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The Brown Amendment to the Pressler Law was passed on October 24, 1995, as a part of
Foreign Assistance Bill by an overwhelming majority with 11 our of 14 nominees at the
Congressional Conference voting in its favour. This article attempts an in-depth analysis
and review of the Amendment, the reasons behind Clinton Administration's support to
Pakistan for a one-titne waiver of the Pressler Amendment despite vociferous opposition,
the general American mindset regarding Pakistan'and finally the ramification of the
Amendment on the balance of power in the region.
In August 1995, while hectically lobbying for the support of Amendment, Defence
Secretary Perry and Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, Peter Turnof, in their
communication to the Senators highlighted the following:
B) The Amendment did not seek to repeal of modify the Pressler Law but intended to
restore US-Pak co-operation in economic and non-military spheres. It also envisaged the
handing over of military equipment sent for repair before
1990, and waiving of storage charges for the undelivered military hardware.
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II) Does not set aside sanctions required under any legislation concerning the transfer of
ballistic missiles or ballistic missiles technology.
1) That the proposed amendment would not only undermine the US nuclear non-
proliferation policy, but also .promote regional instability in South Asia as the denial of
technology •and aid to Pak&fan had slowed down its bomb making potential. •<.
2) The reported sale of M-II missiles by China to Pakistan as per CIA briefing,
entailed the imposition of MTCR sanctions against Pakistan and China.
3) It was also highlighted by Pressler that in recent years, "Pakistan conducted joint
naval operations with the terrorist state of Iran" and that the release of military
• hardware would only cement the strategic ties between the two countries.
4) The argument that US was normally bound to release either "planes or money" as
promised by Clinton was fallacious. The fact is that after the initial down payment of S50
million for the purchase of F-16s in 1989, Pakistan voluntarily kept paying the remaining
S608 million despite the enactment of the Pressler Amendment in 1990. Senator Glenn
contended: "It was like buying a lottery that did not come through. The318
Pakistanis paid out the $608 million knowing fully well that given their nuclear intention
they would never get the planes under our law."
B) The US interest to suck Pakistan into its orbit also stems from its unfinished nuclear
agenda which it feels that Benazir can fulfil. Having frozen Pakistan's nuclear
programme in 1989 and having approved the seismic station in Chakwal for non-intrusive
inspection of Pakistan, Iran and China's nuclear programmes, the Benazir government is
the best bet to barter away the country's interests.
receptive to the recognition of Israel and the signing of NPT eventually, which is another
major US objective. Significantly, the Parliamentary Secretary for Foreign Affairs is on
record having said that Pakistan had made some progress towards recognising Israel.
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D) Conscious of the fact that Pakistan was passing through a downward internal
instability for more than two years due to the ethno-sectarian conflict and deep
polarisation, the US sees a moral obligation to strengthen democracy in Pakistan. It is felt
that the supply of weaponry would provide an impetus to bolster BB's drooping image
and promote her standing vis-a-vis the army in Pakistan. The US is desirous to have a
safe bulwark against "Islamic fundamentalism and extremism."
The supply of S368 million worth material to Pakistan including P-3G Orion Maritime
reconnaissance aircraft, 28 Harpoon anti-ship missiles, AIM 9L Sidewinder air-to-air
missiles (360), parts for F-16s and Cobra helicopters, etc,, has definitely triggered an
arms race in the Subcontinent, despite Clinton's assurance to the then Indian premier Rao
(August 1995). It would breed instability in the region by fuelling the prevalent tension
between the two countries.
It may be highlighted that the military equipment committed to Pakistan .is of 1970
vintage, which is outdated and obsolete. Presently India is fully equipped with Prithvi
missile capable of carrying nuclear warheads. Thus the release of a fraction of held-up
stores to Pakistan is not likely to affect India's quantitative and qualitative advantage. It
may even lead Pakistan to a dangerous complacency where India's continuous induction
of technologically sophisticated weapons into its system through Russia and Israel may
be overlooked. Nevertheless, the objective is not to decry the minimal pluses of the
Brown Amendment. It has certainly opened a new leaf in US-Pak relations and has been
successful in blunting the Pressler Amendment and removing a major irritant in US-Pak
relations. It has been a moral victory for Pakistan's principled stand and has opened new
vistas, as a result of which both the governments can cooperate in combating terrorism,
fomenting trade and investment relations and increased military contacts. It is a
diplomatic victory in the sense that Pakistan was successful in appealing to US public
opinion that it was morally wrong to withhold the equipment for which Pakistani
taxpayer had been charged. However, the euphoria witnessed in the Press is misplaced
and uncalled-for as the negligible achievement through the Brown Amendment fades into
insignificance by the fact that Pakistan is blindly following a one-dimensional foreign
policy at the cost of its national and regional interest.