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58 59
60 61
blanquis parade
It was, as some Parisians later claimed, a perfect afternoon for a stroll in
the Tuileries. Finally managing to escape the oppressive indoor drudgery
to which they had been confined for so long, if not the whole of Paris,
than certainly a specific political cross-section of the Parisians, welcomed
this sunny January afternoon with a ferocity normally reserved for their
traditional afternoon apritif. The Jardin des Tuileries had always been,
as it was to remain, a popular resort and few people could resist the
temptation to walk past the Jeu de Paume towards the Place de la Concorde
to go for a caf at the Champs Elyses for although it was sunny, it was
till bitterly cold. They could still gaze upon the Tuileries Palace, built by
Catharina de Medici in the 16th century, it was not to survive the year 1871
when it was thoroughly plundered and destroyed by the Communards.
But now it stood firm testimony to the power of Kings and Queens over
their subjects. A monarchical power that was, in the shape of Napoleon III,
making a desperate attempt to survive by transforming an authoritarian
Empire into a liberal one, a tactical move, which, as we know, did not
succeed and led to the proclamation of the Republic on September 4
1870. But to the people who strolled on the Champs-Elyses that fateful
January afternoon this was still the Second Empire and they made no
conscious connection between the amazing spectacle they were about
to witness and the political earthquake that lay only a few months ahead.
rob van kranenburg
A few weeks earlier, on January 10 1870, Victor Noire, a journalist from
the extreme republican newspaper La Lanterne, was killed by Pierre
Bonaparte, the Emperors cousin. This event profoundly disturbed the
eternal conspirator Blanqui whose revolutionary republican activism had
earned him a wide range of dedicated followers. He suddenly realised that
he only knew his lieutenants personally, and had never actually seen the
men they commanded in his name. In effect, he did not even know their
exact number. Desperately wanting to assess the strength of his troops
personally, he contacted his aide-de-camp. The problem was obvious.
They could not organise a parade of revolutionaries as if it were a regular
military army. The solution, however, was equally obvious. You can hide
a parade of revolutionaries in a parade of afternoon strollers. He said
farewell to his sister, put a gun in his pocket and took up his post on the
Champs-Elyses. There the parade of the troops of which he was the
mysterious general would take place. He knew the officers, now he would
see the men they led for the first time, marching past in proud display.
Blanqui mustered his troops for inspection without anyone suspecting
anything of what was actually happening. In the crowd that watched
this curious display Blanqui stood leaning against a tree watching his
friends silently approaching in columns. The promenade was momentarily
transformed into a parade ground. In the very act of moving, walking men
became marching soldiers. Marching soldiers only had to drop out of line
back into the crowd to be transformed into walking men again
and ultimately into afternoon strollers on a sunny January afternoon.
The Blanqui parade dispersed as swiftly as it had emerged.
The unsuspecting onlookers were left with their bewilderment, in doubt
as to what they had actually seen. They had witnessed a powerful
manifestation of the existence of an another society that had no
institutional place in the political organisation of their time. The covert
world represented by the Blanqui parade erupted for a brief moment in the
overt world at a time and place when it was least expected. In that brief
moment, its presence deliberately unmasked, the covert parade coexisted
62
about the author
63
alongside the overt promenade, and it is hard to tell which was the more
real as the physical acts of strolling and marching seemed to blend into
an harmonious simultaneity, thus revealing the frightening prospectthat
they might be interchangeable. In the blurring of the boundaries between
marching and walking we are made aware of how we are positioned
within a field of vision and that we might able to construct meaning
through experiencing the transgression itself. At the same time, however,
experiencing the transgression strengthens our notions of the very acts
themselves, we translate the momentary - the simultaneous blending - into
our everyday notions of walking and marching. In the very moment that we
gain the opportunity to make sense, we lose the opportunity to integrate it
fully into our own ways of seeing.
Rob van Kranenburg is an organiser, investigating the moments of
emergence of new relationships between existing nodes.
The images on the next few pages are all from the Greenwich Emotion Map,
2005-2006. The images show multiple views of the final printed map.
64 65
66
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68 69
I strap a small device onto two fingers of my right hand. It is a Galvanic Skin
Response sensor that measures my emotions and is connected to a Global
Positioning System so that I can measure my physiological reactions to the
environment I am walking through. The peaks and troughs, on a resulting
map record my arousal levels, feelings of excitement and indifference.
The couple I am walking with live in the nearby Millennium Village. We
are walking around East Greenwich, an area of London that has changed
dramatically over the past 50 years and is due to morph again over the next
twenty-five years into A new 1.4 million square metre master-planned
community [ 1 ].
The Millennium Dome, now branded the O2, is being developed
into an entertainment, music, sport and leisure attraction by the American
company, Anschutz Entertainment Group. Just beyond the Dome, the
old hospital in East Greenwich is being converted into housing by English
Partnerships. It is a strange environment, a combination of desolate
wasteland, manicured park lawns and regimented lines of perfectly pruned
trees. I used to bus or walk through this dormant prime real estate on my
way to the station everyday when I lived near here. Large white domed
structures hide behind high blue fences where I used to imagine secret
tests and inventions were taking place. Now, well-established trees and
shrubs have grown through the old concrete of these abandoned car
sophie hope
socially engaged art:
the conscience of
urban developement
parks. As we walk around we discuss the changes in the area: the Beckham
Football Academy; the active industrial buildings and factories; the first
communications cable to be laid across the Atlantic and the progression
of technologies since. Is this just like any other walk on a summers
afternoon? What is the significance of us mapping this walk? Who will use
the data we are producing?
