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India and the Path to Environmental Sustainability


By Ethan Goffman Introduction India is a complex, stunningly diverse country replete with seeming contradictions. It has a strong education ethic indicated by a significant segment of the population holding advanced degrees, yet also massive poverty and illiteracy. It is the worlds largest democracy, yet weak implementation of laws and corruption are widespread. Its population is largely Hindu, a faith noted for harmony, peace, care for the poor, and vegetarianism, particularly in the version espoused by Mahatma Gandhi, considered the founder of modern India. Yet India has deep social divisions, most notably in the untouchable caste relegated to jobs such as handling human waste. Virulent religious conflict, especially between Muslims and Hindus, also polarize its society. Currently, India is undergoing tremendous economic growth, second only to China, yet its galloping population, together with poor policy and insufficient infrastructure, threaten environmental disaster that could end this growth. With a smaller land area than China and a population over 1.1 billionon the verge of becoming, or perhaps already, the worlds most populous nationIndia might be the ultimate test case of how many people one can squeeze into a given area and still provide a decent, modern lifestyle. Currently, India ranks 101 out of 146 countries on the 2005 Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI), which ranks countries based on such measures as health, governance, technology, and international cooperation and evaluates the likelihood that a country will be able to preserve valuable environmental resources effectively over the period of several decades (Esty 23). Although this is slightly better than China's ranking, India, with its soaring population, faces increasing stresses to its air and water; its future energy and resource use is uncertain, and its agricultural productivity is at risk. India is also testing the efficacy of democracy which Winston Churchill called the worst form of government, except for all the othersand whether networks of individuals can provide a better watch on the India contains a large, complex, and variegated population packed environment than can an into a relatively small area http://www.indianembassy.pl/iglance.html authoritarian system.
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India, then, is in many ways a microcosmalbeit an extraordinarily large microcosmof the tricky path to development that many poor and emerging countries must tread. On todays planet, development can no longer follow the traditional path of emphasizing heavy industry while paying little attention to the surrounding environment. Sustainable development is the watchword of the day, which means that care must be taken to preserve existing environmental resources for the benefit of future generations. At the risk of failure, India may also provide a shining model of how to simultaneously advance democracy, economic growth, quality of life, and environmental health. Growth in a Diverse Society Along with its population, Indias economy is galloping ahead. It is doing so against a backdrop of clashing traditions: In no other nation-state is there so much of ethno-cultural diversityin terms of religion, language, region, caste, class, ethnicity and ideology (Kapoor 637). For example, eighteen principal languages and hundreds of dialects are spoken. Furthermore, the country is divided into a relatively wealthy and educated southern half that is at times at odds with a more impoverished and overpopulated northern half.
Aerosol pollution over Northern India and Bangladesh. Photo: NASA http://www.answers.com/topic/particulate?ca t=health

For a country that strives to be modern, India is often criticized as stuck in ancient customs, derided by modernization advocates as Hindu thinking, in which the underlying mindset of the ordinary Indian is of ambiguity, uncertainty and seeking godly benevolence (Kapoor 638). Critics consider this a fatalistic attitude unsuited to the rationalist planning for the future of industrial and postindustrial society. Indeed, after India declared independence from Britain in 1947, a combination of traditional thinking, anti-colonialism, and socialist policies guided India, which correlated with an extremely slow rate of economic growth, about 3.5% annually, or a miserly 1.5% per capita from 1950 to 1980 (Acharya et al 206). This mindset, which seems to undermine development and modernity, has been under attack since the regime of Indira Gandhi in the 1970s, and even more so beginning in 1991, when an economic crisis brought external sector liberalization, deregulation of industry, reforms of taxation and the financial sector and a more commercial approach to the public sector (Acharya et al, 206). Following these
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Brahma, the Hindu god of creation http://www.crystalinks.com/indiadi eties.html

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reforms, the Indian growth rate soared, and it has continued to rise. A recent World Bank report estimates annual growth averaging 6% over the last decade, 7%-8% more recently, and aspirations of an average annual growth rate of 8 percent or higher, much needed for eliminating poverty (World Bank 2007, 1). Despite this progress, a conflict remains between traditional and modern mindsets. Many observers have noted that the globalisation of the economy is bringing in its wake notions of materialism and consumerism that do not match with Indian traditions of austerity, simplicity and spirituality (Kapoor 649). Those who strive for modernization heavily criticize traditional Hindu fatalism, favoring a capitalist technological ethos, a vision of development particularly popular with Indias political-bureaucratic elite and the business class, and many educated and patriotic Indians, many of whom feel that India rightfully deserves to be a superpower and can make the grade with rapid economic development in the next two decades (Kapoor 640).

