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Queen Carolines Library and its European Contexts

Emma Jay

One of the favorite pursuits of George IIs consort, Caroline of Ansbach (16831737), was book collecting.1 The surviving evidence of her extensive library at St. Jamess Palace ought to be understood in relation to the complexities of her position as an Anglo-German queen. Scholars have shown that after having spent her formative years at a series of German courts, she retained a cosmopolitan European outlook while also developing an active interest in British culture.2 This article will survey the origins, development, organization, and functions of her library in context of the other court libraries she knew, both in Germany and in Britain. At one level the collection was a product of her knowledge of, and continuing connections with, the German court library tradition, despite the fact that it contained a relatively small number of German books; but at another level it was clearly a British royal library, symbolizing her desire to absorb her German heritage into the cultural practices of the British monarchy. She ought to be seen as a pivotal gure in the history of book collecting at the British court and an important precursor of that great royal bibliophile, George III. Caroline was born in Ansbach, a small town thirty miles southwest of Nuremberg, in 1683, the daughter of the margrave of BrandenburgAnsbach, Johann Friedrich, by his second wife, Eleonore Erdmuthe Louise of Saxe-Eisenach.3 She had a disrupted childhood: when the margrave died in 1686, she went to live in Eisenach with her mother and her younger brother, Wilhelm Friedrich, and six years later they all moved to the much grander setting of the Dresden court when her mother married the elector

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Book History

of Saxony, Johann Georg IV. The elector died of smallpox in 1694, and the electress and her children moved again, to the Saxon town of Pretzsch, until the electress also died in 1696. Having lost both of her parents and her stepfather, Caroline was invited to Berlin to live with her guardians, Elector Friedrich III of Brandenburg and his wife Sophie Charlotte, who were king and queen in Prussia from 1701. At Sophie Charlottes summer palace, Lietzenburg (renamed Charlottenburg after the queens death in 1705), Caroline gained entry into a distinguished intellectual circle.4 She was introduced to the philosopher Gottfried Leibniz when he visited the palace in 1704 while working to establish the Berlin Society of Sciences.5 In 1705 she moved to the Hanoverian court upon her marriage to Sophie Charlottes nephew, George Augustus, electoral prince of Hanover. The match opened up exciting prospects, because Georges grandmother and Sophie Charlottes mother, Electress Sophia of Hanover, had been named in the 1701 Act of Settlement as the heir to the British throne after William III and Anne. Sophia predeceased Anne by a few weeks in the summer of 1714, and Sophias son George Lewis became the rst elector of Hanover to rule Great Britain. Caroline arrived at the British court as Princess of Wales in October of that year, accompanied by three of her children, but leaving the oldest, Frederick, behind at Hanover to continue his education. This German background is crucial for understanding Carolines approach to cultural patronage and collecting. It is well known that she followed the example of Sophia of Hanover and Sophie Charlotte of Prussia by befriending and encouraging Leibniz: she tried without success to arrange for him to accompany her to Britain in 1714, and in 171516 she facilitated and arbitrated his learned correspondence with the Newtonian philosopher Samuel Clarke.6 Similarly, her experience of several German court libraries must be seen as an important factor in her decision to establish her own library at the British court. Her father had expanded the Ansbach court library into what can be termed a universal library, with space devoted to all the different branches of knowledge.7 Both of her parents appear to have cultivated an interest in books, as several of the volumes currently stored at the Staatliche Bibliothek in Ansbach bear her mothers bookstamp.8 Although she left Ansbach at an early age, she retained an interest in her birthplace and kept in contact with her brother, who succeeded to the margravate in 1703 and relaunched the library as the ffentliche Schlobibliothek (public palace library) in 1720.9 Many of the court libraries of Europe were acquiring a public dimension in this period by making themselves available to visiting scholars, and a few were evolving into regional or national libraries.10 The massive Bibliothque du Roi in Paris, which was widely used by scholars and claimed the right of copyright deposit, was to become the Bibliothque Nationale after the French Revolution.

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Dresden was renowned for its court culture and specically for its exquisite collections of natural and manmade treasures.11 The electoral library stagnated in the late seventeenth century before being revived and expanded by Elector Friedrich August I (ruled 16941733), the brother and successor of Carolines stepfather.12 Carolines departure from Dresden in 1694 prevented her from witnessing this transformation, and she was probably less inuenced by the library than by the other collections (in later years she assembled a cabinet of curiosities at Kensington Palace).13 However, her time in Berlin coincided with the rapid expansion of the library in the Stadtschlo (town palace) and with the renovation of the palace itself in an imposing Baroque style.14 As well as being politically ambitious, Friedrich and Sophie Charlotte channeled their energy into supporting the arts and sciences, and the palace library functioned as an expression of the increasingly grandiose cultural life of the court. Sophie Charlotte took a special interest in music and kept a valuable music library, which is likely to have made a strong impression on Caroline. In Hanover Caroline would have encountered the Hofbibliothek (court library), which had been established in the Leineschlo (the courts main residence on the banks of the river Leine) in 1665 by Johann Friedrich, Duke of Brunswick-Lneburg.15 In 1698 the collection was relocated to a house containing an apartment for Leibniz, who had been appointed librarian in 1676. It ourished with the addition of notable private libraries such as those of Electress Sophia and Leibniz on their respective deaths in 1714 and 1716. In 1720 the collection was transferred to a new building and was opened to visitors as the Knigliche ffentliche Bibliothek (royal public library). After continuous expansion in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it eventually became the Niederschsische Landesbibliothek, the central public library for the Lower Saxony region. In the decades after its foundation it served an important cultural, scholarly, and political purpose at the Hanoverian courtpolitical because it reected the growing prestige of the Brunswick-Lneburg line. The posts of librarian and court historiographer were combined, and Leibniz spent much of his time preparing a denitive account of Brunswick history.16 His research enabled him to play a signicant part both in securing Hanovers promotion to electoral status in 1692 and in negotiating and defending the Act of Settlement.17 After 1714 Caroline supported his claim to the post of historiographer of the kings of Great Britain, but the king insisted that he must complete the Brunswick history rst.18 He published the rst three volumes in 1707, 1710, and 1711, but he died before nishing the project. Subsequent Hanoverian historiographers took it up, and in 184346 Georg Pertz brought out a three-volume account titled Annales Imperii Occidentis Brunsvicienses.19 The fact that George I and George II played important roles in the development of the Hanoverian court library has gone unnoticed in most

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accounts of their reigns.20 Both kings kept private book collections at Hanover, which were added to the main court library at various stages.21 George Is private library, comprising 2500 volumes, was transferred to the court library in 1718 and 1729. Many of his books were presentation copies with costly bindings, and a signicant number of them were in English. George II, who succeeded to the throne on his fathers death in 1727, was particularly generous in his nancial support of the Hanoverian library and visited it several times. Despite the much-quoted claim of his vice-chamberlain Lord Hervey that he used often to brag of the contempt he had for books and letters, he is remembered by historians of Hanover as something of a bibliophile.22 His private collection was incorporated into the main library in 1729, 1730, 1732, and 1760. He had about 3000 books, many of which were printed in England. The subjects of history, law, statecraft, geography, architecture, and military affairs were strongly represented. Clearly, then, Georges efforts to foster the court library tradition at Hanover complemented Carolines book collecting. She built up her library at the British court, while at the Hanoverian court he not only tended his own collection but also patronized the public library. During her years in Hanover Caroline would certainly have been aware of the renowned court library in the neighboring duchy of BrunswickWolfenbttel, where Leibniz had been appointed director in 1691 alongside his duties at the Hanoverian library.23 This vast collection, known as the Bibliotheca Augusta after its founder, Duke August of BrunswickWolfenbttel (15791666), had been a public lending library since 1664. Leibniz instituted an alphabetical catalog and impressed upon his patron, Duke Anton Ulrich, the necessity of supporting and expanding the collection.24 It was at Wolfenbttel rather than the more modest Hanoverian library that he had the scope to develop his vision of a universal research library containing books on every subject.25 He believed that book collecting furthered the spread of knowledge and helped to make possible the ultimate goal of universal knowledge; a library should contain the most important works in every subject and language and should continually be updated to reect the progress of scholarship. Gabriel Nauds inuential treatise on how to stock a library, Advis pour Dresser une Bibliothque (1627), had made similar points about the need to cover and classify all branches of knowledge and to compare the works of scholars who were ideologically opposed to one another. Naud argued that Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, Muslim, and freethinking writers should all be included, because a universal library should represent confessional differences rather than ignoring them. At the time of Carolines arrival in Britain, the royal library tradition was dormant. The royal family had been associated with book collecting for