The experience I am describing was part of the Greenwich Emotion
Map, a project by Christian Nold and one element of his ongoing Bio Mapping
project. The final printed map includes the emotion data as well as images
of the places visited by people on their walk, annotated with descriptions
of their experiences. Christian was commissioned by Independent
Photography (an arts organisation based in East Greenwich) as part of their
programme Peninsula [ 2 ]. While Peninsula did not receive funding directly
from the regeneration funds in the area, it was seen as a valuable asset to
its development, as a member of the Greenwich Peninsula Partnership
points out: The role of projects like Peninsula is to take the fear away
from these changes by getting people involved in whats going on locally
People dont like coming to meetings, its a way of breaking down those
barriers and giving people a voice Independent Photography are like
the conscience of the area, (a constant reminder that) its not just about
maximising profits its a really good way of ensuring that that conscience
is always there. I will use the Greenwich Emotion Map as an example
of a publicly funded art project in order to sketch a wider context in which
much art takes place in the UK today and explore the possible meaning of
criticality for an art practice that is approved, supported and funded to aid
social change.
70 71
Socially engaged art practices are influenced by histories of activist,
community, performance and conceptual art, all of which have challenged
(to varying degrees of success) the notion of an institution of art based
on individual production that remains at a critical distance from daily life.
There are legacies of artists opening up their work to involve participants
throughout the 20th Century. Artists have used people in the making of
their own work, for example, when communities in Pasadena and Los
Angeles built walls of ice for Allan Kaprows Fluids happening (1967) or
when 30 workers were hired by Santiago Serra who arranged them in
a line according to their skin colour (2002). Artists have also tried to hand
over authorship such as Yoko Ono in her instruction pieces (1961-2) or
through the work of Tim Rollins and K.O.S. (1980s-now). Many projects
that are considered socially engaged today embody a variety of types of
participation and complex networks of ownership (the same project may
be at times participant-led and at others artist led). Indeed, this is carried
over into cultural policy in the UK, which could be seen to be reliant on the
somewhat contradictory notion of art as being something for everyone as
long as it is judged as the produce of individual artistic genius.
Increasingly in the UK, people working in diverse aspects of
contemporary urban society, from property developers to park wardens
are turning to the arts for new ideas, regeneration, problem solving and
community bridge building. The employment of artists in these (traditionally
non-art) fields, where there are other issues and agendas at stake, is
becoming the norm. Alongside the high profile, large-scale capital projects
that emerged from the Lottery Act of 1993, there has been a spate of
commissioned, community-based arts projects promoted as the road
to urban renewal. These projects derive from New Labour cultural policy
that has understood art and culture as central to making society better.
According to a recent report by Ixia [ 3 ], approximately 61% of Local
Authorities in England have public art policies linked to the local planning
the context
system and increasingly other public sector and commercial organisations
are commissioning public art, such as the commercial developers Land
Securities. The evaluation of PROJECT [ 4 ] investigated the role of art in
regeneration finding that: Public art was seen by some developers as
bringing in to a scheme elements which give distinctiveness, character and
identity, because these are indices of value and quality, and therefore add
commercial value. For others, public art was seen as a way of improving
a developments chance of receiving planning permission and as
a means of engaging local communities within the process of developing
a regeneration project [ 5 ]. While the links between art and social inclusion
remain, Social inclusion and the arts work together. DCMS aims to extend
access to high quality arts. To achieve this, issues of social inclusion are
at the heart of much that DCMS does [ 6 ], the recent McMaster report
highlighted a shift in policy towards excellence and judgement of art
over instrumentality and monitoring. The focus is back on the art rather
than using art as a tool for social change: The driver must be not the
achievement of simplistic targets, but an appreciation of the profound
value of art and culture. Having said that, McMaster also asks that:
Artists, practitioners and cultural organisations need to explore ways
of communicating more effectively with their audience [ 7 ].
Despite this slight shift away from the instrumentalisation of
culture, short-term arts programmes in deprived neighbourhoods
continue to be endowed with the potential to reduce crime rates, build
private/public sector partnerships, improve community relations and create
new resources. These projects are based on the notion of the artist as
an external agent, able to enter into a context with fresh eyes, offering
ideas and solutions. When commissioned as part of regeneration schemes,
a socially engaged art project can also become a lucrative marketing device
to promote an area to potential businesses and buyers. Art is assumed
to provide a positive transformation from bad to good, unbearable to
bearable, socially excluded to included. This simplistic stance brushes over
the complex, problematic relationships embedded in urban change in the
72 73
quest to create a glossy picture of participation and collaboration. Certain
artists are now engaged in a serious and rigorous critique that reflexively
approaches the role that cultural work has in creating the illusion of social
inclusion while actually increasing the division in wealth and poverty.
