Gender and Politics under the Palestinian Authority Author(s): Nahla Abdo Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Palestine

Studies, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Winter, 1999), pp. 38-51 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2537933 . Accessed: 18/02/2013 18:20
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NAHLA ABDO

After settingout the main analytical approaches to evaluating women'sstatus,thearticleassesses thesituationofwomen under thePalestinianAuthority (PA) in two main areas. representation in "state" institutions and thelaw (formal, customary, and shari'a). The workof the women's nongovernmentalorganizations is surveyed, particuand women's electoral larlytheircampaignsfor legal literacy participation. The article concludes that the situation of women has advanced little, because of a number of structural inimpediments, cludinga general conservatism in society(includingamong women's groups) and the char-acteristics of thePA.
ALTHOUGH MOST PALESTINIAN SCHOLARS AND ACTIVISTS

agree that the establish-

mentof the Palestinian Authority (PA) in Janualy1994 broughtchanges to thestatus ofwomen,thereis disagreement Given as to thenatureand extent. of the "state" in debates about genderand politics, the centrality itis imporin orderto contextualize thePalestinian to appreciatethespetant, situation, cific characteristics of the PA. Thus, while the PA has developed as a the formal of a nationstate,in fact governing body resembling bureaucracy itremainseconomically, politically, and geographically dependenton Israel. The absence of sovereignty and geographicalcohesion resultsin the absence of an independent, civilsociety. functioning
THE DEBATE IN PALESTINE

Gender-basedscholarshipon citizenshipand the state can be grouped into two basic categories:structural analysis,which takes the "state"as its which focuses on the individual analytical unit;and agency-basedanalysis, and her location in society. Feminist structural analysis, often based on political economy approaches, emphasizes objective conditionssuch as the role of socioeconomic and politicalforcesin shapingwomen's status;given thatthe stateis the organizerof these forces,these analyses focus on the relationship betweenwomen and the state.Within the current contextof the "nation-state," are not optimistic eitherabout proponentsof thistheoretical perspective1

NAHLA ABDO

is an associate professorof sociology and anthropologyat Carleton University in Ottawa. This paper is part of a larger field research project partiallyfunded by the International Development Research Center.

Jouirnal of Palestine Studies XXVIII, no. 2 (Winter 1999), pp. 38-51.

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becomingequal or even about their thepotential forwomen's fill liberation in society.They argue thatthe women's agenda is oftenused contributors of the stateand the and abused by the stateagenda and thatthe interests of men witheconomic and politicalpower) are ruling elite(made up mostly the most over other sectors of society,particularly always given priority marginalized. Scholarsin thiscategoryoftenpointto the low legal statusof in thecountry's women and their politics, particularly meagerrepresentation in decision-making processes,and are concernedwiththe level of the posithanwiththe numbersof tionswomen occupy in the politicalsphererather women holdingoffice. activists who The agency-basedapproach-largely adopted by feminist than academic research-embase theirstand on lived experiences rather to effect changes woman and herability phasizes the "agent"-the individual at the institutional and structural levels. can be divided into "insiders"and "outsiders," Agency-basedfeminists in perspective.2 curwithconsequentdifferences The "insiders" are feminists or bualso known as "femocrats," rently incorporated withinPA structures, Priorto the establishment activism.3 reaucrats witha backgroundin feminist ofthePA,thefeminist insiders were partofthewomen's movement and thus theyargue thatworkingfor change had been outsiders.Not surprisingly, withinstateinstitutions is more effective thanworkingfromthe outside. workoutsidePA instiThe "outsiders" among the agency-basedfeminists organizations (NGOs).i They argue that tutions, mainlyin nongovernmental genuine change in women's statuscannot come fromwithinthe statebecause thelatter is inherently patriarchal and, as such,impedes women's prooutsidethe change can come onlyby working gress.Fromtheir perspective, state apparatus both as criticsof the state and as buildersof civil society. WorkingwithinNGOs thatenjoy a relativeautonomyfromthe state(most outsiders donor agencies), feminist funding being providedby international and thereassertthattheyenjoy more access to women's grassroots reality foreare in a better the needs of women. positionto represent agency-based Because theirfocus is individualsratherthan structures, feminists tendto be more optimistic about thesubject'srole in changingobnatureof thePA,femiWhileemphasizing thetransitional jectiveconditions. is entity nistsofthe "agency-based analysis" school arguethatthePalestinian forintegrating women intothe stillunderconstruction and thatthepotential For example,theycite the esbody politicis on the way towardrealization. of women's offices tablishment and the (dai'rat al-ma'ra) in fiveministries in all ministries-progress some of these feminists plan to open such offices take creditfor.They also pointto the presence of women in the Legislative Council(fiveout ofeighty-eight thatis amongthe deputies),a representation feminists, on the otherhand, argue highestforArab countries.(Structural real to effect thatthe small number of women deputies is not sufficient lacks an independent Council itself change, especiallysince the Legislative to the ExecutiveAuthority.) statusand remainssubordinate