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centuries, but Britain lacked a magnicent national collection on a par with that of France. The Royal Library, now known as the Old Royal Library, had been founded by Edward IV and contained thousands of printed books and manuscripts accumulated in successive reigns.26 Since 1662 it had also functioned as a copyright deposit library, but it had sunk into decrepitude by 1694, when the eminent scholar Richard Bentley was appointed its librarian. Dismayed by its sorry state, Bentley published a proposal to transform it into a national research library supplied with annual revenues by Act of Parliament, but his ambitious scheme came to nothing.27 He had lost an important advocate in Queen Mary II (166294), who had interested herself in the collection to such an extent that it had become known as the Queens library.28 He envisioned a handsome new library building in St. Jamess Park, but the books were removed from the palace in the early eighteenth century to join the Cotton manuscripts in Cotton House. They were temporarily stored at various other London locations, including Ashburnham House, where many of them were destroyed by re in 1731, and following this disaster they were kept out of harms way in the Old Dormitory at Westminster School.29 By this stage Bentley was no longer royal librarian, having been succeeded by his son, also named Richard Bentley, in 1725.30 In 1734 David Casley, who had been deputy librarian since 1718, published a catalog of the manuscripts and an account of the re damage.31 Meanwhile, Bentley senior had established links with another female royal bibliophile. Caroline does not appear to have shared Marys enthusiasm for the Old Royal Library, but she evidently had a high opinion of Bentleys intellect: as Princess of Wales she used frequently to pit Dr. Samuel Clarke and him together, on subjects of literature, although he did not enjoy these discussions and excused himself from them, nominally on health grounds.32 In 1716 the two Lords Chief Justice, Peter King and Thomas Parker, approached Bentley and suggested that he produce a new edition of classical works for the use of Prince Frederick. The approval of Lord Townshend, secretary of state for the northern department, was obtained in the absence of George I (who was visiting Hanover), but the scheme collapsed within months, probably because Townshend himself was dismissed from ofce.33 Carolines involvement in this affair is not recorded, but given that she took a close interest in her childrens education, it is difcult to believe that she did not at least know of it. Bentley had mentioned it to Samuel Clarke, who was one of her favorites, and she and the Prince of Wales were in the process of establishing political links with Townshend and his brother-inlaw, Robert Walpole.34 In 1726 Bentley revived the scheme by dedicating to Prince Frederick his edition of Terence and Phaedrus.35 Several years later, Caroline indicated her belief both in Bentleys scholarship and in the notion

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of the English literary canon when she encouraged his edition of Paradise Lost (1732), which was to prove one of the most controversial examples of literary editing in the period: Her Majesty represented to him that he had printed no edition of an English Classic, and urged him to undertake Milton.36 There was very little activity at the Old Royal Library while Caroline was living at the British court, or in the two decades after she died in 1737. In 1745 the ofce of librarian went to Claudius Amyand, whose father, also Claudius Amyand, had been principal surgeon to George I and George II.37 Evidently the collection was not a source of royal or national pride in the earlier eighteenth century, but in 1757 George II donated it to the recently founded British Museumarguably a public-spirited gesture indicating a real commitment to the notion of book collecting on a national scale. The museums founding father was Sir Hans Sloane, who offered his library and antiquities to the nation for 20,000.38 In 1753 the king approved the Founding Act, which stipulated that the Cotton and Harley manuscripts and the library of Arthur Edwards (which was attached to the Cotton Library) should be added to Sloanes collections. Montagu House in Great Russell Street was chosen as the site, and in 1759, two years after the donation of the Old Royal Library, the museum, complete with a reading room on the ground oor, opened its doors to the nation. George II was therefore instrumental in creating the publicly funded national library that Britain had lacked for so long. His support of the museum is comparable not only to his patronage of the Hanoverian library but also to his founding of the University of Gttingen in 1734 and of Kings College (later Columbia University) in 1754, both of which were endowed with libraries.39 Moreover, he gave 3000 toward the cost of the new east front of the University Library in Cambridge, which opened in 1758.40 In 1715 George I had purchased and presented to Cambridge the vast and valuable library of John Moore, Bishop of Ely, who had died the previous year. The new wing was required to accommodate Moores collection, which had been renamed the Royal Library as a tribute to George Is generosity. In helping to nance the expansion, George II was therefore continuing a tradition of royal patronage. George II made efforts to support the Cambridge and London libraries several years after his wifes death. During her lifetime he appears to have focused on his German libraries, while she was the principal royal book collector on British soil. She was in a good position to exploit and reinvigorate the royal library tradition because she was in contact with a large network of readers and library owners at court. Book collecting was an increasingly popular pursuit in the upper ranks of society, among both men and women. Robert and Edward Harley, respectively rst and second

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Earls of Oxford, established a celebrated library, as did Charles Spencer, third Earl of Sunderland.41 Several of Carolines female attendants were bookish, notably Henrietta Louisa Fermor, Countess of Pomfret; Frances Seymour, Countess of Hertford (herself a poet); Dorothy Boyle, Countess of Burlington; Charlotte Clayton, later Lady Sundon; and Henrietta Howard, later Countess of Suffolk.42 The Countess of Burlingtons husband, the third Earl of Burlington, accumulated a large library at Chiswick.43 Antiquaries and scholars of all kinds were heavily involved in book collecting during this period, and two of the most notable scholar-collectors, Sir Hans Sloane and Sir Richard Mead, were royal physicians.44 Indeed, some of Sloanes seventeenth-century maps made their way into Carolines collection.45 Other library owners in her circle included the antiquaries Sir Andrew Fountaine (who was her vice-chamberlain) and George Vertue.46 Further down the social scale, the spread of literacy and the rapid expansion of the publishing industry were contributing to an unprecedented increase in both reading and book collecting.47 Caroline was reported to be a keen reader.48 Hervey claimed that she had very little time for reading after becoming queen in 1727, but according to Lady Suffolk, both she & the King always read in bed both after dinner & after Supper.49 Much of her reading appears to have been oral and social: she was read to by her attendants, such as Countess Cowper, and she enjoyed discussing books in a social setting, giving special attention to works of theology.50 She was not a scholar in the formal sense: her handwriting was a messy, badly spelled scrawl, and her learning was thought by some to be merely supercial.51 Nonetheless, there is considerable evidence to suggest that she was both intelligent and well-informed, with a lively curiosity about intellectual matters. The fact that she set about acquiring, reading, and discussing a variety of books in English as soon as she arrived at court signies that she was rmly committed to mastering the language.52 She had begun taking English lessons in Hanover and she learned to speak it uently, but she preferred to write in French.53 At times she spoke an amalgam of French and English.54 She admitted to Lord Egmont in 1736 that she found some difculty in speaking English herself, though she understood it very well.55 Because of the poor condition of the Old Royal Library, the eld was wide open for Caroline to establish a fully functioning royal book collection and (ironically) to situate it at St. Jamess. Her commission of a new royal library was noted in the press in the summer of 1727, shortly after she became queen.56 William Kent designed an elegant neo-Palladian building looking onto the park, but sadly it was not completed until October 1737, only a month before her deathindeed, she collapsed there on

