Buddhism and Islam: Past to Present Encounters and Interfaith Lessons Author(s): David Scott Reviewed work(s): Source:

Numen, Vol. 42, No. 2 (May, 1995), pp. 141-155 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3270172 . Accessed: 01/02/2013 04:49
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

BRILL is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Numen.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BUDDHISM AND ISLAM: PAST TO PRESENT ENCOUNTERS

AND INTERFAITH
DAVID

LESSONS

SCOTT

Summary The paper deals with the encounter and ensuing responses that can be traced between Buddhism and Islam, during their centuries of contact across Asia (Anatolia, Iran, Central Asia, India), and more recentlyin the West. Within this panorama of historycertain immediate overtly negative images of the other can be perceived in both traditions, manifested in terms of actions and literature. However some more positive images seem to have crystallisedin Islam, particuwithin the mystical Sufi streams that emerged in the East larly and significantly Iranian and Central Asian lands. Such historical patterns of confrontation,convergence and mysticismlead into the more modern second part of the study. A geographical-political perspective is firstused, as the variations in their relationship in the various countries of SE Asia, and the British situation are noted. This is followed by a review of potential approaches between Islam and Buddhism in the currentinter-faith dialogue arena. Whilst some doctrinal areas may be reconcilable (according to Cleary), it is primarily in other areas that more promising avenues of approach may be discerned. One is the area of ethics and social action on issues of common concern, as suggested by figureslike Badawi, Gilliat, Askari and Vajiragnana. Another one is in contemplational areas of mysticism, as acknowledged by figures like Idries Shah. In both areas this can be echoed in greater clarity in the Christian-Buddhist dialogue. A furtherimplication may be to bring out the need to view religions in functionalistand transformational terms, rather than culture bound doctrinal norms.

In today's world, the most common inter-faith settingsinvolve dialogue Christianity. This has involved Christianity in fruitful with the other cross-cultural'universalistic', for want of a better term, religions of Islam and Buddhism; togetherwith more 'particularistic'religionsof Hinduism, and Judaism. However dialogue interactionsbetween religionshave been to some degree lopsided, insofaras dialogue relationsbetween non-Christiantraditionshave tended to be much less prominent-be it because of politically charged factorsas in the case of the relationshipbetween Judaism and Islam, previous historyas in the case of Hinduism and Budas dhism, or because of relativeunfamiliarity in the case ofJudaism
NUMEN, Vol. 42 (1995) ? E.J. Brill, Leiden

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

142

David Scott

and Buddhism. Within the triangle of the three 'universalistic' traditions,the relationsbetween Buddhism and Islam have tended to remain relativelyunexplored, both in interfaith and academic terms. The object of this study is to present some quite significant interactionsin the past, and to tryto get a sense of where these two traditionsare presentlyheading in their current encounters with each other. Wider implicationsmightalso be presentforthe interfaithdialogue movement. Let us look to each of these in turn,bearing in mind that any talk of responses is a two-way process, operating at various levels, and not always recorded forposterity. Patterns (1) Previous As soon as Islam had defeated the Sasanian Empire and was startingto move into the East Iranian lands beyond the Oxus, it encountered strongly entrenchedBuddhist communities. The next ten centuries was to take Islam from those Iranian lands, progressively throughthe tradingcities of the Silk Route like Kashgar, until it lost its momentum amidst the Chinese milieu. During this time the religious map of Asia was one whereby Buddhism was gradually giving way, with some temporary reversals under the one Mongols, to Islam. Such an encounterforIslam was a striking in many senses. Most obviously was the fact that in encountering Buddhism, Islam was moving out of the bounds of the traditional Islam religious universe. The Qur'an, bedrock of Islam, showed awareness and some knowledge of Christianity, Judaism and Zoroastrianism, but nothing furtherEast. Thus, although there was Qur'anic authority for treating Christianity,Judaism and Zoroastrianism in a certainway as 'People of the Book', therewas no such settingestablished for dealing with Buddhism, or indeed Hinduism for that matter. It came to be held that polytheists were be given the choice of conversion, departure or (mushrikun) death. There seem to be certain areas that can be pinpointed, namely previous patterns of confrontation, readjustment, and mystical interaction. Confrontation What is clear is that the initial Islamic impact upon Buddhism with was stark.One example of thisis at the end of the 12thcentury

