Ancient Mesoamerica, 21 (2010), 2144 Copyright Cambridge University Press, 2010 doi:10.

1017/S0956536110000106

ONSET OF THE EARLY CLASSIC PERIOD IN THE SOUTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS: NEW EVIDENCE FROM PUNTA DE CHIMINO, GUATEMALA

Bruce R. Bachand
Department of Anthropology, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT 84602-5522

Abstract
Desecration of Punta de Chiminos ceremonial precinct around a.d. 430 was associated with the appearance of green Pachuca obsidian, pyrite mirror fragments, dart points, a Tikal-style vessel cache, and a peculiar grave with Mexican semblances. A structurally housed Protoclassic stela was removed in an apparent fire ritual and monumental masks adorning the E-Group range building were effaced in a termination rite involving large quantities of refuse. Disuse of the E-Group range building and unfinished refurbishment of the observatory pyramid suggest the site was promptly deserted. The forsaking of this time-honored ceremonial place coincided with reduced settlement in the Petexbatun region and abandonment of the nearby Pasin centers of Ceibal, Itzan, and Chaak Akal. Punta de Chiminos findings shed further light on these abandonments, suggesting that they were triggered by amplified central lowland involvement in Pasin River affairs by the end of the fourth century a.d.

One of the more shadowy moments in Lowland Maya history is the beginning of the Early Classic period. Important scholarly volumes devoted to this topic have appeared in each of the last three decades (Braswell 2003a; Grube 1995a; Willey and Mathews 1985). From these, it has become increasingly clear that the Early Classic period began in domino fashion, with one center, Tikal, creating a social vortex through which other Lowland communities passed in staggered succession. The material traits typically ascribed to the Early Classic periodInitial Series stelae, vaulted architecture, roof combs, talud-tablero architecture, cylindrical tripods, green obsidianare widely distributed across the region but seem to appear first and in greatest quantity at Tikal. Thus, ample reasons exist to trace the origin of many Early Classic period lifeways to Tikal. For four decades Mayanists have used a.d. 250 to mark the inception of the Early Classic period (Willey et al. 1967). This date was arbitrarily established to accommodate Tikal Stela 29, the oldest known Cycle 8 stela, which possesses a Long Count date of a.d. 292. But recent epigraphic and archaeological findings imply that a later sequence of Tikal-centered events beginning in a.d. 378 had a more widespread, if not profound, impact on Lowland Maya society than the era of Tikals third century rulers. A pivotal event was the arrival of the foreigner Siyaj Kak from the west on the precise death date of Tikals reigning lord Chak Tok Ichaak on January 16, a.d. 378 (Stuart 2000). This latter event ushered in a new cultural order distinguished by the political expansion of a militant junta of native and foreign-born Teotihuacan-inspired leaders who established a power base at Tikal (Martin 2003; Martin and Grube 2000). Elements such as fully phoneticized glyphic monuments, dynasticism, and specialized prestige good industries were clearly more prevalent in the central lowlands than elsewhere during the first
E-mail correspondence to: bruce_bachand@byu.edu

three centuries a.d. These features spread rapidly to the north, south, east, and west in the late fourth century following the arrival of Siyaj Kak. It stands to reason that these elements did not become a cultural reality for most lowlanders until the end of that century. Given this observation, events before a.d. 378 at Tikal and before a.d. 400 in other lowland zones are herein treated as Protoclassic in nature. The Protoclassic was a time when Mexican influence was isolated, sporadic, and probably of little social consequence in most sectors of the Maya lowlands. During this time many small and moderately sized Maya communities produced ascendant leaders in an effort to distance themselves from Preclassic megacenters. What emerged was an environment of political atomization and social upheavalan atmosphere contrasting with earlier centuries of Preclassic period political cohesion (Bachand 2006; Reese-Taylor and Walker 2002). Thus, in addressing the onset of the Early Classic period, I refer specifically to Tikals dynastic expansion, implemented with greatest zeal and regional impact between a.d. 378 and 450, a timespan that corresponds to Tzakol 2 at Uaxactun and Manik 2 and 3a at Tikal (Table 1).

THE EARLY CLASSIC ON THE PASIN RIVER The southern Maya lowlands can be divided into five geographic regions from west to east: the Lacandn Forest, the Salinas-Pasin River region, the Dolores-Poptn Plateau, the Toledo District of southern Belize, and the Lake Izabal basin (Figure 1). Although settlement surveys and preliminary tests have been undertaken in each region, only a dozen or so sites have received large-scale stratigraphic excavation. All of these, save Lubantun, are located in the Salinas-Pasin River zone. Our clearest understanding of Early 21

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Table 1. Selected ceramic sequences in the central and southern Maya lowlands. Gray band designates the time period of interest. Hatching represents inferred settlement abandonments. Cultural periodization follows Bachand (2006). Long count corresponds to the Goodman-Martnez-Thompson correlation. Uaxactun sequence is after Smith and Gifford (1965). Tikal sequence combines findings of Culbert (2003) with Early Classic ceramic subdivisions of Laporte (2003:290). Punta de Chimino sequence is a refinement of Foias (1996): Ceibal sequence is derived from Sabloff (1975), and the Altar de Sacrificios sequence is taken from Adams (1971).

Classic period happenings in the southern Maya lowlands consequently derives from this region. Primary data on the Pasin Early Classic period originate from a handful of projects conducted since the 1960s (Demarest 2006; Demarest and Barrientos 2002; Johnston 2006; Ponciano et al. 2005; Willey 1973, 1990). Pasin sites continue to be found with Early Classic period remains, but the overall historical picture has changed little, as finds are often isolated and fragmentary. The largest Early Classic period site on the Pasin River was unquestionably Altar de Sacrificios (Willey 1973). This center established close political and economic ties with Salinas de los Nueve Cerros on the upper Chixoy-Salinas River (Dillon 1979) and with the central Petn. Interestingly, the preeminent Protoclassic centers of Ceibal (anglicized Seibal) and Chaak Akal exhibit no evidence of public construction, carved monuments, or sizeable settlement during the Early Classic period (Johnston 2006; Willey 1990); the same is true of the modest Preclassic center of Itzan (Johnston 2006). But a variety of Early Classic period remains have been

documented around Lake Petexbatun, a subregion of the Pasin, at the sites of Aguateca, Dos Pilas, Arroyo de Piedra, Tamarindito, and Punta de Chimino and in surrounding caves and grottos (Brady et al. 1990, 1991; Demarest 2006; Eberl 2000; Escobedo 1997a; Foias 1996; Ishihara et al. 2005; Triadan and Kopka 2005; Valds 1997). Upriver, the diminutive site of Tres Islas has several Early Classic stelae but only small traces of earlier settlement (Tomasic and Fahsen 2004). Northward, the minor site of Polol was ceramically aligned with the Middle Pasin in the Protoclassic period, at which time its inhabitants probably erected a most unusual stela (August 1982; Pahl 1982; Patton 1987). Unlike other sites discussed here, Polol appears to have constructed small palatial buildings during the Early Classic period. These eleven localities and a few cave sites provide the corpus of evidence from which the following inferences are drawn. Tres Islas is an enigma among the above sites and bears special mention. It has three small mounds that rise to 1.5 m, and these are located 200 m from a cluster of exquisitely carved monuments

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands

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Figure 1. Selected sites in the Central and Southern Lowlands around a.d. 400. Squares are sites with Cycle 8 era monuments. Rings are sites with Cycle 8 calendrical statements.

