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Reading Ancient Greek Music in Documents, Images and Artifacts and the Practical Application of Music Archaeology

Anna K. Boshnakova

Der Artikel legt besonderen Wert auf die Bedeutung der Musikarchologie als Lehrfach, in dem unter anderem vermittelt werden sollte, wie musikarchologische Erkenntnisse im musealem Raum umzusetzen sind. Dazu werden Beispiele fr fnf griechische Musikdenkmler angefhrt, deren Analyse und Rekonstruktion besondere Kenntnisse des musikarchologischen Forschungsprozesses bedrfen. Die Aufdeckung der spezischen Botschaft, die in musikalischen Darstellungen, Artefakten und Urkunden festgehalten wurde, erfolgt allein durch die Erkennung, Analyse und Interpretation einzelner Details, und zwar nach einer einheitlichen Methodik. Die audiovisuelle Rekonstruktion eines Musikdenkmals sowie seine kulturelle Kontextualisierung sollte dazu fhren, dass z.B. ein Museumsbesucher, der nicht mit der spezischen Problematik vertraut ist, die musikarchologischen Zeugnisse lesen, hren, betrachten und begreifen kann. Es wird die These vertreten, dass die bertragung der spezifisch wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnis in die museumsdidaktische Praxis eine der wichtigsten Aufgaben der Musikarchologie darstellt.

Since the establishment of the International Study Group on Music Archaeology by Ellen Hickmann, and as regular conferences on music archaeology began to take place, this issue has become increasingly visible and pressing. Although the number of experts has been growing, it seems that knowledge of ancient Greek music is still personal rather than shared1. What I mean is, even if a student wishes to study ancient music culture in all its aspects, we still, now in the 21st century, lack a curriculum for this specialized knowledge.

Ellen Hickmann and the scholars of the International Study Group on Music Archaeology have given an excellent denition of music archaeology as the only subject which can provide the whole complex of knowledge; this denition may lay the foundations of an original curriculum dedicated entirely to past musical cultures. Like other archaeological finds, musical sources contain some highly specific knowledge, the knowledge of musical detail. This fact certainly requires special knowledge for carrying out research, and the researcher had better be versed in music archaeology. To be able to reconstruct properly, to determine the type, analyze and interpret a musical source, a music archaeologist should have a wide variety of knowledge in different fields. If the music archaeologist specializes in ancient Greek music, he will need to have knowledge in: Classical archaeology (extensive knowledge of archaeology);

With every passing year, scholarly interest in the study of various aspects of ancient Greek music culture has undoubtedly increased. Experts from various disciplines in the humanities publish more or less detailed studies containing analyses, reconstructions and interpretations of various musicrelated artifacts, epigraphic materials or philosophical ideas. Unfortunately, however, ancient music is not taught as a separate field of the humanities, but is instead regarded as an offshoot of classical studies, philosophy, general history, musical theory and psychology.

Hickmann 2000, 14; Hickmann et al. 2002, 57; Hickmann 2004, XXI.


Anna K. Boshnakova

History and theory of the ancient culture (cultural epochs, the specifics of ancient society, the realities of the time to which a particular musical source belongs); Ancient music theory and practice (ability to recognize and decipher musical notation systems, knowledge of the systems of harmony in antiquity and of their practical use); Music theory and practice (practical knowledge of music, experience in playing a musical instrument); Ancient organology (knowledge of the classication of ancient musical instruments and their structure); Philosophy and psychology of music in ancient Greece (ability to extract, analyze and interpret evidence on ancient music); Classical languages (basic knowledge of Greek and Latin); Ancient poetry and drama (knowledge of the ancient poetic and dramatic tradition, a concept of what Greek music sounded like and how it was performed). The aggregate of this knowledge determines a music archaeologists approach, his desire for complete reconstruction from an artifacts cultural biography and the cultural and historical reconstruction of the reality to which it belonged, to the way it sounded and the way it was performed. Therefore, a music-archaeological source should not be considered only as an artifact of particular value; it should be studied in detail to reveal the shred of human history it contains, for each artifact used to be somebodys possession, and used to be part of a cultural environment.

as the display is the point of intersection between science and education in its broadest sense. It is at this point that music archaeology indeed proves that its studies are not an end in themselves but have a broader and more specic purpose: to educate visitors regardless of their age.