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9 November.57 She had previously stored her books elsewhere in the palace, in two rooms adjoining Lady Suffolks lodgings.58 A librarian named Francis Say, secretary to Thomas Green, Bishop of Ely, was appointed a few months before the librarys completion.59 Say had also been secretary to Greens two immediate predecessors, William Fleetwood and John Moore, and had overseen the packing of Moores books when they were sent to Cambridge.60 Moore had belonged to a network of Cambridge men including William Whiston, Samuel Clarke, and Richard Bentley, all of whom were Carolines associates.61 Whiston and Clarke had each been Moores chaplain, and Clarke had compiled a catalog of his library.62 It is possible to speculate, then, that Says appointment as Carolines librarian sprang from his connections with this group. A graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge, he endeavoured to settle amicably the long-term feud between Bentley, who was master of Trinity, and the fellows.63 The bishops of Ely are traditionally dened as the visitors of the college, and as such have a judicial function. Bentley was tried twice at Ely House, in 1714 and 173334, because several of the fellows were determined to eject him. Moore died before pronouncing judgment in 1714, but in 1734 Green sentenced him to deprivation. Bentley managed to retain his position, however, because two successive vice-masters avoided sanctioning Greens judgment.64 Says attempts to defuse this conict must have been awkward, to say the least. Mediating between his employers and the pugnacious Bentley without losing favor on either side would have required a great deal of tact. Carolines library was by no means neglected in the years leading up to Says appointment. The survival of ve manuscript catalogs, drawn up by several unidentied hands between 1722 and 1760, makes it possible to trace much of the collections history.65 Professional scribes would probably have been employed to produce these catalogs, and Say himself would have supervised the librarys organization and upkeep.66 We can tell from the earliest catalog that by 1722 Caroline had amassed hundreds of English plays covering a lengthy time period from the sixteenth century to the eighteenth an impressive collection indicating her attachment to the theater.67 Another of the catalogs contains detailed (if untidy) notes recording the acquisition, circulation, and transportation of her books between 1727 and 1742.68 Unlike the other scribes, the writer of these notes appears to be a person of French extraction with little formal education: the language of preference is French, and the spelling and capitalization are erratic. The notes reveal that James Roberts, John Jackson, Pierre Dunoyer, Paul Vaillant and his sons Paul and Isaac, one of the Knapton brothers, and John Brindley supplied Caroline with books in exchange for fees.69 Dunoyer and the Vaillants would have been useful to her as dealers in foreign literature, and John Brindley was her bookbinder.70 Some of the books were acquired second-hand: for instance,

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there is a record of the purchase of items from the library of the MP Thomas Sclater Bacon, auctioned in 173738.71 One of Carolines account books corroborates her use of the second-hand book market, revealing that at some stage in the 173031 period she spent over 100 on books from the Covent Garden auctioneer Christopher Cock, who was later to be satirized as Hen in Henry Fieldings play The Historical Register for the Year 1736 (1737).72 Books circulated at court in a system of gift exchange, and some of Carolines books were given to her by fellow collectors such as Lord Sunderland.73 The annotated catalog demonstrates that she regularly gave books to her children and friends. For instance, her daughter Caroline, the Countess of Nottingham, and Lord Hervey all received books from her in November 1730.74 In May 1736 recipients of gifts included Prince Frederick and Princess Anne (Carolines oldest daughter, who had married Prince Willem IV of Orange-Nassau and was living in Holland), and the king departed for Hanover with three copies of Pierre le Courayers LHistoire du Concile de Trente (1736), a work dedicated to Caroline and supplied by one of Carolines booksellers, Paul Vaillant.75 This detail suggests not only that George was inuenced by his wifes admiration for Courayer but also that the libraries of the king and queen were interrelated, with books being transported from one to the other. The catalog gives detailed information about the way in which Carolines books were carried between St. Jamess, Richmond, and Kensington by her servants, including Mr. Krav, Mr. Haubourg, Mr. Shaw, and Mr. LawmanJohn Krah, Herman Hobourg, John Shaw, and Henry William Lawman, all pages of the back stairs.76 The royal family regularly migrated between their various residences, and Caroline probably wanted to have access to at least some of her books while she was away from St. Jamess. Richmond Lodge was settled on her in 1727, and she invested a great deal of time and money in the property, ensuring that it was well-stocked with books: a new library wing was added at some point during her husbands reign.77 William Kent designed two grottoes for the garden, the Hermitage (built 173032) and Merlins Cave (1735), both of which contained selections of books.78 The library in the Cave was substantial enough to require an ofcial library keeperthe celebrated thresher poet Stephen Duck, who had been Carolines protg since 1730.79 The annotated catalog includes lists of books delivered by the bookseller John Jackson to be sent to the Cave, and we can deduce from these that Ducks library contained miscellaneous historical, theological, scientic, and literary works.80 In view of Lord Herveys account of the king speaking scornfully of Merlins Cave as childish silly stuff, it is surprising to discover from the annotated catalog that he gave orders for books to be sent to the grotto in July 1736.81 The notes also demonstrate that he continued depositing books

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in the St. Jamess library after Carolines deatha sign that he regarded it not as her private collection but as the central location of the royal familys books.82 She had left him all her possessions in her will, and he was evidently conscious of his responsibility to maintain the library.83 He decreed that the salaries and pensions of the members of her household should continue to be paid, and the list drawn up for this purpose in early 1738 included her librarian, Francis Say (who received 100 per annum), as well as a Library Keeper, John Hamilton (whose annual salary was 40).84 This second appointment reects the ongoing growth and importance of the St. Jamess collection: a general catalog compiled in about 1741 contains 2827 entries, and a second version of the catalog, dated 1743 but with additions up to at least 1760 (the year of the kings death), contains 3150 entries.85 The two catalogs represent a great deal of labor, and the fact that they were drawn up at all indicates that the king was determined that the library should remain in use. Given that a great many of the works were held in duplicate or triplicate and many others were multi-volume sets, the entire collection must have been impressively large. It was dwarfed by the Old Royal Library, a catalog of which, drawn up after its transferal to the British Museum, contained about 13,450 entries, but it was as substantial as some of the more important private libraries of the time, and it equaled the kings private collection in Hanover.86 It is therefore possible to demonstrate that Carolines library (for it continued to be referred to as hers after her death) continued to expand and function in the kings care in the 1740s and 1750s. Its expansion was not dramaticonly 323 extra entries appear in the second general catalogbut most of the additional books date from the 174360 period, which suggests that attempts were being made to acquire recently published material. No evidence has come to light of any of Carolines books being donated to the British Museum with the Old Royal Library in 1757. George II was so attached to his late wifes possessions that he did not allow her chamber at St. Jamess to be altered in any way: after visiting the palace in 1758, Horace Walpole reported that the wood lying on the hearth had been laid for her re the day she died.87 It is difcult to imagine the king countenancing the dispersal of Carolines books, but there is a note on the front of the Windsor catalog, unfortunately undated, indicating that he sent some of them overseas: N.B. All the Duplicates found in this Catalogue were Sent to Hannover, by his Majestys order.88 The king in question could be George II, as the note is written in the same hand as the later entries in the catalog and, as we know, George II kept a library at Hanover. Unfortunately there is no record on le at the Niederschsische Landesbibliothek of any books arriving there from Carolines collection, and the books held there that derive from the libraries of George I and George II have not been

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systematically cataloged.89 It is possible, too, that George III ordered the removal of the duplicates in the early 1760s, while he and his wife, Queen Charlotte, were establishing their own libraries at Buckingham House.90 When Francis Say died in 1748, at least two people hoped for his job.91 One was a particular friend of Says, the clergyman and scholar John Jortin. Several years before, Say had recommended Jortin to the patronage of Thomas Herring, who became Archbishop of York in 1743 and of Canterbury in 1747. Herring attempted to have Jortin installed as Says successor at the queens library, but to no avail.92 The philosopher William Whiston also petitioned for the post on behalf of his son George. He wrote to Arthur Onslow, Speaker of the House of Commons, claiming that Caroline had promised his oldest son, William, the post of kings waiter during one of her stints as queen regent and that she would have made George her librarian if she had still been alive.93 Whistons plea was unsuccessful, for the historian Archibald Bower was appointed instead when his friend Lord Lyttleton made his case to the First Lord of the Treasury, Henry Pelham. Bower had presented the rst volume of his History of the Popes (174866) to the king on 13 May 1748, a few months before Says death.94 He was a deeply controversial person: he had been a Jesuit priest for a time before conforming to the Church of England with the encouragement of Samuel Clarke and George Berkeley, afterwards Bishop of Cloyne.95 Despite the fact that he was secretly readmitted to the Society of Jesus several years later, the History of the Popes had a Protestant bias. In a series of pamphlets published in the late 1750s, John Douglas, later Bishop of Carlisle and then of Salisbury, exposed Bowers loyalty to Rome and attacked his scholarship, demonstrating that much of the History of the Popes was translated from the work of a French historian, Louis Sbastien Le Nain de Tillemont. Bower responded with pamphlets of his own, but he could not repair the damage to his reputation. One of Douglass charges was that Bower had written the History of the Popes out of self-interest because he had been promised a place in return, but Bower hotly denied having been offered any job until after presenting the rst volume to the king.96 All in all, he appears to have been a much riskier choice for Carolines library than the well-liked and dependable Francis Say. His name did not appear in the printed lists of the royal household after 1756, so he may have left (or been removed from) the post in that year.97 He died in 1766. A further addition to the library staff was the Huguenot Francis Vallotton, whose family probably originated in Geneva.98 Vallotton had been a page of the presence to Caroline throughout her years as queen. After her death he became a page of the presence rst to her daughters, Princesses Amelia and Caroline, and then, after 1761, to Queen Charlotte. He worked as keeper of Carolines library and the adjoining apartments (presumably as John