(Tomasic and Fahsen 2004). Its three stelae were erected around a.d. 470 but contain puzzling references to events transpiring in a.d. 400, 402, 415, and 416. Protagonists on two stelae are clad in Mexican military costume and grasp arrow bundles in their hands. An Early Classic cache associated with Stela 2 consisted of a lip-to-lip vessel offering containing, among other things, nine black obsidian cores (Tomasic and Fahsen 2004:820). Early Classic caches with nine obsidian objects have been found at Tikal, Uaxactun, Copan, and Piedras Negras. Tres Islas may have had a small Protoclassic occupation, as suggested by nearby traces of Chicanel pottery. Its size was of no consequence, but its location permitted the monitoring of traffic down the Pasins eastern tributaries, the Machaquil and San Juan Rivers. Because of its size, Tres Islas could not have overtaken Ceibal, Chaak Akal, or even Punta de Chimino. Current evidence implies that Tres Islas was established on the Pasin River by a formidable, nonlocal polity with Mexican affiliations concurrent with the Middle Pasin abandonments mentioned above. PUNTA DE CHIMINO Punta de Chimino is situated on a peninsula extending into Lake Petexbatun (Figure 3). The lake is 8 km south of the Pasin River but is linked to this river by a narrow meandering tributary (Figure 2). The regions richest soils are found along the margins of Lake Petexbatun, an Upper Oligocene graben where thick

organic sediments, the so-called Sarstun Series soils, have accrued in a perennially wet or swampy environmental regime. The area is pluvious, receiving approximately 2500 mm of rainfall annually. Heavy rains on the western upland horst known as the Petexbatun Escarpment trickle down into sinkholes and caverns and reemerge in springs at the base of the precipice (Dunning et al. 1998). Lake Petexbatun drops to its dry season low in April and rises steadily during the rainy season, submerging the lowest 5 to 7 m of the Punta de Chimino peninsula by October. The lake is the biological nucleus of the Ro Petexbatun floodplain; it provides habitats for many species of fish, reptiles, waterfowl, and mollusks. The sites ruined monuments are concentrated on the peninsulas wide bulbous end (Figure 3). They are sharply separated from the peninsulas narrow neck and mainland by a colossal wall flanked by a deep outer ditch. The mounds are divided between two ceremonial plazas, the elevated Acropolis terrace and the West Group. On its mapped surface, Punta de Chimino resembles a ceremonial center with little or no space for residential settlement. Two additional barriers are found on the narrow neck west of the principal embankment, but no significant mounds or evidence of Preclassic occupation have been found in this location (Demarest et al. 1995). The small island north of the principal embankment was likely created with dirt excavated from the adjacent ditch when the ditch and embankment were formed at an unknown moment in time (Bachand 2006:218235).

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Figure 2. The Pasin Region showing sites mentioned in the text.

Prior Investigations Excavations began at Punta de Chimino in 1989 when a team of archaeologists from Guatemalas Instituto de Antropologa e Historia tested the Acropolis plaza and drafted a preliminary map of the site (Velsquez 1994). Later that season, the site was extensively mapped and reconnoitered by an archaeological team from Vanderbilt University (Inomata et al. 1989). The presence of substantial Preclassic period occupation was already evident in early tests (Foias in Inomata et al. 1989; Velsquez 1994). The scaled map and preliminary ceramic assessments established a baseline for subsequent Vanderbilt University excavations in 1990, 1991, 1995, and 1996 under the direction of Arthur Demarest (2006). Though extensive throughout the site, Vanderbilts excavations were mainly shallow or surficial in nature, being designed to address the Terminal Classic collapse. Important traces of Preclassic, Protoclassic, and Early Classic occupation were nevertheless encountered in Mounds 7 and 70 (Demarest et al. 1996; Escobedo 1996, 1997b; Morgan 1996).

The Present Research In 2004 and 2005, I conducted a series of deep stratigraphic tests and horizontal exposures in Mounds 6, 7, and 59, the large embankment, and the small island (Figure 3). This work formed the basis of my doctoral dissertation (Bachand 2006), which was a component of a regional study of Aguateca (Inomata et al. 2007). The Punta de Chimino project focused on accurate dating and expanded documentation of the sites pre-Classic cultural remains. Its theoretical goal was to explore how changes in public monumental space signaled changes in community identity and attachment to a place over time. Fieldwork centered upon Mounds 6 and 7 in the Acropolis plaza. The form, size, and arrangement of these mounds resembled that of a public ritual complex known as an E-Group (Aimers and Rice 2006; Chase and Chase 1995; Fialko 1988; Hansen 1998; Laporte 1996; Lowe 1977; Stanton and Freidel 2003). Excavations in Mound 6, the long eastern mound, provided details of a

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands

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Figure 3. Map of Punta de Chimino showing 20042005 excavation locations (after Inomata et al. 1989).

1,200-year occupational sequence dating back to the start of the late Middle Preclassic period. Episodes of monument construction, refurbishment, desecration, and abandonment were observable throughout the mounds depositional sequence. Eleven AMS and four luminescence readings were acquired from a temporally staggered series of burials, caches, and special deposits in the two E-Group mounds (Table 2). Radiometric error terms were reduced with the aid of Bayesian statistical models, a process that has enabled further refinement of the sites history (Bachand 2008). The most accurately dated portion of the radiometric sequence corresponded to the Preclassic-Early Classic period transition, or what is alternatively called the Protoclassic period (Table 1). The Protoclassic ceramic stages outlined by Brady et al. (1998) correspond closely with marked changes in site formation, construction methods, and the meaning of public space at Punta de Chimino. Hence, the Protoclassic ceramics are but one aspect of observable changes in site history. Beyond Punta de Chimino, ample evidence demonstrates that many social behaviors, attitudes, and practices were altered at this time, even at sites where Protoclassic pottery was scarce or absent (Bachand 2003, 2006). For these reasons, I believe the term Protoclassic has significant, if not primary, relevance as a culture-historical period in which many Mesoamerican socieites, the Lowland Maya especially, were dramatically reshaped (Wauchope 1951; Willey 1977). I begin, then, by describing the Protoclassic developments that led up to a decisive Early Classic period abandonment of Punta de Chimino. I then compare these findings to discoveries in other localities.

Early Protoclassic Period (ca. 75 b.c.a.d. 150/175) Early Protoclassic period activity at Punta de Chimino is mainly represented by a resurfacing and reterracing of the large Late Preclassic building within Mound 6. This Protoclassic period construction, designated Structure 6A-Sub 4, commenced with the interment of an adolescent (Burial 104) in the upper fill of the previous construction (Figures 4, 5, and 6). The deceased was laid supine with head to the south. Arms and legs were crossed at the wrists and ankles. The persons frontal bones, right femur, and left foot bones were missing. No funerary items were found in the grave. Across the plaza, we discovered a Flor Cream ring base and numerous Y-shaped gancho rims in the fill of Structure 7-Sub 4, indicating that Mound 7 was originally constructed in the Early Protoclassic period (Figure 7). Early ring bases are rare but generally assignable to Protoclassic 1 (Kosakowsky and Pring 1998:64; similar Flor Cream examples are illustrated in Adams 1971:Chart 34b and Forsyth 1989:Figure 15z). Sub 4 was badly eroded, but the sherds in question were encountered in a deep, undisturbed portion of the buildings hearting. Thus, the two-mound E-Group arrangement does not appear to have been in place before the Early Protoclassic period. The majority of ceramic elements isolated in these levels are Chicanel-like in form and surface finish. Yet a number of new types and modes debuted at this time (Bachand 2007). Newly introduced types included Iberia Orange, Sacluc Black-on-orange, Metapa Trichrome, Caribal Red-on-orange, and San Martn

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Table 2. Radiometric age determinations for Punta de Chimino, Guatemala. Calibrated dates derived from OxCal version 4.0.5 using the IntCal04 calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2004). Botanical identifications made by Dr. Lee A. Newsom, Pennsylvania State University Radiocarbon Years BP/ Luminescence Date 2211 51

Lab Number AA-60973

Material Sampled very fine carbonized wood (Fabaceae family) carbonized frags. of mature wood (Guttifereae family) left human femur

Weight (g) 3.5

13C 26.7 8.0 10.5 8.9 8.4 9.6 9.8 10.0 26.3 26.9 17.5

Lot PC51A-1-10-2

Context Beneath Str. 6A-Sub. 6 surface Between Strs. 6A-Sub. 6/5 B. 103, Str. 7-Sub. 3 (intrusive) B. 111, Structure 7-Sub. 3 B. 106, Early Classic deposit B. 105, Structure 6A-Sub. 1 B. 104, Structure 6A-Sub. 5 B. 102, Structure 6A-Sub. 4 On floor abutting Stela 1 Structure 6A-Sub. 7 mound fill Structure 6A-Sub. 8 mound fill B. 103, Str. 7-Sub. 3 (intrusive) Early Classic deposit Str. 6A-Sub. 8 mound fill B. 111, Structure 7-Sub. 3

Cal Date 1 sigma 400160 B.C.

