characterized by localism as it expresses a general feeling of dissatisfaction of the local population with the political and economic dominance of Athens (. . . fights for the rights of Thessaloniki, etc.). It expresses a permanent feeling of injustice regarding the slow pace of development in Northern Greece. This issue-oriented tactic aims to exploit the strong feelings of localism that exist among the electorate. 4. The place of origin of the candidate is an element that is being promoted and emphasized since 75% of the candidates were born in Thessaloniki (Figure 3). This element affects the way that candidates construct their messages. Those who were born in Thessaloniki emphasize the place of birth, whereas the rest stress that they have been living in the city for years, implying they possess a firsthand experience of the citys problems. 5. Age is a dominant element in political advertisement. The candidates are presented in political advertisements in such a way as to look young. Often the adjective young is emphasized, which gives an aura of freshness and dynamism to the candidate and to the modern views that s/he holds. However, in contrast to what is promoted through political advertising, only 37% of the candidates were under the age of 40 while 63% were over 40 years of age (Figure 4). 6. The educational background of the candidates is another factor promoted through political advertising since it is considered to be a very important asset of the candidate. Especially, 57% of the candidates with a university background (Figure 5) highlight this trait in their political advertisement.

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7. The use of negative advertising, especially in Thessalonikis prefecture elections, was intense, amounting to 49% (Figure 6). Although at the beginning of the campaign candidates used issue or image advertisements to establish their positive image, during the last phase of the election campaign negative advertisements were used in order to attack the opponent. Negative advertising in Thessaloniki is employed in order to enforce party and group loyalties. Stereotypes of the political divisions of the past (left vs. right), along with references to the ultra-right beliefs and practices of specific candidates, were used by opponents of the leader of the political formation Dynami gia ti Nomarxia (Strength for the Prefecture) affiliated to New Democracy, a center-right party. 8. Political advertising is person centered with more emphasis placed upon persons instead of the issues. Specifically, 92% (Figure 7) of the advertisements feature the candidates as the central political actors while only 8% of the advertisements are issue or party oriented. 9. The important role of the church in the voters political behavior is denoted by the fact that some advertisements contain pictures of the candidate side by side with the Archbishop of Greece and other priests. This element deviates from the modern character of the political campaign in Thessaloniki, since it is contrary to the modernization that the candidates espouse. 10. Image politics are central to the conduct of the political campaign. Political communication in Greece, especially in metropolitan cities like Thessaloniki, is being transformed by the decline of direct linkages between citizens and parties and the rise of mediated relationships. The leader through political advertisements claims a hypothetical linkage with the public. In order to work effectively within this environment, specialists skilled in advertising, marketing and polling have been employed in candidates campaigns. These professionals,2 along with the politicians, coordinate at a central level the way the political campaign is being conducted. KASTORIA ELECTIONS CAMPAIGN 2002 Kastorias main economic activity is the fur industry, while the political outlook of the city is conservative, since it is a stronghold of New Democracy, the center-right party. The political campaign is pre-modern. Political advertising takes place through the press, rather than the

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Academic Articles FIGURE 1. Male-Female Projected in Political Advertising

THESSALONIKI 80 60 40 20 0 MALE FEMALE KASTORIA

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FIGURE 2. Ethnicity of Candidates

THESSALONIKI KASTORIA

100 80 60 40 20 0 GREEK OTHER

FIGURE 3. Place of Origin of Candidates

THESSALONIKI KASTORIA

100

50

0 THESSALONIKI

OTHER

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JOURNAL OF POLITICAL MARKETING FIGURE 4. Age of Candidates