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A thirdgroup of agency-basedfeminists5 believes thatimprovement in women's statuscan best be effected through the coordinatedefforts of the stateand NGOs. Public pressurefromNGOs, theysuggest,should be reinforcedby simultaneouspressurefromfemocrats withinstateinstitutions in orderto ensureeffective policychanges.Like the insiders, mostof thiscategory of feminists in the women's movementpriorto 1994. were activists Withthe establishment of the PA and the opening up of possibilities to expand theirwork,whetherthrough conditionsimposed by the donor agencies or on their own initiative, thesefeminists now have a footin each camp, one in the "state" and theotherin their NGO or independent academic institution.Indeed, thereis a growingtrendwithinthe Palestiniancontextfor NGO activists to workmore closelywith, and sometimes under,"state" institutions-a trendthatmay not be altogether positive.
GENDER, PATRIARCHY, AND THE PA

To appreciatewomen's statusunderthe PA, some salientfeatures of the PA mustfirst be examined,particularly theway in which patriarchy is manifestedwithinitsstructures. Traditional within patriarchy Palestinian political culturehas been solidifiedunder the PA. It has been widely observed,for thePA is verymuchtheruleof one person,thepresident, example,that who not onlycontrols the ministries of interior, exterior, security, and police, but also heads theExecutiveAuthority. Mostimportantly, thepresident appoints all high-ranking whichgives hima degree of concentrated positions, control thatmakes theconcept of democracyseem far-fetched. These appointments have little to do withthe qualifications or experience of the appointees,or even in some cases withthe real need forthe positionitself.6 PA appointments in the narrowsense of are "politically" either motivated partypolitics or involvingallegiance to the rulingpartyon clan or tribal grounds. Many PA appointments A 1997 have been of Fatah supporters. studyconducted by the Women's Studies Centerrevealed thatout of fiftyfouremployees in six ministries, 52 percentof the high-ranking positions who preand above) were held by returnees (e.g., assistant deputyministers viouslyworkedforthePLO in exile. Mostof the remaining high-ranking positionsin these ministries were given to people who previouslyheld high in the occupied territories.7 In other words, positions in PLO institutions most positionsof general directors were given to returnees, many lacking thenecessaryqualifications, their "thank positionstoo often constituting you forpast services.8 gifts" are notunknowneven in liberaldemocraPatronageand buyingloyalties cies. Yet, in a society in transition, where the concept of individualism is largelysubsumed under the institution of the family, such appointments have far-reaching in termsof consolidatingmale implications, particularly at the expense of genderequality.These appointments patriarchy represent an emerging of clan or trendin Palestinian the reinvention politicalculture:

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tribalallegiance. Clan allegiance had not disappeared fromPalestinian(or Arab)political culture, thefamily alwayshavingbeen a central componentin civilsociety.But within the contextof occupation,the politicalhad seemed to take precedence over the traditional or tribal, as seen by the repeated failure of Israel's attempts to replace nationalpoliticalleaders withits own from clients thelargeclans.Moreover, theimpactof thesuccessivewaves of refugeesand the proletarianization thataccompanied the occupation'seconomic shifts favoredthe replacement of extendedfamilies by nuclearones. But a combinationof factors,includingthe role of the "returnees" and Arafat's tacticof consolidatingrule throughappointments based on clan membership, has contributed to reversing thistrend. These features ifnot anwithinthe PA, while inherently nondemocratic block women's equal access to thepublicsphere.More specifitidemocratic, cally,"reinventing" thehamula as a statemechanism to consolidatepolitical allegiance constitutes a potentialthreatto women. For instance,the entrenchment of the role of patriarchy in the legitimization of the inherent hamula has implications withregardto violence againstwomen. Thus, in cases of domesticviolence, when the male head of a family is seen as the guardianof the family's femalemembers, itbecomes more difficult forstate and NGO social workers, lawyers, and counselorsto intervene. These problemsbecome particularly acute in the absence of clear rules fordealingwithpublic concerns.The PA stilllacks a constitution (Basic Law) the basic principlesand laws of the Palestinianentity, establishing spelling out thepowers and dutiesof thePA,and guaranteeing certain to those rights livingin thePA areas.9In thegoverning bodies of thePA,thereis no separationbetween the legislative, judicial,and administrative powers: the Executive Authority, appointed by the president,encroaches on the powers, and dutiesvested in the legislature and judiciary. finctions,
GENDER AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Palestinian women's current situation mustbe measuredagainstthebackin groundof theiractiveinvolvement the nationalstruggle up to the establishment of the PA. The Palestinian women's movementpeaked duringthe intifada, more literature on Palestinianwomen (particularly the generating relationship between gender and nation)thanat any othermomentin their Some oftheliterature history. credited women's role in bringing about major changes in social-genderrelations.10 Otherworks emphasized theirrole in of the nation"and protecbuildingcivilsociety, as "reproducers particularly torsof theirfamilies (includingtheirmen) againstIsraeliaggression.In this women s politicalparticipation, literature, rather than the qualityof socialwas emphasized.Most of the literature, genderrelations, however,stressed women s mobilization In particular, efforts. thework of the "utors" (the woin extending servicesto men's sectionsof thevariousPLO politicalfactions) remotevillagesand refugeecamps,in politicizing women, and in providing