Along with typical musical sources, archaeological finds often include artifacts whose interpretation requires a fundamentally different approach, viz. the specialized analysis by a music archaeologist. Thanks to this method, ve obscure archaeological nds have proved to have immense signicance for the history and theory of ancient Greek music2: The bone plaque from Berezan, from 550525 B.C. or from the early 5th century B.C., can be interpreted as the recording of a prosodion by a vocal notation3. Two Greek vases from the early 5th century B.C. have identical images (the collection of Bibliothque Nationale, Cabinet des Mdailes, Paris contains a lekythos, Inv. No. 29854 and an oinochoe, Cat. No. 2725): a professional aulos player, enhoplios orchsis and inscriptions sans signification (see chapters 4.1 and 4.2). These meaningless inscriptions proved to be instrumental notation, the only one found so far on a ceramic vessel. The images and the inscriptions on them have attracted very little if any interest on the part of the scientific establishment, as the bibliographic references clearly demonstrate. These images and inscriptions are, however, of exceptional signicance for the study of ancient Greek music.


This type of research, aimed at the complete reconstruction of a musical artifact, will largely change museum exhibitions. In most cases, when visitors see separate musical instruments, fine vases with musical images or musical documents, they are generally motivated by a desire to learn more than the information on the artifact itself. More often than not, they will notice a number of small details of the musical images, without having a hint of the wealth of knowledge behind apparently insignicant representations. Therefore, a music archaeologist should apply a specic approach to the analysis of each element of the image, should attempt to reconstruct its creators ideas, and, depending on the interpretation, should suggest how it should be exhibited. The way musical sources and documents are displayed should not be underestimated inasmuch

4.1 THE IMAGES The paintings on the oinochoe and the lekythos are nearly identical, with a few small exceptions. There are several important elements here that are

3 4 5

The next five examples are part of much more detailed study (on which I am working) devoted to music as an expression of ancient human behaviour and a human ability which may have helped shape our cultural development. That study focuses on the hidden conceptual wealth of the Greek notion of mousike (as an art of thinking and a symbolic language of tones) in archeological finds, including vase paintings, coins, amphora seals, gems, murals, stone relieves, sculptures and grafti. Boshnakova 2007, 51102. Lambrino 1931, Pl. 84, 56. De Ridder 1901, Cat. No. 272, Fig. 27; Massow 1916, 41; Lambrino 1931, Pl. 66, 3. 7.

Reading Ancient Greek Music in Documents, Images and Artifacts


particularly interesting from a musical point of view: the musician, the musical instrument (its appearance and type), the dance, the type of melody accompanying this particular dance, and, of course, the letter sequence inscribed by the artist around the aulos and the musician (Figs. 1a, 2a). The musician With respect to the aulos player on both vases, the double aulos he plays, the phorbeia and his splendid attire indicate that the musician on both vases is a professional aulete. The musical instrument The instrumental soloist plays a double aulos and the image shows clearly that the two auloi are of equal length. According to the classication developed by Aristoxenus (Athen. Deipn. 634635), this double aulos can be described as a Pythian aulos, or, as it was also called , a teleios (complete), because the Pythian aulos (teleios) was used only by professional solo players (Poll. 4. 84) for the performance of instrumental compositions as well as for accompaniment to paeans (Poll. 4. 81). Athenaios says that the Pythian aulos belonged to the group of the so-called man-pipes, which are called teleios (complete) and hyperteleios (extra complete), as well as the kitharisterioi and the dactylic (Athen. Deipn. 176177, 634635)6. Weapon dance to the sound of double aulos 7 The images on both vases represent males of athletic build, dancing to the sound of the aulos with their weapons: long spears and round shields (hoplomachos8, on the oinochoe only). According to the written sources, there were three types of war dances that fell into three main categories (Athen. Deipn. 630d): gymnopaidik or anapal; pyrrhich (or cheironomia); hyporchematik. Gymnopaidik or anapal Athenaeus described this kind of dance as follows: The gymnopaidik is similar to the one called anapal in the old days. All the boys dance naked, performing various rhythmic movements and various gures with their arms in a gentle manner, and thus depict scenes from the wrestling school and the pankration, moving their feet in rhythm []. Aristoxenus says that the men of old used first to exercise themselves in the gymnopaidik, and