One of the loudest criticisms of this current situation (that
shares some of the suggestions put forward by McMaster) lambastes the
instrumentalisation of culture and calls for the reclamation and recognition
of artistic autonomy. In their recent essay, Championing Artistic Autonomy,
(2006) The Manifesto Club, for example, argue for artistic autonomy from
physical, political and financial restraints (in order for the artist to)
realise a creative vision [ 8 ]. The Manifesto Club was set up to challenge
growing policy regulations, instrumentalism and market-based thinking,
all of which contribute to a culture of restraint. My question is, how does
this fight for autonomy relate to an art practice that disputes the status
of singular authorship of the artist and seeks to go one step further than
challenging this culture of restraint by coming up with alternatives to
effect change? Rather than react to the current climate in a way that
reclaims artistic autonomy, I would argue there is a need to urgently
review the politics of social engagement through art by re-examining
the critical potential of a socially engaged art within this funded system
of regeneration.
In the next section of this essay I locate the critical aspects of the Geenwich
Emotion Map along four co-ordinates of criticality. These four analyses are
based on my interpretations of three descriptions of public art by Suzanne
Lacy, Mark Hutchinson and Declan McGonagle (each of whom break down
their descriptions into four positions, stages or dimensions) [ 9 ] .
They are: anthropology, reciprocity, co-production and (f) utility. Rather
than insist that one mode of working is better than any other, I conclude
by insisting on a combined approach as demonstrated in the Greenwich
Emotion Map.
This approach, takes as its model the anthropologist or participant
observer. By entering a community to investigate it, the artist collects
readings, recordings and evidence and turns this into their own artwork
which does not filter back into the community. The work is about
a certain community rather than made with or for a certain community.
This approach can be seen in State Britain by Mark Wallinger (2006), for
example, where the work directly references Brian Haws Parliament Square
protest but did not involve him. This particular approach does not involve
a critique of the anthropologists (artists) own position. The focus of
attention is elsewhere, on the subject matter itself (for example, the issue
of freedom of expression and civil liberties in the case of State Britain).
This approach prioritises a notion of artistic autonomy but does not
focus on the artists own implicated role in both effecting and being effected
by the community she/he enters. This way of working acknowledges the
power relations between the professional, paid artist and unpaid subject
and does not try to hide this fact. Indeed, this rejection and distancing from
the everyday could be seen as a repost to the commonly adopted phrase
strategies of critique
anthropology
74 75
in current social and cultural plans and policies: the use of art. By extracting
the issues away from the place they came from, the work is presented as
having no direct use-value for those communities who supplied the source
material. This is not necessarily a negative aspect and may indeed be
a more honest approach than one that attempts co-production. We can see
an element of anthropology in the Greenwich Emotion Map as Nold, coming
from outside of that community, adopts the role of facilitator, providing the
tools to gather information about a group of people that he then collates,
designs and presents as an alternative map of the area. While the map is
authored by Nold (his name appears on the front of the map), the numerous
participants are acknowledged inside and indeed, the contents of the map
is reliant upon them.
This stage builds on the anthropological approach in that an artist
demonstrates some kind of responsibility towards the community they
are working with/on whilst retaining authorial control. Martha Rosler points
out how some people prefer to let communities or participants author and
lead projects (removing the artist-as-author from the centre of things)
while others present any interaction or community liaison as a fictionalised
representation (re-establishing authorial control). Rosler finds it hard to
agree with either of these stances, preferring a more complex dynamic
between people [ 10 ] . This could also be the case with the Greenwich
Emotion Map. Nold incorporates other peoples stories whilst mapping
their emotions and creates a collective narrative of the area. During this
stage, the artist becomes more self-critical of her/his own position but this
ability or permission to be critical often remains limited information for the
amusement of the artists only. This has been termed by Lefebvre as critical
knowledge [ 11 ] and refers to the idea that those with critical knowledge
are those who are in on the act. Are the participants of Emotion Map
critically engaged with the tools and conceptual aims of the project or are
they just using those tools without that bigger picture in mind?
Critical Knowledge that remains with the artist can sometimes be
cringe-worthy to watch, for example in the film Czech Dream (2004),
a series of posters advertised the opening of a new cheap hypermarket on
the outskirts of Prague where, during the grand opening, the film makers
Vt Klusk and Filip Remunda documented the disappointed faces of
expectant shoppers as they ran towards its fake faade. In this instance,
the film-makers have the upper hand and in the making of an interesting
film, patronise the jubilant Czech shoppers looking for a bargain.
The critical engagement remains the priviledge of the filmmakers and
viewers of the film afterwards. It is hard to say who of those people who
turned up to the staged opening had the critical knowledge to reflect
on how the project drew attention to the reactions to rapidly advancing
capitalism in Eastern Europe, and how many were sucked into the prank
and turned up to the opening of a new hypermarket they saw advertised to
do their weekly shop. Maybe the critical knowledge comes later, once you
have calmed down and got over your embarrassment, shock or rage that
comes with being fooled.