Cal Date 2 sigma 394124 BC

AA-60976

40

PC51A-4-13-1

12323 65

12,75012,050 B.C. A.D. 250550

12,73512,065 BC AD 258545

AA-66263

PC51C-2-5-1

1634 53

AA-66264

left human femur

PC51C-1-6-3

1568 45

A.D. 400600

AD 406594

AA-66265

left human femur

PC51A-11-5-2

1613 45

A.D. 330560

AD 339553

AA-66266

right human tibia

PC51A-11-3-2

1273 50

A.D. 650870

AD 660870

AA-66267

right human tibia

PC51A-14-10-1

1756 41

A.D. 130390

AD 139389

AA-66268

human tibia

PC51A-3/ 8-5-1 PC51A-15-7-2

1871 43

A.D. 50250

AD 53241

AA-67901

AA-67902

AA-67903

UW-1152

carbonized mature wood (Burseraceae family) thin sliver of mature hardwood (Sapotaceae family) splintered carbonized wood (Bombacaceae family?) Unnamed Orange Polychrome vase Dos Arroyos Orange Polychrome dish Achiotes Unslipped or Jocote Orange-brown jar Black-Brown Incised bowl

1582 37

A.D. 400570

AD 406562

PC51A-9-10-1

2468 38

770410 B.C.

763414 BC

PC51A-9-11-1

4708 43

3,5403,370 B.C.

3,6343,371 BC

PC51C-2-5-1

180 B.C. 520 (TL)

UW-1154 UW-1323

PC51A-3-4-2 PC51A-9-11-1

44 B.C. 410 (OSL) A.D. 60 322 (OSL)

UW-1324

PC51C-1-6-3

2,660 B.C. 1,230 (TL)

Variegated Brown. The last two types most likely appeared in minor quantities at the end of Faisn 2. The final type mentioned, San Martn Variegated Brown, is of particular culturehistorical importance. This very distinctive type with dull, tan-to-buff finish and chunky calcite temper is found most abundantly and almost exclusively at Ceibal, where Sabloff (1975:102105) assigned it to the Early Classic Junco phase (Figure 8). By the close of this period we detect the first significant sign of site abandonment. Both E-Group buildings exhibit major

deterioration, erosion, and slumping on their plaza-facing sides (Figures 4, 5, and 7). Bayesian analysis of two closely spaced radiocarbon assays suggest the hiatus lasted less than fifty years and began closer to a.d. 200 than to a.d. 150 (Bachand 2008:1517, 24). The two assays, AA-66268 and AA-66267, date well-preserved long bone samples from Burials 102 and 104. The timing of this event corresponds with a postulated regional abandonment of the Petexbatun region (Foias 1996)an event contemporaneous with severe deforestation along the lake margin (Dunning et al. 1991, 1998).

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands

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Figure 4. North wall of main trench in Mound 6.

Late Protoclassic (ca. a.d. 200/250375) Sometime during the Late Protoclassic Faisn 3 phase, Punta de Chiminos ceremonial precinct was revitalized by either a group of local people with long distance ties or by a group of nonlocal Lowland Maya. A marked change occurred in construction techniques. Faisn 3 additions were structurally inferior to the densely packed cell wall fills and well-paved surfaces of earlier Faisn buildings. Extensions to Structures 6A-Sub 4 and 7-Sub 4 were composed of a loose rubble fill capped with a layer of small unshaped cobbles and course gravel (Figures 4, 5, and 7). The stucco coatings on these monuments vanished completely during the more decisive abandonment that would soon follow. Faisn 2 and 3 constructions were minimally altered symbolically. The function of Structures 6A and 7 as E-Group counterparts was clearly recognized and improved upon. The elongated E-Group platform was widened and possibly lengthened with the addition of distal-end stairways (Figures 9 and 10). The platforms north-south orientation was adjusted, perhaps to correct a solstitial alignment, and its western faade was embellished with large heads or

masks of probable Protoclassic humanoid form. A triangular arrangement of three spherical stones was placed in the fill on the platforms east-west centerline. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, Faisn 3 builders did not cover the sunken court cresting this range platform. They reused it and probably incorporated its prior purposes into the remodeled structure. Thus, the symbolic qualities and social functions of the earlier Protoclassic building were well recognized and enhanced by Faisn 3 occupants. Across the plaza, a hole was dug into the west side of the slumping Structure 7-Sub 4 to insert a Protoclassic vessel cache (Demarest et al. 1996; Escobedo 1996, 1997b). Then something unprecedented happened: the pyramid became funerary or, more accurately, the pyramids basal platform became funerary. The monument was quite likely appropriated by a single corporate group, perhaps a prominent lineage. In Burial 111 an adult individual of undetermined sex was interred in a carefully prepared centerline cist with a bowl placed upright near the feet (Figures 7 and 11). The persons legs were crossed in lotus fashion, an increasingly fashionable sign of authority in the Maya lowlands by Protoclassic times. Instead of being seated, the person was reclined with his/her head facing

Figure 5. South wall of main trench in Mound 6.

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Figure 6. Plan drawing of Burial 104, an early Protoclassic (Faisn 2) grave intrusive into Structure 6A-Sub 5.

north. Iron pyrite disk inlays in the persons upper incisors, a trait associated with elaborate burials on this time horizon, confirmed his or her socially elevated status. The waxy brown bowl and pyrite inlays, common southwest highland items, imply that this person and/or his or her interrers may have had ties to the south. At this time few people resided in the Petexbatun region, or if they did, they certainly did little to mark their place on the landscape. Unlike previous occupations at Punta de Chimino when new ceramic types accrued in sizeable quantities before they were incorporated into monumental construction, few Faisn 3 types were found in the earliest Faisn 3 construction fills. The new builders may not have lived on the peninsula long enough to

accumulate modest quantities of refuse. The activities of Faisn 3 builders were restricted to the Acropolis E-Group and Structure 70 in the West Group plazathe former symbols of local power. The labor investment involved in these alterations, although considerable, was nothing on par with Faisn 1 Acropolis construction. Elements appearing for the first time were green Pachuca obsidian (one prismatic blade found in fill encapsulating Burial 111), iron pyrite (Burial 111 dental inlays), and minor quantities of Aguila Orange pottery. As mentioned, San Martn Variegated Brown (Playa Dull Ware) and Caribal Red (early Petn Gloss) probably attained their maximum popularity in Faisn 3. These types were joined by minor quantities of the first true Petn Gloss

Figure 7. North wall of main trench in Mound 7.