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aswomen's organizations (mainlycharitable an alternative to thetraditional sociationsof upper-classwomen) was stressed.1" and consciousness-raising Duringthe intifada, women organizedliteracy in strategizing nationalboycottsof Israeli campaignsand were instrumental products.In the first three years of the uprising,they were behind the of emergence of Income GeneratingProjectsinvolvingthe establishment by women. Furhousehold-based,small-scaleeconomic cooperativesrLin thermore, the intifada witnessed the emergence of independentfeminist centers,includingthe Women's Studies Center and the Women's Affairs (Shu'un al-Mar'a), both in Nablus, and the Women's CenterforLegal Aid the variety and extentof and Counseling(WCLAC) in Gaza.12 Considering it is not an overstatement thatPalestinianwomen have this involvement, civilsociety. been primary actorsin buildingPalestinian to the national struggle, women expected a Given theircontributions in thedecision-making bodies of thenew politicalstrucstrong participation tures of the PA. By and large, theyhave been disappointed.Throughout were of twenty ministers mostof the PA's existence,two out of a minimum women: Intissaral-Wazir (minister for social work) and Hanan Ashrawi (ministerof higher education). As of August 1998, however, only Wazir remains, Ashrawi having resigned after being The Palestinian BusiWomen expected a strong demoted to tourismminister. ness Diary, 1997, which names 264 high-ranking participation in the assistant officials (e.g., deputyministers, deputymindecision-making bodies of the new political structures isters, ministries, and generaldirectors)in twenty-five lists only eight women in decision-makingposiof the PA, but theyhave been disappointed. tions.13 Of the 113 "director" positions,only twentyone were held by women. The gap tends to narrowformiddle-and lower-status jobs: women occupied 35.6 percentof the mid-levelpositions(computerprogrammers, clerks) and 46 percentof the lower positions(e.g., secretaries, and cleaning people).14 receptionists, or educationalstaNor does the level of their jobs reflect their qualifications tus:thestudyindicates thatofthefifty-four ministerial employees(seven women and forty-seven 46 percentof the women hold Ph.D. men) surveyed, degrees,while only36 percentofthemen do. The mainreasonforthissituation mustbe sought in the Palestinianpoliticalculturein general and the structure of the PA in particular. to woformone structural impediment Entrenched patriarchal traditions men's advancement.Lisa Taraki's observationthat"Palestinians are politiholds trueforall segmentsof the cally advanced but sociallytraditional"15 progressive partiesand a large partof the wosociety,includingpolitically been subWomen's liberation has almostinvariably men's movementitself. of The overwhelming majority sumed by themore generalnationalstruggle. the male decision makers in Palestinianpolitical structures continue to themto the dowomen as reproducers of the nation,relegating stereotype

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mesticsphere.Such views reinforce the traditional gender divisionof labor a majorimpediment and constitute to women's advancement. in local councils,at boththevillageand municipal Women's participation levels,also has been limited. Local councils had traditionally been involved not justin providing local services,but oftenin social and economic develftinction opment.This latter ceased underthe occupation,but it is being revived now.16 A study entitled"The Future of Women's Action in Local Councils"17revealed thatthe overwhelming majority of local councils ignored the role of gender in local development.Women were not beneficiariesof the councils except in projectsrelating to the household.Thus,84 percentof council projects-designed mainlyby men-were described as generaland only7 percentas benefitting women directly (i.e., the establishmentof girls'schools). Moreover, 77 percentof the projectsdid not include to women's developmentor needs. Indeed, women's opinany reference ions had not been solicitedfor91 percentof the projects. The fewon which women were consulted relatedto public librariesand centersforwomen in the local councils,the study and children. As forwomen's employment revealed that73 percentheld secondaryor secretarial jobs, the remainder and division coorbeing engineers,computerprogrammers, accountants, dinators. ofwomen's slow progressunderthePA,only28 percent Indicative of the women employed in West Bank local councils had been hiredsince of large numbersof women after1990 in 1990 (though the employment Gaza Cityraisedthe overallfigure to 43 percent).18 Likewomen's representationin the ministries, the role of women in local councilshas been largely definedby the traditional gendered divisionof labor.
PALESTINIAN WOMEN AND THE LAW

Palestiniansocial relationsare based on three sets of law: the formal "state"or civil laws; the unwritten customary laws; and the religiouslaws, and so shari'a, governingpersonal status(marriage, divorce,inheritance, on). In the area of civilor formal are stillsubjectto a combilaw, Palestinians nationof Ottoman, British, Jordanian, and Israelilaws, onto which Egyptian, have been grafted theOslo extralegal complications imposed on thePA after In this Palestinian women share with their male counteragreement. regard, but a numberof restrictions partsmanylegal restrictions,19 apply solely to women. Even leavingaside the genderbias of the legal formulations (a Palestiniancitizenwithinthe PA jurisdiction is definedas someone whose 'fathermustbe an Arab Palestinian livingin the West Bank or the Gaza Strip and holding an Israeli identification card"20),the laws themselvesare disFor example,as in mostArabcountries, Palestinian womarried criminatory. men are assigned the citizenship In of the husband,as are theirchildren.21 otherwords,a Palestinian women's citizenship statusdepends on thatof her husband.