In a reciprocal arrangement, however, artists and participants are
able to recognise (and exploit) the needs and expectations of each other.
An artist may use people for the making of their own work while
a participant may use the project for their own personal or financial
gain. According to Nold, the Greenwich Emotion Map asks: How will our
perceptions of our community and environment change when we become
aware of our own and each others intimate body states? . One of the
participants in the project expressed how as an older person she had not
had much contact with technology and that the project made her aware
of how this technology in the hands of the wrong people has different
connotations. She talked about how easy it is for the powers that be, to
know who you are, where you are and how you feel. This reflects Nolds
intentions for the project in finding a new way of using this technology,
reciprocity
76 77
reclaiming it and devising alternative ways of mapping an area. According to
another participant, however, the technology became redundant after their
direct involvement in the initial mapping exercise and did not provide any
conclusions or directions.
This leads us to deduce that participation in an art project does not
automatically result in the politicisation and activation of the participant
and could even lead to further de-politicisation if conceived as a mirage of
social inclusion rather than the real thing. Walter Benjamin in his essay,
The Author as Producer of 1934 describes how production is able first
to induce other producers to produce, and second to put an improved
apparatus at their disposal. And this apparatus is better the more
consumers it is able to turn into producers, - that is, readers or spectators
into collaborators [ 12 ]. This statement would perhaps ring true to
many practising artists today as something that inspires them to develop
projects, create platforms and facilitate collective production. It could
also refer to New Labour policies of social inclusion and the rising trend of
corporate social responsibility through which much socially engaged art is
funded to build bridges with local communities. This top-down process of
empowerment, however, has been heavily criticised by the communities
of consumers themselves, as being patronising and vacuous. Through the
veil of social inclusion (often delivered through community consultation
and socially engaged or public art) participants experience the realities of
regeneration such as increased control, privatisation of public space and
rising house prices. Recognising the reciprocal nature of engaged art opens
up the possibility of understanding the work in different terms that leave
the artists intentions and integrity intact and unchallenged (if this is what
the artist wants to achieve), while others take from it what they want.
Moving on from recognising reciprocity, co-production involves participants
becoming co-producers or co-authors, which further challenges the artist
as sole author. In opening up the work to others for their input there is
sometimes also a focus on an analysis and negotiation with the systems
and structures that support the artistic process. This can be seen to some
extent in the Battle of Orgreave (2001) for example, initiated by Jeremy
Deller and filmed by Mike Figgis which was built on contributions and
performances of those at the original battle on 18 June 1984 and
re-enactors. The re-enactment and subsequent film screened on
Channel 4 was a reminder of that day told predominantly by people
who had lived it and for whom the repercussions are still being felt.
A tactic used in the Greenwich Emotion Map, was to engage those involved
directly in regeneration decision-making processes as participants in the
work itself. The Greenwich Emotion Map and other Peninsula projects, for
example, have involved both local residents, politicians and developers
in joint workshops. This way it is possible to question the values placed
on art with a wider community of people allowing these values to be
disrupted and challenged not just by artists but also by those involved in
its production.
Working in the context of a comparatively prosperous publicly
funded cultural sector (in relation to other countries), has meant the critical
aspect of socially engaged art practice has had to shift a gear from direct
action (to activate and empower individuals) to question the very nature
and meaning of a socially inclusive agenda being applied to art. Rather than
becoming the vehicle through which urban developers can market their
social responsibility, do such projects as Emotion Map have the potential
to demand a more thorough, democratic involvement of different people
in the inevitable development of the master-planned community?
This marks a shift in the focus of the critique to a questioning of the means
of production, thereby unravelling the reason why the money is there
co-production
78 79
for the socially engaged art project in the first instance. The critique now
involves a probing of the motivations of corporations and governments to
empower and make producers of us all and questions the artists role and
position in carrying out these objectives.
The Greenwich Emotion Map does this by inviting people to question
the nature of surveillance technologies by surveying and mapping their
own movements through public spaces. It provides an alternative, multi-
authored set of identities to the branded, slick and marketable identity of
The Greenwich Peninsula dreamt up by remote developers.
Equally, it could be seen to be paving the way for clever market
research techniques to help companies decide which areas are emotionally
productive and therefore ideal advertising locations. To some participants
the Greenwich Emotion Map is enticing people to take an active role in
the changes in their area, to others it provides a diversion and illusion of
participation. How does Emotion Maps usefulness to the developers of the
Greenwich Peninsula balance with a collectively produced critique of the
development of the Peninsula and how is that critique taken on board (or
ignored) by the developers?
This fourth approach incorporates elements of anthropology, reciprocity
and co-production whilst becoming open for interpretation, redirection
and transformation. The work takes off in all directions, each of which
is equally significant. As we have seen, the Greenwich Emotion Map is
schizophrenic in showing at times a useful community friendly face and
at others a ruthless but all-important streak of irony (importantly this
latter aspect is developed by the participants as well as the artist).