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Hamiltons successor) from 1749 until 1758. His wife Margaret was paid to clean the building between 1751 and 1758, and in the 1780s either she or a daughter performed the same role. From 1759 until his death in 1772, Vallotton was described as deputy librarian in the printed lists. Given that Richard Dalton was appointed George IIIs librarian at Buckingham House in 1760, Vallotton must have been transferred from St. Jamess to help establish the new collection. Like the other surviving members of Carolines household, he continued to receive a pension after 1760.99 We cannot tell whether there were any major structural changes to the library between Carolines death and the writing of the rst of the general catalogs. We know that extra books were purchased, but we do not know how many; the books with publication dates after 1737 were obviously additions, but some of the pre-1737 books may also have been acquired after she died. However, the catalog provides a valuable insight into the purpose and character of the library in the early 1740s, and much of this purpose and character can, in turn, be traced back to Carolines program of cultural patronage. The rst impression to be gained from the catalog is that the library was both comprehensive and meticulously organized. The entries are grouped under various headings: divinity, philosophy, philology, history, poetry, plays and operas, music in print and manuscript, novels and romances, and miscellanies.100 Many of these sections are subdivided: the philosophy section branches into moral philosophy and natural philosophy; the history section begins with universal history (i.e., the history of many parts of the world), and moves through the history of continents (Europe, Asia, Africa, and America), ancient Greek and Roman history, ecclesiastical history, and the history of individual European countries, including England.101 The poetry section includes Latin and English poetry (i.e., original works in Latin by modern British and German authors, often with English translations), as well as English, French, Italian, and German poetry. Similarly, there are English, French, Italian, and German subsections in the plays and operas section. Within each of these sections and subsections, the books are arranged in clusters by subject. We know that the catalog adheres to the ways in which the books were actually shelved, because shelfmarks were added in the second version of the catalog.102 The history section is by far the largest, containing 1300 entriesnearly 46 percent of the library. The divinity section is approximately 19 percent of the whole, philosophy 7 percent, philology 2 percent, poetry 8 percent, plays 9 percent, music 2 percent, novels 6 percent, and miscellanies 1 percent. About 47 percent of the works are in French, 35 percent in English, 9 percent in Italian, 5 percent in German, and 3 percent in Latin. There is a smattering of other

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languages, including Spanish and Dutch. Printed books are predominant: a mere 3 percent of the works are in manuscript. Only 19 percent of the works date from before the year of Carolines birth (1683), and only 3 percent from before 1600. A huge proportion of the library is thus devoted to contemporary print culture on a variety of subjects and in a variety of languages. The places of publication are widespread, including London, Paris, Amsterdam, The Hague, Utrecht, Brussels, Cologne, Berlin, Nuremberg, Venice, Florence, and Rome: an impressive list reecting the pan-European nature of the collection. It is apparent that Carolines library expressed a high level of intellectual ambition. Her decision to assemble such a wide-ranging collection can be attributed to the inuence of her early mentor, Leibniz. After all, his ideas were still current in the Hanoverian electorate: the library of the University of Gttingen was designed as a universal library, and it quickly became one of the best research facilities in Europe. Graham Jefcoate has recently suggested that George IIIs comprehensive library at Buckingham House belonged to the universal library tradition, and that as such it resembled the Gttingen library.103 This is an intriguing line of inquiry, but mention must also be made of Carolines library, which was much smaller and had a lower proportion of rare (i.e., old and valuable) books, but can nonetheless be linked to the universal library tradition on account of its structure and scope. All three libraries ought to be seen in context of attitudes to knowledgegathering characteristic of the Enlightenment. Leibnizs thinking on libraries was closely related to his project of compiling an encyclopedia in which the sum of human knowledge would be dened and systematized.104 The way in which the two general catalogs of Carolines library were drawn up reects the contemporary desire to develop workable systems of classication for all the arts and sciences.105 Many of the works in her library were encyclopedic, such as Pierre Bayles Dictionnaire Historique et Critique (1697), which appeared in the universal history section.106 Lady Suffolk remembered that, before coming to Britain, Caroline had dipt much in Bayle.107 One of the aims of the Dictionnaire was to summarize all the recent publications in every eld and thus to fulll the functions of a library for those who lacked the time, money, or inclination to buy and read large numbers of books, but in Carolines library the Dictionnaire was put together with thousands of other works to create a complete system of reference, searchable by means of the catalogs: a large-scale encyclopedia that could be dipt into at will. Another analogy that can be made is with the museums of this period, which were beginning to be structured on universal principles. The British Museum was a universal museum par excellencean immense classied collection of books and artifacts from around the world, designed to both celebrate and stimulate the progress of knowledge.108

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If one of the most striking aspects of Carolines library is its universal tendency, another is its cosmopolitanism. It transcends the boundaries between languages, nations, and cultures: even the sections nominally devoted to particular languages contain works in other languages. Its arrangement facilitates translationcross-referencing from one language and culture to another. In the English history section, editions of Gilbert Burnets History of the Reformation of the Church of England (16791715) and History of his Own Time (172434) are shelved alongside French translations of those works, and there are several original works in French such as Courayers Dissertation sur la Validit des Ordinations des Anglois (1723).109 Many of the books in the library derive from a collaborative European community of learninga republic of letters united by periodical journals such as Bayles Nouvelles de la Rpublique des Lettres (1684 onward), a set of which can be found in the philology section.110 One of the members of the republic of letters, Pierre Des Maizeaux, also belonged to the early Hanoverian court, having been made a gentleman of the privy chamber in 1722, and copies of his edition of various pieces by Locke (1720) and of his life of Boileau (1712) are listed in Carolines catalog.111 Despite its emphasis on cross-cultural relationships, the catalog evokes a healthy atmosphere of intellectual controversy that can be seen to relate both to Carolines habit of pitting scholars against one another and to the stipulations of Naud and Leibniz that a library should contain a spectrum of conicting views. Hence there is a large number of works by Samuel Clarke, including A Discourse Concerning the Being and Attributes of God (1711) and The Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity (1712), but there is also a substantial body of writing by one of Clarkes opponents, Daniel Waterland, notably A Vindication of Christs Divinity (1719) and its sequels, A Second Vindication (1723) and A Further Vindication (1724).112 The appointment of both the Jesuit Archibald Bower and the Huguenot Francis Vallotton to the staff of the library after Carolines death nicely illustrates the collections openness to confessional dispute. Mention of Clarke prompts the question of how many of the works in the library were personal choices. Caroline had honored Clarke by placing a bust of him in her Hermitage at Richmond. A big selection of works by the other Hermitage worthiesRobert Boyle, John Locke, Isaac Newton, and William Wollastonwas included in her library, and there were six sets of Leibnizs incomplete account of Brunswick history, Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium (170711).113 Other works that she is known to have admired and encouraged include the Leibniz-Clarke correspondence (1717); Butlers Analogy (1736); Richard Hollands Observations on the Small Pox (1728), dedicated to her as an early supporter of inoculation;

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and Batty Langleys New Principles of Gardening (1728), which describes the English methods of landscape gardening that were showcased at Richmond.114 Many works relate to other members of the royal family, particularly Carolines children: The Princess Royal (1715) and The Princess Anna (1716), two of the dances that the choreographer Anthony LAbb invented for his royal pupil, appear in the music section, and the Greek and Roman history section contains Jenkin Thomas Philippss edition of James Shirleys An Essay towards an Universal and Rational Grammar (1726), published For the USE of Prince WILLIAM (to whom Philipps was tutor) and dedicated to the Prince of Wales.115 Pro-Hanoverian myths are an important feature of the library: for instance, there is a large paper copy of the second edition of Edmund Gibsons version of Camdens Britannia (1722), dedicated to George I.116 (Gibson argues in the dedication that the Hanoverians are descended from the same Saxon stock as the British.117) Other works stressing the royal familys dynastic heritage include David Joness The History of the Most Serene House of Brunswick-Lunenburgh (1715).118 More broadly, the structure of the collection follows the patterns of Carolines cultural patronage. The relatively small proportion of works in German (5 percent) might seem surprising, but she was clearly still in touch with her German roots, as the opera and music sections indicate: two of the opera libretti were published in Ansbach, and she had a very large number of manuscript scores of operas performed at Hanover.119 Her investment in British culture is reected in the much higher proportion of works in English (35 percent), while the predominance of works in French (47 percent) suggests that she preferred to read in that language. Her abiding interest in divinity and philosophy is conrmed by the size of the sections devoted to those subjects. It would be wrong to suggest, however, that every work in the library was selected and approved by Caroline herself, for such a collection would not have been universal. Leibniz believed that a library should be of general interest and should transcend the opinions of its owner, and to a large extent Carolines library fullled this aim.120 Anybody examining the catalog without prior knowledge of her cultural patronage would nd it difcult to identify what her interests were. We should also be extremely cautious about assuming that Caroline read all, or even most, of the works she possessed. For all her intellectual ambitions, she lacked formal scholarly training and she does not appear to have either followed a systematic reading program or annotated her books and manuscripts.121 If Carolines library amounted to more than an expression of her own views and reading habits, to what extent was it intended for public use and benet? Unfortunately, there is very little evidence to suggest what Carolines access policy was, but it is hard to imagine her establishing an extensive