Indira Gandhi, elected Prime Minister in 1966, worked to bring modernity to India, and to control the population http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/I ndira_Gandhi

The days of what critics derisively refer to as the Hindu rate of growth are long over. With government economic interference lifted and globalization opening markets further, the growth rate is spurting. India is expected to remain one of the fastest growing countries over the next decades, with the economy continuing to move from its local agricultural base toward industry. Of course, much of the recent growth has been driven by globalization, which has allowed India to move into the high-tech sector, including telecommunications, software, and related services. Nevertheless this growth faces strong challenges. It has been criticized as rewarding a relatively small population segment and increasing income inequality. Moreover, environmental problems might threaten or halt this growth. A 1995 report, for instance, estimated that annual losses due to the environment are of the order of 4.5 per cent (Acharya et al, 225). This, however, is only the best guess of a range of figures, while more recent estimates are hard to come by. One analyst warns of the enormous danger that economic progress in India faces as a result of wanton destruction and degradation of natural resources of all kinds and a growing dependence on the use of hydrocarbon fuels that cannot be sustained (Pachauri 704). Environmental destruction, then, threatens the current economic gains. The answer, according to many analysts, lies not so much in slowing the rate of population growth, or even in drastic lowering of population, but in better environmental governance. A combination of effective government policy and new technology may very well allow India to continue to improve the quality of life for all its people. In a broader perspective, questions remain regarding the aims of a 21st century economy. Traditional economics looks first at overall growth, yet sustainability advocates argue for a new paradigm based on quality of life rather than economic growth. Sus-

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tainability refers both to using better technology and practices and to altering our assumptions about the desirability of consumption, although the balance between the two is contested. Torn between its traditions and rapid changes, India is in a unique position for testing the 21st century world order. Does the vision of sustainable development most match that of Roads in India suffer extreme traffic congestion Mahatma Gandhiand traditional Hindu (Reuters: Krishnendu Halde) thinking in generalor the capitalist technocrats? http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2007/06/2 8/1964129.htm Clearly it will take something from both traditions; far less clear is what the mixture should be. Kapoor poses as the central question, will it be a future for all, including the masses . . ., or will it be a future for a few - the well-educated, westernised, globally-connected, consumerist elites and middle class of India? Population Unlike China, India continues at a dangerously high rate of population growth: Though it occupies only 2 per cent of the worlds land area, it supports over 16 percent of the worlds population (DSouza & Peretiatko, 80), with some nine times the population density of the United States. A United Nations and World Bank report projects, that around the year 2026 Indias population will be about 1.35 billion, and that by 2051 it will be about 1.57 billion (Dyson 75). Of course changes in fertility rates (and mortality rates) could drastically alter this projection. India has attempted to stabilize its population, beginning with Indira Gandhis population policies in the 1970s, which included a voluntary sterilization component. These policies were criticized as draconian, and often coercive, with some 8.3 million sterilizations in 197677 (Veron 2), leading to a crisis in Indian democracy. Gandhi declared a state of emergency that, in 1977, led to her ouster as Prime Minister. These problems illustrate how difficult it is, in a democracy, to impose harsh population policy, contrasting dramatically with Chinas authoritarian one-child policy, which has been in place since 1979. India: Population Density (square km)
http://cee45q.stanford.edu/2003/briefing_book/india.html

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Interestingly, Indias move away from draconian mandates to curb population growth received a kind of confirmation at the 1994 International Conference of Population and Development in Cairo, which affirmed a voluntary program of education, particularly womens education, as well as access to contraception (United Nations Population). A National Population Policy adopted in 2000 emphasizes promoting contraceptive use among eligible couples and aims to improve the health of women and their children (Westley & Retherford 1). Overall, the policy moves from achieving demographic targets toward meeting the reproductive health needs of clients (Ibid).

By 2050 there will be 1.63 billion Indians, according to one study http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/3575994. stm

Still, critics claim that Indias policies have remained coercive, including huge sterilization targets for selected districts (Rao 24). Additionally, abortion of female fetuses remains a widespread practice; nevertheless, with a large proportion of the population almost 60 percent below the age of 30 years, further growth of population is inevitable (Rao 25). Indias more voluntary measures have correlated with a faster-growing population than those of the more authoritarian China. Indeed, stabilization of Chinas population is expected to occur around 2030, while Indias population will inevitably continue to grow for at least 50 years, increasing by a half over the period (Veron 4). Mortality decline, furthermore, is slowing the deceleration of Indias population growth. In the long run, however, it seems likely that urbanization, education, and contraceptive availability will lead to population stabilization. Indeed, the trend in India appears to be towards women marrying, having a small number of children, and then getting sterilized (Visaria 73). Population stabilization, however, depends upon local conditions, with the rural-urban split crucial. Urbanization in India has been slow. Whereas 17.3 per cent of the population lived in urban areas in 1951, by 2001 this figure had risen to only 27.8 percent (Dyson & Visaria 116). In comparison to the rest of the world, where 1 out of every 2 people live in a city, India's urbanization is a relatively small. Because rural areas are noted for higher birth rates, stabilizing Indias population will not be easy. Complicating population policy is Indias diverse and often contentious society. Fertility patterns are extremely uneven and vary by location, with the population growing faster in the more impoverished north. In the south, by contrast, and strikingly in Keralanoted for its progressive policies population stabilization began early, but has been much slower around the Ganges Valley, the heart of traditional India, where fertility has scarcely declined. The Hindi-speaking core region is characterized by high fertility, an entrenched