By proposing models for activism, this fourth stage is analogous with
Benjamins apparatus for turning consumers into producers. The resulting
Ordnance Survey-style Greenwich Emotion Map has the potential to become
an apparatus/tool for those involved to consider the implications
of such a device. The official style of the map invites serious interaction
while yielding surprising findings that you would not usually associate with
a formal navigational tool. The map also demonstrates how map-readers
can become the cartographers of their own environments.The participants
became producers in a process they would usually be the unwitting
consumers of. The Greenwich Emotion Map attempts to incorporate
a complex unearthing of social relations that make up the meaning and
transformation of a place.
How is the map, the walk and the technology of the Greenwich
Emotion Map used, adopted and manipulated ? There have been
discussions locally about this technology being used to map the content
of local meetings in order to adopt a visual mode of communicating key
issues or concerns to other groups and decision-makers. The Senior
Regeneration Manager at English Partnerships and one of the participants
of Emotion Map project, thought the emotion topography was interesting
and could see how this could translate back to a developer and to
architects: You could be mindful of this when designing (it might) take
a bit of a leap for some developers and planners in order to justify it as
a meaningful consultation exercise I came away thinking - that was
a serious study in human behaviour .
Returning to Walter Benjamin, the Greenwich Emotion Map has
the potential to be understood as an improved apparatus [13 ], or
a tool for turning consumers into producers that has introduced a shared,
bottom-up notion of production that acts as an alternative to more
dominant processes of change and regeneration happening in the area.
The future use of the technology and the maps will determine to what
extent the users turn themselves into producers. There is often value
placed on the useful and useless aspects of art depending on the context
in which it is produced or presented. For example, in an art context, one
might claim the useless aspect is of utmost importance, adding to the
ambivalence and ambiguity of the work. When at a meeting with a group
(f)utility
80 81
of planners one might stress the function of the work and its ability to add
economic and cultural value to an area. Both aspects are important in that
they hide the useless element to those who like to see only the functional
side and the useful aspect of the project to those who deem such claims to
be unworthy of art. In the case of the Greenwich Emotion Map, uselessness
in terms of not providing a clear outcome or conclusion, is not necessarily
a negative aspect.
As in the anthropological approach, it was the artists intention to
provide possibilities and questions rather than solutions and conclusions.
Pointlessness and uselessness could be a valuable strategy of resistance in
a society that demands productivity, outcomes and quantifiable results.
It could be argued that an art that ignores or hides its useful side is
unable to be political and that an art that purely promotes its functionality
looses out on being able to be critical. Do we then need to acknowledge
and revel in both the useful and useless acts in order to claim the political
and critical aspects of art ? It is the element of surprising functionality that
is significant here, that is, being useful in an unexpected way, rather than
providing a useful service or carrying out a set of instructions. How can the
Greenwich Emotion Map be useful in an unexpected way?
Emotion Map is not an obvious consultation exercise; on the one hand it
evolves into a useful study and on the other it remains abstract and useful
only for those taking part. For Emotion Map then, it is both the potential
readability and unreadability that is important. The use-value remains
the primary ownership of those taking part (the map-writers and readers)
and the project resists co-option (due to its illegibility as an obvious piece
of consultation) by those who wish to use it as a box-ticking tokenistic
consultation exercise.
Political action lies in the possibility of finding something pragmatic
in what appears to be absurd and to discover the absurd in the everyday.
The critical potential of projects such as Emotion Map lies in the different
(conflicting) directions experiences take and the ability for the people
involved to respond and adapt to these influences and triggers.
By acknowledging that at times work will be artist-led and at others by
participants, new opportunities to represent, reciprocate and co-produce
emerge. This combined model of a critical socially engaged art that is funded
to do a job owes it to all involved that these triggers are unexpected.
By acknowledging and exploring these different uses, approaches and
values, funding can be used to expose some of these contradictions in the
process of regeneration. Furthermore, the Emotion Map demonstrates
how such projects could reflect the conscience of regeneration and urban
development back onto those who have outsourced it in the first place.
Sophie Hope is a PhD researcher, investigating the relationships between art
and society through research, writing, teaching and listening.
about the author
82 83
[ 1 ] Our Vision Greenwich Peninsula. Meridian Delta Limited.
[ 2 ] Peninsula was a series of six artists commissions that involve local
people in investigating the Greenwich Peninsula and its regeneration from
2005 7. The project received funding from Arts Council England, Heritage
Lottery and City Parochial Foundation.
[ 3 ] Ixia (2007) Public Art and the Planning System and Process. Online at:
http://www.ixia-info.com/research/index.htm
[ 4 ] Comedia (2006) PROJECT Evaluation Report. Online at:
http://www.publicartonline.org.uk/archive/project/evaluation/reports.php
[ 5 ] Ixia (2007) Public Art and the Planning System and Process. Online at:
http://www.ixia-info.com/research/index.htm
{p. 10-11}.
[ 6 ] http://www.culture.gov.uk/what_we_do/Arts/arts_and_
communities/
[ 7 ] Sir Brian McMaster (2008) Supporting Excellence in the Arts. From
Measurment to Judgement.
[ 8 ] Artquest, December (2006).
[ 9 ] The four methods I explain here are interpretations of three other
descriptions of socially engaged / new genre / public art by Suzanne Lacy.