would then go on into the pyrrhich before entering the theatre (Athen. Deipn. 631bc). In my opinion, the image on a Corinthian aryballos from 580 B.C. can be considered as an example of anapal9. It even mentions the professional auletes name: Polyterpos (much-delighting), a name that definitely contains a description of his music and of his personal talent as a musician10. Enhoplios orch sis (weapon dance) Epicharmus in the Muses says that even Athena played the enhoplios on the auloi for the Dioscuri (Athen. Deipn. 184185). In musical context, enhoplios (armed/under arms) is found in combination with nouns such as rhythmos, nomos or melos (Xen. Anab. 6. 1. 11, Aristoph. Clouds 651, Plato, Rep. 400b). Enhoplios orchsis was native to Crete11(Dio Chrys. 11. 61). Pyrrhich or cheironomia (war dance) According to Aristoxenus, the roots of pyrrhich could be traced back to Sparta. The word itself originated from a certain Pyrrhichus, a Spartan by ethnicity and the dances militance proved it beyond doubt (Athen. Deipn. 630ef). Every Spartan would study the pyrrhich dance from the age of five. Owing to the movements of the arms and the weapon brandishing during the dance, it was also called cheironomia (Athen. Deipn. 631c; Hdt. 6. 129). Aulos melody type Aulos melodies were as varied as songs and dances. Athenaios Tryphon, in the second book of his On the Use of Terms, lists all the names of types of pieces for auloi that were performed with dances: comus, pastoral, gingras, tetracomus, epiphallus, choir-dance, triumph-song, battle song (polemikon), gentle comus, Satyrs whirl, doorknock (the same as thump-door), tickle-tune, Helot-lad (Athen. Deipn. 618c)12. Obviously, the aulos piece (aulma) that was played during gymnopaidik (or anapal), pyrrhich (or cheironomia) and hyporchematik was called battle song (polemikon).

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Translation by Barker 19841989, Vol. 1, 267. On the warriors world and on war contests in epigraphic sources, see Chaniotis 2005, 4950. On warriors training, see Chaniotis 2005, 50, 9798. Roebuck/Roebuck 1955, 158163. On the rise of the individual, see Snodgrass 1980, 161200. For more details, see Chaniotis 2005, 48. Tranlsation by Gulick 1980, 331.


Anna K. Boshnakova

Enhoplia mel were typical of the Spartans (Athen. Deipn. 630631) and the Cretans who, in times of war, would use the aulos and the lyre. (Athen. Deipn. 627d, Strabo 10. 4, Polyb. 4. 20. 6). According to Athenaeus, of all the aulos melodies, the most beautiful were those which accompanied the pyrrhich dance (Athen. Deipn. 631b). Rhythm According to Aristides Quintilianus, the rhythm in which the melody was played with war dances was called prokeleusmatic or pyrrhic (Aristoph. Frogs 161; Plato Laws 815ab; Arist. Quint. De mus. 1. 15. 35).

4.2 THE INSCRIPTIONS On both ancient vases there are inscriptions about which I found no commentary. The inscription on the lekythos, Inv. No. 2985 has been described by the authors of Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, France 10, as inscriptions sans signification13, and it is not mentioned in any other publication (Fig. 2b). The inscription on the oinochoe (Cat. No. 272), has also been described as inscriptions noffrant aucun sens14 (Fig. 1b). Strangely, in the earlier publications of A. De Ridder15 and W. von Massow16 it is not mentioned at all. However, on the sole drawing made by the authors of Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, France 10, letters signifying notes of the instrumental notation system can be distinguished. This is why no textual meaning could be found in the letter sequence. All the letters of the instrumental notation system are undoubtedly identical with letter-forms that were used during the Archaic Age17. R. Westphal was the first to date the origin of the instrumental notation system to the late 7th century B.C.18

the names of favorite horses20, as well as the name of the maker or artist himself21 who related a human story in the graceful images of each fine piece of pottery22. Thus, along with written and epigraphic sources, Greek vase images are among the most significant sources of information on ancient Greek music. According to the chronology developed by E. Phlmann and M. West in DAGM23, the oldest preserved musical document is a fragment of a clay epinetron (a knee-guard for sewing) from the early 5th century B.C. Attributed to the Sappho painter, it features several Amazons, one of them playing the trumpet. The trumpets sounds are clearly marked with letters: tote totote24. This trumpet signal, tote totote25, reminds us of the word tototoi, which was used frequently in the Greek language where its meaning had to do with a mournful cry26.