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Buddhism and Islam

143

the Islamic occupation and sack of Nalanda, the central Buddhist seat oflearning in North India. Mahmud of Ghazna's regular raids down fromthe Hindukush brought sacking of Buddhist viharasat Kabul and other centres. We should be careful here, as Ling has argued that such Muslim actions were not in themselvesthe cause for Buddhism's disappearance from India, instead arguing that Buddhism was already declining before Islam dealt a final blow.' Buddhist texts themselvesshow awareness and worryabout the advancing Islamic armies. As early as 751 we have the Korean pilgrim Ou-'kong avoiding Islamic areas already occupied in Afghanistan, as he made his way from Central Asia down into India. One very clear example of mounting worry is the Tibetan Tantra (9th century), which talks about the man from Kadlacakra Baghdad, 'Madhumati' [i.e. Muhammad] who would be a false impostor,wreaking havoc on the Buddhist world.2 Another example are texts fromKhotan, which talk about the futuredecline of Buddhist fortunesfromadvancing Persian armies, i.e. Islam.3 Mongol expansion in the 13th centurypitched Islam and Buddhism against each other as opportunitiesarose for greater Buddhistexpansion westwardsinto the Islamic areas of Persia and even Asia Minor. Conversely, Islam could hope to also win further support eastwards in the Buddhist areas. Juvaini, having visited Buddhist areas in the Tarim basis, lamented how:
The Uighur adopted idolatry (but-parasti) their religion, and most of the as other tribes followed their example. And there are none more bigoted than the 'idolaters' of the East and none more hostile to Islam.4

Conversely the post-Mongol late 14thcenturyUighur Insddi-sutra had Buddhist denunciationof Islam, Muhammad described as evil, and messianic hopes expressed that Maitreya the futureBuddha would soon return and even win over the kingdom of Baghdad (bagdat).5 The reasons for this stark initial contact would seem to be that Islam saw Buddhism as suffering from the twin evils of idolatry, throughits use of richydecorated visual statues and paintings; and of atheism, throughnot having a theisticGod at the centre of their religious system. Denunciation of Buddhism's supposed idolatry was a strongfeatureof early Islamic writers-so much so that the

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

144

David Scott

very word buddha passed into Persian as but,becoming a generic word for 'idol', as Melikian-Chirvani's study brings out.6 Consequently, Buddhists could be considered as analogous to the kafirs 'unbelievers' discussed in the Qur'an who could indeed be given the choice of conversion, expulsion, or execution. Initially Buddhism does not seem to have been given officialtolerationas being a 'People of the Book', a status given to Christianity, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism. Tantric Buddhism, with its explicitvisual acceptance of sexuality, could seem for a more austere Islam littlemore than decadent corruption. Within such a framework, jihad 'struggle' could take its martial face as the 'Holy War'. One late but clear cut example of thisframe of mind was in the (17th-century)Tad'rikh-i-Rashidi, where Mirza discussed the actions of the then ruler Sa'id Khan: Haydar
The khan's mind had always been occupied with plans formaking a holy war and after thought he finally decided. Between Khotan and China (ghaza~t) (Khitai) there was a race of infidels called Sarigh Uighurs, and upon these people he proceeded to make a holy war... The holy war is one of the supports of Islam and a plenary duty. The khan decided to discharge this obligation towards the faith.7