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Figure 8. San Martn Variegated Brown potsherds from Punta de Chimino: (a) from the Early Classic mask wall termination deposit; (b) and (c) from Str. 6A-Sub 2 fill (Protoclassic 2); (d) from Str. 7 fill (Late Classic); (e) from Str. 6B fill (Protoclassic 2); (f) from Str. 7-Sub 3 fill (Protoclassic 2); (g) from Str. 7-Sub 1 fill (early Late Classic); (h) from Str. 7-Sub 1 fill (early Late Classic); (i) from the Stela 1 basal pit (Protoclassic 2). Not illustrated is a San Martn sherd from a sealed Protoclassic 1 fill context within Str. 6A-Sub 4. Drawings by Alfredo Romn.

typesActuncan Orange Polychrome, Aguila Orange, Balanza Black, and Pucte Brown. Cream underslips were common, especially on orange slipped vessels. Basal flanges, basal ridges, and ring bases occurred with minor yet increased frequency (ring bases reached their greatest frequency in the Jordan complex). Z-angle flanges appeared for the first time. The first miniature vessel, a Balanza Black bowl with dimple base, dated to this facet. Noteworthy was the sudden appearance of a wide-range of ritual censer pots: ladle censers, modeled face censers, spiked/ horned censers, and a square incense burner base. Pronounced changes also occurred in the unslipped ceramic inventory with

grittier, coarser, thicker-walled ceramic vessels and dish forms now competing with jar forms. I estimate that no more than 40% of the Faisn 3 ceramic industry was comprised of Chicanel pottery (Bachand 2006:299301). Sometime in the latter half of Faisn 3 a stela was erected in front of the long E-Group building. The monument was housed or framed in a two-chamber masonry enclosure (Structure 6B) that rose one meter off the plaza floor (Figures 4, 9, 10, and 12). The enclosures rear came within 50 cm of the Structure 6A-Sub 3 mask wall. This action obscured ones view of the masks from the plaza and created a private ritual corridor between the two

Figure 9. Photograph of Mound 6 stela enclosure and mask wall.

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Figure 10. Plan drawing of artifacts associated with the mask wall corridor and Stela 1 enclosure beneath Mound 6.

buildings. The latest ceramics found in Structure 6Bs fill and wall collapse were Faisn 3 in date (89 of 164 sherds). The same was true for the stela pit (23 of 47 sherds), except for a cluster of Saxche/ Palmar Orange polychrome sherds that were laterally intrusive from an adjacent Late Classic burial. Masonry stela enclosures are common enough in the Maya lowlands. They occur in public plazas or palace groups, are usually multichambered, and are often described as shrines, sanctuaries, or temples (Fash 2001; Pendergast 1988; Ricketson and Ricketson 1937:164165, Figure 107; A. L. Smith 1950:15, 2425, Figures. 19b and 78b). Early Classic period stelae at Calakmul, Balakbal, and Tikal were reset into Late Classic period enclosures (Jones and Orrego 1987; Laporte 1993:308, Figure 1; Pincemin et al. 1998:319, Figure 12). The earliest stela enclosures probably derive from the Tikal area (Martin 2000), but these have not been precisely dated. Punta de Chiminos Stela 1 was undoubtedly contained within Structure 6B during the latter half of that buildings existence (ca. a.d. 300430). With no evidence of a dismantled roof, archaeological evidence suggests that Structure 6B had no roof, and was in this regard similar to Late Classic twin-pyramid stelae installations at Tikal (Jones 1969). Several modifications were rendered to the enclosure during its use-life. A pair of interior walls was added, creating two chambers; A masonry talud wall was added to the rear wall, and a small bench-like niche was cut out on the buildings rear ledge, directly across from mask 1 on Structure 6A-Sub 3. Three radiocarbon dates anchor Structure 6B to Faisn 3, making it the earliest stela enclosure on record in the Maya lowlands. The stela itself fits archaeologically within Cycle 8 (8.10.0.0.09.0.0.0.0 or a.d. 238435), making it the earliest stela of record in the Pasin region (Mathews 1985:25, Figure 4; Mathews and Willey 1991:54). The monuments closest regional equivalent is Polol Altar 1, a misnamed stela with a badly eroded

Initial Series date that portrays two elaborately adorned protagonists facing a central glyph column (Pahl 1982:Figures 1a,b and 2a,b; Patton 1987:Figures 6365). Completion of the stela enclosure initiated spatial practices that were unorthodox for Petexbatunites. If the enclosure supported a perishable superstructure, only a few individuals would have observed the stela at one time. Even if the stela was uncovered, the dual chambers and single entrance channeled movement around the monolith. In addition, the narrow passage behind the enclosure required a person to enter the corridor to obtain a full frontal view of the symbolic art gracing Structure 6A-Sub 3. The small cutout or niche on Structure 6Bs rear ledge fronted mask 1 and probably served as a seat for divining while facing the image (Figures 10 and 12). These newly designed spaces were conducive to more exclusive ritual activities in the plazaactivities probably carried out by ritual specialists. The demographic picture suggests that these specialists had a small following. The presence of a stela implies that an ascendant leader laid claim to the peninsula and perhaps the surrounding countryside. Modest quantities of San Martn Variegated Brown pottery connote continued ties to Ceibal, the probable place of origin for this ceramic type. Classic period inscriptions from Ceibal Structure A-14 indicate that the citys dynastic origins hearken back to one Kan Mo Balam or Yellow Macaw Jaguar who appears to have ruled around a.d. 415, just prior to that citys hypothesized abandonment (Graham 1990:1516; Grube 1995b: 2; Mathews and Willey 1991:4950, 54; Stuart 1998:398 and note 13). E-Group modifications at Punta de Chimino appear to predate the establishment of Ceibals royal line, but Stela 1s chronometric placement remains loose enough to accommodate a temporal link with Ceibals dynastic founding ca. a.d. 415.

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands

31 and a stela enclosure suggest a more direct relationship with this region by the end of Faisn 3. Curious, however, is the absence of Aguila Orange pottery and Cycle 8 stela at Ceibal. Punta de Chimino and Ceibal were surely in contact during this time, as suggested by their sharing of San Martn Variegated Brown pottery and other Faisn 3 ceramic traits. Early Classic Events (ca. AD 375430) The succeeding Jordan phase at Punta de Chimino ended shortly after it began. A series of well-preserved and dated archaeological contexts sketch a partial, yet telling image of this opaque moment in Pasin River history. Bayesian simulation of four radiometric assays ordered the following events, since their contexts were stratigraphically contemporaneous and impossible to arrange sequentially (Bachand 2008:12). The following description utilizes this ordering starting with the first or earliest event.

Figure 11. Burial 111, a late Protoclassic (Faisn 3) grave in Mound 7: (a) upper incisors with pyrite disk inlays; (b) waxy brown bowl with a preslip, circumferentially incised line below the rim.

In summary, people with an appreciation and knowledge of the previous monumental edifices at Punta de Chimino carried out the Faisn 3 renovations. The disjunction in construction methods and materials is perplexing and seems to suggest a lapse in cultural knowledge, perhaps indicating that Faisn 3 residents were Lowland Maya from another locale. This interpretation is reinforced by the realignment of Structure 6A and the transformation of Structure 7 into a funerary monument, a practice not engaged in by previous Punta de Chimino residents. Although the structural work on these E-Group buildings was inferior to that of earlier periods, the iconographic elements were probably detailed and skillfully rendered. It is highly conceivable that new social elements arrived to fill an occupational and political void created by the previous Early Protoclassic period desertion. These elements were elitist and ecclesiastic. Ironically, there is little to suggest even a modest population on or near the peninsula at this time. An ascendant leader had a shrine built to himself and/or his liege in the plaza directly in front of the centers most sacred edifice. Judging from the size, shape, stone quality, and solid installation of this monument, and the special treatment afforded it in its removal, it was probably as highly skilled in execution as its enclosure. Such skills and concepts were mastered first in the Tikal-Uaxactun region. The association of Aguila Orange pottery, a Cycle 8 stela,