- See Debated Territory: Toward a Critical Language for public Art. In S. Lacy
(ed.) (1994) Mapping the Terrain. Seattle, Bay Press.
- See Mark Hutchinson (2002) Four Stages of Public Art {Third Text, Vol. 16,
Issue 4 / p. 329-43}
- See Declan McGonagle (2007) in D. Butler and V. Reiss, (eds.) (2007) Art of
Negotiation. Manchester, Cornerhouse {p. 6 9}
Each of their descriptions are also broken down into four positions, stages
or dimensions.
[ 10 ] Rosler, M. (1994) Place, Position, Power, Politics, in C. Becker (ed.)
The Subversive Imagination: The Artist, Society and Social Responsibility.
London: Routledge {p. 72}.
[ 11 ] Lefebvre, H. (1947)(current edition 2006)Critique of Everyday Life:
From Modernity to Modernism (Towards a Metaphilosophy of Daily Life. Vol
3) .
London, Verso Books {p. 65}.
[ 12-13 ] Walter Benjamin (1934) The Author as Producer.
The image on this and the next few pages are all from the Brentford Biopsy, 2008.
The images show multiple views of the 10 meter long printed banner map which was
designed with the local participants which included the mayor, priest, historians and
landscape architects.
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86 87
88 89
hacking our tools
for
thought
Hacking is what happens when you understand a system - you look for
exploits, short-cuts and unintended uses. You subvert the design intention,
reconfiguring things for your own purposes. Hacking is what a hacker does
to understand a system. What does this do? What will happen if I do this?
Hey, cool! Now what would happen if I do this?
Hacking is a DIY culture, a dissident, irreverent culture. Status is
about kudos: what can you do ? Come and show us. Share. Show off.
The hacker of the mainstream press is destructive, but always young,
cool, capable. An anti-hero, in fact. Lots of hackers see it that way too.
Destructive ? Well, maybe, but isnt the mainstream always going to see
disruption of their agenda in that way?
Your mind is your thoughts and experiences, all the things you
experience like your memories, hopes and feelings as well as all the
processes going on below the surface that make conscious thought
possible. Add to this the idea of hacking and we get mind hacking.
Mind hacking means looking beneath the user- illusion of consciousness
dr. tom stafford
Hack: n. a clever solution to an interesting problem .
Motto of OReillys Hacks Series
and getting at the underlying workings [ 1 ].
That sounds great doesnt it? What does it really mean? Mind Hacks
is a book I wrote with Matt Webb in 2004 for the technical publishers
OReilly. Matt is into technology and ideas, Im into cognitive neuroscience.
We drunk one too many cups of coffee and it seemed like a good idea at
the time [ 2 ] . I think OReilly really had their eyes on something like Mind
Performance Hacks (actually released 2006, but not written by us). We
were thinking about liberating all the cool science that has been done
recently uncovering the workings of the brain and mind. Science started
out as a kind of open source - ideas published in journals so anyone can
question them, use them, change them. We wanted to take the tips, the
tricks, the discoveries of the sciences of the mind and package them in
little bundles which people could experience, play with and repurpose (like
programming functions). It was great. I spent six months trying to see how
many arbitrary words I could remember using ancient Greek memory tricks,
or see if I could catch myself moving my eyes in a mirror. My flatmates
came home one day and I was standing on my head in the hall trying to
work out if the picture Id drawn looked like it was curving in or out of the
screen. Both Matt and I became hyper-sensitive to the running of our own
minds, the glitches in what we noticed, remembered, felt. I found out that
things Id noticed before had been given names by psychologists. That
feeling when you say the word banana fifty times and you lose the feeling
for what it means : semantic satiation. I learnt concepts that made me
notice things Id never noticed before. Like the moment when the projector
is off before a film comes on in the cinema, when the screen is dark, theres
an illusion where the screen appears to grow without changing size. Look
out for it, its there I promise. So we wrote this book about moment-by-
moment experience, about attention, awareness and memory. As well as
liberating some scientific information into the mainstream, we also learnt
a few things about our own minds along the way.
One thing the book relied on fairly explicitly was the idea of the
mind as a bit of technology; a mechanism or set of mechanisms with
90 91
predictable input-output relations. This predictability means that we can
try and infer operating principles, and then experiment with them. You
can only take this metaphor so far. It is fairly clear that the mind isnt
a mechanism in the old, hard, sense of machinery. If anything it is
a mechanism in the software sense, something fluid and adaptive, dealing
with the intangibility of information processing. Because mind is infoware,
it becomes technology in the Arthur C Clarke sense - something that is
sufficiently sophisticated to be indistinguishable from magic. Andy Clark has
talked about how the mind is software for dealing with whatever the world
throws at us [ 3 ]. By this I dont just mean that our brains learn to do smart
stuff, I mean that our brains learn to take anything we can control and
make it part of our cognitive ecosystem. We use external objects as mental
tools naturally and compulsively. Our minds are plastic and extensible, so
fundamentally embodied that the barrier between world and mind is leaky
like a sieve. Andy Clark says that we are natural born cyborgs, born to
become fundamentally integrated with whatever technology is available in
external world.