An Indian man searching for scrap at a New Delhi landfill site Source: MANPREET ROMANA/AFP/Getty Images

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patriarchal value system, economic underdevelopment, predominance of Brahminical influence, and exclusion of women from education (Guilmoto & Rajan 713). Indeed, fertility is particularlyhigh among illiterate women and poor women (Westley & Retherford 2). Local and traditional culture, along with economic factors, are thus crucial in explaining the uneven effects of Indias population policy. How is this relevant to sustainability? Obviously, population is a key driving factor in environmental degradation, as more people consume more resources, occupy more land, release more wastes, etc. Nevertheless, population is only one factor; analysts and environmentalists from Thomas Malthus in the 18th century to Paul Ehrlich in 1967 have exaggerated its singular impact. Economic growth is also a significant factor, yet so is resource use and environmental policy. Dennis Anderson, for instance, argues that technical progress, together with the policies which induce it, is by far the most important factor in enabling countries to reconcile economic growth with environmental improvement (255). He adds that technologies and practices in developed countries explain why local air and water pollution levels are orders of magnitude lower than in the developing countries, even though their economic outputs per capita are an order of magnitude higher (258). Of course, in a globalized world, the analysis needs to be extended to account for the consumer appetites of the developed countries, considering that many consumer goods are manufactured in less developed countries. Nevertheless, given the right mix of technology and policy, it seems likely that India can do much to offset the impact of its growing population. Land Use & Agriculture Despite rapid economic development, the majority of Indias population remains employed as small farmers. Even with this huge amount of agricultural labor available, the Indian people frequently faced malnourishment and recurrent famine until the late 1960s. At that time the socalled green revolution brought modern agricultural techniques to India. Three factors are especially notable: increase in arable land, cropping intensity, and higher yield per acre (Singh 490). So, for instance, wheat production nearly trippled between 1961 and 1980 (Singh 487) and has continued to grow. Other staple crops, such as rice and corn, also increased dramatically. Yet, the green revolution brought with it inherent limitations, which became clear by the 1990s. Its reliance on monocultures, i.e., the use of only a few crops planted over huge areas, has decreased biodiversity. As Singh explains, in pursuit of achieving higher and higher production, farmers put heavy stress on agricultural resource base, consequently degrading the agroecosystem through putting heavy doses of agrochemicals while ignoring the long-term hazardous effects on soil health-nutrients (489). Water, and especially clean water, is scarcer for agricultural and other uses. While Indias population continues to Traditional farming in India increase at a near-exponential rate, its food production http://www.greenpeace.org.uk/tags/bayer
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has slowed. As a result, the country's ability to feed its own people is diminishing again. Indeed, many analysts believe that the pattern of large-scale agriculture is unhealthy, not just environmentally, but economically. One critic argues, in terms of food and nutrition productivity per acre, in terms of efficiency in water use, in terms of creation of livelihoods small farms are more productivity [sic] than large ones (Shiva 716). Energy-intensive agriculture also runs into limits, since growth in output is increasingly dependent on limited fossil fuel reserves (Thankappen et al 191). Two possible solutions to the problems of current energy sources are alternative energy or more labor-dependent agriculture. Groundwater depletion is another problem, intensified by a move, typical in developing countries, toward water intensive food, such as vegetables and animal products. The classic pattern has been from grain-based diets toward increased consumption of a diversity of vegetables, as well as meat and milk. It remains to be seen how much India, with its Hindu traditions, will increase its consumption of meat. The argument continues over how much to modernize, how much to retain traditional peasant agriculture, and how best to utilize new technologies. If globalization could be considered the next step after the green revolution in modernizing Indian agriculture, it has also been criticized as disempowering. One critic argues, seeds and biodiversity, which have been the common property of farmers and local communities, are being transformed into private property of a handful of corporations (Shiva 718). Regarding biological and genetic rights, patents, intended to reward innovation, may end up limiting widespread use of knowledge.

Organic farming in Kerala http://persianoad.wordpress.com/2007/10/24/whyindia-should-promote-organic-farming/

Of equal concern is that agriculture brings other environmental stresses. As the World Bank explains, land and soil nutrients have suffered from overgrazing, deforestation, and poorly planned irrigation schemes (Ringskog 3). Furthermore, agriculture inevitably leads to deforestation, yet forests provide ecosystem services that, over time, benefit farm land (such as preventing soil erosion). In India, which remains deficient in modern energy infrastructure, fuelwood collection has also harmed forests. Illegal tree harvesting for a variety of uses is common. Of Indias 329 hectares of land, around 21% is classified as forestland (Gundimeda et al, 636). Yet land volume is only one aspect of the problem; forest quality is another. Although shrinkage of forest land appears to have stopped, density of forest cover seems to be diminishing. Forest ecosystem services, such as replenishment of land, sequestering of carbon, protection from weather events, and recreational uses, remain threatened. One scholar explains, "[defores-