His actions followedin the line of Khizr-Khoja who had moved against the Buddhist centresof Turfan. In the words of the Tad'rikhagainst China i-Rashidi "the khan undertook a holy war (ghazadt) (Khitai). He in person, attacked and conquered Karakhoja and Turfan ... and forcedtheir inhabitantsto become Musulmans, so at the moment it is called Dar al-Islam".8 Within such a framework,reversion from Islam back to Buddhism would then have faced the Shari'a legal situation that apostasy fromIslam was a capital offence. Adjustment Although the preceding details exemplify overtly negative perceptions, other more flexible and positive adjustments can be direct example is some suggested. One relativelystraightforward Islamic considerationof Buddhists (like Hindus) as indeed being a 'People of the Book', to whom a degree of legitimacycould thus be A offered.9 further sign of some Islamic adjustment concerned the

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Buddhism and Islam

145

process can figureof the Buddha. Here, a complex but interesting be traced with regard to the lifestoriesconcerningBuddha. Before not too long, Muslim writers began to notice the Indian figureand and Buddsf, rendering a religiousadherentsstemmingfromal-budd, of Buddha and Bodhisattva. The curious thing though, as Gimaret's French studynoted, was how theywere not always identifiedas being fromthe same tradition.'0Moreover elementsof fanlike al-Nadim, tasyand vagueness appear in the accounts by writers and so forth.A more comprehensive specific Istakhri, al-Birutni, Islamic retention of the legends of the Buddha is in the Kitdb Balawharwa-Budasf.Moreover, the 10th centuryShi'ite theologian Ibn Bhabiya, in his excerpts from the above work, also included three further stories. One of those ('The Story of the King's Grey is an echo of the Makhadeva Hair') Jdtakastory.The second further story has 'The Prince who flees his home...', which reflectsthe existing prototype of the Buddha's encounters as a prince with death, old age and sickness." However, it is reallyonly withal-Shahrastani (c. 1076-1153) that we firstget precise accurate descriptions about Indian traditions concerning the Buddha (al-budd). His account of Buddhism is indeed as Gimaret noted "remarkable" for its precision, being a virtual renderingof some Buddhist catechism:
The firstBuddha (budd) who appeared in the world was called Shakyamuni which means 'noble Lord'... On a lower rung fromthe Buddhas, (Shadkman), they say, is the Bodhisattva (Bzdisfiya).12

With respect to the Buddhist path, al-Shahrastaini depicts it positively enough; as a 'search for Truth' inculcating patience, giving, and detachment. This is then followed by a precepts-type listingof ten 'errors that are avoided', and the 'ten virtuesthat are practiced', i.e. a version of Buddhism's silas (ethics, precepts) and paramitas ('perfections'). Particularlyintriguingis al-Shahrastani's commentthat such teachings "can be very near to the teachings of the Sufis". It seems significant,in retrospect,that it is with this eminent Sufi that we have the most specific, accurate and quite sympathetic picturedrawn ofthe message of Buddhism. There may be wider and modern implicationsin this.

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

146 Mysticism

David Scott

Here two fruitful areas can be looked at, namely Ibrahim b. Adham of Balkh and the subsequent Central Asian Sufi schools of mysticism,and concepts likefana'. One of the earliestSufis to come to note was (Prince) Ibrahim b. Adham of Balkh (d. c. 777). Some of the stories surroundinghim have a decidedly Buddhist ring to them. One has him hunting a fox, when he heard a voice saying that God had not created him to persecute living beings. Obviously there is the theisticsuperimof position, but the stresson non-killingrecalls the first the major Buddhist precepts. Another even more telling episode concerns Ibrahim's startingon his journeys. The scene is set in Ibrahim's palace, whereupon he sees a beggar, who recommendsthe wandering spirituallife,moving Ibrahim to leave the palace forsuch a life. This seems nothingmore than the reformulation the Buddha's of life story. That these early Sufis were aware of their Buddhist predecessorsseems clear enough fromShalikkal-Balkhi's comment about his trading trip to Turkish cities, that "I went one day to a Buddhist temple, and saw one of theirservantswhom theycall toyin in the language of China (Khital) and sthavira India. He had in shaven his whole head and wore clothes of purple". 3 This would seem to be the sort of situation Idries Shah, a modern Sufi from Afghanistanhad in mind withhis note that "there are legends concerningChinese Zen with India, and Sufi traditionassertsthat the of early classical Sufismade spiritualcontactwiththe followers bodd Balkh itself had the major Buddhist centrewest of the [Buddha]"."4 Hindukush. As Islam spread across the Turkish lands of Central Asia, subtle and in a sense positive signs of Islamic-Buddhistinteractioncan be seen centringaround Sufism. In the Kutadgu-bilig written Yusuf by Khas Hadjib in 1068 at Kashgar, the learned Muslim mystic Ogdurmi was depicted like a Buddhist hermitin a cave, carrying a begging bowl (revke) and staff (tayak).Instead of wearing the red draperies of earlier Turkish Buddhist masters, he was though shown with the white garb worn by the Sufi adepts.'5 Later on at Turfan, the Uighur Buddhist cave temples at Toyuq became the seat of Muslim Qalandar dervisheswho considered the caves to be