Burial 103. The most perplexing find of the 2004 field season was Burial 103, a cylindrical stone-lined cavity that was carved into the late Protoclassic basal platform of Structure 7 (Figures 7 and 13). The cist was 50 cm in diameter, 60 cm deep, and ringed with well-shaped stones from top to bottom. It was sealed by a cluster of thick slab-like capstones that rested upon the Sub 3 platform surface. Initially thought to be a chultun, this grave contained the disintegrated skeletal remains of an adult individual of undetermined sex. Judging by the cavitys cramped dimensions and the position of the cranium in relation to other skeletal components, the person was seated upright with knees bent to the chest and head facing west/southwest. A calibrated radiocarbon range of a.d. 250550 (2 sigma, 95% probability) was acquired from the occupants left femur (1634 53 BP, AA-66263). Bayesian simulations accounting for the stratigraphic primacy of Burial 111 placed the death of Burial 103s occupant in the early fifth century around a.d. 430 (Bachand 2008:1819). The deceased was interred with three Tzakol vessels and an unmodified marine bivalve shell of the Atlantic species Dinocardium robustum (Kitty Emery, personal communication 2007). One vessel was a Balanza Black vase with a rounded, slightly concave base. Another was a squat, cylindrical vase with a series of red vertical bands and a red rim band on an orange background that overlaid a cream underslip. This vessels shape, with flat base, vertical walls, and direct rim, was somewhat infrequent in the lowlands, although nine examples were discovered in Tikals Problematical Deposit 50 (Culbert 1993:Figure 130), a secondarily deposited grave with strong Mexican qualities dating between a.d. 386 and 426 (Coggins 1975:177181). The third vessel was a cylindrical tripod with an exquisite plano-relief design detailed with light fugitive incisions. In the design, the stylized head of a saurian creature or serpent is repeated four times below a band of repeating quatrefoil elements (Figure 14a). This serpent is nearly indistinguishable from one carved on a late Protoclassic period roller stamp from Altar de Sacrificios (Willey 1972:Figure 89a, b). The tripod vase has a highly polished, unslipped surface (although a reddish-brown slip may have been applied between the rim and quatrefoil band). It has thin walls and an ashy-gray paste with volcanic inclusions, suggesting highland manufacture or lowland assembly with highland materials. The solid square feet are unusual, as they are located inward away from the vessels edge. Similarly shaped supports appeared on late Protoclassic Maya vessels in the Belize Valley (e.g., Gifford 1976:Figure 65e, f), but other evidence

32

Bachand

Figure 12. Profile drawing of the Structure 6B stela enclosure in Mound 6.

Figure 13. Burial 103, an Early Classic circular stone paved crypt in Mound 7.

suggests that they originated in the Maya highlands prior to the Mexican entrada at Tikal in a.d. 378 (Braswell 2003b:87, 102, and 104-note 12; Foias 1987; Laporte and Fialko 1987:140; Laporte et al. 1992:30; Varela and Braswell 2003:259260). The repetitive serpent motif is a common theme on Maya-style vessels found at Teotihuacan (Taube 2003:305308, 312313). Dark brown to black plano-relief versions with serpent designs are nimbly executed yet scarce and may have been the work of a small group of artisans or a master potter who resided in the Chiapas-Guatemala highlands around a.d. 400 (Agrinier and Bryant 2005:409410; Quirarte 1973). At Teotihuacan, direct-rim cylinder tripods with well-executed plano-relief designs are restricted to elaborate graves (Sempowski 1994:254). In preliminary reports and publications we described Burial 103 as Teotihuacan-like (Bachand and Anavisca 2004; Bachand et al. 2006). A strontium isotope test was subsequently conducted at the University of North Carolina, indicating that the deceased spent his/her adolescence in the central Maya lowlands and migrated to Punta de Chimino later in life (Wright and Bachand 2009). Further assessment of Punta de Chiminos Early Classic period contexts, including this unusual burial, support the interpretation that the alien features observed are Mexican elements introduced by another Lowland Maya group. Stone-lined circular grave pits are certainly rare in the lowlands during the Early Classic period, and known examples are found at sites with an abundance of Mexicanized material effects. Such graves are located in prominent public spaces, and they often contain foreign-made items that signal a more direct link to central Mexico (Fash 1998; Fash and Fash 2000; Smyth and Rogart 2004). Burial 103s grave style and body posture are wholly uncharacteristic for the early Lowland Maya. The deceaseds body position, marine shell, and tripod cylinder fall within the parameters of the Teotihuacan tradition, but the stone-lined cist

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands

33

Figure 14. Burial 103 vessels: (a) unnamed carved-incised cylindrical tripod, (b) unnamed orange polychrome cup, and (c) Balanza Black vase. Drawings a and b by Hiro Iwamoto, c by Alfredo Romn.

does not. Teotihuacanos were seated in irregularly shaped oval earthen pits or fosas during Tlamilmilolpa times between a.d. 200 and 400 (Cabrera Castro 1999:506507; Sempowski 1994: 132133, 140141, 209). As for body posture, there is another key difference: Teotihuacanos faced east, not west. The closest counterparts in time, form, content, or context to Burial 103 are found at Tikal and Copan. Tikals Burial PNT-168 dates to the Manik 3A subphase, between a.d. 378 and 480 (Laporte et al. 1992:4143). It too contained an adult individual seated in an east-west position and accompanied by pots and a marine bivalve shellan item almost exclusively associated with adult males at Teotihuacan (Sempowski 1994:155156). The grave was a carved chultun-shaped bedrock pit capped by four thick capstones and covered by a small square ceremonial platform in the center of an Early Classic palace courtyard. Like Punta de Chiminos grave, the vessels were placed upright to the southeast of the occupant. The second example, Problematical Deposit 50, is rumored to be of the same cylindrical shape and size as Copans Motmot crypt (Fash and Fash 2000:443; Fash et al. 2004:6872). Illustrations and descriptions of this deposit await publication in Tikal Report 23F, Investigations of Area of Stela 29. Coggins (1975:177) described PD 50 as a redeposited tomb placed in a dump west of the North Acropolis and cited it as a possible Mexican-style cremation. The deposit contained portions of seven skeletons and numerous funerary items, including two Teotihuacan-style incensarios and two imported tripod cylinder bowls displaying Mexican imageryone exhibited two intertwined rattlesnakes with avian head plumes; the other displayed the famous Teotihuacan emissary scene (Coggins 1975:179181; Culbert 1993: Figure 128; Greene and Moholy-Nagy 1966). As mentioned, PD 50 contained numerous examples of the squat, cup-like vessel shape found in Burial 103. It also contained several of the Aguila Orange cache vessels that are diagnostic of this time period (see below). Tikals PD 50 is roughly contemporaneous with Burial 103 and its contents were probably extracted from a grave within the Mundo Perdido complex or North Acropolis. Neither of the

Tikal interments were stone paved, but both were chultun-shaped and contemporaneous with Burial 103. A final peculiar feature of Burial 103 was that it was not covered by construction until a.d. 600 or so. Its capstones remained on the Sub. 3 surface for 150 to 200 years. Four small excavation lots on Structure 7s apex appeared to correspond to a discontinued Early Classic period resurfacing of Sub 3 (Figure 7). Thus, Burial 103 seems to have been dedicatory for an Early Classic construction that was never finished.

Stela 1 fire ritual. The uncarved lower portion of a stela (designated Stela 1) remained securely planted on Structure 6Bs central axis at a distance of 0.75 m from the back wall (Figures 9, 10, 12, and 15). The butt was buried beneath the wall collapse of the surrounding Protoclassic enclosure on its top, right, left, and back sides. Its front, however, was partly surrounded by Late Classic period fill from a massive Tepeu 2 construction that eventually engulfed Structure 6As mask wall and all of Structure 6B (Figure 15). When found, the butt was listing forward, despite being firmly reinforced in 2.8 m3 of solid stone rubble. An empty lip-to-lip vessel offering comprised of two small Aguila Orange vessels was discovered on a large flat capstone positioned just beneath floor level in front of the monument (Figures 10, 15, and 16). Similarly shaped Aguila Orange vessels were a common feature of Protoclassic/Early Classic period caches and problematical deposits at Tikal (Culbert 1993; Laporte and Fialko 1987), Uaxactun (Smith 1955), and Tayasal (Chase and Chase 1987) two central lowland sites. The frequent occurrence of this cache form at Tikal suggests that it was an Early Classic Tikal trademark. A number of important artifacts were found in situ on the floor around Stela 1s broken base (Figures 10 and 17). These were a chert dart point, a triangular iron pyrite plaque piece, a six-sided pyrite plaque piece, a green Pachuca obsidian biface, and a gray obsidian biface stem. An unbroken obsidian arrow point was also found embedded in the rear wall of Structure 6B approximately

34

Bachand

Figure 15. Profile drawing of Stela 1 excavation.