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collection purely for her own use. Decades before, Bentley had attempted to develop the Old Royal Library into a meeting place for his fellow luminaries Wren, Locke, Newton, and Evelyn.122 We know that Caroline promoted intellectual discussions, and part of the purpose of her library might have been to provide a setting for these soires. In any case, she must have taken advice from her staff and friends as to what the library ought to contain. Many of her books were bought and patronized by other members of the court, which meant that to a large extent the librarys expansion was collaborative. She belonged to a reading community in which books were purchased, circulated, and discussed. She could increase a works popularity by endorsing it: for example, she did her best to encourage subscriptions for Courayers Histoire du Concile de Trente at court, and she asked the Earl of Egmont to do the same in the House of Commons.123 To some extent, therefore, her library operated in a public context, but its availability to visitors was probably severely compromised by her death. She may have intended it as a research facility for scholars, but it does not appear to have been used as such. Putting aside the question of how the collection was actually used, it cannot be denied that one of Carolines main aims was to display thousands of beautifully bound books to their best advantage in Kents spacious and gracefully proportioned building. Several of her surviving books and manuscripts are bound in red or black leather with ornate gold tooling, and most of them bear her coat of arms or her cipher.124 Her bookbinder John Brindley was responsible for some of the nest bindings of the period.125 Some of the printed books are large paper or presentation editions, and some of the manuscripts are exquisitely written and illustrated. The decoration of the library itself was equally impressive: a set of busts of royal worthies by Michael Rysbrack was integral to the design, enabling Caroline to make a visual statement about her status as queen. The busts began with Alfred the Great and culminated with George II and Caroline the latest members of the dynasty.126 Incorporating the Hanoverians into British royal tradition going back to the Saxon period was one of Carolines chief cultural aims, and the dynastic display in her library was matched by the series of portraits of royal ancestors that she assembled at Kensington Palace.127 James I and Charles I had built up similar sequences at Holyrood and Whitehall, respectively, and Caroline would have been familiar with the ancestral portrait gallery in the Leineschlo.128 Her library was therefore a potent symbol of her wealth, taste, and ancestral heritage. Despite the immense care with which the collection was built up and displayed, it did not survive much beyond the death of George II. Her books were dispersed, and by 1790 the beautiful building had come to be used as a storeroom.129 The Duke of Yorks library was moved into

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it in 1815, and ten years later it was demolished because the dukes new residence was to be constructed on the site.130 The fate of Carolines books after the early 1760s is only beginning to be uncovered.131 We know that her duplicates were sent to Hanover, either by George II or George III, and it seems that some, perhaps most, of the remaining books were adopted by George III. Several of them are now to be found in the Kings Library at the British Library (formerly George IIIs Buckingham House collection, donated to the British Museum by George IV in 1823). Others belong to the Royal Library, Windsor, which was founded by William IV in an attempt to compensate for the loss of huge numbers of royal books in 1757 and 1823 and which contains George IIIs smaller libraries, including the one at Cumberland Lodge in Windsor Great Park.132 Two of the books of Carolines in the Royal Library stem from the Cumberland Lodge collection, and we can therefore trace a direct line of provenance from Caroline to George III.133 Queen Charlottes library was sold by auction after her death, so any books that she had inherited from Caroline passed out of royal hands.134 Charlottes biographer, John Watkins, claimed that Carolines library formed the nucleus of Charlottes, but a glance at Charlottes sale catalog reveals that most of her books date from George IIIs reign.135 Without being able to inspect Charlottes actual copies it is impossible to tell whether any of them previously belonged to Caroline, but one book offered for sale in 1897 had apparently been owned by both queens, and there may be other such examples.136 A further possibility is that part of Carolines collection was distributed among her children, who clearly shared her love of books. Princess Anne created an extensive library at The Hague containing large stocks of literature and music.137 Prince Frederick also kept a library, appointing his principal painter Philip Mercier and his chaplain Caspar Wettstein as his librarians and John Brindley as his bookbinder.138 Prince Williams large collection of military maps at Cumberland Lodge, tended by Edward Mason, was inherited by George III and now resides at the Royal Library, Windsor.139 We must remember that Caroline herself began the distribution process by giving books to her family, ofcers, and friends. One of her books surfaced in Horace Walpoles library, presumably because she gave it to his father Sir Robert or to another of the Walpoles, and further references to her books have been discovered in nineteenth-century sale catalogs.140 Caroline would have been sorry to learn that her coherent, highly organized collection would have a complex, diffusive afterlife, and would almost be forgotten by succeeding generations. But by means of new research, we can begin to recover its history. Ambitious to both rejuvenate and make her mark on British royal book collecting, she created a distinctively European library within which the British and German court library traditions were

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creatively interfused. As an attempt to represent and classify the intellectual culture of the European Enlightenment, her collection ought to be seen as testimony to the extraordinary breadth of her cultural horizons. George IIIs library is rightly viewed as the high point of eighteenth-century book collecting, but the signicance of his predecessors, George II and Caroline, as royal library owners has all too often been overlooked. Although the dispersal of Carolines books is deeply regrettable, the absorption of part of the collection into the royal libraries of the next reign can be seen to be symbolic of her lasting inuence on royal patronage and, more broadly, of her profound importance as an intellectual queen. Notes
In conducting the research on which this article is based, I received helpful advice from Nicholas Bell, T. A. Birrell, Frances Harris, Alessa Johns, Giles Mandelbrote, Philippa Marks, Emma Stuart, Angelika Wietgrefe, and Bridget Wright. I thank Bridget Wright in particular for sharing her knowledge of the books in the Royal Library, Windsor. References to material in the Royal Archives and the Royal Library, Windsor, are by gracious permission of Her Majesty the Queen. References to manuscripts in the British Library are by permission of the British Library. 1. For further discussion of the library, see Emma Jay, Caroline, Queen Consort of George II, and British Literary Culture (Ph.D. diss., University of Oxford, 2004), 1763, 25689. Cf. Clarissa Campbell Orr, Lost Royal Libraries and Hanoverian Court Culture, in Lost Libraries: The Destruction of Great Book Collections Since Antiquity, ed. James Raven (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 16380; and Peggy Daub, Queen Caroline of Englands Music Library, in Music Publishing and Collecting: Essays in Honor of Donald W. Krummel, ed. David Hunter ([Urbana]: Graduate School of Library and Information Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1994), 13165. 2. Andrew Hanham, Caroline of Brandenburg-Ansbach and the Anglicisation of the House of Hanover, in Queenship in Europe, 16601815: The Role of the Consort, ed. Clarissa Campbell Orr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 27699; Joanna Marschner, Queen Caroline of Anspach and the European Princely Museum Tradition, and Christine Gerrard, Queens-inWaiting: Caroline of Anspach and Augusta of Saxe-Gotha as Princesses of Wales, in Queenship in Britain, 16601837: Royal Patronage, Court Culture and Dynastic Politics, ed. Clarissa Campbell Orr (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 13042, 14361. 3. On her life, see R. L. P. Arkell, Caroline of Ansbach: George the Seconds Queen (London: Oxford University Press, 1939); and Stephen Taylor, Caroline (16831737), in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 4. On Charlottenburg, see Gerd Bartoschek et al., Sophie Charlotte und ihr Schloss: Ein Musenhof des Barok in Brandenburg-Preussen (Mnchen: Prestel, 1999). 5. E. J. Aiton, Leibniz: A Biography (Bristol: Adam Hilger, 1985), 232. 6. Aiton, Leibniz, 32021, 34146. 7. Gnther Schuhmann, Ansbacher Bibliotheken vom Mittelalter bis 1806: Ein Beitrag zur Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte des Frstentums Brandenburg-Ansbach, Schriften des Instituts fr Frnkische Landesforschung an der Universitt Erlangen, 8, ed. Gerhard Pfeiffer (Kallmnz: Michael Lassleben, 1961), 8996. 8. Ibid., 96 and plate VI.