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Goffman: India and the Path to Sustainability

tation] fortunately has been arrested in most parts of India, but now what is required is major efforts to increase tree cover throughout the country (Pachauri 708). Air and Water Agricultural policy cannot be extricated from water use; indeed, about 80% of Indias fresh water is used for agriculture (Bhaskar et al 315). A growing population is placing increasing stress on Indias water supply, a situation likely to be exacerberated by climate change. According to the WorldWatch Institute, in India, the demand for water in urban areas is expected to double and industrial demand to triple by 2025, relative to 2006 (Lemmer 287). Indias major water sources are rainfall and the melting snows and glaciers of the Himalayasthese are what ultimately feed the rivers, canals, and groundwater tables (Bhaskar et al 312). Best management practices are undetermined; a heated debate over the impact of deforestation on Himilayan water remains unresolved (Wasson). Furthermore, fresh water that moves through its cycle away from its sources does not always remain fresh; a portion suffers from urban and industrial pollution. According to a 2002 source, a staggering 70% of the available water in India is polluted (Nagdeve 11). Indias major river, the Ganges, long regarded as holy, is polluted with, among other things human waste, garbage, industrial output, and human remains. Global warming also threatens the river: the Himalayan glaciers that are the sources of the Ganges could disappear by 2030 (Wax Post). The degradation of the Ganges has become prototypical for an India that one analyst characterizes as replete with water bodies unfit even for bathing, recreation and other social uses that Indians have been used to for thousands of year (Pachauri 705). Indeed, bodies of water throughout India face severe pollution. As of 1999, Nacharam Lake, in Andhra Pradesh, had dangerously high levels of barium, nickel, copper, and zinc (Govil et al 23), most likely from nearby steel, chemical, and other industrial plants. However a plan to restore the lake, employing sewage treatment and diversion of industrial effluents, seems to have been effective (Hindu). Water shortages, exasperated by intermittent droughts, are a recurring problem in India. Water is often distributed by wells, with distribution determined locally according to land ownership: Property rights under the law entitle anyone to pump any amount of water from a well dug on his own land, even if this reduces the water table below the reach of neighboring wells (Bhaskar et al 316). The stage is set for a classic tragedy of the commons, in which individual short-term
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Climate change could shrink the Ganges river by melting its glacial source. This possibility threatens Varanessi, a 3,000year-old city known as the Jerusalem of India. http://www.worldproutassembly.org/archives/2007/06/a_sa cred_river.html

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benefit hurts the long-term needs of all. The problems are not severe everywhere, however. For instance, in the Gangetic plain it is estimated that less than 20 per cent of potentially useable groundwater is currently drafted (Bhaskar et al 318). To alleviate Indias looming water crisis, better governance is needed, with integration of local and national policies. Unfortunately, governance is divided into at least four different central departments responsible for water-related issues: the ministries of water resources, rural development, agriculture, and urban development (Bhaskar et al 321). A coherent policy is lacking, while divisions remain at national and local levels. Problems are likely to worsen if current practices remain in force, given the extent of pollution, waste and misuse of water, and the lack of incentives for efficient use and conservation (Bhaskar et al 326). With poor implementation of national policies, local solutions and education may be one key to tackling the looming water crisis and other environmental challenges. One economist believes that, the failure of formal regulation to control pollution has highlighted the significance of informal regulation for achieving environmental goals (Kathuria 403). One local solution occurred in Tumkur, Karnata, where the major water reservoir started to fail in the 1990s. However, a local farmer and engineer, B. J. Kumara Swamy, implemented a number of techniques, including rainwater harvesting, creation of ponds to contain run off, and conservation measures, that have greatly improved the situation (Padre). Regarding the local farmers, Swamy exclaims, Many of them havent realised that groundwater decline and loss of topsoil is the root cause of our crisis. For them, this is destiny (Padre 46). Instead, Swamy is working to educate farmers as to the long-term causes of the water crisis and what can be done to alleviate it. A problem of the commons even more pervasive than water is the air. Like China, India has relied upon an old-fashioned, crude, and highly polluting energy infrastructure: direct combustion of large quantities of coal . . . and solid biomass such as fuelwood and agricultural wastes, both of which tend to be burned inefficiently and with large amounts of pollution (Flavin & Gardner 8). Coal releases large quantities of sulfur and nitrogen, major causes of cardiovascular and respiratory diseases, chronic bronchitis, increased morbidity, etc."(Mukhopadyay et al 236). Although fossil fuel use has been far lower than in developed countries, it is increasing fast. Increased energy demands are mainly being met with coal plants, which release SO2 and other pollutants. Furthermore, local energy use has been inefficient and unclean: The use of low quality fuel, inefficient methods of energy production and use, the poor condition of vehicles and traffic congestion are the major causes of increasing emission of gases that contain sulphur and nitrogen" (Mukhopadyay et al 243). Current and future trends indicate a rise in air pollution, suggesting the need for more aggressive policies (Mukhopadyay et al 246). Delhi, for instance, has been found to have two to three times the total suspended particulate level of developed countries, harming long-term lung function (Chhabra et al).