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Greek vase paintings vary greatly in their depictions of mythological stories as well as real life situations having to do with education and upbringing, music and sports, love, war, religious ceremonies, death, etc. These representations of real life scenes are particularly valuable as a documentary archive; because they are effectively an imprint of the most special moments in the lives of various people in the distant past. In many cases, they have preserved individuals names19 or even
18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25


Lekythos, Inv. No 2985; Lambrino 1931, 65, Pl. 84. 56. Oinochoe, Cat. No. 272: Lambrino 1931, 49, Pl. 66. 3, 7. De Ridder 1901, Cat. No. 467, Pl. XIX. Von Massow 1916, 41. As the subject is complicated and requires detailed and thorough argumentation, this part of the article will be developed in a further detailed study. Here I will give just one of the specific characteristic of the letters in both the instrumental and the vocal notation systems: their rotation: the letter-forms are reversed and inverted. This notion, Jeffery notes, is very old: The boustrophedon method occurs in the Middle Minoan hieroglyphic system, in Hittite hieroglyphs, and rarely, in the South Semitic alphabet. Its adoption simply implies a pictorial conception of the letters as outlined gures which can be turned in either direction according to need. This notion was evidently present in the minds of the rst Greek writers, and it was the easier for them to carry it out because twelve of the twenty-six shapes were symmetrical (delta, zeta, heta, theta, omicron, san, koppa, tau; later phi, xi, psi), six required very little change (alpha, gamma, crooked iota, lambda, sigma, upsilon), and only eight looked markedly different in reverse (beta, epsilon, fau, kappa, mu, nu, pi, rho) (see Jeffery 1990, 46). Many of the instrumental notation systems letters clearly have all denite characteristics of great archaism. The presence of these letters as symbols of notes in the instrumental notation system itself is indicative of this notations long period of development. With time, letters that could be modified naturally underwent changes, while archaic letter-forms that were part of the notation system since its invention were preserved as they were in inscriptions from the time of its invention. Westphal 1883, 155160; West 1992. See for example Kretschmer 1894, 51, 6365, 7475. Kretschmer 1894, 32, 43. Kretschmer 1894, 5152, 7475. On realism in Greek art, see Chaniotis 2005, 189212. Phlmann/West 2001. Phlmann/West 2001, 8, Fig. 1. On the interpretation of tote totote as a musical notation record, see Blis 1984, 99109. On the interpretation of tote totote as a typical trumpet sound, see Phlmann/West 2001, 8. On the use of tototoi see Chadwick 1976, 87.

Reading Ancient Greek Music in Documents, Images and Artifacts


As other vase paintings from the late Archaic and Classical period also show, painters would use certain elements to suggest that the painting contains musical notation. Sometimes the melody is inscribed in circles or words coming out of the musicians mouth; sometimes there are even some of the lyrics on a papyrus roll, while the notation is inscribed on a tablet27. Some images show the sound produced by the musical instrument. It should be no surprise, then, that among the many music-related images there are even records of instrumental notation, as is the case of these two vases. Of course, many of the images suggest a humorous meaning, e.g. the image on the famous Brygos cup (Munich Inv. No. 1646). That cup perhaps emphasizes the musicians slow wits as he is playing too loud. The painting represents the aulos player standing by a reclining older man who has a phiale in his left hand, while with the right hand he is definitely clutching his head. The small letters coming out of his mouth are not the songs lyrics but signify his reaction: ou dunamou [do not (play) so loud]28. The talented painters who produced the images on both vases in the collection of the Bibliothque Nationale (it could well be the same painter in both cases), actually made a logical decision. How else could one, in fact, paint an aulos melody complete with all its important aspects: The fact that it is a solo, i.e. there can be no lyrics. Its virtuosity (circles are no good for that). The musicians talents as a professional soloist and composer, the fact that he was an educated person who could read and write instrumental notation. Aristides Quintilianus mentions that this was the method of recording the instrumental pieces (kola), and interludes in songs, for auloi or for stringed instruments without the voice (De mus. I. 11. 23). Painters undoubtedly had broad and diverse knowledge. They observed the details of life which would often go unnoticed by ordinary people. In their art, such small details would become strong visual accents that extended the theme and added emotional profundity to the painting. Recording the music must have been quite some challenge, and not only to musicians. A number of music-related images suggest that the painters must have been frequent visitors to musicians studios, and must have observed the composition process. This is particularly visible in the red-gure kylix painting from Naukratis. Thus, it is not surprising that the Paris painter not only showed the particular aulos type but also copied rather accurately the letters of the instrumental

notation. It means he took keen interest in the way notes were represented. However, whether these letters are just an imitation of a melody, or the accurate copy of an aulos composition can only be determined after the notation has been analyzed and the melody has been reconstructed.