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

and Islam Buddhism

147

the abode of the 'Seven Sleepers' of Islamic hagiography.'6 Furthermorethe termeren (heroic saint) was used forboth earlier Budand later Muslim anchorites,togetherwith artisticmandalas dhist being transposed."7The Mongol advance into Persia and Anatolia brought examples of furthersuggestive echoes between Uighur Buddhist and Islamic figures, as for example Baba Baraq (died 1307), whose practices and literatureevoke Tantric type ecstasy, togetherwith such featuresas shaved head and face.'8 This juxtapositionof Sufi and Buddhist groups can be literallyshown in the Tarim basin, with the account by the embassy fromShah Rukh to China in 1419-1422, which noted the Buddhist convent and Sufi tekke side by side at Hami.'9 When we consider Sufi concepts two particular themes suggest themselves. This concerns comparisons between Buddhism's 'enlightenment' and Sufism's itlaq. This resonance is increased with the analogies between the Mahayana Buddhist idea of iunyatad 'emptiness' which has been compared withthe Sufi concept offana' Moreover iffana' means annihilation of the ego then 'annihilation'. again this can startto approach the basic Buddhist concept of anadtman 'no-soul'. Naturally one needs to be careful about making widespread but superficialcomparisons. However there is perhaps the significant parallel way that scholarslike Trimingham have disbetween early Western and Eastern formsof Sufism.20 tinguished To some extent the Eastern strand (East Iranian, Transoxanian) seemed to emphasise fana', while the Western strands seemed to emphasise 'love'-possibly owing something to earlier respective Christian and Buddhist influencesin those areas. (2) ModernSituations Two modern areas come to mind, one is geographic settingsand the other is Dialogue interaction. Settings Geographic Here there are two general areas to look at. One is the actual geographical situations bringing Buddhism and Islam most into contactwitheach other,namely Sri Lanka, Bangladesh/Burma, S.

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

148

David Scott

Thailand, and Malaysia.2' The Chinese situation remains unclear due to the common blanket imposed upon both Islam and Buddhism by Chinese communism. In addition to these traditional areas, there has emerged the modern settingof encounter in the West, e.g. Britain. With respect to those traditional areas there have been mixed situations. In Malaysia the mostly Buddhist Chinese community has been under some pressure fromthe Bumiputra policy pursued since the 1960s by the Mahathir government which equates Malays to being Muslim. In addition to this economic readjustmentprogramme designed to equalise economic opportunitiesbetween the poorer Malay communityand the wealthier Chinese community, there has been the rise of Islamic pressures. Partly this has expressed itselfoutside the governmentin the rise of the Islamic party, PAS. Partly this has shown itself in the tendency of the governmentto pursue more overtlyIslamic policies, togetherwith the rise of Ibrahim Anwar within the ruling UMNO party. In Burma the situationseems somewhatreversedas minority Muslim have fled into Bangladesh, at the hands of authoritarian groups Burmese policies. While the Burmese governmentis military rather than specificallyBuddhist, the image still created for Islam is one of a Muslim minoritybeing persecuted in a Buddhist majority country.A more settledsituationseems presentin South Thailand where a co-operative policy by the Buddhist supported Thai government has meant little outward discontent in the Muslim southern provinces on the border with Malaysia. An interesting situationcan be seen in Sri Lanka. Amidst the ravage of civil war, the Tamil Muslim communityhas tended to side withthe majority (Buddhist) Sinhalese position in the face of the demands by their ethnicTamil (Hindu) compatriots.A curious example oflocal relations theremay be mutual pilgrimagefocus on the Buddhist mountain site of Siripaida, known by Muslims as Adam's Peak. The Western encounter is an interestingthough unusual one. One factoris the slightelement of unbalance. Islam has attracted some Western converts,like Cat Stevens (Yusuf Ali). Nevertheless, it remains a fairly ethnically based tradition, mostly from the Indian subcontinent. Buddhism tends to be a more varied community, both in the sense of ethnic diversity(Chinese, Tibetan,