THESSALONIKI KASTORIA

100 50 0 40 < > 40

FIGURE 5. Educational Background of Candidates

THESSALONIKI
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KASTORIA

60 40 20 0 SECONDARY UNIVERSITY GRADUATES GRADUATES

FIGURE 6. Use of Negative Advertising

THESSALONIKI 100 KASTORIA

50

NEGATIVE

NON-NEGATIVE

FIGURE 7. Presentation of Political Advertisements

THESSALONIKI 100 50 0 PERSON CENTERED ISSUE CENTERED KASTORIA

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local TVstations. This is attributed to the lower cost of the political campaign through the press, the impact and the influence that the press still holds in a city of small size (around 17,000), and the lack of professional advertising agencies operating in a small city. Individual candidates can rarely afford their own television advertisement. Candidates run a low cost local media campaign mainly through the press.3 Their pre-modern campaign is mainly based upon interpersonal relations and communication. Compared to the previous elections, political advertising has become more professionalized, as shown by the use of image processing techniques in political campaign material. Likewise in Thessaloniki, the content analysis in Kastoria reveals that male presentation is higher (80%) than the female (20%) (see Figure 1). To a large extent this is due to social stereotypes and a dominant discourse that downplays the role of women in the public realm. Photographs that denote the political origins of the candidates enrich the political advertising of the candidates of the center-right wing party New Democracy aiming at conservative voters who comprise a clear majority in the area. Candidates of the other parties, who downplay their political origins and instead emphasize the unity needed in order to deal with the citys problems, avoid this tactic. The overwhelming majority of advertisements are person-centered (75%) (see Figure 7), while only 25% of them are party-oriented. Dominant also are the pictures that emphasize the candidates dynamism and hard work. The presentation of the candidates curriculum vitae is preferred to the presentation of the partys program. It is a tactic that aims to underline the candidates suitability and his willingness to work hard. Pictures that connect the candidate to associations, social and athletic clubs, and local charities dominate the political advertising. The candidates participation in these associations is the best proof of their potential contribution. It is a common characteristic that is traced in both municipal and prefecture elections. Candidates in Kastoria often picture themselves with their family. This applies especially to local party leaders and those that belong to the right of the political spectrum. It is consistent with their conservative agenda emphasizing traditional values. The projection of the candidates origin is dominant in political advertising, due to the ethnocentric character of the Greek society. Most of the candidates (83%) were born in Kastoria while only a small percentage (17%) of them was born elsewhere (see Figure 3). In contrast to Thessaloniki, none of the candidates have different ethnic origins (see Figure 2).

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For incumbents, political advertising is enriched with pictures of projects which function as a reminder of what has been accomplished, while photographs are enriched with words such as planned and completed, aiming to emphasize the work that has been accomplished. Pictures of candidates in professional settings and meetings are also a usual phenomenon. The underlying message of a hard-working candidate matches with the content of the photographs. In a number of advertisements, candidates appear to stare at the voter, establishing a sense of direct contact. The candidate is looking almost directly at the viewer. His eyes are actually focused slightly above the camera, which makes him appear as if he were looking forward into the future. The preferred dress code of the candidate has a reassuring effect that enhances the seriousness of the pre-announcements. The pre-modern character of the political campaign in Kastoria can be seen by the emphasis given to religion. Religion affects the political behavior of the voters because the Greek Orthodox Church still maintains a central role in secular affairs. The Church is accorded a central role in political advertising as can be seen by the number of photographs (25% in Kastoria compared to 20% in Thessaloniki) picturing candidates side by side with the Archbishop and priests. In Kastoria there is no use of negative political advertising (see Figure 6). Any use of negative advertisement would destabilize interpersonal communication with the voters. Interpersonal relations are of considerable social value in a small town community and therefore candidates abstain from using negative attributes regarding their opponents. References to the countrys European orientation are a common phenomenon in political advertising. Greeces integration in the EU is reflected in the increased use of the word European. Political advertisement is affected by a feeling of belonging to a wider scheme, the European community. Like Thessaloniki, the city of Kastoria is presented in the language of political advertising as a bridge for the economic relations between Greece and the Balkan countries. The growth of the area is tied to the growth and the expansion of these relations. Educational background is being considered as a very important asset of the candidates, as 41% of the candidates are university graduates while 59% have a secondary or post-secondary educational background (see Figure 5). Candidates professional identity is reflected very strongly in key statements that appear in political advertisements. For example, a candidate who is a gymnastics teacher promises the construction of gyms. Age appears to play a dominant role in political advertisements. Candidates are presented in such a way as to look young. Most of the candi-

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dates (74%) are over 40 while only 26% are under 40 (see Figure 4). Often the word young is emphasized, which underscores the necessary freshness and dynamism of the candidate and the modern views that he holds. The candidates language contains words such as experience and dynamic, emphasizing his/her assertiveness. In line with trends in national elections, political advertisements focus upon the leaders of the parties. CONCLUDING REMARKS: MODERN VS. PRE-MODERN CAMPAIGNS This paper documented the role of political campaigns in the setting of the municipal and prefecture elections of 2002 in the cities of Thessaloniki and Kastoria. The main emphasis of this paper has been on political advertisements in the press. Political advertising is a manifestation of the political culture in both cities and as such its content is setting the agenda over which political contests occur (Elkins and Simeon 1979: 131). Political advertising appears to be the dominant method of political communication, while it is also a very important tool in a candidates campaign since it allows voters to develop differentiated images of the candidates, images that play an important role in shaping voting choice(Ansolabehere and Iyengar 1995: 13). According to our findings, press remains the main medium through which political advertisement is channeled. Television advertising is very expensive for the candidates to afford and as such its use is limited. A number of observations follow from our analysis that can be used in order some inferences can be drawn for the national elections (Table 1). Firstly, political campaigns in major cities are modern while in the periphery of Greece are based upon direct forms of interpersonal relations. The candidates that received a clear majority compared to their fellow candidates are the ones that are more knowable and recognizable by the public through their intense political advertising. This publicity attracts the publics attention. Increasingly today, getting elected means, especially in major metropolitan cities, skillful use of political advertising to get your message across. Secondly, in semi-peripheral cities, interpersonal communication is an important factor for the election of a candidate. Following the typology of political campaigns presented by Norris, the political campaign in Kastoria can be characterised as pre-modern. Candidate campaigns are based upon direct forms of interpersonal communication, the
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TABLE 1. Similarities and Differences Between the Political Advertisement in Thessaloniki and Kastoria
SIMILARITIES Political advertisement is personalized. Press continues to play a central role in the dissemination of political advertisement. Women projection as well as actual participation is low. References are made to the countrys European orientation. The educational background is of important social value. Age appears as a dominant element of political advertisement. Both cities are presented as bridges for Greece in the Balkans. DIFFERENCES In Thessaloniki the political campaign can be characterized as modern. In Kastoria the political campaign is pre-modern. Interpersonal relations are of considerable social value and therefore impact voter decisions (Kastoria). Political advertising is less professionalized (Kastoria). Extended use of political advertising (Thessaloniki).