12 cm above the floor (Figure 18). There is little doubt that these objects were collectively involved in Stela 1s demise. The projectile points have no local antecedents, and similar points were not discovered at Altar de Sacrificios or Ceibal. Lightweight points like these are ideal candidates for Teotihuacan atlatl weaponry represented in Early Classic period iconography. The stemmed Pachuca biface is similar to Stemmed Biface A types at Teotihuacan (Spence 1996:Figure 2b; see also Tolstoy 1971:Figures 2, 3) and nearly identical to a stemmed Mexican Otumba point found at Tikal (Moholy-Nagy 1999:Figure 2e; 2003:Figure 66s). According to Moholy-Nagy (1999:310), thin bifaces made of obsidian from Mexican sources were imported into the Maya lowlands as finished products, but prismatic blades were not. Occurring exclusively in public ritual contexts, green obsidian evoked primary symbolic meanings among the Early Classic Maya (Moholy-Nagy 1999:310; Spence 1996:33). In the present case, the broken Pachuca biface was located in the southeast quadrant of the four-part enclosure on the same axis as mask armature 1 and its complementary niche or ritual seat (Figure 10). At least twopossibly threeobjects near Stela 1 were exposed to intense, direct heat prior to deposition. Heat fracture lines on the green Pachuca point terminate where the tip has broken off (John E. Clark, personal communication 2005). The chert dart point has a heat spall on its stem. A physical connection between fire and Early Classic period projectile points is not too surprising, considering the burning dart held by Yax Kuk Mo on Copans Altar Q (Taube 2004:Figure 13.1). One pyrite plaque piece has a cratered surface that may have resulted from direct, rapid heating (Figure 17f). Curiously, aside from the slight trace of randomly

Figure 16. Aguila Orange cache vessels discovered at base of Stela 1. Drawing by Alfredo Romn.

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands

35

Figure 17. Artifacts found on floor near Stela 1: (a) green obsidian stemmed biface; (b) chert projectile point; (c) gray obsidian projectile point; (d) black obsidian point stem; (e) triangular pyrite plaque piece; (f) six-sided pyrite plaque piece with cratered surface.

scattered charcoal flecks on the floor, there was little evidence of burning around Stela 1 or in the overlying wall collapse. The presence of pyrite is particularly noteworthy in this context. Being 53.4% sulfur (S), the brassy-yellow mineral emits sparks when struck. Pyrite is pyromagneticits magnetism is dependent upon its temperature. Pyrite is diamagnetic at low temperatures; it becomes antiferromagnetic and emits sulfur dioxide (SO2) fumes when heated up to 315C (its strongest magnetic level), and it transitions to paramagnetism beyond this temperature (Pearce et al. 2006). Pyrite will oxidize and burn at higher temperatures and begin to liquify at around 740C (Fleet 2006). These physical properties were likely recognized by the Maya. Nuttall (1901) noted long ago that Mesoamerican pyrite mosaics were emblematic of the sun and fire making. The thin slate backing attached to the triangular pyrite piece behind Stela 1 confirms that the piece was originally tessellated in a mosaic. Coggins (1985) linked numerous iconographic and archaeological elements to the Toltec (or Teotihuacan) New Fire Ceremony that marked the completion of the 52-year Mexican calendrical cycle. Among them were burning reed bundles, fire drills/cords, censers, pyrite mirrors (represented by the Kan cross), the number seven, Tlaloc imagery, Mexican year signs, and warfare. Curiously, the verb for censing in Classic Mayan texts is partly comprised of a bowllike element or spiked cylinder with a kin infix symbolizing Yax or yellow and Sun, whose central hole is not unlike that found on the Kan cross pyrite insignia described by Coggins (see Stuart 1998: Figure 11). Research by Karl Taube (1983; 1992; 2000) has demonstrated that pyrite mirrors played a central role in Early Classic period divination and warfare at Teotihaucan. Pyrite disintegrates in most archaeological contexts, but it may have been an integral

part of Lowland Maya fire rituals. Such fire rituals, which came to be associated with living buildings, social renewal, and death (Stuart 1998), may have been enacted with iron pyrite mirrors at the onset of the Early Classic period. No Early Classic period Jordan-phase sherds were found on the floor surrounding Stela 1. Present, however, were several partly restorable Miseria Appliqud-modeled censers (Figures 10 and 19). The censer fragments were discovered beneath wall collapse on the southwest side of Stela 1. One censer was identical to the hollow-cylinder, modeled-face censer types assigned to the Protoclassic-Early Classic period Ayn complex at Altar de Sacrificios (Adams 1971:5355, Figures 29i, 95c, d, e, g, 96af, 97a, b, 98ae, 99ac). This censer, the first of its kind reported in the Petexbatun region (see Foias 1996:467), was unslipped and had a hard gritty orange paste with sand aplastics and a thick unoxidized core. An AMS date of 1582 37 BP (cal a.d. 406562, 2 sigma 95% confidence) was acquired from a thin sliver of carbonized wood extracted from a dark soil patch encircling the southern edge of Stela 1. The dated material was a splinter of resinous wood identified by Lee Newsom (personal communication 2005) as likely belonging to the Burseraceae family, which includes resinous, aromatic hardwoods such as P. copal (copal, incienso). Although its exact species is unknown, this charred wood probably was interred in this highly symbolic context because of its resinous aromatic qualities. The specimen that yielded the above AMS result was positioned stratigraphically between two specimens with AMS determinations that corresponded to the construction and demise of Structure 6B. When run together in a series of Bayesian simulations, the determinations placed Stela 1s destruction around a.d. 430 (Bachand 2008:

36

Bachand 1923). Curiously, the baktun ending date of 9.0.0.0.0 (a.d. 435) is only five years later than this chronological projection. Nikolai Grube (2000) and David Stuart (1998:403404) have noted the clustering of Classic Maya fire rituals around important calendar ending dates as opposed to specific astronomical events. According to Grube (2000:101), More than half of the Fire Sequences are found in Initial Series [texts] recording the end of a Tun or Katun. These so-called Initial Series Fire Sequences describe patron-deity rituals involving sacred fire and the burning of incense (Grube 2000:105). Ritual burning associated with stela removal or defilement is well attested in the Maya region, and the earliest cases are documented at Tikal (Coe 1962:495; Jones and Orrego 1987; Pendergast 1988). The position of the unbroken obsidian arrow point found behind Stela 1 is unlikely to have resulted from a velocity impact (Figures 10 and 18). It is difficult to imagine how or why this biface would

Figure 18. Gray obsidian projectile point embedded in rear wall of Structure 6B stela enclosure just above the floor.

Figure 19. Miseria Appliqud censer fragments discovered beneath structural collapse near Stela 1 base. Illustrations by Alfredo Romn.

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands become affixed to the interior wall in this manner unless it was done intentionally. In sum, multiple aspects of the Stela 1 termination suggest premeditated or prescribed ritual destruction. Although we do not see the haphazard deposition one might expect from sudden attack, violent conflict cannot be ruled out as a precursor to ritual termination.