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towardimproving albeitslow and limited, Nonetheless, some movement, policies of the PA. For women's statuscan be observed withinthe current women needed the approval of their Palestinian example,whereas married women over eighteen husbands to obtaintraveldocumentsand unmarried to do so, these male guardians(mainlyfathers) needed the approvalof their after intensive Ministry two laws were rescindedinJune1996 by the Interior (WATC). Similarly, Technical Committee lobbyingby the Women's Affairs whereas widows had been preventedfromincludingtheirchildrenin their of theWATC,issued theInterior Ministry, again on theprompting passports, an orderoverriding thelaw. It should be noted,however,thatin theabsence or "generalorders"only of a constitution the above changes are regulations not absolutelybinding.Still,these small steps appear to and are therefore who see themas "insider" activists, the optimism offeminist have reinforced politicalstructure. of workingwithinthe formal proofof the utility The limitedgains in the civil code do not appear to be matchedby adthe context society.In general,within vances in the other"laws" governing laws continueto predominate over of Palestinian social relations, customary written with regardto gender relationsand the issue of laws, particularly "Honorkillings," forexample,in whichmale woman's body and sexuality.22 in killinga femalerelative membersare justified judged to have befamily smirchedthe family honor,continueto occur. law. In Palestine, and overlap customary Religionhas tendedto reinforce have responsibilas elsewherein theArabworld,the religiouscommunities inheritance, dowries,alimony, ityforpersonal statusissues (e.g., marriage, divorce,custodyof children)of theirmembersin accordance withthe Personal StatusCode, known also as family law. Given the preponderanceof aspectsof itis shari'a law thatgovernsthemostimportant Islamin Palestine, natureof any question on women's lives.23Despite the highlycontentious have been campaigningforthe last shari'a,24 Palestinianwomen activists decade forfamily law reform. The issue of women and shari'a was raisedin the early 1990s by various centers,includingthe Women's StudiesCenter, which conductedworkshopson the issue. In 1992,a Women and Law Conferencewas held at al-Haq institute. As prospectsfora Palestinian became "state"and a nationallegal system more realistic, thewomen's movement began to focusmorecloselyon legal issues. In 1994, several women's centers,including the WATC and the WCLAC,met with Anis al-Qasem, head of the committeeresponsible for thePalestinian Basic Law,to discusstheneed to end genderdiscrimiwriting in the 1993 draft Basic Law. Aroundthesame nation,an issue notmentioned of the General Union of PalestinianWomen time, the general directory (GUPW), a. branch of Fatah, raised the same issues, which were also included in a letter In August1994,representatives of mostPalestinto Arafat. ian women's organizations held a press conferenceon these concerns,and the following al-Haq held an important organization year the human rights conferenceon women's statusand legal reform.

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Efforts to improvethe legal statusof women culminatedin a national by WCLAC,"TowardsEquality: campaignthatbegan witha projectinitiated study Women."This projectincludeda quantitative The Law and Palestinian It was of existing laws to highlight various forms of gender discrimination. followedby fiveworkshopsaddressing theproceduresand problemsof imnormson the plementing laws. Also examinedwas the impactof customnaly implementation of laws and theirimpact on women. The resultsof these workshopswere documentedin two books published in 1995: Palestinian Womenand Law in the Gaza Strip,editedby Salwa Sayeghand otherlawlaws relating to women), and yers(which includesan analysisof all existing Examination of the Status of Palestinian IWomenin Existing Law (in Raja Shehadeh.Followingthiswork,theWCLAC, Arabic),editedby thejurist and UNRWA, conducteda in coordination withotherwomen's organizations numberof roundtablesand workshopson the theme. Also in 1995, the WCLAClaunched a nationaland regionalcampaign of aimed at discussingwomen's statusand the need to change "legal literacy" six monthsof 1996,theWCLACorganized219 laws. Duringthe first existing theWest Bank on such issues as personal legal literacy sessions throughout violence againstwomen and children, status, custody,divorce,inheritance, and so on.25In the second halfof 1996,theWCLACexpanded itslegal literin an attempt to "increasetheawareness ofwomen about their acy program rights and statusunderthe law, ... incitewomen to demand change in spevariousconstitucificareas of thelaw, ... providesupportto women in their in to mobilize against encies, ... and create supportgroups the regions 1997. violence againstwomen."26The campaignacceleratedthroughout The legal literacycampaign was one aspect of a massive, several-year a three-day projectthatculminatedin the April 1998 "Model Parliament," law involving on women's status and family equal numbers mockparliament of male and female participants. Preparationswere spearheaded by the otherNGOs; the planningcommittee WCLACbut involvedat least fourteen such as Zahira Kamal and Legislative included government representatives Council memberJamilaSaidam. forthe event had been laid in 1995 when the WCLAC The groundwork commissioneda Jordanian Asma Khader,to preparea comprehenfeminist, sive documenton the existinglegal statusof women. The resulting paper, intensive consul"The Law and the Futureof Palestinian Women,"reflected In tationswith legal experts,lawyers,judges, and women's organizations. additionto an analysisof thie current itincludedspecificreclegal situation, ommendations forreforms and formulations ofnew laws. The recommendations-intended to serve, in the words of Zahira Kamal, as "a basis for the Model Parliament. feminist action"27-were used in preparing ActualplanningfortheModel Parliament was entrusted to a body specifiWomen and cally created for thatpurpose, PalestinianModel Parliament: This organRahman-Rabbani. group by Hanan Abdel Legislation, directed media (TV, radio, and public campaignsinvolving ized advocacy,outreach,