You probably have a feeling for what this means already. When you
use a well-designed bit of technology it becomes invisible - for example,
if you drive youll have noticed how the car becomes an extension of your
thoughts; you forget about gears, pedals and the wheel in your hands and
instead think of speed, acceleration and movement, just like you forget
your muscles when you are running. If someone asks if you know the time
you automatically say that you do, ignoring the fact that it is your watch
that contains the information, not your memory. But you can access the
information so easily that it feels like it is part of your mind.I bring up this
idea of our extensible minds because I want to draw an analogy with
Bio Mapping. The idea of mind hacking was based on the idea of our
conscious experience being constructed by various component processes,
but in our book we never really got to grips with the idea of extending the
repertoire of components that construct our experience. Let me illustrate
how important these components of mind can be by a story. Its not a story
about an extraordinary augmented human consciousness, but about
an unfortunate individual who lacked the ordinary augmentation of
memory which we normally take for granted.
In the book Broken Memories [ 4 ] Margaret OConner and
colleagues tell the story of an amnesic patient theyve studied for over
two decades. The patient, who they refer to by his initials, SS, has a kind of
brain damage which means that he cant create new memories for things
that happen to him, nor does he remember events in his personal history
from before his accident (a viral infection that spread to the temporal lobe
of his brain). Like other patients with this kind of amnesia, SS is stranded
in the present. OConner describes how SS has kept the buoyant mood and
outgoing personality that he had before his injury. Hes intelligent and able
to carry on a normal conversation - just as long as you dont expect him to
remember anything beyond the sphere of the immediate conversation. He
is completely dependent on his family and cannot work, and had been for
two decades at the time of writing. When OConner and colleagues gave SS
standard psychiatric tests for depression there was no evidence that he was
unhappy [ 5 ]. When he was asked, for example, if he often felt miserable or
hated himself or thought of suicide, SS consistently ticked the No boxes,
reflecting his upbeat personality.
This isnt the end of the story, however. A second batch of tests was
administered, which tested mood indirectly [ 6 ]. These tests didnt ask SS
directly how he felt, but instread were designed to assess his personality
traits and the themes which dominated his thoughts. These tests seemed to
show that SS did have depressive feelings, even if he didnt articulate them
in the first set of tests. OConner interpreted from the second tests that SS
had low self-esteem, along with accompanying depression and anxiety,
as well as a preoccupation with ideas of loss and decay.
So is SS depressed or not? OConner and colleagues asked
themselves the same question, and in answering they drew on the
distinction between expressive and experiential aspects of mood.
SS seems to experience depression to a far higher degree than he expresses
92 93
it. But this isnt a case of simple deception. What is happening is that his
memory problems, combined with his upbeat personality, seem to prevent
him accessing these feelings regularly or consistently. The standard tests
for depression, which rely on his own recognition of his feelings, suggest
that he isnt depressed. Yet, the personality test which addresses mood
indirectly allows SSs depressive feelings to come through. SS does have
unhappy feelings, which is not surprising for someone in his position, but
his injury prevents him achieving a stable conscious awareness of this fact.
If SS had an intact memory for lifes episodes it would become a tool for
self-reflection, a repository for data about himself. He could use it to
aggregate the fleeting evidence of his negative feelings. Instead, his upbeat
personality dominates those nagging feelings, sweeping them away every
time they occur - he is ignorant that each dismissal is not the first, but is in
fact one of a countless succession of such sweepings-away.
For those of us lucky enough not to have amnesia, our episodic
memories are a bit of mental technology which our consciousness can use;
itll help us remember where the shops are, what happened earlier in
a film, as well as augmenting our ability to self-reflect and self-understand.
Amnesic patients show that episodic memories are not a necessary
component of the mind, they can be removed by injury. If the components
of the mental operating system are modifiable, what other component have
been, or could be, added into this kernel?
Like memory, language is another tool for thinking. Often it is only
after I have said something out loud that I realise exactly what I think.
Language is a tool, but it becomes so integral to ourselves that we think
through it, with it, rather than having to struggle to construct sentences and
pick words (this does happen, of course, but it is such an exception that it is
notable when it does). By putting things into words we can express feelings,
make ourselves remember things and see what we think about an idea. Just
as the external world becomes part of the mind, we can make the internal
world become external and hence use it as a vehicle for self-awareness.
The point is that the distinction between mind, body and world isnt a firm
one. Language is part of the world, just as it is part of our minds. So too
can writing, computers, maps or other people be part of our mind. As with
language, all our tools are vehicles for self-awareness. Even physical tools
like a hammer. As soon as you pick it up you ask yourself What can I hit
with this?, which is encouraging us to ask ourselves What do I want to
make or break with this?.
Bio Mapping is a tool for self-awareness, at once more ephemeral
and more sophisticated than a hammer. By looking at your arousal as you
traverse physical space you create a medium for reflection on your feelings,
feelings which can normally pass below the radar of conscious awareness.
Similarly, on a group level, when we can look at similarities in our emotional
responses to physical spaces it lets us focus on shared feelings which,
are normally only fleeting and not recorded, and so pass below the
collective radar.