5.1 A SMALL RED-FIGURE KYLIX FROM NAUKRATIS (Oxford G 138, 3,5,11; ca. 485 B.C.) Owing to the accurate images that painters used to decorate ne vases with a variety of scenes, we can consider them as priceless sources of knowledge on topics for which there is very little in written sources, or they have failed to survive. For example, we can see what a musical studio looked like in ancient times, how the composing took place, whether musical notation was taught, etc. However, a fragment that has survived accidentally, illustrates the process of creating and recording a musical composition. On the outside of a small red-figure kylix from Naukratis (Oxford G 138,3,5,11; ca. 485 B.C.), attributed to Onesimos29 or to Douris30, there is the image of a seated man wearing a himation, holding a spread papyrus roll with a clearly visible text. The lines are written boustrophedon style and with the Attic alphabet: . Opposite him was probably the image of another seated male, but unfortunately all that is left of him is a hand holding a stylus, writing on an open triptychon. To the left of the two seated male gures is a seated musician, playing the double aulos (Fig. 3). According to Edgar, this is a school scene in which the tutor dictates the text from the papyrus roll to the student sitting opposite him, the text undoubtedly intended for the beginning of an ode, and we may suppose that it is addressed either to the Muses or to a chorus of women31. Further on, Edgar mentions that it is not necessary to suppose that H is the opening of an actual hymn; it may be merely a stock phrase in melic poetry (cf. Pind. Pyth. i. 6). Though H does not occur in any extant Greek hymn, it is a familiar word in this province, being the name of the famous poet of Himera. According to Suidas, it was not his real


28 29 30 31

On the method of composing and recording a melody, see below the interpretation of a fragment of a red-gure kylix, Naukratis, ca. B.C. 485 (Oxford G 138,3,5,11). For alternative interpretation of the same image, see Phlmann/West 2001, 8. See Beck 1975, 26, Fig. 119. See Edgar 18981899, 64; Hogarth et al. 1905, 120. Edgar 18981899, 64.


Anna K. Boshnakova

name, but a nick name or epithet, and certainly seems suspiciously appropriate as the personal name of a choric poet.32 If the scene depicted a school dictation, however, why is the tutor holding the papyrus roll right in front of the students eyes so that he can copy it easily? Moreover, why would a school dictation require the presence of an aulos player? In this case we can presume that the painter represented a musical team in the process of composing: the poet holding the papyrus roll, the composer playing the aulos, and the scribe putting down the melody as the composer plays33. The image seems to depict the beginning of the process since the text translates as Beat Stesichorus or the hymn is no text from a hymn or song but probably an encouraging appeal to the composer/ aulos player. The artist perhaps sought to suggest that the composition in question was a choral song (hymn) intended for a choral agon. From this image we construe that a song was created by a poet, a musician and an expert in melographia. The poet wrote down the text on papyrus. He then took it to a composer who composed the melody on an aulos. While the inspired musician was composing, specially trained experts in melographia were recording the melody on a tablet.

5.2 THE EXPERT IN MELOGRAPHIA Interesting evidence has been left behind by Aristoxenus in his treatise the Elementa Harmonica. Obviously, during his lifetime (4th century B.C.) there was no doubt about the Archaic origin of notation in general, only about its accuracy and application. Seeking to give as precise a definition as possible to musical concepts, Aristoxenus remained faithful to his critical approach, and was fairly unreceptive to: the earliest attempt at music theory: Up to now no one has ever carefully dened what the distinguishing feature of each of them is, and yet if this is not defined, it is not at all easy to say what a note (phthongos) is. Anyone who does not want to be forced into the position of Lasus and certain of the followers of Epigonus, who thought that a note has a breadth, must say something rather more precise about it: and once this has been dened, many of the subsequent issues will become clearer. (Aristoxenus, El. Harm. I. 3. 1020)34 the practitioner of notation: That what we have said is true, and that the practitioner of notation needs nothing more than a perceptual grasp of the magnitudes of intervals, will be