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On the broader level of global greenhouse gasses, India discharges far less than China and the United States, but otherwise it is one of the major emitters. According to a 2002 source, India is the worlds sixth largest and second fastest growing producer of greenhouse gases (Nagdeve 3). A development much in recent news may accelerate these emmisions. The Tata Nano, a tiny car produced in India and costing only $2,500, has made its debut. For those in developed countries driving such a car, which gets 54 miles to the gallon, would seem environmentally conscientious (Renner). Yet should a large percentage of Indians, starting from a far lower individual environmental footprint, adopt the Nano, the result would be a noticeable uptick in global warming emissions. The Nano, then, raises crucial issues regarding the rights of developed nations to reduce their greatly disproportionate use of the global commons, but also of developing nations to control their population and to seek alternative avenues to development. Still, avoiding responsibility often seems the default option. In international climate negotiation India and China plead that they are still developing and have relatively low per capita emissions. Clearly, though, climate trends indicate the danger should India continue on the high-emissions route to development that was common in the 19th and 20th centuries. Energy Energy use is integrally connected to the environment, most obviously to air pollution. In India, coal is the primary energy source, supplying over half of total energy needs (U.S. Energy). Coal is widely considered one of the dirtiest fuels; furthermore, the coal on which India relies, currently some 250 million tonnes per year (Anderson 262), is of low quality, thus contributing heavily to Indias poor air quality.

A maked traffic police officer controls traffic during the rush hour on Chowringhee, Calcutta (Bikas Das/ AP Photo ) http://www.abcnews.go.com/Techn ology/story?id=3864621&page=1

While the current outlook for Delhi may seem grim, it has actually improved since the early 1990s, when it was judged the fourth most polluted city in the world. Much of this improvement took place due to the authority of the Indian Supreme Court, which mandated actions to comply with 1980s laws which had not previously been enforced (Bell et al). Still, India is far behind developed countries in reducing local air pollution, and will probably remain so until more systematic compliance mechanisms are developed.

A coal plant in Rajasthan, India http://www.industcards.com/st-coal-india.htm

In return for its heavily polluting infrastructure, India receives a poor energy return. Its energy grid is intermittent and unreliable. The Economist sarcastically remarks, By tradition, Indians have pretended to pay for their electricity and the

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utilities have pretended to supply it. Black-outs and brown-outs are part of life. Given such deficiencies, Indians continue to rely on such traditional fuels as wood, crop, and dung-cakes, which, besides contributing to local pollution, cause soil erosion and nutrient loss (Anderson 256). As automobile use becomes more widespread, oil use is rising; the International Energy Agency expects India to be consuming 5.6 million barrels of oil per day in the year 2030 (Pachauri 711). A growing reliance on automobiles means that India is certain to increase its oil importation, despite unstable supply sources, while adding to local pollution as well as greenhouse gas emissions. Natural gas is one energy option that is widely used in India. It is less polluting than either coal or oil. Currently, India is able to meet most of its natural gas needs, although increased imports can be expected in the future (U.S. Energy). Conventional economic analysis of a normal path to growthknown as an environmental Kuznets curvesuggests that things will get worse, that growth will harm the environment until the economy is developed enough to become more efficient. Yet the inevitability of such a course is increasingly seen as outmoded thinking, particularly by sustainability advocates. Given that better technology and practices exist, they ask, why not use them as quickly as possible, and avoid the mistakes of the past? Probably the brightest spot in Indias use of alternative energy is the development of wind power. Implemented in part as a solution to Indias intermittent energy grid, wind power use has risen dramatically. Not even in the top ten in 2002 (Bradsher), the Indian wind industry now ranks fourth in the world in market share (global wind 3). Suzlon, Indias largest wind power company, has risen to ranking 5th worldwide, with 7.7%of the global market share in just over a decade (Suzlon). On a small scale, other experiments in renewable energy are occuring. A United Nations program in Karnataka state has provided small loans for solar energy systems, typically $300 to $500 for a system to power two to four small lights or appliances (Appropriate 11). These local systems replace kerosene lighting, widely used in India because of its unreliable electricity grid, that emits harmful gases and soot. The solar program has already boosted local employment and caused a 13-fold increase in the number of solar systems financed in the pilot area (Appropriate 11). Another local alternative energy program, promulgated by a Canadian NGO, involves biodiesel in the state of
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Suzlon Energy wind farm, Khori: A father and son plow a field below wind turbines, an increasing source of power in India. http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/28/busines s/worldbusiness/28wind.html