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cartoons, and calendarsadstickers, and print) coverage and events.Posters, vocating women's equality (in some cases using appropriateHadith or Qur'anic verses) were designed and produced forthe project.A folksong poet Widad al-Barghouti. by feminist women's rights was written promoting to the variouswomen's centers, were distributed These and othermaterials and all membersof the judiciary.28 bodies, institutions, NGOs, government regionsof were held-three in different parliaments Finally, fivepreparatory the West Bank and two in Gaza-prior to the April 1998 event. Like the was made up of an equal parliament Model Parliament, each preparatory numberof women and men, each being assigned specifictopics. unwhichwas carriedlive on Ramallahtelevision, The Model Parliament, a nationaldebate. Followingvicious attacksby fundaquestionablystirred was held in Nablus meeting forexample,a special "conciliation" mentalists, shari'a judges,intellectuals, legbetween membersof theModel Parliament, in the meeting of politicalparties.Participants islators, and representatives Palestinian StatusCode forall Palestinians; agreed to work towarda unified of all forms fill rights women their and defendthemfrom ensurePalestinian ofshari'a courts;supportcontinthe role and legitimacy violence; reinforce forsuch debate; uation of the debate and ensure a democraticframework in building and emphasize women's role alongside theirmale counterparts resultsof the campaign,the coordicivilsociety.29 Whateverthe long-term women's of the Palestinian nationand sustainedeffort are clear indications seriousnessof purpose and commitment.
WOMEN'S

NGOs

tomovement or not one believes thattherecan be meaningful Whether ward a democraticcivilsocietywithoutfundamental changes in the nature women's NGOs of thePA,thereis no questionthatPalestinian and structure Since constitute a majorcomponentin whatever"civilsociety"does exist.30 variousmeans to curb the role of NGOs by 1995, the PA has triedthrough In theface of thisthreat, a loband direction. funding takingcontrolof their bying organizationof PalestinianNGOs, the PNGO Network,was established. Through intensive advocacy campaigns and through lobbying was able thePNGO Network notables,and open-mindedministers, officials, stateof independence.31 to keep the NGOs in a relative at least temporarily Under the PA, women's NGOs have operated both at the nationallevel have been spearheaded and withinthe local communities. Their activities in ofwomen's NGOs formed largely by theWATC,an umbrellaorganization withthe potential of eventually 1993 as one of severaltechnicalcommittees once the PA was established.But whereas most of the becoming ministries the WATC did not. It was the technicalcommittees did become ministries, with the PLO WATC thatpersuaded the GUPW, an organizationaffiliated which was and the PA, to draw up "The PalestinianFeministCharter," in withthe at a conference held 8 February 1994 Jerusalem national adopted