clear to those who consider the matter. (Aristoxenus, El. Harm. II. 39. 30)35 notation itself: A person who sets out signs to indicate intervals does not use a special sign for each of the distinctions which exist among intervals for instance, for the several divisions of the fourth produced by the differences between the genera, of the several arrangements produced by alteration in the order of the combination of the incomposite intervals. We shall say the same thing about the functions (dynameis) which the natures of the tetrachord create, for the interval from nete hyperbolaia to nete and that from mese to hypate are written with the same sign, and the signs do not distinguish the differences in their functions; so that their scope extends only to the magnitudes, and no further. (Aristoxenus, El. Harm. I. 40. 10)36 its purpose: the graphic representation of a melody so that it is made accessible and understandable: As to the objective that people assign to the science called harmonics, some say that it lies in the notation of the melodies, claiming that this is the limit of the comprehension of each melody, while others locate it in the study of auloi, and in the ability to say in what manner and form and what origin each of the sounds emitted by the aulos arises. (Aristoxenus, El. Harm. II. 39. 10)37 the ambition to popularize music: If the socalled harmonicists adopted this supposition out of ignorance, there would be nothing perverse about their procedure, but their ignorance must have been powerful and profound. But if they propounded the doctrine while fully aware that notation is not the limit of the present science, aiming to please the general public and to give them some end-product visible to the eye, then they are to be condemned, instead, for gross perversity in their method. (Aristoxenus, El. Harm. II. 40. 30)38 In another image on an attic red-figured cup Basel, Antikenmuseum BS 465, ca. 490 B.C.39 we
32 33

34 35 36 37 38 39

Edgar 18981899, 6465. In a list of winners among the alumni in Teos, there are examinations in rhythmographia and melographia (CIG 3088). Boekh (CIG 2214) interprets this as a record of instrumental music and simple notation. The latter can also be seen is a list of graduate winners from Magnesia (Syll. 525) (see Hug 1933). The very existence of school subjects related to musical notation and its harmonization with the text indicates that such experts were in demand. I used Barkers translation (Barker 19841989, Vol. 2, 127128, Fig. 11). Barker 19841989, Vol. 2, 127128. Barker 19841989, Vol. 2, 127128. Barker 19841989, Vol. 2, 127128. Barker 19841989, Vol. 2, 127128. Beck 1975, 22, Fig. 7m.

Reading Ancient Greek Music in Documents, Images and Artifacts


can perhaps see the composer/aulos player checking whether the composition was recorded correctly. The lessons in melographia and rhythmographia were evidently intended for young musicians who, before starting to compose themselves, were to gain experience and knowledge with an older and established musician and composer. The image might show how eager the young assistant is to get his masters approval, while the master, holding a stylus, carefully checks the music on the tablet. His contented smile suggests that the record is so meticulous it needs no corrections (Fig. 4). Thanks to these musical sources we can assume that the vocal and the instrumental melody were probably written down on tablets, separately from the text which was on papyrus. Each of the melodies was then transferred from the tablet to the papyrus, synchronizing it with the text, by an expert in rhythmographia. If the transfer was delayed, with time the melody was lost and only the text on the papyrus was left, as it definitely survived longer than the records on the tablets. This explains why so many texts have survived to date without an accompanying melody40. Such musical records were not infrequent at that time, and were particularly typical of vase

paintings by Brygos Painter, Onesimos, Douris Painter41 and his disciple Akestorides. This is undisputable evidence that the practice of recording music was common in musicians circles long before it became fashionable with painters (early 5th century B.C.). Musical records of this type are a unique illustration not only of the composition itself but also of the authentic atmosphere of its creation or performance.

As demonstrated, through the method of music archaeology, a number of musical sources can not only be explained but they also fill in gaps in our knowledge of ancient music cultures for which we have little if any information. These ve examples indicate how important it is to train experts in music archaeology.



Of course the subject requires a more in-depth study for which all characteristic images that can shed light on the issue should be collected, analyzed and interpreted (on this question see Phlmann 1960, 10, 84; Greifenhagen 1962, 378, Pl. 93; Meyer 2004, 44249; Prauscello 2006). BuitronOliver 1995, 4145.