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Orissa. This particular biodiesel is produced from local oil seeds, making it inexpensive and easy to store. So far, it has been used in pumping water and home-lighting, and further uses and means of production are being explored (Vaidyanathan & Sankaranarayanan). Still, programs such as these remain sporaidic and relatively isolated. Rather than an exotic option, they need to become commonplace to have a serious impact. Given the weight of population and economic expansion, Indias environmental problems are almost certain to get worse. For instance: it is estimated that if coal continues as the primary fuel for power generation, the total annual consumption would reach 1400 million tonnes by the middle of the century (Anderson 262, 3), over five times its current usage. The worst impacts of such a scenario are unlikely, though. Clean coal strategies, for instance, could lessen harmful emissions. Conservation and the use of alternative power might be better ways to alleviate the situation. First, however, current policies must change since they provide perverse incentives for wasteful energy sources. Pauchauri, for instance, complains of subsidies that often did not reach the target for which they were designed (712). Similarly, Anderson argues that India needs to introduce tax and regulatory incentives to support the development and use of [alternative] technologies. Elimination of the subsidies for coal, hydro schemes, nuclear power, and rural electrification would also facilitate the emergence of renewable energy technologies (273). Governance Regarding the environment (and many other things), all of the technology and knowhow in the world is useless without strong implementation of policies. In many ways, India should be poised for an effective environmental governance program. According to the World Bank, India has a strong environment policy and legislative framework and well-established institutions at the national and State [sic] level (2007, 7). Furthermore, democratic countries with strong public participation are often considered best at identifying and reacting to environmental problems. And, Indias growing prosperity is leading to an increase in public demand for better environmental quality from the growing and increasingly assertive urban middle class, as demonstrated by drastic measures to improve air quality in Delhi, which now has the largest compressed natural gas-driven public bus fleet in the world (World Bank, 9). Despite the advantages of a functional democracy in the sense of holding regular elections, India lacks other widespread mechanisms for public participation. Poverty is one encumbrance to having a large, vocal public effectively able to make its needs known; combined with this is a

A village community and Forest Department staff discuss forest management plans: Datanpalli village, Andhra pradesh http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/E XTRESEARCH/EXTPRRS/EXTTROPICALFOREST/0,,content MDK:21095604~menuPK:3071045~pagePK:64168098~p iPK:64168032~theSitePK:2463874,00.html

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lack of technological infrastructure. Moreover, barriers of distance, language, literacy, and connectivity all the factors of particular relevance to India due to the remoteness of many habitations, multiple languages, and significant illiterate population can also prevent full participation (World Bank 2007 23). In addition, corruption (often in the form of kickbacks to government officials) is seen as strongly hindering the implementation of environmental policies. According to one commentator, Indian democracy permits great freedom of activity and association, and the pursuit of ddifferent ideas and interests. But rules and laws in this democracy are violated, or manipulated, perhaps as often as they are obeyed (Kapoor 637). Thus, the tension is growing between increased demands for environmental protection and lack of implementation. The World Bank sees a growing dissatisfaction with the state of environmental management in India by an increasingly vocal, active and impatient 'green' constituency. Some successes notwithstanding, the situation on the ground is considered inadequate by a broad variety of stakeholders. Much of the problem is credited to weak implementation of laws and regulations (World Bank, 2007, 12). One crucial instrument of environmental policy is Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) which analyzes the likely impact of various actions on the environment. EIAs originated in the United States in 1969 and have become one of the most successful legal mechanisms for protecting the environment globally (Lemmer 276). At the heart of EIA is public participation, the belief that local people know best their own needs and understand the impact of environmental degradation upon their lives. With its democratic traditions, India would seem well poised to enact EIA. Yet, local participation is limited; furthermore, like China, India's short-term economic growth often depends on ineffective local enforcement of environmental laws. In practice, economic growth is often seen as trumping environmental concerns. Still, India has strong basic laws in place protecting the environment. Following the Bhopal disaster of 1984, when more than 2,000 people died and tens of thousands were injured by the accidental release of poisonous gas from a pesticide plant, the country enacted new environmental laws. In 1986, the Environmental (Protection) Act aimed at protecting and improving the quality of the environment and preventing, controlling and abating environmental pollution (Lemmer 296). In 1994, the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF), Indias main environmental agency, enacted EIA to strengthen environmental protection. Initially, protection was weak, failing to cover numerous activities such as deforestation and waste disposal (Lemmer 296) and lacking in A leak of methyl isocyanate (MIC) gas the Union public participation. The law has been Carbide Pesticide Factory at Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, amended, however, to strengthen these areas. caused one of the worst industrial disasters in history
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Complicating matters is that India has often proved unable to enforce environmental policy through government institutions, leading to litigation as a primary means of enforcement. In 1985, the Indian Supreme Court ordered the closing of limestone quarries that were harming the water supply, setting a strong precedent. Consequently, In most countries, the courts have been viewed as a last resort in resolving environmental conflicts. In India, however, it has often become the first resort because of the perceived inabilities or lack of political will of the regulatory agencies to enforce environmental laws and regulations (World Bank 19). Another alternative used in India is informal regulation in which social pressures, such as negative media coverage or direct community action, enforce local environmental goals. Mechanisms of informal regulation include demands for compensation by community groups, social ostracism of the polluting firm's employees, the threat of physical violence, and efforts to monitor and publicise the firm's emissions/discharges (Kathuria 404). Such tactics, while they may catch some of the worst offenders when it comes to local pollution, are obviously piecemeal. They do not offer a substitute for an effectively policed governance regime. While poverty, weak institutions, and corruption can hinder environmental laws, some critics point to a very different impediment Globalization, they believe, has spurred pressure from international business to lower environmental standards. Vandana Shiva, for instance, argues that the movement of water rights from small farmers to corporations leads to over-exploitation and misuse of water, since those who deplete water resources do not have to suffer the consequences of water scarcity (717). Similarly, Coca Cola has faced charges that Transport in Mumbai, Maharashtra (formerly its operations have led to local groundwater short- known as Bombay) http://envis.maharashtra.gov.in/envis_data/?q ages (Kysar 2110). Critics see a conflict between =node/685 local rights and international business, or even more broadly competing theoretical conceptions of sustainable development and market liberalism (Kysar 2114). This analysis is probably simplistic. Clearly, corporations have done much to harm the environment, yet increasingly they are working toward green solutions, partly through a feeling of moral obligation and even more through self-interest. Corporations, as well as local practices, can be both part of the problem and part of the solution. Integrating these various levels is a function of social expectations and of governance. Many critics of Indias current environmental policy advocate local solutions, often arguing that strong local governances and practices will tackle justice and environmental issues simultaneously. Yet, in a globalized world such solutions, while laudatory, can only be partial. Global technology sharing, for instance, is crucial, but localities will often resist new technology. The paradox is that economic growth should provide a growing population with an improved standard of living, yet environmental stress needs to simultaneously lessen. Social expectations regarding quality of life are certainly important, yet, given Indias dilemma, these must be implemented in concert with technological change. As Dennis Anderson explains, the technologies
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Goffman: India and the Path to Sustainability