37 somehow tied to the local leadership or was perhaps the political heir. The dense artifact deposit contains the largest quantity of Jordan pottery yet uncovered at Punta de Chimino (Table 3). No fully restorable vessels are present. Most sherds are heavily eroded and few Aguila Orange sherds have slip remnants. Slipped serving vessels are common but hardly dominant. A good number of unslipped Quintal-Triunfo jars is present. We noted no spatial patterning aside from a concentration of three partial basal flange bowls (Dos Arroyos Orange Polychrome, Aguila Orange, and Balanza Black) at the base of mask armature 1. This ceramic

Mask wall corridor refuse deposit. A dark organic deposit containing an abundance of Early Classic potsherds filled the narrow corridor between Structure 6B and the mask wall (Figures 4 and 10). Some sherds pertained to partly restorable vessels, but most were unrelated fragments. A gamut of vessel types from unslipped domestic jars to simple monochrome pots to elaborately painted polychrome dishes was represented. Modest quantities of faunal bone and lithic manufacturing debris were randomly mingled throughout the deposit. Prismatic obsidian blades were few in number. Tiny specks of carbon were prevalent, but no sizeable pieces of burned wood were found. The deposit was fairly uniform in artifact density and thickness and rose to the top of Structure 6Bs rear ledge. In short, the deposit bore all the characteristics of redeposited Early Classic period midden. Fragments of modeled-painted plaster were found at the bottom of the deposit in front of the two mask armatures. During excavation we noticed that a swath of stones was missing across the bottom right half of mask armature 1 (Figures 10 and 12). Potsherds from the Early Classic deposit were pressed into this void. The lower half of mask armature 2 was also noticeably disfigured, with stones either missing or moved out of position (Figure 10). Aside from these locations, the stone facade exhibited little modification or disruption. The location of this plaster at the base of the disfigured armatures indicated that the masks were defaced prior to inundating the corridor with refuse. A series of partly reconstructible vessels encountered in front of armature 1 may have been smashed against the mask, as some of the best plaster fragments were found among the sherds. It is unclear whether the mask walls upper half was also mutilated at this time. It could have disintegrated after centuries of neglect. Once desecrated and filled-in, the mask wall corridor ceased to function as before. The same was true for Structure 6B, the stela enclosure, now toppled and missing its symbolic centerpiece. The concentration of artifact-rich midden debris in this ritual space discouraged future activity in the area for more than a century. Unclear, of course, is whether this action resulted in complete or partial abandonment of Punta de Chimino. The destruction does, however, seem to mark a decline in the communitys political fortunes and regional standing and, more importantly, a break with its Preclassic social heritage. The disarticulated skeletal remains of a toddler (Burial 106), were found in the top of the refuse deposit against rear of Structure 6B (Figure 10). The interment may have been secondary since it was difficult to determine whether the bones were in their precise anatomical positions. The bones nevertheless exhibited exceptional preservation (no carnivore marks) and were tightly clustered. The individual either died prior to or concurrent with the refuse deposition episode. An AMS date on the individuals left femur yielded an uncalibrated radiocarbon age of 1613 45 BP (AA-66265). This date falls between a.d. 339 and 553 at the 2 sigma range or 95.4% confidence interval, and provides a terminus ante quem for the destruction of Stela 1, Structure 6B, and the Structure 6A-Sub 3 mask wall. The deceaseds identity remains a mystery, but one can hardly resist the thought that he or she was

Table 3. Ceramic types found in the Early Classic mask wall refuse deposit Ceramic Complex Nacimiento (intrusive) Ceramic Type Encanto Striated Subtotal Dos Arroyos Orange Polychrome San Clemente Gouged-incised Triunfo Striated: Impressed Var. Subtotal Actuncan Orange Polychrome Aguila Orange Balanza Black Pucte Brown Quintal Unslipped Triunfo Striated Subtotal Caribal Red San Martin Variegated Brown Subtotal Achiotes Unslipped Flor Cream Sierra Red Zapote Striated Subtotal Boxcay Brown Pital Cream Subtotal Unclassified/Eroded Unnamed Ashy paste Unnamed Fine Orange Ware Unnamed Incensario form Unnamed Orange fire-clouded Unnamed Orange slipped Unnamed Orange-brown Unnamed Red and cream Unnamed Red with gray paste Unnamed Unslipped: Black paste Var. Subtotal Frequency 1 1 86 1 2 89 3 60 16 7 44 161 291 16 4 20 3 5 1 1 10 1 2 3 197 1 3 1 2 1 1 8 1 10 225 639 % 0.2% 0.2% 13.5% 0.2% 0.3% 13.9% 0.5% 9.4% 2.5% 1.1% 6.9% 25.2% 45.5% 2.5% 0.6% 3.1% 0.5% 0.8% 0.2% 0.2% 1.6% 0.2% 0.3% 0.5% 30.8% 0.2% 0.5% 0.2% 0.3% 0.2% 0.2% 1.3% 0.2% 1.6% 35.2% 100.0%

Jordan

Faisan 3

Faisan 2

Faisan 1

Excarvado

Other

Total

38 picture, in conjunction with the murky organic soil, lithic waste, and random faunal remains, lead me to interpret this layer as secondarily deposited domestic refuse. Hence, I believe garbage was transported from a nearby Early Classic domicile and dumped in the corridor. As mentioned, the large quantity of Faisn 3 types is noteworthy. Many now exhibit the Tzakol 2 modes described above (Figure 20). Also of interest, but of no great numerical value, is the assortment of unclassified typesa sign of ceramic experimentation and innovation at this time. I believe this deposit presents a reasonably accurate snapshot of the early Jordan assemblage. Preclassic sherds are negligible; the dozen or so examples are probably acquisitions from earlier refuse or are the remains of heirlooms. This ceramic profile supports Foiass (1996:366367) observation

Bachand that waxy and Tzakol gloss pottery did not coexist in the Petexbatun region during most of the Early Classic period. SUMMARY Burial 103 and other contemporaneous finds at Punta de Chimino represent the culmination of numerous long-distance ties forged at the end of the Protoclassic era. The pseudo-Mexican nature of this interment and central lowland birthplace of its occupant suggest the arrival of Maya people with ties to the west. Multiple lines of evidencea Cycle 8 era stela, the Structure 6B stela enclosure, the Burial 103 strontium isotope evidence, Aguila Orange pottery, and a lip-to-lip Aguila Orange cachesuggest that the Mexican

Figure 20. Potsherds extracted from the Early Classic refuse deposit at the base of mask armature 1: (a) Caramba Red-on-orange; (b) and (c) Caribal Red; (di, kl) Quintal Unslipped; (j) Triunfo Striated; (mn) unnamed miniatures; (o) eroded ring base; (ps) Aguila Orange; (tw) Dos Arroyos Orange Polychrome; (x) Balanza Black; (yz) unnamed fine orange. Illustrations by Alfredo Romn.

Onset of the Early Classic Period in the Southern Maya Lowlands elements observed at Punta de Chimino (green obsidian, seated circular grave, and dart-like projectile points) derive from the Tikal region. Three sources of datastratigraphy, ceramic seriation, and Bayesian corrected radiometric datesplace Punta de Chiminos Early Classic period abandonment in the early part of the fifth century a.d. near the completion of the eighth baktun in a.d. 435. Findings suggest that the acropolis destruction was performed by Tikaleos or a Tikal-affiliated group. The current study encourages reassessment of Ceibals Early Classic occupation and abandonment. Present radiometric and stratigraphic findings indicate that most Junco-phase ceramic types described by Sabloff (1975) are already present at Punta de Chimino in the third facet of the Faisn Chicanel phase. This is not surprising, as Sabloff (1975:232) acknowledged that certain Junco typesnamely, Quintal Unslipped, Triunfo Striated, and San Martn Variegated Brownshowed strong Late Cantutse (Chicanel) continuities. Sabloff (1975:234) also observed that the rest of Junco did not fall into strong and cohesive types, with the exception of Triunfo Striated and San Martn Variegated Brown. These observations alone suggest that most of Junco falls into a third Cantutse facet comparable to Faisn 3 at Punta de Chimino. Junco seems to have been too brief and inconsequential to allow accumulation of sufficient quantities of decorated Tzakol pottery. This might explain the complete absence of Aguila Orange pottery at Ceibal. Importantly, no unmixed, primary Junco deposits were found in the entire Ceibal settlement zone, and the total number of Junco sherds, the majority of which are of probable terminal Cantutse date, did not exceed two thousand (Sabloff 1975:233). Adjustments to this portion of the Ceibal sequence may be called for since Ceibal and Punta de Chimino were probably abandoned simultaneously or in close succession. The Punta de Chimino data offer the first chronometric gauge of this decisive moment in Middle Pasin history, which now appears to have transpired about 100 years earlier than Sabloff (1975:15) projected. Closer scrutiny of the Altar de Sacrificios evidence provides hints of a similar occupation lull between a.d. 400 and 450 (Adams 1964:374375; 1971:127, 129; Sabloff 1975:233; Willey 1973:64). Early Ayn is closely aligned with Jordan and Junco in sample size and ceramic mode content. Willey (1973:64) noted that the general lack of large ceremonial construction at Altar in the earlier Ayn phase is out of developmental synchronization with the building that was going on in the northeast Peten at this time. Importantly, no calendrical monuments appeared at Altar de Sacrificios before a.d. 455 (9.1.0.0.0) when monumental construction finally resumed in earnest, shifting to the A Group. It seems that Altar de Sacrificios was also adversely affected by early fifth-century Pasin River events but was revived in late Ayn times around a.d. 455 when Initial Series stelae and Teotihuacanoid vessels suddenly appeared there in substantial quantities. CONCLUSION The late Gordon Willey (1990:262) posed three unresolved questions in Early Classic Pasin archaeology. (1) What is the precise dating of Tzakol pottery at Ceibal, in the Pasin drainage, and elsewhere in the Maya lowlands? (2) What are the relationships between Tzakol pottery and Initial Series stelae? (3) What is the possibility or degree of a Chicanel-Tzakol overlap? Data from Punta de Chimino