Anna K. Boshnakova

BARKER, A. 19841989 Greek Musical Writings (2 Vols.). Cambridge. BECK, F. 1975 Album of Greek Education. The Greeks at School and at Play. Sydney. BOSHNAKOVA, A. 2007 Hermeneutics of the Archaeological Artifact: Destruction and Reconstruction of the Lost Meaning, in: K. Boshnakov (ed.), Jubilaeus 6, 51102. Soa. BUITRON-OLIVER, D. 1995 Douris. A Master-Painter of Athenian Red-gure Vases. Mainz/Rhein. CHADWICK, J. 1976 The Mycenian World. Cambridge. CHANIOTIS, A. 2005 War in the Hellenistic World. A Social and Cultural History. Oxford. DE RIDDER, A. 1901 Catalogue des Vases Peints de la Bibliothque Nationale. Paris. EDGAR, C. C. 18981899 The Inscribed and Painted Pottery, The Annual of the British School at Athens 5, Session 189899, 4765. GREIFENHAGEN, A. 1962 Berlin, Antiquarium, Vol. 2. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum (CVA), Union Acadmique Internationale, Deutschland, Vol. 21. Mnchen. GULICK, B. CH. 1980 Athenaeus. The Deipnosophists VI. Translation by Ch. B. Gulick. Cambridge/London. JEFFERY, L. H. 1990 The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece. Oxford. HICKMANN, E. 2000 Einleitung, in: E. Hickmann/I. Laufs/R. Eichmann (eds.), Studien zur Musikarchologie II, Orient-Archologie 7, 12. Rahden/Westf. HICKMANN, E./KILMER, A. D./EICHMANN, R. 2002 Einleitung, in: E. Hickmann/A. D. Kilmer/R. Eichmann (eds.), Studien zur Musikarchologie III, Orient-Archologie 10, 13. Rahden/ Westf. HICKMANN, E. 2004 Einleitung, in: E. Hickmann/R. Eichmann (eds.), Studien zur Musikarchologie IV, Orient-Archologie 15, XXIXXIII. Rahden/ Westf. HOGARTH, D. G./LORIMER, H. L./EDGAR, C. C. 1905 Naukratis, 1903, The Journal of Hellenic Studies 25, 105156. HUG, A. 1933 s.v. Musikunterricht, in: Real Enzyklopdie, Vol. 31 HBd, 877892. KRETSCHMER, P. 1894 Die Griechischen Vaseninschriften ihrer Sprache nach untersucht von P. Kretschmer. Gtersloh. LAMBRINO, M. 1931 Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, France, Fasc. 10. Bibliothque Nationale, Cabinet des Mdailes. Paris. MEYER, E. 2004 Legitimacy and Law in the Roman World. Tabulae in Roman Belief and Practice. Cambridge. PHLMANN, E. 1960 Griechische Musikfragmente, Vol. 8. Nrnberg. PHLMANN, E./WEST, M. L. 2001 Documents of Ancient Greek Music. The Extant Melodies and Fragments. Oxford. PRAUSCELLO, L. 2006 Singing Alexandria. Music Between Practice and Textual Transmission. Leiden/Boston. ROEBUCK C./ROEBUCK M.1955 A Prize Ariballos, Hesperia 24, 158163. SNODGRASS, A. 1980 Archaic Greece. The Age of Experiment. London. VON MASSOW, W. 1916 Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts (Athenische Abteilung) 41. Stuttgart. WEST, M. L. 1992 Analecta Musica IV. The Origins of the Notation Systems, Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 92, 3646. WESTPHAL, R. 1883 Die Musik des griechischen Alterthumes. Leipzig.

Reading Ancient Greek Music in Documents, Images and Artifacts


Fig. 1 a) Oinochoe, Attic, early 5th century B.C. Bibliothque Nationale, Paris, Cat. No. 272. After Lambrino 1931, Pl. 84. 56; b) instrumental musical notation. Oinochoe, Attic, early 5th century B.C. Bibliothque Nationale, Paris, Cat. No. 272.

Fig. 2 a Lekythos, Attic, early 5th century B.C. Bibliothque Nationale, Paris, Inv. No. 2985. After Lambrino 1931, Pl. 66. 3, 7; b) instrumental musical notation. Lekythos, Attic, early 5th century B.C. Bibliothque Nationale, Paris, Inv. No. 2985.

Fig. 3 Fragment of red-gure kylix. Naukratis, ca. 485 B.C. (Oxford G 138, 3, 5, 11). After Hogarth et al. 1905, Pl. V: Ancient musical studio.

Fig. 4 Attic red-gured cup, ca. 490 B.C. Antikenmuseum Basel. Inv. No. BS 465. After Beck, F. 1975.