are available to reduce and sometimes eliminate pollution at costs that are small in relation to output (259). Wind and solar power, biofuels, and rain catching are just a few of these. Identifying the government agencies responsible for encouraging (or mandating) these technologies is part of the governance riddle. Tax policy, for instance, could end its subsidy of oil and coal and encourage the use of renewable energy. If Indias growing economy still produces less pollutionand certainly fewer global warming emissionsthan either China or the United States, its swelling population makes it an object of special global concern. Still, technology, good governance, and social practices offer at least the possibility of an escape from the seeming trap of growing population, growing expectations, and environmental degradation. As Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen, and Leela Visaria conclude, even if the population grows to 1.5 billion people India can become a more prosperous country, with less poverty and better health and education, and a better conserved environment (14). Of course, stabilizing the population at or below 1.5 billion is itself a challenge. And, finding the right balance between a modernist ethos of growth and technological change and an ethic of sustainability, which itself might draw on Indias Hindu belief in moderation, will not be easy. Yet great challenges may bring great opportunities; if India can achieve the right mixture to help itself, it might also act as a leader in a new world facing unprecedented environmental threats. As Flavin and Gardner argue, China, India, and the United States have a special responsibility to avoid a new round of self-defeating great power competition and to instead cooperate on creating a better future (22). References Acharya, S., Cassen, R. & McNay, K. 2005. The EconomyPast and Future. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen, Leela Visaria. Oxford: Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 202-227. Appropriate Technology. June 2007. Lighting up Rural India 34: 2, p. 11. Anderson, D. Modelling the Environment: The Production and Use of Energy. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen , Leela Visaria. 2005. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 254-283. Bell, R., Mathur, K., Narain, U., Simpson, D. April 2004. Clearing the Air: How Delhi Broke the Logjam on Air Quality Reforms. Environment. 46:2, pp. 22-39. Bhaskar, V., B., Iyer, R., & Cassen, R. Water. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen , Leela Visaria. 2005. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 312-327. Bradsher, K. September 28, 2006. The Ascent of Wind Power. New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/28/business/worldbusiness/28wind.html.

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Chhabra, S., Chhabra, P., Rajpal, S., Gupta, R. January, 2001. Ambient Air Pollution and Chronic Respiratory Morbidity in Delhi. Archives of Environmental Health. D'Souza, C. & Peretiatko, R. 2002. The nexus between industrialization and environment: A case study of Indian enterprises. Environmental Management and Health 13: 1, pp. 80-97. Dyson, T. 2005. India's Population: The Future. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen, Leela Visaria. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 74-108. Dyson, Tim; Robert Cassen & Leela Visaria. Lessons and Policies. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen , Leela Visaria. 2005. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 344-369. Dyson, T., Cassen, R., & Visaria, L. Overview. 2005. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen, Leela Visaria. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 1-14. Dyson, T., & Pravin V. Migration and Urbanization: Retrospect and Prospects. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen , Leela Visaria. 2005. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 108-129. The Economist. Jan 17th 2008. Power play: India plugs into the biggest IPO in its history. http://www.economist.com/displayStory.cfm?story_id=10534942 Esty, D.C., Levy, M., Srebotnjak, T., & de Sherbinin, A. 2005 Environmental Sustainability Index: Benchmarking National Environmental Stewardship. New Haven: Yale Center for Environmental Law and Policy. http://www.yale.edu/esi/ Flavin, C. & Gardner, G. 2006. China, India, and the New World Order. State of the World 2006: Special Focus: China and India. Washington: Worldwatch Institute, pp. 3-23. Global Wind Energy Council. Global Wind Energy Markets Continue to Boom 2006 Another Record Year. Press release. http://www.gwec.net/index.php?id=30&no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=50&tx_ttnew s%5BbackPid%5D=4&cHash=7a562a4d4e Govil, P.K., Reddy, G.L.N., Rao, T.G. April 1999. Environmental pollution in India. Journal of Environmental Health, pp. 23-28. Gundimedaa, H., Sukhdevb, P., Sinhac, R., Sanyalb, S. 2007. Natural Resource Accounting for Indian StatesIllustrating the Case of Forest Resources. Ecological Economics 61, pp. 635-649.