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of almostall women's groups.This charter, participation which drew upon the Palestinian Charter of Independence,the UN Charter, and international human rights charters, includes among otherdemands the abolitionof all forms of discrimination againstwomen; thebuildingof a democratic society women equal opportunities; guaranteeing and the implementation of the principles of gender equalitystipulated in the Palestinian Charter.32 Asidefrom thecampaignforlegal reform discussed above, theWATCand thewomen's NGOs have been veryactivein promoting women's participation(as votersand candidates)in theelectoralprocess at thenational(Legislative Council) and local (municipalitiesand village councils) levels. In preparation forthenationalparliamentary electionsheld inJanuary 1996,the WATC in 1995 launched a majorsix-month nationalcampaignaimed at mobilizing women in urban,rural, and refugee concentrations to vote.The campaign involved lobbyinginfluential people, includingpoliticalfiguresand notables; extensively using the media to influencepublic opinion on women's rights;and establishinga strongnetworking systemamong other NGOs, particularly the traditional charitable organizations, aimed at consolidatinga unifiedwoman's position.While the group failedto get Arafat to approve a genderquota system underwhich30 percentof theelected members would be women,33the success of the campaign mobilizingwomen voterswas clear fromthe highvoterturnout among women. After the PA announced itsintention to hold local electionsfortown and villagecouncils,theWATC and itsconstituent organizations builtupon their 1995 votercampaignwitha similar one initiated in 1996. This campaigninvolved several stages. The first stage included a comprehensivesurveyof in local councils and municiperceptionsregarding women's involvement clans and largefamilies, palitiesheld by influential and local politicalparties, Legislative Councilmembers. The councilmembers were also asked to idenfemalecandidateslikelyto garnercommunity tify potential supportin local elections.Usingtheresults oftheopinionsurvey and thevariousdiscussions withthe council members,the WATC held several workshops and leadersessions forthe women identified ship training as potentialcandidates.34 In the event,the local electionswere never held, but the resultsof the fieldsurveywere publishedin a 1997 book, Palestinian Womenand Local Councils.Developmentand Elections.This studyin itself a major represents contribution: forthe first and statistime,therenow existsbasic information tics on fundamental issues concerningwomen and local government, includingdata on public opinion Out offrustration,many of and perceptions(particularly the women's NGOs appear men's) on women in powerfulpositions and relating to the community's to be shiftingtheir to accept and elect women to councils. activitiesfrom the national willingness Despite the visibility of the women's struggle, to the local. paron the thelack of significant ticularly legal front, progressin the statusofwomen has produced frustration among manyactivists. As a result of thisfrustration, manyof thewomen's NGOs appear to be shift-

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the generalto the from the nationalto the local and from ing theiractivities fadfortrainmorevisiblethanin thecurrent individual. Nowhereis thisshift donor agenof international priorities ing, encouraged as well by funding of thevariouswomen's thetraditional specializations cies. Indeed, whatever for the WATC; research on NGOs-lobbying, advocacy, and networking and comresearch, genderissues fortheWomen's StudiesCenter;teaching, legal assistWomen's Program; forthe Birzeit network development munity ance fortheWCLAC;and so on-all now appear to be engaged in training. to Though women's NGOs undoubtedlycan make a usefulcontribution forexisting holders,at thesame time and potential office skillsdevelopment individualsin gender benefitsof training one can question the long-term iftheyare notengaged in makingor even carryand humanrights sensitivity is at the expense of theNGOs' other ing out policy,especiallyifthetraining forexample,has virtually functions. The Women's StudiesCenter, important fromreactivity; the shift its most important halted research,traditionally to the recentresignation of the search to training was a factor contributing The focus on limited Suha Hindiyyeh.35 center'sfounderand coordinator, such as training also leads to competition forscare fundsand dupliactivities women's NGOs. among the different cation of efforts weakeningof the NGOs' position could lead to a potential This situation workas comthePA.Already some women's NGOs are seeing their vis-a-vis thatof the PA, raisingquestionsabout plementary to and not separatefrom In a situation where internal strnctherole of the civilsocietyin themaking. meaningful turesare largelydetermined induced conditions, by externally to the positionof women will be an uphillbattle. improvement
THE CHALLENGE AHEAD

In examining why the positionof women in Palestinehas remainedsubmade by the women's organiunchangeddespite the greatefforts stantially to the witha numberof structural impediments zations,one is confronted us back to the basic division between the women's movement,bringing At the most basic level is the general arguments. "agency"and "structural" of Palestinian social conservatism societyat large,both of men and of woto genderissues and men.Another is thePA's lack of commitment keyfactor (vis-a-vis its fragility both internally (vis-a-viscivil society) and externally Israel). It is thisweakness thatenables the PA to deferdebates on women's statuson the groundsthatregionalor politicalissues musttake precedence. A third whose importance is perhaps more potentialthan actual,is factor, has an impactboth in general.This factor Hamas and theIslamist movement on civil societyin general and women's place in society,as well as on the the PA and Israel. vis-a-vis politicalsituation Hamas hardlywas mentionedas an obstacle to women's proStrangely, gressin the course of myworkin theWestBank and Gaza. Whilethiscould ask my informants to the factthatI did not specifically be attributed partly

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and feminists, about the role of Hamas, itis also possible thatNGO activists not personallyaffected generallymiddle class intellectuals by the Islamist movement, do not see it as a threat to theirwork. Yet, Hamas does tryto exert pressureon women. During the campaign for legal reform and in preparation forthe Model Parliament, calls from the pulpitdenouncingwomen's organizations as tools forspreadingWesternculture (i.e., decadence) were heard in the relatively urban centerof Ramallah.36 The "progressive" mostvigorouscampaignagainstwomen's demandsfollowedtheModel Parliament, during which women were slanderedin variouspapers,leading to in Nablus. the above-mentioned "conciliatory meeting" It should be noted thatHamas is not a homogenous movement and does not have the same influenceacross geographicalor class boundaries.It is more influential among the poor, forexample, and in areas lackingsocial in Gaza than in the West Bank, and in services.It is also more influential to note certainareas of the West Bank more thanin others.It is important that Hamas does not representthe voice even of all Palestinianveiled women.37 In the absence of precise data measuringthe sympathy (as opposed to overtpoliticalsupport)Hamas enjoysamong the populationin generaland women in particular, it is difficult to gauge the movement'strueweight.38 Much of its popular support, however,derivesfromits standagainstIsrael, and this supporthas implications forthe PA's position relativeto Hamas. Thus, while the PA, under Israeli pressure,employs harsh tacticsagainst Hamas, with regardto internal politicsit tends to appease the Islamistsin partby not "givingin" to women's demands. There has been speculation that Arafat's to approve theWomen's Charter was motivated repeatedrefusal by calculationsconcerningPA-Hamasrelations. is stilllargelyaimed at the Israeli because Hamas's activism Nonetheless, occupation,its influenceon civilsocietyremainswithinbounds. But given the PA's apparentdeferenceto Hamas on internal matters and the continuof Israel's policies towardthe Palestinians, the groundseems ing hardening likeHamas to gain strength promripefora movement and popularsupport, of increasing forwomen. isinga future struggle to theirstruggle women have shown theirresiliencein maintaining Still, theirposition in society.Significant strengthen progresshas been made in the basis for real change. At an international conference public attitudes, held by the Gaza Community MentalHealthProgramin 1997, forexample, discussionson such issues as violence againstwomen,rape (includingmariof talrape),women's shelters, and hotlinestook place withtheparticipation Gazan women and men, includingreligiousfigures. Events such as these defythe moribundOslo process and the debilitated PA, as theyare directly concernedwithbuildinga Palestiniancivil society,a societythatformany decades has functioned withouta stateapparatus.

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NOTES

JOURNAL OF PALESTINE

STUDIES

1. These include such scholars as Judith Tucker, Deniz Kandiyoti,and Nira Yuval-Davis. 2. See more on the insider/outsider debate in Caroline Andrew and Sandra Rogers, eds., Women and the Canadian State (Montreal and Buffalo:McGillQueen's University Press, 1997). 3. A prominentexample is Zahira Kamal, a directorgeneral in the Ministry of Planning (the first and thus farthe only female directorgeneral in the PA
structure).

4. These include Dr. Suha Hindiyyeh, founderand untilrecentlydirectorof the Women's Studies Center; Hanan Abdel Rahman-Rabbani,project manager of "The PalestinianModel Parliament:Women and Legislation";and I'timad Muhanna, project coordinatorwith UNIFEM in the Gaza Strip. 5. These include Maha Abu-Diyyeh, directorof the Women's Center forLegal Aid and Counseling (WCLAC); Islah Jad of and Suhair AzzouniBirzeitUniversity; Mahshi, directorof Women's Affairs Technical Committee(WATC). 6. This is particularly true forthe position of "adviser to the president"or "general director." The latter"position" is found quite excessively in every ministry. For example, in the Ministry of Local Governmentthere are twentyofficials, sixteen of whom carrythe same title, namely, general directorat the ministry. This is a phenomenon thatpersistsin most ministries. 7. See the Women's Studies Center, "Women in Decision-Making Positions in AuSix Palestinian Ministries" (Jerusalem: thor,1997), p. 12. 8. According to the Palestinian Business Diary, the PresidentialOfficehas nineteen positions foradvisers-all men. In fact,the real number of "presidential advisers" exceeds thatrecorded in the document. In Gaza City,I met with two "advisers"whose names did not show up in the quoted document. Unlike political appointmentsmade in the case of "general directors," most advisers came from clans. economically or socially influential In a meetingwith one head of a notable clan, who refused an "advisory"position, I was informedthatalong with the title "adviser,"the holder receives a salary of

$3,000 per month,a car, mobile phone, three guards, and a VIP card thatallows him "free"movement outside of Gaza. In return, the clan or extended familyallegiance to the presidentis expected. The title"adviser to the president"has in fact become a topic of public gossip and jokes. It is commonly believed that among every tribe,clan, or extended family,there is one "adviser" appointed by the president. 9. See Mohammad S. Dajjani, "The PalestinianAuthority and Citizenship in the PalestinianTerritories," 1998, available on the PA Web site at http://www.pna.org/. 10. Marwan Darweish, "The Intifada: Social Change," Race and Class 31, no. 2 (Oct.-Dec. 1998), pp. 58-59. 11. Rita Giacaman and Penny Johnson, "PalestinianWomen: Building Barriin Zachary cades and Breaking Barriers," Lockman and Joel Beinin, eds., Intifada. The Palestinian UprisingAgainst Israeli Occupation (Boston: South End Press, 1989), pp. 166-67. 12. Nahla Abdo, "Nationalismand Feminism in the PalestinianWomen's Movement,"in Valentine Moghadam, ed., Gender and National Identity.Women and Politics in Muslim Societies (London: Zed Press, 1994), pp: 157-61. 13. The exact number and titlesof withinthe PA is stillnot clear. ministries Some documents, forexample, referto the Jerusalempost held by Faisal Husseini as a ministry, others referto it as a withoutportfolio.In its 1996 ministry publication,PASSIA (Palestinian Academic AfSociety forthe Studyof International of Jewish Affairs)mentions a "Ministry which I could not findin other fairs," such as the documents. Some ministries, of Economy, Trade, and Industry Ministry appear to have been divided into two in 1997: one for industry and ministries the other foreconomy and commerce. 14. See Women's StudyCenter,"Women in Decision-Making Positions,"Table 1, p.9. Reali15. Lisa Taraki, "Contemporary ties and Trends," BirzeitUniversity Women's Studies ProgramReport 12 (1997), p. 19. 16. Elected local councils were dismissed by Israel in 1982 and replaced by appointed bodies. In 1996, the PA re-

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AND POLITICS

UNDER

THE PALESTINIAN

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27. Kamal introduction to Khader, "The Law and the Futureof Palestinian Women," pp. 8-12. 28. Interviewwith Hanan Abdel Rahman-Rabbani,Ramallah, October 1997. 29. al-Ayyam,6 April 1998. 30. For a comprehensive critique of the notion of civil society,see Azmi Bishara,A Contributionto the Critique of Civil Society (Ramallah: Muwatin,The 19. Mohammad S. Dajjani, Adviser, PalestinianInstitute forthe Studyof DePalestinianAuthority, "The PalestinianAumocracy, 1997) [in Arabic]. and Citizenshipin the Palestinian thority 31. For more on the ongoing conflict the Palestinian National AuTerritories," between the NGOs and the PA, see "PerOfficialWeb site, Special Report thority net/reports/mcitizen.htm). spectives on the PNGO Network,"in the (http.//www.pna. PNGO Newsletter111 (February 1997). 20. Ibid., 8, emphasis added. See also Parliamentary Horizons (a doc21. Ibid. umentarynewsletterpublished by Muwa22. For more on the difference beforthe Study tin,The Palestinian Institute tween customaryunwritten laws and forof Democracy) 1, no. 0 (June 1997) and mal laws, see Adrien KatherineWing, no. 1 (July1997). "Custom,Religion and Rights:The Future 32. Khader, "The Law and the Future of Legal Statusof Palestinian Women," of PalestinianWomen," pp. 41-46. HarvardJournal of International Law 33. The quota systemwas adopted 35, no. 1 (Winter 1994), pp. 149-200. duringthe 1995 Beijing conference,in 23. Three different sets of sharia which Palestinianwomen participated. law-Egyptian, Jordanian,and thatused For more on this see Khader, "The Law forMuslims in Israel-are currently operaand the Futureof PalestinianWomen," p. tive in Palestine. I have dealt with these 72. laws in detail in "MuslimFamily Law: Ar34. For more details, see Sa'id, "The ticulating Gender, Class and the State" in Futureof Women's Action." International Review of Comparative 35. E-mail correspondence with WATC Public Policy 9 (1997), pp. 169-94. coordinatorSuhair Azzouni-Mahshi,De24. Zahira Kamal, in her introduction cember 1997. to Asma Khader's "The Law and the Fu36. Interviewwith Suhair Azzouniture of PalestinianWomen: Formulations Mahshi, WATC coordinator,September and Suggestions forthe Improvementof 1997. Legislationwhich ProtectHuman Rights 37. In 1996, I participatedin a reand Women's Equal Rights"(Jerusalem: search project with thirteen veiled, mostly Women's Center for Legal Aid and Counrefugee,Gazan women, all of whom seling, 1997, mimeographed), p. 11, idenidentifiedthemselves as Islamistsinsofar tifiesthree main positions on shari'a as they did not criticizeeven those verses reform: secularistswho argue forthe aboof the Qur'an thatopenly discriminate litionof religious laws; religious traditionagainst women. As the workshops alists who refuse any change to what they progressed, however, most if not all parsee as sacred laws; and those who accept ticipantsbecame open to the idea of legal reform as long as the sharia remains the reformsand changes to existinglaws and law of the land. began to see the role and power of patri25. See WCLAC Report 10 (Jul.-Dec. archy in both the religious movement and 1996), p. 6. society at large. 26. WCLAC, Report 9 (Jan.-Jun. 1996), 38. See Abdo, "Nationalismand Femip. 4. nism,"pp. 148-70.

stored the rightto elect local councils, but this righthas remained on paper, as the PA has delayed elections and instead appointed new local bodies of its own to replace the Israeli-appointedones. 17. Nadir Sa'id, "The Futureof Women's Action in Local Councils," alSiyyasa al-Filastiniyya4, no. 13 (Winter 1997), pp. 6-33. 18. Ibid., 13.

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