39 provide plausible answers to each of these questions. As for the first, Punta de Chiminos findings indicate that Tzakol 2 pottery arrived late at that site (ca. a.d. 400) and in limited quantities prior to site abandonment. A similar course of events probably transpired at Ceibal, Itzn, and Chaak Akal, given the nearly identical ceramic profiles and settlement histories of these sites. Tzakol 2 pottery appeared at least a half century earlier in the Tikal region, as confirmed by work in the Mundo Perdido zone (Laporte and Fialko 1987). Regarding the second question, Punta de Chiminos findings suggest that Aguila Orange pottery and Initial Series stelae arrived in the south in rapid succession (pottery then monuments) around a.d. 400 at the end of Protoclassic 2 or what used to be called Tzakol 1. The newly introduced monuments and dull to glossy Aguila Orange pots were incorporated into material assemblages containing markedly reduced quantities of Chicanel pottery and ever increasing proportions of Protoclassic domestic and ceremonial wares. During Punta de Chiminos short-lived Tzakol 2 occupation, local Chicanel production seems to have ceased altogether, but curated waxy-ware vessels probably remained in circulation. Punta de Chiminos findings corroborate data from lowland sites beyond the pale of the Tikal heartland where radiometrically dated ceramic contexts consistently indicate that the Chicanel-Tzakol overlap is mainly confined to the end of Tzakol 1 or Protoclassic 2 (a.d. 300400) in the lowland cultural continuum (Brady et al. 1998). Punta de Chiminos findings challenge the notion that Chicanel pottery continued to be extensively made or used during Tzakol 23 times in the southern Maya lowlands (Laporte 1995a, 1995b; Lincoln 1985). In the Petexbatun subregion, there was a pause in public construction and probably rural settlement between a.d. 430 and 500. Small residential communities were established once again at Aguateca, Tamarindito, and Arroyo de Piedra at the end of the Early Classic period (Escobedo 1997a:308309, 316; Foias 1996: 357367; Triadan and Kopka 2005). On the Pasin River, a small settlement existed far upriver at Tres Islas, but the large Middle Pasin polities of Ceibal and Chaak Akal remained deserted. Meanwhile, at the Chixoy-Pasin confluence, Altar de Sacrificios experienced remarkable growth stimulated by more direct ties to the central lowlands. Present evidence converges on a primary cause for the pronounced demographic shift observed in the Middle Pasin region at the onset of the Early Classic periodheightened, if not overbearing, central Petn involvement in Pasin River affairs, most likely from Tikal. Political domination of the region and surveillance of river activities may have served to establish untrammeled communication and trade between Tikal and its new ally Copan around a.d. 430. Although located some distance from the Pasin River, Punta de Chiminos leadership must have acted out of step with emerging political forces in the region. The leadership structures of Punta de Chimino (and probably Ceibal and Chaak Akal) were stamped out to make way for a new cultural order from the north. These inferences admittedly raise a stream of questions regarding the role of Punta de Chimino and the Petexbatun region in the fourth and early fifth centuries a.d. Why were central Petn elements present before the sites destruction? What would the Petexbatun region offer to a powerful polity like Tikal? What was the role that Ceibal (or other Pasin centers) played in the events that transpired at Punta de Chimino? These and other questions await further elucidation.

40

Bachand

RESUMEN
La profanacin del centro ceremonial de Punta de Chimino, alrededor del ao 430 d.C., se ha asociado a la presencia de obsidiana verde de Pachuca, fragmentos de espejos de pirita, puntas de proyectil, un escondite de cermica en estilo tikaleo y un entierro peculiar que presenta semejanzas con el centro de Mxico. Se removi una estela protoclsica que haba sido colocada en una base de mampostera como parte de un acto ritual premeditado que involucr el uso selectivo de fuego. Adems, se destruyeron algunos mascarones monumentales que haban adornado la fachada de la plataforma larga del Grupo E en un rito de terminacin que emple cantidades grandes de basura domstica. El descuido subsiguiente de la plataforma larga del Grupo E y la restauracin incompleta de su pirmide complementaria sugieren que el sitio fue abandonado bruscamente. El abandono de este lugar de suma importancia ceremonial coincidi con una reduccin de los asentamientos en toda la regin de Petexbatun y con el abandono de los centros circunvecinos de Ceibal, Itzan y Chaak Akal, que se ubican a lo largo del ro Pasin. Los descubrimientos recientes en Punta de Chimino proporcionan ms detalles concernientes a la naturaleza de dichos abandonos, y sugieren que fueron provocados por la creciente implicacin de gentes de las tierras bajas centrales en los asuntos locales del ro Pasin hacia el final del siglo cuarto. Aunque las verdaderas identidades de los protagonistas de dichos acontecimientos continan siendo desconocidas, es probable que algunos de ellos, o tal vez los principales, tuvieran una afiliacin fuerte o directa con Tikal. Por lo menos, los nuevos hallazgos de Punta de Chimino brindan apoyo a la idea de que la transicin del perodo preclsico al clsico temprano en las tierras bajas mayas estuvo marcada por cambios sociales dramticos y tambin por un marcado incremento de la inestabilidad.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Gratitude is expressed to Lic. Ervin Salvador Lpez and the Instituto de Antropologa e Historia de Guatemala for permission to excavate at Punta de Chimino and export laboratory samples to the United States. Field research was funded by grants from the National Science Foundation (BCS-0404027), Brigham Young Universitys New World Archaeological Foundation, and the University of Arizona. The project benefited immensely from the magnanimity of Mynor Pinto and the owners of Chiminos Island Lodge, who provided food, lodging, storage, and assistance at the site. I am grateful to Takeshi Inomata, Daniela Triadan, and Erick Ponciano, directors of the Aguateca Archaeological Project, for their support, advice, and camaraderie over the years. Guatemalan field archaeologists Otto Romn, Paco Castaeda Tobar, and Jos Maria Anavisca proved able recorders and interpreters of the remains encountered at Punta de Chimino. Beyond the field, Lori Wright, Kitty Emery, Kazuo Aoyama, Greg Hodgins, James Feathers, Lee Newsom, and John Clark contributed their specialized knowledge of pertinent archaeological findings. The impact of my dissertation advisors, Takeshi Inomata, Suzanne Fish, and Jeffrey Dean, on the present work is inestimable. Gratitude is expressed to Arthur Demarest, George Cowgill, and Karl Taube for offering their insights on specific aspects of this work. The opinions of these and other colleagues are complexly woven into this paper, and the present version undoubtedly departs from their exact assessments. Though absolved from errors in fact or interpretation, these people helped shape the picture rendered here, and for that I am truly appreciative. Finally, I am grateful to Alfred Romn and Hiro Iwamoto for providing the illustrations in this paper and to Lynneth Lowe for improving the Spanish resumen.

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