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Buddhism and Islam

149

Vietnamese, Sri Lankan), and witha higherproportionof Western adherents.Common racial issues may serve as a bridge between Sri Lankan Buddhists and Pakistani Muslims, but would not have the same potency in the case of 'White western' adherents. On the other hand the growth of modern Sufi derived groups (to some extentin the shadow of the New Age explosion of movements)does create some closer bridge between the two traditions, given the higher proportion of Westerners involved in that facet of Islam rather than the orthodox/exoteric strands. 'Dialogue' Interactions With regard to doctrine the situation is on the surface fairly bleak, as thereare some clear divisions. For Buddhism there is the problem of Islam's concept of the Qur'an as alone being the full and accurate Divine Revelation, of Islam's principle of naskh 'abrogation' (Qur'an 2.106) of earlier traditions,of application of Shari'a law, and of course the theisticstandpoint of Islam. Conversely, Buddhism's non-theisticapproach is a major divide for Islam. However therehave not as yetreallydeveloped much deeper systematic explorationsbetween Islamic and Buddhist 'theologians' in the same way that it has developed between Christianityand Judaism, or Christianityand Buddhism. Such development has been hindered by Islam's weaker central institutionalframework, blurringwho could 'talk' on behalf of others. An interesting example would be the sort of theological explorations towardsBuddhism thathave taken place by the Christian process theologian John Cobb. Abe Masao's Buddhist response to Cobb, also brings in Islam, throughAbe's application of the tradi'3 tional Mahayana tri-kdya bodies (levels) of the Buddha' in the followingequation:22
Boundless Openness God Lord Dharma-kaya Formless/Boundless Reality of Emptiness Sambhoga-kayaAllah/Amida Nirmana-kaya Muh.ammad/Shakyamuni

For Abe "this means that although 'Boundless Openness' embraces various forms of 'God' and 'lord' as their ultimate ground, this is not a blind acceptance but a critical acknowledge-

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

150

David Scott

ment of them".23 This is because for Abe, God (i.e. Allah) and 'Emptiness' are standing on two distinctive levels, whereas Muhammad and Shakyamuni Buddha operate on the same (ontological) level. The significance of 'Emptiness' for Abe was then pursued with regard to his theme of 'emptying' (kenosis)of God, and of the dynamic implicationsof Sznyata 'emptiness'. Such commentswere made in the contextof dialogue and responsesfrom Christian theologians, theirimplications remain to be pursued by Islamic commentators. One interesting example of metaphysicalenquiry has been from Cleary. For him "considered from the point of view of doctrinal format,Buddhism and Islam may well seem to be as dissimilaras religionscould be ... when we look more closelyat certainunderlying elements, however we find similarities".24 The underlying strands of convergence he isolated are several. He picked up Islamic views of Reality as being beyond words (Idries Shah), that what we perceive as the world is in factdependent on our mind and sense perceptions (Ibn al-'Arabi and Shah), that the universe is continually being created and destroyed and created ('Abd alKarim Jili), the inter-relatedness interdependenceof things(aland Ghazili, Ruimi), of skilful expediency in the outward form of teachings of things (Riimi, Shah). It is no coincidence that these exemplars are all Sufis. Islamic Sufi mysticism and Buddhism have several areas of convergence, both in terms of metaphysical doctrines,but also practical training. Cleary suggested some similar featureshere:
In both Buddhism and Islam, meditation is considered important for spiritual development. Meditation themes common to both include the powerlessness and nothingness of the self, the inevitability of death, the impermanence of all phenomena, the inconceivability of truth. In addition to silent meditation, recitation and incantation-of sacred writ, invocations and litanies, and mnemonic formulae-are very commonly used by Buddhists and Muslims. In the realm of instrumentalliterature, we find two special techniques-known in mystical Islam as 'scatter' and 'impact'another shared feature of practical Buddhism and Islam.25