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press is the core intermediary between parties and the public, while the electorate is anchored by a strong party-electorate relationship. In Thessaloniki the political campaign is modern. The parties are coordinated more closely at central level by their political leaders and candidates seek the expertise of external professional consultants and opinion makers. The increased personalization, higher than in Kastoria (see Figure 7), in the political advertisement indicates a modern media-oriented campaign. Contrary to the different character of the political advertising between the two cities, there are a number of resemblances in the way political advertising is being conducted: the role of the press in both cities is still very important in political advertising. Press continues to be the principal forum of campaign events, absorbing most of the funds spent on political advertisements.4 This is due to the reliability the press enjoys in the public opinion in comparison to the other media (T. Doulkeri 2001). Political advertisement is personalized in both cities. It is a relatively new strategy indicating a media oriented campaign. Especially in Thessaloniki the increased use of personalization (see Figure 7) is a typical feature of the modernization of the campaign. Women advertisement projection as well as actual participation is low. There is an increase concerning the number of the women elected between the 1998 and 2002 elections,5 but there is more to be done in order to fortify their equal representation. References to the countrys European orientation are a common phenomenon in both cities. The educational background is an important social

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value that is being projected accordingly. In both cities the place of birth of the candidates was promoted, while local issues were stressed in political advertisements. Born in Kastoria, breed of Thessaloniki are an integral part of the language of political advertising that underlines the special connection of the candidate with the city. Especially in Northern Greece there are strong feelings of localism, which are being reflected in both cities political advertisements. A number of differences that exist are due to the fact that in Thessaloniki the political campaign is modern while the one in Kastoria is pre-modern. In Kastoria there is no use of negative political advertising, in contrast with the extensive use that took place in the prefecture elections in Thessaloniki. Political advertisement in Thessaloniki is more professionalized than in Kastoria. External advisors occupy a central role in political campaigns. In major metropolitan cities of Greece political advertising takes on added values as the most direct way of packaging and promoting short-term political factors to a growing number of swing voters and latecomers. The contrast with semi-peripheral cities is obvious where interpersonal relations seem to play a dominant role in election campaign strategy. The importance given to political advertisement by the candidates and their campaign managers as a means to influence the election outcome in the two cities under examination can be seen by the increase (around 30%) of expenditures for political advertisements in the prefecture and municipal elections of 2002. Political advertising, as has been shown, occupies a central role in Greek political campaigns today as means of helping to distribute, form and represent opinions. Bearing that in mind, and the limitations of this paper, it becomes apparent that more studies need to be undertaken to further our knowledge on the role and the impact of political advertisement in Greek elections. NOTES
1. The newspapers under examination were: Daily Newspapers: Vima (Center) Eleftherotypia (Center-Left) and Kathimerini (Center-Right) in Athens Daily Newspapers; Makedonia and Thessaloniki, in Thessaloniki; Daily and Weekly Newspapers in Kastoria: Foni tis Kastorias, Voice of Kastoria (weekly) and Kathimerini Foni tis Kastorias Daily Voice of Kastoria (daily). 2. The amount spent by the political formation Dynami gia ti Nomarxia (Strength for the Prefecture) affiliated to New Democracy, a center-right party, for its political advertisement in the press was 8.775 euros; the political campaign manager was Mr. Karachialos, President of the Center for Political Communication (CPC). Ac-

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cordingly, the amount spent by the other leading party Nomos Thessalonikis Protagonistis (Prefecture of Thessaloniki as a Protagonist), affiliated to PASOK, a center-left party, was 4.910 euros. Source: Sunday Eleftherotypia, October 20, 2002, Athens, Greece. 3. The amount spent for political advertisement on the press in the prefecture elections in Kastoria, by one of leading parties was 4.800 euros. (According to figures provided by the political formation Vima sto Avrio (A Step to Tomorrow) affiliated to New Democracy). 4. The amount spent in Thessaloniki on TV political advertisement for both leading parties in prefecture and municipal elections of 2002 was 4.650 euros, while on the press was 32.901 euros. Source: Sunday Eleftherotypia, October 20, 2002, Athens, Greece. 5. In Thessaloniki there was an increase 27,03% in the number of the women elected in the elections of 2002 compared to the 1998 elections. Similarly, in Kastoria there was an increase of 23,81%. (General Secretariat of Gender Equality, December 2002).
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Submitted for Review: 09/17/03