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9. Ibid., 97115. On her continuing contacts with Ansbach, see esp. Eugen Schler, Caroline: Die Englische Knigin aus Franken (Triesdorf: Verein der Freunde Triesdorf und Umgebung, 1988), 6, 1314. 10. K. W. Humphreys, A National Library in Theory and in Practice, The Panizzi Lectures, 1987 (London: British Library, 1988). 11. Helen Watanabe-OKelly, Court Culture in Dresden: From Renaissance to Baroque (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), 7199. 12. Manfred Mhlner et al., Dresden 1a: Schsische Landesbibliothek, in Handbuch der Historischen Buchbestnde in Deutschland, gen. ed. Bernhard Fabian, 27 vols. (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 19922000), vol. 17, Sachsen AK, ed. Friedhilde Krause (1997): 95156. 13. Marschner, Queen Caroline of Anspach, 13739. 14. Werner Schochow et al., Berlin 1: Staatsbibliothek zu BerlinPreuischer Kulturbesitz, in Handbuch, gen. ed. Fabian, vol. 14, Berlin: Teil 1, ed. Friedhilde Krause with Paul Raabe (1995): 51127; and Theodor Schieder, Frederick the Great, ed. and trans. Sabina Berkeley and H. M. Scott (London: Longman, 2000), 6. 15. Karl Heinz Weimann et al., Hannover 1: Niederschsische Landesbibliothek, in Handbuch, gen. ed. Fabian, vol. 2.2, Niedersachsen AZ, ed. Paul Raabe (1998): 1847. 16. Aiton, Leibniz, esp. 101, 13738. 17. Ibid., 12123, 177, 22830. 18. Ibid., 322. The antiquary Thomas Madox had already been appointed Britains historiographer royal in July 1714. 19. Ibid., 272, 303, 307, 348, 348n. 20. Studies of the library itself call attention to the involvement of the two kings: see Werner Ohnsorge, Zweihundert Jahre Geschichte der Kniglichen Bibliothek zu Hannover (1665 1866), Verffentlichen der Niederschsischen Archivverwaltung, 14 (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962), esp. 3645; and Karl-Heinz Weimann, Dreihundert Jahre Staatliche Bibliothek in Hannover: Abri ihrer Geschichte von der barocken Hofbibliothek zur modernen Landesbibliothek, in Die Niederschsische Landesbibliothek in Hannover: Entwicklung und Aufgaben, ed. Wilhelm Totok and Karl-Heinz Weimann (Frankfurt: Vittorio Klostermann, 1976), 1459. 21. For a summary, see Weimann et al., Hannover 1: Niederschsische Landesbibliothek, 2.2:21. 22. John, Lord Hervey, Some Materials towards Memoirs of the Reign of King George II, ed. Romney Sedgwick, 3 vols. (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1931), 1:261. 23. Mechthild Raabe, Die Frstliche Bibliothek in Wolfenbttel und ihre Leser: Zur Geschichte des Institutionellen Lesens in einer Norddeutschen Residenz 16641806 (Wolfenbttel: Privatdruck, 1997). 24. Ibid., 4367. 25. Delia K. Bowden, Leibniz as a Librarian and Eighteenth-Century Libraries in Germany, School of Library, Archive, and Information Studies Occasional Publications, 15 (London: University College London, 1969). On the concept of the universal library, see Jonathan I. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity 16501750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 11927; and Graham Jefcoate, Most Curious, Splendid and Useful: The Kings Library of George III, in Enlightenment: Discovering the World in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Kim Sloan with Andrew Burnett (London: British Museum, 2003), 3845. 26. T. A. Birrell, English Monarchs and Their Books: From Henry VII to Charles II, The Panizzi Lectures, 1986 (London: British Library, 1987); and Edward Miller, That Noble Cabinet: A History of the British Museum (London: Andr Deutsch, 1973), 5457. 27. [Richard Bentley], A Proposal for Building a Royal Library, and Establishing it by Act of Parliament ([London, 1697]).

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28. James Henry Monk, The Life of Richard Bentley, D.D. With an Account of his Writings, and Anecdotes of Many Distinguished Characters during the Period in which he Flourished, 2nd rev. ed., 2 vols. (London: J. G. & F. Rivington, 1833), 1:73. 29. Miller, That Noble Cabinet, 27, 3235. 30. Ofcials of the Royal Household 16601837, Part I: Department of the Lord Chamberlain and Associated Ofces, 11, ed. J. C. Sainty and R. O. Bucholz, Ofce-Holders in Modern Britain (London: University of London Institute of Historical Research, 1997), 45. 31. P. R. Harris, Casley, David (1681/21754), in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 32. Biographia Britannica; or, The Lives of the Most Eminent Persons who have Flourished in Great Britain and Ireland, from the Earliest Ages, to the Present Times. The Second Edition, ed. Andrew Kippis and Joseph Towers, 5 vols. (London: W. and A. Strahan et al., 177893), 2:243. 33. Monk, Life of Richard Bentley, 1:4068. 34. For Bentleys letter to Clarke, see The Correspondence of Richard Bentley, D.D. Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, ed. [Christopher Wordsworth], 2 vols. (London: John Murray, 1842), 2:528. 35. Publii Terentii Afri Comoediae, Phaedri Fabulae Aesopiae, Publii Syri et Aliorum Veterum Sententiae, ed. Richard Bentley (Cantabrigiae: Cornelium Crowneld et al., 1726). 36. Biographia Britannica, 2nd ed., 2:24445. A side-note attributes this information to Mr. Cumberland, i.e., Richard Cumberland, Bentleys grandson (244n.). 37. Stephen Massil, The Huguenot Royal Librarians: Henri Justel, Franois Vallotton, and Claudius Amyand, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of Great Britain & Ireland 27 (2000): 36981. 38. P. R. Harris, A History of the British Museum Library, 17531973 (London: British Library, 1998), 127. 39. Weimann, Dreihundert Jahre Staatliche Bibliothek in Hannover, 2324. The driving force behind the Gttingen library was its rst curator, Gerlach Adolph Freiherr von Mnchhausen: see Christiane Kind-Doerne et al., Gttingen 1: Niederschsische Staats- und Universittsbibliothek, in Handbuch, gen. ed. Fabian, vol. 2.1, Niedersachsen AG, ed. Paul Raabe with Alwin Mller-Jerina (1999): 140266. 40. David McKitterick, Cambridge University Library: A History. The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 1617, 50, 56, 14752, 26667. 41. The Diary of Humfrey Wanley 17151726, ed. C. E. Wright and Ruth C. Wright, 2 vols. (London: Bibliographical Society, 1966); and Katherine Swift, Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana: The Making of an Eighteenth-Century Library, in Bibliophily, ed. Robin Myers and Michael Harris, Publishing History Occasional Series, 2 (Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healey, 1986), 6389. 42. For the Countess of Pomfrets bookplate (which advertises her position in Carolines court), see Brian North Lee, British Royal Bookplates and Ex-Libris of Related Families (Aldershot: Scolar, 1992), 67. 43. Philip Ayres, Burlingtons Library at Chiswick, Studies in Bibliography 45 (1992): 11327; and Jacques Carr, Lord Burlingtons Book Subscriptions, in Lord Burlington The Man and his Politics: Questions of Loyalty, ed. Edward Corp (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen, 1998), 12136. 44. M. A. E. Nickson, Books and Manuscripts, in Sir Hans Sloane: Collector, Scientist, Antiquary, Founding Father of the British Museum, ed. Arthur MacGregor (London: British Museum with Alistair McAlpine, 1994), 26373; and Austin Dobson, The Bibliotheca Meadiana, Bibliographica 1 (1895): 40418. 45. Nickson, Books and Manuscripts, 270, 276n.

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46. On Fountaine, see Seymour de Ricci, English Collectors of Books & Manuscripts (15301930) and their Marks of Ownership, Sandars Lectures, 19291930 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1930), 42. For Vertues sale catalog, see Sale Catalogues of Libraries of Eminent Persons, gen. ed. A. N. L. Munby, 12 vols. (London: Mansell with Sotheby Parke Bernet, 197175), vol. 10, Antiquaries, ed. Stuart Piggot (1974): 40317. 47. James Raven, From Promotion to Proscription: Arrangements for Reading and Eighteenth-Century Libraries, in The Practice and Representation of Reading in England, ed. James Raven, Helen Small, and Naomi Tadmor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 175201. 48. Daub, Queen Caroline of Englands Music Library, 133. 49. Hervey, Memoirs, 1:261; and Reminiscences Written by Mr Horace Walpole in 1788 for the Amusement of Miss Mary and Miss Agnes Berry: Now First Printed in Full from the Original MS, ed. Paget Toynbee (Oxford: Clarendon, 1924), 115. 50. Diary of Mary Countess Cowper, Lady of the Bedchamber to the Princess of Wales. 17141720, ed. the Hon. Spencer Cowper, 2nd ed. (London: John Murray, 1865), 19, 115. For some of her opinions of theological books, see Stephen Taylor, Queen Caroline and the Church of England, in Hanoverian Britain and Empire: Essays in Memory of Philip Lawson, ed. Stephen Taylor, Richard Connors, and Clyve Jones (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1998), 82101. 51. Walpole, Reminiscences, 71. 52. Diary of Mary Countess Cowper, 7, 13, 14, 1718, 19. 53. Ragnhild Hatton, George I, introd. Jeremy Black, Yale English Monarchs (London: Thames and Hudson, 1978; repr., New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 13132. 54. Hervey, Memoirs, 2:473. 55. Diary of Viscount Percival, Afterwards First Earl of Egmont, Historical Manuscripts Commission, Egmont Papers, 3 vols. (London: HMSO, 192023), 2:319. 56. Daily Journal (3 Aug. 1727), quoted in Daub, Queen Caroline of Englands Music Library, 138. 57. H. M. Colvin et al., The History of the Kings Works, 6 vols. (London: HMSO, 1963 73), vol. 5, 16601832 (1976): 24243 and plate 30. 58. Hervey, Memoirs, 2:6045. 59. Gentlemans Magazine 7 (1737): 189. 60. McKitterick, Cambridge University Library, 154. In 171819 a Mr Say was paid by the University for work on the Royal Library catalogs. Ibid., 166. 61. Ibid., 4786. 62. Ibid., 5861. 63. The Record of Old Westminsters: A Biographical List of All Those who are Known to have been Educated at Westminster School from the Earliest Times to 1927, ed. G. F. Russell Barker and Alan H. Stenning, 2 vols. (London: Chiswick Press, 1928), 2:823. 64. R. C. Jebb, Bentley (London: Macmillan, 1882), 97123. 65. British Library (hereafter cited as BL) Kings 308, Catalogue of All the English Plays in Her Royal Highness [sic] Library (1722[1729]); BL C.120.h.6 (67), Incomplete catalogs of Carolines library at St. Jamess Palace with additional notes ([17271742]); BL Add. 11511, A Catalogue of the Royal Library of Her Majesty Queen Caroline Distributed into Faculties ([1741]); and Royal Library, Windsor (hereafter cited as RLW) RCIN 1028932a, A Catalogue of the Royal Library of Her late Majesty Queen Caroline Distributed into Faculties (1743 [1760]). 66. I am indebted to Frances Harris for enlightening me on this point. 67. BL Kings 308. There are 859 entries in the catalog, although in many cases the title and subtitle of the same work are listed as two different entries. 68. BL C.120.h.6 (6).

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69. BL C.120.h.6 (6), fols. [3]v, [15]v[16]v, [17]v, [77]v[78]v, [83]r, [84]v, [86]r[88]r. The folios are unnumbered and, to make matters worse, the notes begin at both ends of the catalog. Inside what I take to be the front cover, the words ? Catalogue of the Royal Books are written in pencil, presumably by a British Library curator. 70. The Vaillants also worked for the Earl of Sunderland. See Swift, Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana, 69, 7477. On Brindley, see George Smith and Frank Benger, The Oldest London Bookshop: A History of Two Hundred Years (London: Ellis, 1928), 320. 71. BL C.120.h.6 (6), fol. [7]v; and British Book Sale Catalogues, 16761800: A Union List, ed. A. N. L. Munby and Lenore Corral (London: Mansell, 1977), 4647. 72. Royal Archives, Windsor (hereafter cited as RA) GEO/54000 (the exact sum was 115. 2s. 6d.). See Henry Fielding: The Historical Register for the Year 1736 and Eurydice Hissed, ed. William W. Appleton (London: Edward Arnold, 1968), 150. 73. Walpole, Reminiscences, 120. 74. BL C.120.h.6 (6), fol. [1]r. 75. Ibid., fol. [87]r. For Carolines relationship with Courayer, see Diary of Viscount Percival, vols. 1 and 2, passim. 76. BL C.120.h.6 (6), fol. [1]v. 77. Colvin, History of the Kings Works, 5:221 and plate 23B. 78. Bookcases are shown in John Vardys engravings: Some Designs of Mr. Inigo Jones and Mr. Wm. Kent ([London: John Vardy, 1744]), plates 3233. 79. Gentlemans Magazine 5 (1735): 498. On Duck, see Rose Mary Davis, Stephen Duck, The Thresher Poet, University of Maine Studies, 2nd ser. 8 (Orono: Maine University Press, 1926). 80. BL C.120.h.6 (6), fols. [16]rv, [17]v, [86]r. 81. Ibid., fol. [86]r; and Hervey, Memoirs, 2:501. 82. BL C.120.h.6 (6), fols. [72]r[73]v. 83. He also took over the Kensington Palace collections: BL Add. 20101, Papers relating to Kensington Palace (1699[1756]), fols. 28, 5657, 6066. 84. The National Archives: Public Record Ofce (hereafter cited as TNA: PRO), Treasury Papers, T 52/40, pp. 35, 34 (quotation). A pension of 35. 14s. 0d. was being paid to a Mr. John Hamiltonprobably the same person (p. 34). 85. BL Add. 11511; RLW RCIN 1028932a. Note that these gures relate to entries rather than works: sometimes more than one edition or copy of the same work is included in a single entry. In both manuscripts the folio numbers are referred to as page numbers in the table of contents, so I will therefore cite them as page numbers. BL Add. 11511 is dated c. 1740 on the spine, but some of the entries are dated 1741 (e.g., p. 188). Unfortunately, many of the additional entries in RLW RCIN 1028932a are undated, but 1760 is the latest date recorded (facing p. 35). 86. Harris, History of the British Museum Library, 1415, 1415n. For the catalog, see BL C.120.h.6*, Catalog of the Old Royal Library ([1761]), microlm version: BL Mic. A.10504. 87. Horace Walpoles Journals of Visits to Country Seats, &c., Walpole Society 16 (1928): 980, quotation on 16. 88. RLW RCIN 1028932a, title page. 89. I wish to thank Angelika Wietgrefe for her help with my enquiries. Weimann states that some of Carolines books existed in George IIs private collection, but cites no evidence: Hannover 1: Niederschsische Landesbibliothek, in Handbuch, 2.2:21. 90. On these libraries, see Jefcoate, Most Curious, Splendid and Useful; Elaine M. Paintin, The Kings Library (London: British Library, 1989); and Campbell Orr, Lost Royal Libraries, 17177. 91. See the notice of his death in Gentlemans Magazine 18 (1748): 42728.

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92. John Nichols, Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century, 7 vols. (London: Author, 1813), 2:56364. The information comes from one of Jortins manuscripts. 93. William Whiston, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Mr. William Whiston. Containing, Memoirs of Several of his Friends Also. The Second Edition, Corrected, 2 vols. (London: J. Whiston and B. White, 1753), 1:41415. Whiston himself was receiving 50 per year as one of Carolines pensioners. See TNA: PRO, T 52/40, p. 35. 94. European Magazine 25 (1794): 210. The History of the Popes is noted in Carolines library catalog, RLW RCIN 1028932a, facing p. 89. 95. See Geoffrey Holt, Bower, Archibald (1686/81766), in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 96. Archibald Bower, The Second Part of Mr. Bowers Answer to a Scurrilous Pamphlet, &c. With Remarks on the Six Letters, Proving them to be Forged (London: W. Sandby, 1757), 1112. 97. Entry for Bower, Archibald, RA Household Index. The index is based on contemporary printed lists of the royal household including those in the Court and City Register. 98. Massil, Huguenot Royal Librarians, 37880; entry for Vallotton, Francis, RA Household Index. 99. See, e.g., TNA: PRO, T 1/418/296, where Vallotton and his wife are both listed. 100. BL Add. 11511, title page (unnumbered). 101. The table of contents suggests that the philosophy section begins on p. 34, but in the catalog it begins on p. 37. I follow the division in the catalog. 102. RLW RCIN 1028932a, passim. The shelfmarks took the form [upper case letter]. [number]. [lower case letter]. and they were written inside at least some of the books. 103. Jefcoate, Most Curious, Splendid and Useful, 44. 104. Richard Yeo, Encyclopaedic Visions: Scientic Dictionaries and Enlightenment Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 9497. 105. Encyclopedias were arranged alphabetically, but they often contained diagrams illustrating the different branches of knowledge. See Yeo, Encyclopaedic Visions, 2532. 106. BL Add. 11511, p. 62; and Isabel Rivers, Biographical Dictionaries and their Uses from Bayle to Chalmers, in Books and their Readers in Eighteenth-Century England: New Essays, ed. Isabel Rivers (London: Leicester University Press, 2001), 13569. 107. Walpole, Reminiscences, 115. 108. Kim Sloan, Aimed at Universality and Belonging to the Nation: The Enlightenment and the British Museum, in Enlightenment, 1225. 109. BL Add. 11511, pp. 106, 111, 116. 110. Ibid., p. 57; and Anne Goldgar, Impolite Learning: Conduct and Community in the Republic of Letters, 16801750 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995). 111. BL Add. 11511, pp. 39, 138; and John M. Beattie, The English Court in the Reign of George I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), 33, 34n. 112. BL Add. 11511, pp. 7, 9. 113. Ibid., pp. 18 (Boyle), 8, 38, 39, 42 (Locke), 6, 12, 48, 63 (Newton), 17 (Wollaston), 148 (Leibniz). 114. Ibid., pp. 12 (Leibniz-Clarke), 8 (Butler), 45 (Holland), 52 (Langley). On the library in the context of Carolines cultural tastes, see also Marchner, Queen Caroline of Anspach, 13233, 13940. 115. BL Add. 11511, facing p. 200, p. 93; and James Shirley: An Essay towards an Universal and Rational Grammar 1726, Edited by Jenkin T. Philipps, English Linguistics 15001800 (A Collection of Facsimile Reprints), ed. R. C. Alston, no. 272 (Menston: Scolar, 1971), title page (original pagination). 116. BL Add. 11511, p. 104.

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117. Christine Gerrard, The Patriot Opposition to Walpole: Politics, Poetry, and National Myth, 17251742 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 118. 118. BL Add. 11511, p. 149. 119. The Ansbach opera libretti were La Fillirosa (composer unknown, librettist Angelo Bergoncini, 1701) and Il Narciso (composer Francesco Antonio Pistocchi, librettist Apostolo Zeno, 1697). See BL Add. 11511, pp. 196, 197. For the Hanoverian opera scores, see BL Add. 11511, p. 201; and Daub, Queen Caroline of Englands Music Library, 145, 16062, 165. 120. Bowden, Leibniz as a Librarian, 5. 121. For a complete annotated list of the books and manuscripts that I and others have discovered that formerly belonged to Caroline, see Jay, Caroline, Queen Consort of George II, and British Literary Culture, 25666. Examples are BL 79.d.1, [Mary Monck], Marinda. Poems and Translations upon Several Occasions, ed. Robert Molesworth (London: J. Tonson, 1716); and BL Kings 301, John Kelly, The Islanders; or, Mad-Orphan ([c. 17141727]). 122. Bentley, Correspondence, 1:152. 123. Diary of Viscount Percival, 2:74, 2:77, 2:160, 2:217. 124. For illustrations, see Cyril Davenport, English Heraldic Book-Stamps Figured and Described, 2 vols. (London: Archibald Constable, 1909), 2:17677; Specimens of Royal, Fine and Historical Bookbinding, Selected from the Royal Library, Windsor Castle, ed. R. R. Holmes (London: W. Griggs & Sons, 1893), plate 55; and Howard M. Nixon and Mirjam M. Foot, The History of Decorated Bookbinding in England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), g. 86. 125. Mirjam M. Foot, The Henry Davis Gift: A Collection of Bookbindings, 2 vols. (London: British Library, 197883), vol. 2, A Catalogue of North-European Bindings (1983), p. 204, no. 166; and Howard M. Nixon, Five Centuries of English Bookbinding (London: Scolar, 1978), pp. 14849, no. 64. 126. Katherine Eustace, Michael Rysbrack: Sculptor 16941770 (Bristol: City of Bristol Museum and Art Gallery, 1982), 13537; Jonathan Marsden, The Collection on Show, in Royal Treasures: A Golden Jubilee Celebration, ed. Jane Roberts (London: Royal Collection Enterprises, 2002), 2743; and M. I. Webb, Michael Rysbrack: Sculptor (London: Country Life, 1954), 14546. 127. A Catalogue of the Collection of Pictures, &c. Belonging to King James the Second; To which is added, A Catalogue of the Pictures and Drawings in the Closet of the late Queen Caroline, With their Exact Measures; And also of the Principal Pictures in the Palace at Kensington (London: W. Bathoe, 1758). 128. Marsden, Collection on Show, 2829; and Hatton, George I, 46. Cf. Hannah Smith, Georgian Monarchial Culture in England, 171460 (Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 2001). 129. Thomas Pennant, Of London (London: Robt. Faulder, 1790), 111. 130. Edgar Sheppard, Memorials of St Jamess Palace, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, 1894), 1:387; Colvin, History of the Kings Works, 5:243. 131. See note 121. On the afterlife of Carolines music books, see Daub, Queen Caroline of Englands Music Library, 14042, 14862. 132. On the librarys history, see [Oliver Everett], Books and Manuscripts, in Royal Treasures, 35759. 133. RLW RCIN 1081257, [John Arbuthnot], Tables of Ancient Coins, Weights and Measures, Explaind and Exemplifyd in Several Dissertations (London: J. Tonson, 1727); and RLW RCIN 1121211, Lois Riccoboni, Histoire du Theatre Italien depuis la Decadence de la Comedie Latine; Avec un Catalogue des Tragedies et Comedies Italiennes Imprimes depuis lan 1500, Jusqu lan 1660. Et une Dissertation sur la Tragedie Moderne (Paris: Pierre Delormel, 1728). 134. A Catalogue of the Genuine Library, Prints, and Books of Prints, of an Illustrious Personage, Lately Deceased. Which will be Sold by Auction, on Wednesday the 9th of June,

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1819, and the Following Days, by Mr. Christie, at His Rooms in Pall-Mall (London: W. Bulmer, 1819). 135. John Watkins, Memoirs of Her Most Excellent Majesty Sophia-Charlotte, Queen of Great-Britain, from Authentic Documents (London: Henry Colburn, 1819), 197. 136. Bernard Quaritch, Bernard Quaritchs Catalogue: Examples of the Art of BookBinding and Volumes Bearing Marks of Distinguished Ownership (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1897), p. 32, lot 155. I am very grateful to T. A. Birrell for giving me this reference and those cited in note 140. 137. Richard G. King, Anne of Hanover and Orange (170959) as Patron and Practitioner of the Arts, in Queenship in Britain, 16292. 138. Gerrard, Patriot Opposition to Walpole, 62; Campbell Orr, Lost Royal Libraries, 169; and Smith and Benger, The Oldest Lo-ndon Bookshop, 7. 139. Yolande Hodson, Prince William, Royal Map Collector, Map Collector 44 (1988): 212. 140. A Catalogue of Horace Walpoles Library with Horace Walpoles Library by Wilmarth Sheldon Lewis, ed. Allen T. Hazen, 3 vols. (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), vol. 1, Numbers 11608, p. 308, no. 1148; Bernard Quaritch, A Catalogue of Fifteen Hundred Books Remarkable for the Beauty or the Age of Their Bindings or as Bearing Indications of Former Ownership by Great Book-Collectors and Famous Historical Personages (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1889), p. 140, lot 1936; and Quaritch, Bernard Quaritchs Catalogue, p. 33, lot 156.

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