Nevertheless this area has remained somewhat underexplored. This is perhaps surprising,given the earlier signs of quite positive interaction at this level between Sufis and analogous Buddhist modern strands. It is also a little surprising in view of fruitful

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Buddhism and Islam

151

interactionat this contemplativemeditation level between Christians and Buddhists. The potential is clearly there though. From the side of Islam, Idries Shah has for one though shown awareness of this. This modern Sufi acknowledged "a resemblance between Sufi thoughtand practice and the strangeallegedly typical Buddhistic cult of Zen as practised in Japan is of great interest... the similarities between Zen and Sufism, both in terminology, stories and activities of masters are considerable. From the Sufi viewpoint, the practice of Zen, as given in popular literature resembles irresistibly workingof a part of the technique of the the 'impact' (zarb) of Sufism", which leads Shah to talk of "a common denominator with the mystics" of Buddhism.26 Anotherfruitful area would seem to be in the ethical-socialaction Here the growthof a greaterawareness of the social dimensphere. sion ('Engaged Buddhists') togetherwith Islam's egalitarian "this worldly" thrust, is a potentially fruitful bridge. Liberation theologianslike Aloysius Pieris have pinpointed what they call the 'Ethico-Social' bridge between Christianity and Buddhism. A similar bridge could surelybe developed between Islam and Buddhism, leaving more obvious doctrinal divides to recede in centrality?Ironically Mirza Haidar's Tad'rikh-i-Rashidi, replete as it is with talks of the holy war (ghazat) being waged by Islamic rulers against Buddhist centresin Central Asia, had more positive undercurrentsstill discernible, as with his observation:
In some histories Shaka Muni [i.e. Shakyamuni Buddha] is reckoned among the prophets of India, and some hold that he was a teacher (hakim). Also it is maintained that no one goes to Heaven by the mere acceptance of the faith and religion, but only in consequence of his works. If a Musulman performed good acts, he goes to heaven; if he did evil, he goes to Hell. This also applies to [these] infidels.They hold the Prophet in high esteem, but do not consider it the incument duty of the whole of mankind to be of his religion. They say: 'your religion is true, and so is ours. In every religion one must conduct oneself well'.27

Such implicit possibilities have been explicitlysuggested more recently Sophie Gilliat who has directly by pinpointed social-ethical issues as a particularlyappropriatebridge between Islam and Buddhism, termedby her as common "hidden doctrines" such as "the desire to preserve life, welfare issues, and the struggle against human injustice".28 The involvement of the London Buddhist