After wed written the book we got a lot of interests from marketers
(the people whose job it is to sell stuff, by fair means or foul). One story we
were told was of someone who worked in PR walking round the OReilly
ETech conference, waving the book and boasting about how they would
use it to win hearts and minds. Someone asked me at a book reading if I
was worried about giving all the secrets of the mind away to advertisers.
I told them that the advertisers already had a perfected non-theoretical
knowledge of how to manipulate people, and our book wasnt going to help
them. I think it was true too - if you read the book you find that youre
getting involved in relatively low-level stuff, like awareness and memory,
rather than the higher level stuff of desires, fears and aspirations that
advertisers work on.
But still, the reaction to the book was a message on the kind of
culture we live in. Wed intended Mind Hacks to be for people like us,
individuals, who liked understanding how stuff worked, and making things
or improving things. Unfortunately this level of analysis also seemed to
appeal to people who wanted to take advantage rather than just explore
and improve.
94 95
about the author
It is here that Bio Mapping has the potential to be more radical than
mind hacking on its own. If Mind Hacks aimed to show the mechanisms
behind the construction of moment-by-moment conscious experience,
then Bio Mapping can be a hack for a different level of consciousness - the
self-consciousness that evolves over time, the interpersonal and ultimately
social consciousness. The focus of Mind Hacks reflects a bias that exists
in the whole of cognitive psychology. This is a bias towards the individual
rather than the social; towards looking at the limits and resources of our
mental apparatus rather than the potential; towards focussing on the fixed
components of mind, rather than the dynamic and developing aspects. This
bias has brought fantastic benefits, but it is still a limited view of mind. Our
minds are exciting for their potential, not for their limits; they make sense in
a social context, not on their own (this is quite literally true - left completely
on your own for long enough you lose your sanity). Because our minds are
fundamentally social, a complete understanding of them necessarily needs
to reference social space.
If we get fooled into thinking that individual minds are the sole
locus of thought (like cognitive science), or that technology should focus
on individuals without reference to the social then our perception of the
individual becomes severely handicapped. Were not just natural born
cyborgs, but natural born social animals.
Whats this got to do with hacking? Hacking is an idea, as well as
a social movement, which is about subverting and reclaimin the tools and
metaphors that were given. Hacking is a DIY culture of action - a very
individualistic community, but still a community with a vision of shared
benefits. These are the guys that gave us open source after all. Community
solutions are more than side-effects of the hacker ethic, they are core.
If the idea of hacking becomes limited to the idea of personal solutions
to individual problems then it will have failed. Bio Mapping promises to
open up the field of possibilities for social hacking, for awareness hacking,
for a rediscovery of conscious collective action - not along the lines of
the monolithic political movements of the 20th century, but in swarms,
collectives and communities. The hacker ethic is one with the possibility to
combine individuality with interconnectedness [ 7 ].
Lets build.
Dr. Tom Stafford is a lecturer at the University of Sheffield. He likes finding
things out and writing things down.
96
[ 1 ] User-illusion of consciousness. See Dennet, D.C. (1991) Consciousness
Explained. Little, Brown and Co.
[ 2 ] Actually Matt is a ferocious tea drinker, not a coffee-drinker.
[ 3 ] Clark, A. (2004) Natural Born Cyborgs: Minds, Technologies and the
Future of Human Intelligence. Oxford, Oxford University Press.
[ 4 ] Campbell, R. and Conway, M.A. (ed.) (1995) Broken Memories: Case
Studies in Memory Impairment. Blackwell, Oxford UK.
[ 5 ] Standard neurpsychological depression measures: BDI = 3, HRSD = 4.
[ 6 ] The MMPI and the Rorschach test.
[ 7 ] Warnick B.R. (2004) Technological Metaphors and Moral Education:
The Hacker Ethic and the Computational Experience. Studies in Philosophy
and Education, 23, 4, 265-281 .
notes
the essays by dr. stephen boyd davis, sophie hope
and dr. tom stafford were specially commissioned
for this book.
published under a CREATIVE COMMONS
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 LICENSE
excluding the made to measure essay which is
copyright raqs media.
edited by christian nold
www.softhook.com
designed by daniela boraschi
www.danielaboraschi.com
the book is available for free download from:
www.emotionalcartography.net
ISBN 978-0-9557623-1-4SB
many thanks to: daniela boraschi, prof. john
gruzelier, heather corcoran, raqs media collective,
sophie hope, dr. tom stafford, dr. stephen boyd davis,
rob van kranenburg, marcel van der drift, jim prevett,
mero candy, marie-lise sheppard, tony steffert,
dr. beau lotto, dr. joydeep bhattacharya and prof.
hugo critchley.
This book was funded through a SCIART Research
& Development Award from the Wellcome Trust
www.wellcome.ac.uk/arts and supported by SPACE
This book is a collection of essays from artists, designers,
psychogeographers, cultural researchers, futurologists and
neuroscientists brought together by christian nold to explore
the political, social and cultural implications of visualising
peoples intimate biometric data and emotions using technology.
WWW.EMOTIONALCARTOGRAPHY.NET
ISBN 978-0-9557623-1-4