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Haripriya, G., Sukhdev, P., Sinha, R.K., Sanyal, S. 2007. Natural Resource Accounting for Indian States Illustrating the Case of Forest Resources. Ecological Economics 61, pp. 635 649 Hanchate, A., & Dyson, T. Prospects for Food Demand and Supply. 2005. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen , Leela Visaria. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 228-253. Guilmoto, C., & Rajan, S.I. Dec. 2001. Spatial Patterns of Fertility Transition in Indian Districts. Population and Development Review 27:4, pp. 713-738. The Hindu. Aug 11, 2007. Peddacheruvu Gets a New Look. http://www.hindu.com/2007/08/11/stories/2007081160540400.htm Kapoor, R. 2004. Plural Dreams: India in the 21st century. Futures 36, pp. 637653. Kathuria, V. 2007. Informal Regulation of Pollution in a Developing Country: Evidence from India. Ecological Economics 63, pp. 403-417. Kysar, D.A. Jun 2005. Sustainable Development and Private Global Governance Texas Law Review 83: 7, pp. 2109-2166. Mukhopadhyay, K., & Forssell, O. 2005. An Empirical Investigation of Air Pollution from Fossil Fuel Combustion and Its Impact on Health in India during 19731974 to 19961997. Ecological Economics 55, pp. 235 250 Lemmer, J. Winter 2007. Cleaning up Development: EIA in Two of the World's Largest and Most Rapidly Developing Countries. Georgetown International Environmental Law Review 19:2, pp. 275-301. Nagdeve, D. June 2002. Environment and Health in India. International Institute for Population Sciences. Paper presented at the IUSSP Regional Population Conference on Southeast Asia's Population in a Changing Asian Context at Bangkok, Thailand. Pachauri, R.K.. The Future of Indias Economic Growth: The Natural Resources and Energy Dimension. Futures 36 (2004) 703713. Padre, S. Mar 2006. Harvesting Success in a Troubled Region. Appropriate Technology 33:1, pp. 45-47. Rao, M. 2005. India's Population Policies: Untouched by the Cairo Rhetoric. Development 48, pp. 2127.

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Renner, M. January 16, 2008. Analysis: Nano Hypocrisy? Worldwatch Institute. http://www.worldwatch.org/node/5579 Ringskog, K., & Chow, N. 2002. Environmental Sustainability in the 1990s. World Bank, Washington, DC. Shiva, V. 2004. The Future Of Food: Countering Globalisation and Recolonisation of Indian Agriculture. Futures 36, pp. 715732. Singh, T. Dec 2000. Green Revolution, Food Security and Agricultural Sustainability in India: The Conflicts and Solutions. Asian Profile 28:6, pp. 487-498. Suzlon, Identity. http://www.suzlon.com/Identity.html?cp=1_2 Thankappana, S., Midmoreb, P., Jenkins, T. 2006. Conserving Energy in Smallholder Agriculture: A Multi-Objective Programming Case-Study of Northwest India. Ecological Economics 56, pp. 190208. United Nations Population Division. 1994. Report of the International Conference on Population and Development. Cairo, Egypt. http://www.un.org/popin/icpd/conference/offeng/poa.html U.S. Energy Information Administration. Country Analysis Briefs. India. http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/India/Profile.html U.S. Energy Information Administration. Natural Gas. http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/India/NaturalGas.html Vaidyanathan, G., & Sankaranarayanan, R. Sep 2007. Biodiesel - No Conflicts Here! Appropriate Technology 34:3, pp. 12-14. Veron, J. May 2006. Stabilizing Indias Population: Easier Said than Done. Population & Societies No. 423, pp. 1-4. Visaria, L. The Continuing Fertility Transition. In Twenty-First Century India: Population, Economy, Human Development, and the Environment. Eds Tim Dyson, Robert Cassen , Leela Visaria. 2005. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 57-73. Wasson, R.J. Summer 2006. Upstream-Downstream in the Himalaya: An Old Debate Revisited.ICIMOD Newsletter No. 50, pp 23-24. http://www.icimod.org/archive/icimod/search/search.php?q=upstream Wax, E. June 2007. A Sacred River Left in Peril by Global Warming; Glacier that Feeds Ganges Is Vanishing. Washington Post.

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Westley, S., Retherford, R.. October 2000. New Survey Measures Fertility and Family Planning Trends in India. Asia-Pacific Population & Policy No. 55, pp. 1-4. World Coal Institute. Coal Info: India. http://www.worldcoal.org/pages/content/index.asp?PageID=402 World Bank. 2007. India: Strengthening Institutions for Sustainable Growth. Washington, DC.

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