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

152

David Scott

Vihara in the 'Faith, Asylum, Refugees' campaign may be a sign of such co-operation over issues of common concern. Talk by Muslim dialogue figureslike Hasan Askari, in conjunction with Christians like John Hick and Hans Kiing, of constructing truly a Global Ethic is yet another sign.29 Certainlyboth religioustraditionsare encounteringeach otherin more directedinter-faith settings.In the UK thereare various local 'Inter-Faith groups', while at the national level there are frameworks like the Inter-FaithNetwork which also acts as a link between the two communities. There have also been some signs of more direct contacts between the two traditions. One small but valuable example is the annual visit to the Muslim College by Vajiragnana, chief monk at the London Buddhist Vihara. An interestingexample of the potential for academic widening of horizons is provided there at the Muslim College, by the comparative 'Fundamentalism in Religion' course, taughtby Professor Hamid. Conclusions Here two areas can be considered. First, what are the likely developmentsin the Islamic-Buddhistencounter. Second, are there wider implications for the whole dialogue movement? With regard to the first question area, it would clearly seem that the mystical (contemplative/meditational) and ethical bridges are indeed the most fruitful areas, though theological/conceptual progress is not impossible (echoes of 'process theology' on the far horizon). However such areas of potentialprogressare not likelyto be helped by Islamic 'fundamentalism', or indeed any Buddhist counterpart.Obviously there are dangers here in using such wideranging and inevitablyclumsy terms. Neverthelesswhat has been called 'fundamentalism' does manifest certain clear enough tendencies-in particular the strongestauthorityallocated (with a generally literalisticinterpretation)to the central scripture and readiness to apply or enforce it onto others in society. This also tends to involve a reduction in any merit seen outside that tradition. With regard to the futureof the whole dialogue movementthere

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Buddhism Islam and

153

implications. Firstlyit may well be may be a couple of interesting that the mysticaland ethical approaches are indeed the most effeca tive bridges. This reflects fairlypragmatic sense. However, in a more profoundsense, ifwe view religionas ultimatelyinstrumental rather than definitionalin conceptual terms, then it is precisely areas of practice and conduct that instrumental/transformational need to be developed, whereas doctrine may in spiritual terms no longer be the actual centralissue anyway. Such an instrumentalist criteriafor inter-faith dialogue can perhaps be explored further. Here two final wider messages come to mind from Islam and Buddhism. One is that succinctlyexpressed by Badawi in 1991, that "when you come to moral values and practical projects you findcommon ground"."3 A second is the message delivered to the gatheringof the Parliament of the World Religions in February 1994. In an open letter the Venerable Samu Sunim pleaded:'
Today we religious leaders and teachers of the world are facing unprecedented new opportunitiesfor our futuretogetherin a global village as well as severe challenges fromthe secular world. In order to seize upon these opportunitiesforour common futurewe must change. We would have to depart fromour traditionalreligious attitudesand open our heart in order to introduceto the world communitya new religious consciousness and vision for peace, happiness and ecological justice.31

This may be a fitting momentto leave thistopic of the interaction past and presentbetween Islam and Buddhism, looking as it does practicallyyet with hope to the future. Brunel UniversityCollege (West London Institute) Gordon House, 300 St. Margaret's Road Twickenham, Middlesex TW1 1PT, Britain
Religious Studies, Dep. of Arts,
DAVID SCOTT

ST. Ling, Buddhistrevivalin India. Aspectsof theSociology religion, London, of 1980, ch. 3. 2 H. Hoffman, "Kalacakra Studies. I. Manichaeism, Islam, and Christianity in the Kalacakra Tantra", Central AsiaticJournal, 13, 1969, pp. 52-73. 3 F. Thomas, "Buddhism in Khotan: its decline according to two Tibetan vol. 3, part 3, Calcutta, 1927, Silver accounts", Sir Asutosh Mookerjee JubileeVolume, pp. 30-52. oftheWorldConqueror (Ta'rfkh-ijahanqusha), tr. J. Boyle, q Juvaini, The History Manchester, 1958, p. 60.

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

154

David Scott

tr. Insddi-Sutra, S. Texcan, Berlin, 1974, p. 71. Cf. comments 5 Das uigurische by H. Klimkeit, "Christians, Buddhists and Manichaeans in medieval Central Asia", Buddhist-Christian Studies,1, 1981, pp. 46-50, p. 47. 6 A. Melikian-Chirvani, "L'evocation littdrairedu Bouddhisme dans l'Iran Musulman", Le Monde Iranienet l'Islam, 11, 1974, pp. 1-72. Asia. BeingtheTarikh-i-Rashidi of MoghulsofCentral ofMirzaMuham7 A History the madHaidar, Dughlat,tr. E. Denison Ross and ed. N. Elias, London, 1895, p. 348. 8 ibid., p. 52. 9 A. Hamid, Islam: theNatural Way, London, 1989, p. 147. o10 D. Gimaret, "Bouddha et les Bouddhistes dans la tradition Musulmane", JournalAsiatique,267, 1969, pp. 273-316. Buddhiststories an Arabic version, S. Stern and S. Walzer, in tr. 11 3 unknown Oxford, 1971. 12 Gimaret, pp. 277-278 for text. 13 Awfi text passage cited E. Esin, "The Turkish Bakli and the painter Muhammad Kalam", Acta Orientalia, 32, 1970, pp. 81-114, fn. 9 on p. 84. Early comparison of Ibrahim stories with those earlier prototypesof the Buddha in T. Duka, "The influence of Buddhism on Islam", Journalof theRoyalAsiaticSociety,

1904, pp. 125-141.

16 idem., "An aspect of the Turkish mediacy in the westward transmission of Eastern culture, in the case of mysticism", Proccedings the31st international Conof in gressof Human Sciences Asia and North 1983, ed. Y. Tatsuro, Africa,Tokyo-Kyoto Tokyo, 1974, pp. 378-379.

14 I. Shah, The Sufis, London, 1969, p. 363. 15 See Esin, p. 101.

17
18

ibid.

Esin, "The Turkish bakgi"..., p. 102. 19 Extract fromMirkhond's record in H. Yule, ed., Cathay and theWay Thither, London, 1915-1916, p. 272. 20 J. Trimingham, The SufiOrders Islam, Oxford, 1971, pp. 16, 51-66, 90-92. of 21 Useful survey by B. Matthews, "Islam as a minority religion in some Theravada states of South and South-East Asia", in R. de Koninck and J. Nadau, ed., Ressources, problimeset defisde l'Asie du Sud-Est, Qubbec, Les Presses de l'Universit6 Laval, 1986, pp. 43-52. Cf. S. Suksamran, Buddhismand Political Legitimacy, Chulalongkorn University Research Papers Series, Bangkok, no. 2, 1993. 22 Abe Masao, "A dynamic unity: in religious pluralism. A proposal fromthe Buddhist point of view", in J. Hick and H. Askari, ed., The Experience Religious of Aldershot, 1985, pp. 163-190, p. 186 Diagram II. Diversity, 23 ibid. 24 T. Cleary, "Buddhism and Islam", Transactions theInternational of Conference in qfOrientalists Japan. No. 27, 1982, pp. 31-38. 25 ibid., p. 37. 26 Shah, p. 363. 27 A History of theMoghulsof Central Asia..., p. 415. 28 S. Gilliat, "Islamic and Buddhist doctrines of personhood: some reflections for interfaith dialogue", WorldFaiths Encounter, 1993, pp. 28-32. 6, 29 Inter-faithdialogue essays by H. Askari, Spiritual Quest: An Inter-religious Dimension, Pudsey 1991. See also H. Kung andJ. Kuschel, ed., A GlobalEthic. The Declarationof the World's Religions,New York, 1993; J. O'Connor, "Does the

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Buddhism and Islam

155

Global Village Warrant a Global Ethic (An analysis of 'A Global Ethic, the Declaration of the 1993 Parliament of World Religions)?", Religion,24, 1994, pp. 155-164. The Month, 30 Badawi quote from article "Presenting God for all to see", Sept./Oct. 1991, cited Gilliat, p. 371. from Buddhists to the Parliament of the World 31 Sumin letter, "Message FaithsEncounter, Feb. 1994, pp. 53-54, writtento protestagainst Religions", World the theisticassumptions coming out fromsome of the Conference statements,but nevertheless suggesting other common ground.

This content downloaded on Fri, 1 Feb 2013 04:49:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions