HEGEMONIC AND COUNTER-HEGEMONIC POLITICS AND POPULATION POLICY DISCOURSES IN THE CONTEXT OF 1945-1994

Submitted by Romina Guadalupe Perez Ramos University of Copenhagen Supervisor, Sren Rud, MA, PhD University of Copenhagen

European Public Health Master Program

Master Thesis (May, 2011)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I wish to express my profound gratitude to Professor Sren Rud PhD for his human empathy, his capacity for interpersonal relationships and the interest he has shown in bringing this research study to a successful conclusion. His wise and pertinent opinions, contributions and suggestions helped me to develop my professional abilities, strengthened my learning process and enriched the contents of the research. I dedicate this thesis to the two most important people in my life: my daughter Maya and my mother Roma.

INDEX
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................................ 2 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................. 4 I. PART ONE ........................................................................................................... 6 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................... 6 PART TWO ........................................................................................................ 10 2. CONCEPTUAL THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND DISCOURSE ANALYSIS METHODOLOGY .......................................................................... 10 2.1. DISCOURSE ANALYSIS TECHNIQUE ............................................ 13 2.1.1. Analytical Corpus..................................................................... 14 2.1.1.1. The primary sources .................................................. 14 2.1.1.2. Secondary Sources: ................................................... 15 2.1.2. Surface reading ....................................................................... 15 2.1.3. In-depth reading ...................................................................... 15 III. PART THREE .................................................................................................... 18 3. THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF PRODUCTION OF THE DISCOURSES. 18 3.1. The discourse of population control ..................................................... 18 3.1.1. Population growth as a problem and the policy of Population Control as its solution. .......................................................... 23 3.1.1.1. Definition of the problem. ........................................ 23 3.1.1.2. What is the cause of the problem? ............................ 23 3.1.1.3. How can the problem be addressed and resolved? .... 24 3.1.1.4. Policy implementation: women as the object of the policy. .................................................................. 27 3.1.2. Partial conclusions on population control as a policy ............... 29 THE COUNTER-HEGEMONIC DISCOURSE AND ACTORS........ 30 3.2.1. The Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights Discourse. The violation rights as a problem and the womens declaration policies as solution. .......................................................... 31 3.2.1.1. Definition of the problem ......................................... 31 3.2.1.2. What is the problem? ............................................... 31 3.2.1.3. What is the cause of the problem? ............................ 31 3.2.1.4. How can the problem be addressed and resolved? ... 32 3.2.2. Partial conclusions on the discourse of Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights as an international normthat hanged population policy ............................................................................ ..38 IV. PART FOUR ...................................................................................................... 40 4. Comparative analysis of the two discourses. .................................................. 40
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II.

3.2.

4.1. The Subjects/actors in the discourse. ..................................................... 40 4.2. Surface Reading ................................................................................... 40 4.2.1. Analysis of the ideological elements / semantic units in the ........ discourses and how they are articulated around antagonistic and dichotomous hegemonic principles ..................................................... 40 4.2.2. The dichotomization of reproduction and the actors.................. 42 4.3. In-Depth Reading................................................................................. 43 4.3.1. Reproduction: its sense and meaning ........................................ 43 4.3.1.1. Reproduction and family planning programmes ......... 43 4.3.1.2. Reproduction in service provision .............................. 45 4.3.1.3. The structural poles of the discourses and how the main Subjects/actors articulate these with the hegemonic principles ............. 48 4.4. The ideological unity of the discourses and the discursive matrix ......... 50 4.4.1. The power effects of the discourses and the interpellatory and .... interpellated Subjects. ......................................................................... 51 4.4.1.1. The power effects of the population control discourse 51 4.4.1.2. The power effects of the Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health discourse ................................................................... 54 4.5. The historic conflict situation and the political dnouement in population policies ........................................................................................................ 55 4.6. Partial conclusions .............................................................................. 56 V. PART FIVE ........................................................................................................ 57 5. FINAL CONCLUSIONS .............................................................................. 57

VI. PART SIX........................................................................................................... 63 6. BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................ 63

ABSTRACT
The subject of this research study is the analysis of hegemonic and counterhegemonic population policy discourses (1945-1994). The study focuses on the analysis of the discourses of Population Control and Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health. The protagonists of these discourses are the US State and the Global Womens Health and Rights Movement (GWHRM), who relate to each other through conflict and dispute hegemony in the field of population policy. These relationships are analysed in the process of social and political struggle, given that discourses are viewed as a form of social existence of such struggles, in which unstable power relations take material form through practices and apparatus to define population policy. The spaces in which these struggles are examined are the International Conferences on Population and Development (Bucharest 1974, Mexico 1985 and Cairo 1994), where population policy was debated and, in 1994, defined on the basis of Womens Voices 94 A Declaration on Population Policies. In this way, the discourse affects reality. The analysis of the two discourses starts and develops by examining the historical-social conditions of their (direct) production, circulation and reception, based on which the actors in different historical contexts define and recognise certain economic, political and social problems, analyse the causes of these and propose solutions. The problem identified by the US state is that of population growth in developing countries. It links this to its national security and, consequently, to address and resolve the problem, it defines population control as an international policy to be implemented by means of aggressive and cultural strategies and through various apparatus such as the United Nations and other public and private institutions which operated family planning programmes aimed at controlling fertility and/or womens lives and reproductive health. The problem identified by the GWHRM is the violation of womens human rights and reproductive health rights as a result of the implementation of the population control policy and its demographic rationale. Thus, the GWRHM which brought together various feminist and non-feminist movements at the global level undertook a struggle for the recognition of these rights, articulating a counter-hegemonic discourse: that of Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights. This operated as the hegemonic principle in its constitutive interpellations that configured an alternative population policy through Womens Voices 94 A Declaration on Population Policies, whose power effects dismantled the discourse of population control, caused its organic crisis and led to the constitution of a new paradigm in the area of population policy which was legitimated at the Cairo Conference (1994). The study concludes with a comparative analysis of the two discourses, revealing the differences between them with regard to the production of the sense and meaning of their ideological elements or semantic units. One such is reproduction, which is re-articulated with broader semantic units such as family planning programmes and services; and these in turn with others that function in the discourses as hegemonic principles which ultimately define the class/gender character of
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population policy. The study arrives at final conclusions, one of the most important being that the determining factor of politics played a key role in the definition of population policy and consequently the impacts it produced in the design of public policies and in the sphere of public health. Key words: Discourse, hegemonic, counter-hegemonic, population policies, population control, gender, human rights, reproductive health rights, actors, Subjects, conflict, social and political struggles, power relations, international conferences, practices, apparatus, hegemonic principles, family planning programmes, fertility control, sense and meaning.

I.

PART ONE

HEGEMONIC AND COUNTER-HEGEMONIC POLITICS AND POPULATION POLICY DISCOURSES IN THE CONTEXT OF 1945-1994 1. INTRODUCTION

This research study will focus on the analysis of two forms of social construction of population policies that emerged in the mid-20th century. The policies are that of Population Control, articulated by the US state, and that of Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights, articulated by the Global Womens Health and Rights Movement (GWHRM). Both policies and actors will be studied by means of discourse theory and analysis, using the conceptual-theoretical framework presented in PART TWO.1 Following the methodological requirements of the chosen conceptual-theoretical framework, the time-frame identified for the study covers a process that runs from 1945 to 1994, in contexts that include the post-World War II period, the Cold War and Globalization, when the international correlation of forces was favourable to the hegemony of the US state in political, economic and military terms (Enciclopedia de la Globalizacin, 2007)2. In the time-frame defined, the study will track the most significant footprints or relevant events of meaning that reveal how the policies and consequently the discourses as well as the theories and ideological concepts that support them are socially constructed and interact with reality, based on which their actors identify and recognise certain problems, analyse their causes and propose how to solve them. With regard to the population control discourse, the research will examine: First, the main theories and ideologies that gave rise to it and upon which its discursive production is based, and which serve the US state3 as a conceptualtheoretical framework for interpreting and understanding the political, economic and social reality that presents itself as problematic in the post-World War II context.

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Cf. Infra. PART TWO. Conceptual-Theoretical Framework and Methodology. Throughout this global history - between of the end of World War II and the end of the Cold War hegemonic nation states have consolidated and benefited from the process of globalization; such as the United States of America, which has been instrumentalizing its power and promoting its policies. The role played by this actor indicates that policies are fundamentally shaped by human agency, and hence politics, around which are defined and implemented policies based on the hegemonic interest in conflict with other actors, (Enciclopedia de la Globalizacin, Vol. II, 2007: 565-568) as will be developed in this paper regarding population policy. 3 The US state does not just make use of these theories and ideologies; these also interpellate it and consequently constitute it as a Subject of social and political action (Cf. PART TWO); as such, it produces the discourse of population control and the respective population poli cy.

Second, I will examine the analysis made by the US state of the problems arising from a specific phenomenon in reality the population explosion or the fast pace of population growth detected in less developed countries which it posed as a problem (linked to its national security). I will investigate why the US state defined this as a problem, how it analysed its causes, and the solution it proposed, which led to the definition of population control as an international policy and its subsequent implementation, especially in poor regions of the world. Third, with regard to the implementation of the policy, I will examine firstly why women in less developed countries were constituted as the main object of this policy and how the policy affected their health, and secondly how the policy was implemented and took material form at the national level through various public and private institutions and through international organisations such as the United Nations (UN). Fourth, following the discourse analysis methodology, this process will be examined by looking at the political and social struggles unleashed as a result of the implementation of the population control policy, given that discourses are defined as a form of social existence of such struggles. I will therefore proceed to analyse the power relations that are established between the actors involved in the struggle in certain contexts and circumstances, as well as the respective spaces and settings in which they clash. These are or are identified in this study as the International Conferences on Population and Development organised by the UN. It is here that important events took place in the production of sense and meaning, such as those that occurred in relation to the population control discourse at the Bucharest Conference (1974) and the Cairo Conference (1994). Fifth, I will examine how the hegemony of the dominant discourse (population control) is articulated, dismantled and rearticulated in this process, and how it enters an organic crisis as a result of the shift in power relations. In methodological terms, this leads me to study the cycle of the social conditions of production of discourses and to analyse how the counter-hegemonic discourse is articulated and constituted in relation and opposition to the former discourse. In my research study, the counter hegemonic discourse is the Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights discourse produced by the GWHRM. With regard to the Global Womens Health and Rights Movement (GWHRM), I am interested in examining: First, the way in which this actor in contrast to the other arose from civil society, bringing together various different movements (and tendencies within them) at the global level. 4 Second, and in relation to this, I will analyse the movements struggle
4

The GWHRM brought together women from the feminist movement and non-feminists, whose struggle for recognition of their rights has taken many different forms at different moments in history. In the
developed countries, particularly the UK and the United States, women mobilized to gain access to contraceptives and for the right to vote long before women in the developing countries, where womens struggle has always been linked generically to the demand for economic and social rights and the defence of their rights as workers (in other words, class-based rather than gender-based demands). (Schoijet, 2007)

for the recognition and defence of womens human rights and reproductive health rights. I will therefore examine the process through which this actor defined and recognised the violation of womens human rights and reproductive health rights as a social and political problem, and the reasons why it identified the implementation of the population control policy (which focused on reducing fertility to limit population growth) as one of the causes of this problem (though not the only one) and, consequently, took action to address and resolve the problem. Third, as a result of the above, I will examine how the counter-hegemonic discourse that of Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights was articulated and constituted to interpellate the dominant one (population control). I will also identify the political and social factors that were produced and which, based on this counter-hegemonic discourse and the Womens 94 A Declaration on population policies led to the formulation of an alternative and/or contestatory population policy. Fourth, as in the case of the previous discourse, this process will be examined by looking at the political and social struggles unleashed as a result of the demand for these rights. I will therefore proceed to analyse how and in what settings the social forces that produced this discourse came together, and at what moment the GWHRM constituted itself as its organic expression and as a contestatory force capable of articulating a collective will, whose efficacy and power can be measured and examined in terms of the paradigm shift that took place in population policy. I will therefore analyse the process through which the counter-hegemonic discourse and the contestatory actor gradually gained legitimacy, altering the power relations that are established in certain contexts and circumstances, as well as the respective spaces and settings in which the confrontation takes place. These are or are identified in this study as the International Conferences on Human Rights held in Tehran (1968) and Vienna (1991), the conferences held during the UN Decade for Women in Mexico (1975 and 1984) and the Conferences on Population and Development held in Bucharest (1974), Mexico (1985) and Cairo (1994). The discursive cycle I will analyse with regard to population policy comes to an end in 1994, when the organic crisis of the population control discourse became evident at the Cairo Conference. Like any crisis, this has been identified by various researchers as the midwife of a new paradigm, thanks to which women who had been consigned ad eternam and in perpetuity to the status assigned them by global patriarchy as the object of population policies moved to being the subject and beneficiaries of such policies, due to the collective action taken forward by the GWRHM, whose struggle was closely connected to gender demands that linked reproduction to politics and public health. In PART FOUR I will carry out a comparative analysis of the two discourses, focusing on a technical discourse analysis 5 to examine the internal organisation of the semantic utterances or ideological elements present in the discourses, and the way in which they are articulated around the hegemonic principles. According to the conceptual-theoretical framework, this is what gives discourses their class character.

Cf. PART TWO, DISCOURSE ANALYSIS TECHNIQUE.

In other words, it is the hegemonic principle that will define the character of population policy for a 20-year period. The technical analysis will also enable me to identify: a) the structural poles of the discourses, or the structure and logic of how they are organised and how they function, based on the dichotomous relationship produced by the power relations between the Subjects/actors, and between these and their addressees, and the historical conditions of their social existence. On this basis, I will examine the key propositions of the discourses, their ideological unity and discursive matrix, and the operations of discursive practice, which refers to the utterances constructed by the addresser using elements from the political imaginary and its links with the area s of knowledge and order in the discourse. With this analysis, the research comes to an end, arriving at final conclusions in PART FIVE. The bibliography is presented in PART SIX. Thus, I will examine population policies by analysing the hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses. To do this, I have chosen a conceptual-theoretical framework and methodology that allows me to describe the conditions of the social process of production, circulation and reception/power effects of discourses, and thus considers discourse to be a specific form of social and political struggle in the domain or register of what Ipola (1982) calls the social process of producing sense and meaning, complemented by the technical analysis mentioned above. Finally, it is important to mention that population policies have been studied by other researchers, using various different approaches and research methods. The present research study differs from others and makes a new contribution because it addresses the issue through Discourse Analysis, which covers a complex and relevant academic field that basically tries to answer the question of how reality is constructed in a particular way through the social practices of discourse and seeks to understand what type of reality is produced and constructed by discourses in certain social conditions of production, circulation and reception. Therefore, the study does not aim to determine who was right in the population policies debate, but instead focuses on the different population policy discourses and the way in which they shape reality and act on it in various (two) ways. Thus, it is the way in which the discourse on population policy is conceived that helped to change social reality and, in the subject addressed by this research, led to the paradigm shift in population policy. To summarize this introduction: I intend to study two ways of defining the issues related to population policy, by analysing the discourse of Population Control and the discourse of Gender and Human Rights/ Health and Reproductive Rights. Each of the two discourses will be addressed through the following questions: What is the problem (addressed in the discourse)? What is the cause of the problem? How is the problem to be addressed and solved? For whom is it a problem? Who are the advocates of the problem defined?

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II.
2.

PART TWO

CONCEPTUAL-THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND DISCOURSE ANALYSIS METHODOLOGY

Following Ipola (1982: 80), We will understand discourse to be a form of social struggle in the domain or register of what the author calls the social process of producing sense and meaning. The author thus suggests that the historical process of social and political struggle should be thought of as the site where discursive representations are articulated, because it is this process that constitutes the material basis of discourse. Therefore, discourse is defined as a particular form of social struggle, while its analysis refers to the social process of producing sense and meaning. In methodological terms, discourse can be studied by examining: a) the social conditions of its direct production, which are unique, singular and non-repeatable; b) the conditions in which it circulates, and c) how it is received or its power effects (Ipola 1982: 82)6.
The analysis of [] a discourse from the angle of its direct production [] consists of identifying the social, political and ideological determinants [] that are present in it in the form of specific footprints (1982: 82-83).

The analysis of direct production covers just one moment in the social production of a discourse. It is therefore necessary to address the process of how it is received. This alludes to its effectiveness, or the effects produced by the discourse on certain material and social conditions.
The analysis of [] how a discourse is received consists above all of bringing to light the footprints that give rise to the social effects of that discourse (1982: 84).

Thus, the analysis of a discourse requires an examination of its internal linkages, while the circulation process is the one that unites the two dimensions, since it is within this two-way linkage connecting the direct production of the discourse and how it is received that the social element [] is inscribed in discursive processes (: 84). Considering that it is individuals (organised in groups, classes, social movements and/or states, etc) who based on certain power relations produce, circulate and consume discourses, in discourse analysis it is important to distinguish between the interpellation and constitution of individuals as subjects. Thus, the approach builds on Althussers thesis that ideology interpellates or constitutes individuals as subjects (1986: 132), which enables the function of ideology in discursive formations to be analysed. This is why it is necessary to distinguish conceptually between

Self-identified as a neo-Marxist, Ipola adopts the methodological approach used by Karl Marx to analyse the process of production of goods in Das Kapital, which refers to the process of production, circulation and consumption of goods.

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the interpellation and the constitution of individuals as subjects []. The act of interpellation is located in [] the discourse production process [] which takes place under certain social (economic, political and ideological) conditions [] The effect of constituting individuals as subjects is its exact opposite [] The discourse is received under certain social, economic, political and ideological conditions (Ipola 1982: 113).

This differentiation leads us to think of the existence of contestatory ideologies and discourses in subaltern sectors, the effects of which are the opposite of those of the dominant ideology or discourse. Consequently, individuals as subjects of political action cannot be identified with social classes, and therefore the ideological elements do not pertain to class either; instead, they appear as disputed elements in the discourses of the main classes (actors) who come into conflict in social struggles. Therefore,
If these ideological elements do not express social classes, but if the classes ultimately determine the ideology, we would have to conclude that this determination can only result from the establishment of a principle of articulation of these ideological elements, and that this principle is what truly confers upon them a class status (Mouffe 1980: 23).

This leads us to take up the distinction made by Laclau (1986: 186) between the form and the content of an ideology: form should be understood as the principle that articulates its constitutive interpellations, while content is understood as the ideological elements (semantic units) of the discourse in question. Thus, the class (gender, ethnic or other) identity of a discourse is provided by its form rather than by its content. For Ipola (1986: 103), it is this articulatory principle that ensures the condensation effect upon which the unity of a discourse rests, and which operates to constitute the unity o f ideology and discourse. Therefore,
The measure of the hegemonic potential of a discourse is its articulatory capacity [] to include interpellations that differ in scope and nature some classist, others nonclassist in a relatively structured whole. Therefore, what can effectively be defined by class is the (hegemonic) project within which that articulation operates (Ipola: 103). The hegemonic or articulatory principle is defined by the capacity of each interpellatory element to play a role of condensing the others [] when each of these interpellations operates separately as a symbol of the others, we find ourselves with a relatively unified ideological discourse (Laclau 1986: 115).

When the articulatory principle breaks up and another takes its place, this gives rise to a crisis of hegemony. At this point, the political-ideological setting of social struggles is seen as a disputed space in which several discourses clash and circulate, accompanied by a series of social practices whose aim is to develop hegemony. Therefore, multiple discourses circulate when the hegemonic discourse enters into crisis.
The specificity of discursive/ideological crises is expressed in the loss of hegemonic capacity by the dominant discourse, whose ideological pulling power does not produce the same constitutive effects as before the crisis arose [] An ideological crisis implies that the unity of the dominant discourse falls apart, leading to changes in the ideological arena with the entry of alternative discourses seeking to reorganise the ideological elements based on a different interpellation (a different subject). What 12

changes is the form (of articulation), not the content (the disputed interpellations) of ideologies (Mayorga: 45-46).

Thus, the discursive arena is in a constant process of articulation-dismantlingrearticulation of the ideological elements. The ideological crisis manifests itself once the unity of the dominant ideology breaks apart with the loss of articulatory capacity and/or discursive hegemony. Now, this approach to discourse analysis refers to the centres or institutions of production, circulation, inculcation and/or reception of discourses, defined by Gramsci as the hegemonic apparatus and by Althusser as the ideological state apparatus. This apparatus is responsible for
Producing, processing, transmitting and dictating the conditions in which ideologies are appropriated in society (), functioning as centres of production, () reception and appropriation of discourses (Ipola 1982: 85).

These centres and/or apparatus operate as sites of organisation of the social and political practices of subjects (Gluksman 1988: 90). Because of the way they operate, they are also a principal site of class struggle (Althusser 1974: 40), due to the fact that because the State and its apparatus [] are riven by tensions and conflicts and by unstable power relations, they are the site where political power is exercised and produced (Ipola 1982: 90). Therefore, it is necessary to identify the p ower structure and the power relations which drive it (Buci Gluksman 188: 93), and also to understand the social sphere in terms of fracture, imbalance and conflict (Ipola 1982: 92), since
The set of social relations is contradictory at all times and there is always the possibility of a rupture in the balance of forces [] which will be expressed as an organic crisis, a crisis of hegemony, or a crisis in the State as a whole (Buci Gluksman 1988: 97).

Therefore, hegemony is articulated/constituted through the apparatus and it is also through the apparatus that state and society actors dispute hegemony. This is
The most openly political phase [] in which discourses/ideologies, which had germinated beforehand, become partisan, clash and enter into a struggle, until such time as one of them, or a combination of them, tends to prevail, to impose itself and to be disseminated, especially in the social arena (: 118).

This is how social and political struggles have a constitutive effect on the meaning and function of discourses (Ipola: 1982: 90). Therefore,
The emergence, spread and effectiveness of a certain discourse in society is intimately bound up with the power relations and forces in which every discourse is necessarily inscribed and which either silence or disqualify it or aim to validate it and make it authoritative (: 91).

This is why discourse analysis must describe the power relations that are channelled through different apparatus, in order make it clear that the conflict between discourses does not arise out of the air; on the contrary, these are

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struggles in which what is at stake is the relations established by the dominant classes, between power relations and forces that take material form in the apparatus and discursive relations []. These are struggles that concern the set of social processes that produce meaning and the meanings themselves (Ipola: 1982: 92).

The analysis of discourse, understood as the social process of producing sense and meaning, therefore implies disentangling the social conditions of production to which it owes its existence. Consequently, my research will be based on this theoretical and conceptual framework and defined methodology, applying a discourse analysis technique that is described below. 2.1. DISCOURSE ANALYSIS TECHNIQUE

The discourse analysis technique builds on the contributions made by Austin (1992), Landi (1992), Van Dijk (1988), Lazarte (1993), Vern (1987) and Ducrot (1984). It involves selecting an analytical corpus and proceeding to analyse it by means of a surface reading and an in-depth reading. 2.1.1. Analytical Corpus The analytical corpus is made up of a set of texts, which in this study includes both primary and secondary sources. 2.1.1.1. The primary sources The primary sources are documents, texts and resolutions from the United Nations, the US State Department and the GWHRM. a) International Conference on Human Rights held in Tehran (1968). - Tehran Declaration (1968)7. b) WORLD CONFERENCE ON HUMAN RIGHTS held in Vienna, 14-25 June 1993 (United Nations A/CONF.157/23, 12 July 1993). 8 - VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION (1993) . c) International Conference on Population and Development held in Bucharest, 19-30 August 1974. - World Population Plan of Action. Bucharest, Romania (1974) 9. d) International Conference on Population and Development held in Mexico City, 6-14 August 1984. - Mexico City Declaration on Population and Development. CHAPTER I, pp. 1-5.
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Available at:http://www.notivida.org/leginternacional/Declaracion%20de%20Teheran.html Available at: http://www.unhchr.ch/huridocda/huridoca.nsf/(Symbol)/A.CONF.157.23.Sp?Opendocument 9 Prez. G. (2000: 68-75).

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- Report of the International Conference on Population 1984. Mexico City 6-14 August 1984 (United Nations E/CONF.76/19)10. e) International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo, 5-13 September 1994. - Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (United Nations A/CONF.171/13, 18 October 1994)11. f) World Conference on Women (1975), 19 June 2 July 1975, Mexico D.F.

g) World Conference on Women (1980) 14-30 July 1980, Copenhagen, Denmark. h) World Conference on Women (1985), 15 June 26 July 1985, Nairobi, Kenya. i) National Security Study Memorandum 200: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests (NSSM200) 1974. j) Womens Voices 94 A Declaration on Population Policies12.

2.1.1.2. Secondary Sources: All the texts listed in the bibliography in PART SIX. 2.1.2. Surface reading This reading identifies the interpellating subject the addresser of the discourse and the interpellated subject the addressees13 and then proceeds to examine the frequency of the semantic units that are present or produced in the texts of the corpus. These function as pivotal indicators that can be grouped by differentiating the semantic field in its relation of equivalence and opposition (Landi, 1992). The reading also examines how they are linked to each other (Vern, 1987), which leads to the in-depth reading. 2.1.3. In-depth reading This reading involves identifying and analysing the broader semantic units, also known as Meta units because they articulate others around themselves and function as symbols of the others (Vern 1987)14. It is around these units that the effectiveness
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Available at: http://www.choike.org/documentos/conf/ICP_mexico84_report.pdf Available at: http://www.un.org/popin/icpd/conference/offspa/sconf13.html 12 Available at: http//www.jstor.org/stable/2938478?seq=1 13 The addressees are: the pro-addressee, who shares the same ideas, values and objectives as the addresser; the counter-addressee, who is the adversary or negative addressee; and the para-addressee, who is neither a supporter nor an adversary but rather the person the addresser is trying to persuade to join its ranks, or the disputed third party (Vern 1987). 14 The category broad or meta is applied to semantic utterances and to entities (Subjects/actors). For entities, Vern coins the term identity meta -collectives, and the GWHRM is an example of one of these because it is an entity that is broader than singular identity collectives (women, for example)

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of the articulation of the structural poles of political discourse operates, and through these structural poles the articulating and/or hegemonic principle becomes intelligible (Lazarte, 1993). Consequently, the in-depth reading allows us to analyse: a) The structural poles of the discourses, or the structure and logic of how they are organised and how they function, based on the dichotomous relationship produced by the power relations between the Subjects/actors. On this basis, the propositions of the discourse can be examined, leading us to analyse the binary structure of discursive production. This is often presented in the form of a dilemma that dichotomizes reality. This therefore needs to be interpreted to bring to light how the opposition is expressed, which takes us to the space of social and political confrontation at a given moment in time. In other words, the analysis must describe the conflict to arrive at the dichotomization (Ibid); b) The ideological unity15 and the matrix of the discourse, also known as the ideological or generative matrix, because it is the basis on which various other discourses are constructed; in other words, the same matrix produces and reproduces discourses (Pirelli, 1985: 29-40). Analysis of it enables us to reveal a certain ideological field; and because the discourse is linked to the ideology, the matrix makes it possible to examine the components of it that do not vary. In other words, the matrix can be described as the unvarying structure of the discourse. The process of social and political struggle may or may not alter a certain matrix and/or the internal organisation of the elements in the matrix. In both cases, ideological unity is what gives it logical coherence (Ipola 1982); c) The operations of discursive practice, which refers to the utterances constructed by the addresser using elements from the political imaginary and its links with the areas of knowledge and order in the discourse;16 d) The characteristics of the discourse, in order to identify its legal effects on the basis of the utterances and their relationship with the actors. Following Ducrot (1984: 189), one of the characteristics of political discourse is that of presenting two personalities in its relationship with the utterance. The utterance is understood as something that produces legal effects and as a source of creation of rights and duties for the interlocutors. This leads us to refer to the intersubjective relationship that is established between the addresser and the addressee.
and plural identity collectives (social movements identified as feminist or non -feminist). Metacollectives cannot be fragmented, except in very specific cases.
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Cf. Supra Laclau (1987). The relationship between the addresser (interpellating subject) and the addressee (pro-addressee and para-addressee) is linked to the areas of knowledge and order in the discourse. The descriptive and didactic components are articulated in the areas of knowledge (th ese components are related to the knowledge mode of the addresser, whose knowledge is almost always outlined in a statement of fact, based on which the addresser formulates a universal truth), while the prescriptive and programmatic components are articulated in the areas of order (these components express the way things should be and are related to what can be done) (Vern 1987: 17 -18).

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e) The power effects of the discourse, in order to identify how the interpellating Subject produces its interpellations, what power effects these produce on the interpellated subject (the addressees), and the type of relationship (inclusive and/or oppositional) that is established with them. According to Vern (1987), this relationship will be one of inclusion with the pro -addressee and the para-addressee, and one of exclusion with the counter -addressee. Thus, the interpellated subject is defined as the first two addressees, with whom the relationship is inclusive and who may be interpellated through identity collectives (singular or plural). f) The in-depth reading analysis concludes by describing the historic conflict situation and the political dnouement, since understanding reality as a product of how we articulate it is a basic feature of discourse analysis (Lazarte 1993). Thus, in PART TWO, I have set out the conceptual-theoretical framework and its discourse analysis technique which will be developed further in PARTS THREE and FOUR of this research study.

17

III.

PART THREE

3. THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF PRODUCTION OF THE DISCOURSES 3.1. The discourse of population control

Analysis of the direct production of the population control discourse consists of identifying the footprints which gave rise to it and provided its validity and authority. To do this, I will refer to the theoretical-ideological sources upon which it was based. These are: a) the theory and ideology of Malthus (1798); b) the theory and ideology of eugenics formulated by Galton (1904); c) the theory of population growth, which drew on the arguments of the previous two and whose main exponents were the neo-Malthusians who organised in 1900; and d) the Demographic Transition Theory and its inverse, developed most notably by Notestein in 1945. a) The theory formulated by Malthus in his "Essay on the Principle of Population as it affects the Future Improvement of Society" (1798) 17 sets out two interlinked hypotheses. These are: a.1) That the human species will grow like the sequence of numbers 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, 64, 128, 256, 512 [], while the means of subsistence will do so as follows: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10; etc (Malthus, 1798: 60). This equation alludes to a problem that is based in his essay on the following arguments: First: food is necessary to mankinds existence; and Second: passion between the sexes is necessary and in practice will maintain its current status; therefore, the populations ability to grow is infinitely greater than the ability of the earth to produce food for mankind. This implies that the difficulty of subsisting will exercise a strong and constant restrictive pressure on the force of population growth, leading to a waste of seed or disease and death as well as misery and vice, in the case of human beings. For Malthus, This natural inequality [] is the great obstacle [] in the way of the perfectibility of society (Ibid.). To address the problem, he proposed two types of restraint: preventive (moral restraint, including abstinence and delayed marriage) and biological (disease, death and misery). This is illustrated in the passage entitled Natures Banquet, where A man born into a world which has already been appropriated, if he cannot obtain food [] he should not in fact be where he is. In Natures great banquet, there is no place for him at the table. Nature ordains that he must leave (quoted in Beltrn, Lucas 1993: 113). a.2.) The second hypothesis, which represents a challenge to the political and governing classes and elites, is that the causes of poverty are natural rather than social in origin. This naturalising of the causes of poverty gave rise to the naturalist
17

The theory gained political relevance and influence in the economic and social sphere of the British empire and a Europe shaken by the French revolution of 1789. In this context, social classes were becoming an increasingly prominent and weighty consideration in public decisions as the British empire debated about social policies, while in France the ideas of fraternity, equality and liberty were enabling arguments about the progress of human reason to take hold. Malthus thought these ideas were irresponsible and the Essay was his response (Prez 1994).

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doctrine and biologism, which were the foundations of eugenics (Collantes 2001: 4). Acceptance or non-acceptance of this ideological premise has characterised the debate between Malthusians and Anti-Malthusians (usually Marxists), expressed in antinatalist or natalist positions. Malthuss theory gave rise to the Malthusian and Neo-Malthusian movement. The discourse of the former centred on the economy, in terms of the balance between population and resources, and on reducing the birth rate by means of natural methods such as abstinence, celibacy and delayed marriage, and others linked to a moral stance about what is licit and what is not in the sexual and family sphere. The discourse of the latter differed in that they sought to limit offspring by means of artificial contraceptive methods18 . b) Eugenics is another theoretical and ideological source of the population control discourse because it identifies population growth as a problem. Practical ways to control it are based on all the naturalisations of human differences and inequality that can be explained by the theory of evolution. Eugenics proposes a qualitative, biological, natural improvement of the population through positive means (to promote reproduction by the fittest) or negative ones (making it difficult or impossible for the unfit to reproduce). Thus, the progress of human populations cannot be achieved by knowledge and morality alone, and neither can it be limited to the economic, political and social order. Instead, it must be produced biologically by carefully selecting the quality of populatio ns to suit society, the state or the nation, and intervening in demographic events: births and deaths (or migration). States and governments were encouraged to adopt policies to promote this (American Bioethics Advisory Commission 2003). In this discourse, one of the ideological elements which helped to coin the term eugenics in the mid-19th century is the theory of degeneracy, which attempted to provide a scientific explanation for decadence or hereditary decline. It was introduced by the French psychiatrist Morel (1857) who studied the dementias and mental defects that are signs of hereditary decline (quoted by Soloway, 1990). The inheritance of human faculties and intellectual genius studied by Francis Galton in Eugenics; its Definition, Scope and Aims (1904)19, based on Darwins principles of natural selection, coined the term eugenics. From then on, eugenics societies proliferated and came to function as powerful apparatus influencing the sphere of ideology and discourse and hence social and political life (Farrall 1970, quoted in Parking, A. 2006). They became an international movement with an influence in several areas of the state and society after the First International Conference on Eugenics held in London in 1912. Between the late 19th century and the end of the Second World War, the eugenics discourse was able to appeal to a significant political, economic and social
18 19

Cf. Infra. In 1904, a lecture given by Galton at the Sociological Society led to the founding of the Eugenics Education Society, which started to publish The Eugenics Review, and the Galton Laboratory was set up. By 1907 the Eugenics Society had branches in Birmingham, Cambridge, Manchester, Southampton, Liverpool, Glasgow and Sydney (Australia). Cf. www.galtonintitute.org

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elite worldwide, which acted through various state and social apparatus: public and private institutions such as the Rockefeller and Ford foundations, institutes such as Planned Parenthood, and international organisations such as the League of Nations and the United Nations, established at the end of the 19th century and in the 20th century respectively. These aimed to achieve scientific demographic objectives through policies to manage the world population (Adams 1990) 20. Eugenismo en el Mundo21 cites several studies in which these objectives were pursued in various parts of the world, including Israel, Australia, Japan, Spain, Latin America and others. In Virginia, USA, an emblematic case of eugenics was the Lynchburg colony for Epileptics and the Feebleminded, which carried out the forced sterilization of 8,000 defective children and young people in a charitable institution in the name of the biological health of the nation, since "three generations of imbeciles are enough." According to the documentary, this control, which formed part of population policy and eugenic sterilization laws, served as a model for Nazi Germany (Bruce, E 1993). Consequently, eugenics and its societies influenced population policies and responded to its problems with treatments for physical and mental illness, the development of new contraceptive methods, the legalisation of forced sterilization or the use of artificial insemination (Schenck, F and Parkes, A.S. 1968: 142-161, quoted in Wat, DC 1998). c) The third source that fed into the population control discourse by identifying population growth as a problem are the proponents of Neo-Malthusian thinking, who argued explicitly for the need to control population growth, thus laying the most solid foundations for population control ( Collantes 2001: 1). This arose in the 20th century, when population growth was described as an explosion requiring contraceptives to prevent overpopulation, upon which the foundation of the Neo-Malthusian movement was established (Mc Laren, Angus 1997). It was the power of the contraception discourse that inspired them to form an association in 1900 after their first international conference, which resolved to disseminate information about population growth and exact methods to limit family size. The association partnered with IGOs to facilitate their cause and scientized their agenda into a special Committee of the League of Nations. The committee contributed to the redefinition of population growth as a potentially destructive force (Szreter, Simon 1993).

20

Adams mentions that noted intellectuals who won Nobel prizes took up eugenics, led its societies and founded its institutions (which today enjoy international prestige), with funding from a business elite identified with eugenics such as the Rockefeller Foundation. Some of the most noteworthy are: a) the winner of the 1912 Nobel prize for medicine, Alexis Carrel (1873-1944); and b) Corrado Gini (18841965), known for his work Variabilit e mutabilit (1912), in which he developed his method for measuring inequality, called after him as the Gini Coefficient. He was awarded the Royal Prize for Social Sciences by the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei in 1919. He was president of the is essaySocieta Italiana di Genetica ed Eugnica and an ideologue of Mussolinis population policies in h Las bases cientficas del fascismo (1927). 21 Cf. El Eugenismo en el Mundo (audio, video and bibliography) In: http://elnuevordenmundial.wordpress.com/category/eugenics/eugenismo-en-el-mundo/

20

Tendencies within the neo-Malthusian movement include the "birth controllers" and the family planners, with which various social, political and economic actors are identified. Their discourse is characterised by articulating contraceptive methods around different projects (articulatory principles). Some, such as those of family planning, are social in nature and refer to the exercise of individual rights, advocating that people (especially women) should be able to decide how many children to have and when, without renouncing sexual pleasure. Others are biologists and/or birth controllers, and their discourse was articulated most clearly by Margaret Sanger 22. The practices of the birth controllers and family planning advocates were favourable to those actors (private, public, national and international) who identified with the neo-Malthusians and eugenicists who supported each other, and only instrumentally included and supported the pro-family planning movement and the birth controllers. Thus, their relationships and alliances were historically based on shared objectives (Hodgson, and Watkins, 1997)23. The neo-Malthusian movement therefore had a significant influence in persuading state and society actors to identify population growth as a problem. In this sense,
the term neo-Malthusian is applied to the international movement in favour of controlling world population growth, driven initially by the US at the end of the Second World War, and taken up by the United Nations shortly afterwards (Collantes, p. 1, Op. Cit.)

Now we have referred to the theories and ideological sources that left their mark or footprints on the discourse of population control, and consequently took forward control strategies in line with their approaches, it is important to refer to the Demographic Transition Theory and its inversion, which Hodgson (1988) calls the US demographic orthodoxy, as an element of meaning and a footprint in the population control discourse, which reveals how population growth was made visible and recognised as a problem, and which was debated in the mid-20th century.
22

Margaret Sanger coined the term birth control in The Rebel Woman (1914, New York). The link between the birth controllers and eugenics (Sanger 1919 "Birth control and racial betterment", Birth Control Review, 3 (2) was made when in 1919 she joined with F. Gamble, a eugenicist who funded antinatalist initiatives in the US and elsewhere and population control in less developed countries, to found the Pathfinder Fund (1957), currently known as Pathfinder International (Miller, J. A. (1996), "Betting with lives. Clarence Gamble and the Pathfinder International", Population Research Institute Review, (July/August). Sanger was one of the founders of Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA). With the support of its eugenicist and Malthusian allies, this set up the first family planning clinic in Brooklyn in 1916 (Hodgson and Watkins, 1997, p. 475). It contributed to the strategic design and implementation of family planning programmes after linking up with leaders of the Neo-Malthusian League in Britain and other noteworthy characters identified with eugen ics such as psychologist and sexologist Havelock Ellis, Aletta Jacobs and Dr. Johan Rutgers. By 1927 Sanger was recognised as a leader of the neo-Malthusian movement in the USA, and was notable for organising and promoting the first World Population Congress and, after the Congress, for helping to establish the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population (IUSSP). Cf.http://www.biografiasyvidas.com/biografia/s/sanger_margaret.htm; http://www.bookrags.com/biography/margaret-higgins-sanger/ 23 They started to separate in the 1980s, with the final split taking place at the International Conference on Population held in Cairo (1994), when the strategy was redirected towards new objectives, articulated around the concept of sexual and reproductive health. Cf. Infra.

21

d) The Demographic Transition Theory attempts to explain the historical rupture in population dynamics that is illustrated in Graph 1. GRAPH 1. Demographic Change and World Population 1800-205024

In 1820 world population reached 1 billion and increased to 3 billion in 1959.

From 3 billon in 1959 to 6 billion by 1999

Source: US Census Bureau - International Data Base (IDB)

25

DTT argues that the pre-transitional demographics were characterised by very high birth and death rates, and low growth. During the transition, population growth became evident because death rates started to fall during the Industrial Revolution. In this context, population growth was synonymous with prosperity and security in the industrialized countries. At the end of the 18th century, when states considered it a good thing to have a growing population, reproductive behaviour started to change, and this manifested itself at the start of the 20th century in declining fertility rates. Thus, two phases can be distinguished in the transition: a) the initial phase, when death rates decrease sharply, but birth rates are maintained at traditional levels, leading to a very rapid increase in population; b) the final or culmination phase, in which birth rates go down to unprecedentedly low levels, thus gradually reducing the pace of population growth. The decline in fertility was presented as a problem, and there was an increase in efforts and studies to identify the demographic situation, understand its causes and act to divert it (or not) from its natural course:
Everything that, taken together, defines population policy came about [] at this time. Because of their emphasis on the importance of fertility, they helped to create the critical mass of statistics, researchers and resources required to develop a demographic theory about the changes under way. One of the results was demographic transition theory, which connected changes in fertility rates to changes in death rates based on the information available in the most advanced countries (Prez 1994: 105).

Thus, DTT arose because the studies indicated that fertility always systematically declined following the fall in the death rate in the most developed countries, in a close relationship with the industrial revolution, unleashing the transition
24 25

< http://www.un.org/esa/population/publications/longrange2/WorldPop2300final.pdf>

The Census Bureau's latest projections imply that population growth will continue into the 21st century, although more slowly. The world population is projected to grow from 6 billion in 1999 to 9 billion by 2044, an increase of 50 percent that is expected to require 45 years. http://www.census.gov/ipc/www/idb/worldpopgraph.php.

22

process. Therefore, it could be shown that the decline in fertility was connected with the degree of development, and this was perceived as one of the symptoms of its success. In contrast to this phenomenon, the studies carried out by Thompson (1929) showed that in less developed countries the reverse process was taking place, indicating an unprecedented state of potential growth (with little control of births and deaths). Consequently, these analyses of population growth allow us to start to analyse the definition of the problem (What is the problem? What is the cause of the problem?) identified by the discourse of population control, and which it sought to address and solve by formulating a policy: that of Population Control. It is at this point that we can identify the discourses circulation process and how it was received or its power effects.26 3.1.1. Population growth as a problem and the policy of Population Control as its solution. 3.1.1.1. Definition of the problem.

The international differences that showed evidence of the state of potential growth in the less developed countries were defined as a relevant problem for the US government.
The present world population growth is unique. Rates of increase are much higher than in earlier centuries, they are more widespread, and have a greater effect on economic life, social justice, and -- quite likely -- on public order and political stability (NATIONAL SECURITY MEMORANDUM 200. Part One: Analytical Section, CHAPTER I - WORLD DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS, 1974 p. 1). The U.S. economy will require large and increasing amounts of minerals from abroad, especially from less developed countries. That fact gives the U.S. enhanced interest in the political, economic, and social stability of the supplying countries. Wherever a lessening of population pressures through reduced birth rates [slow or no population growth p. 37-38] can increase the prospects for such stability, population policy becomes relevant to resource supplies and to the economic interests of the United States (Ibid 200, p. 43).

The factors and causes involved in the problem were analysed by Notestein in (1945), in the Office of Population Research at Princeton University, as part of its role of providing advice on US foreign policy.

3.1.1.2.

What is the cause of the problem?

Notesteins arguments (Szreter, 1993) focused on: a) how unviable it was for the poorest regions of the world to follow a European-style transition. In these regions, the reduction in the death rate cannot be explained by the slow and progressive
26

The social conditions of production of a discourse (direct production, circulation and consumption) are linked, forming a cycle.

23

improvement in living conditions achieved with industrialisation, but by advances in medicine and sanitation transferred from the West; b) the pace of population growth, considered explosive, which coexists with a low level of development of productive forces (characterised by pre-capitalist economic structures and traditional agrarian economies), makes their development non-viable, and generates conditions unfavourable to capital accumulation, because capital is used up by basic social expenditure on the new and growing younger generations; c) the pace of population growth and levels of poverty lead to an explosive situatio n of social and political instability (favourable to the spread of Communism), precisely in areas of US commercial and political expansion, and if the same thing happened in the rest of the poor regions of the world, this would create a national security problem for the USA. Considering all these factors, it was decided to reverse the terms of the DTT and affirm that without a prior reduction in fertility, development would never manage to take off in these countries (Ibid).
Whereas all the scholars had hitherto agreed that economic development triggered the transition and caused the ultimate reduction in fertility rates, now it was argued that the reduction in fertility was a necessary condition for development, since rapid population growth impeded the capital accumulation essential for industrialization (Prez 1994).

Thus, it was by reversing the argument described as the US demographic orthodoxy (Dodgson, 1988) that the attempt was made to deal with and later solve the problem. 3.1.1.3. How can the problem be addressed and resolved?

Once population growth in the least developed countries (LDCs) had been identified as an issue of the greatest importance for political and economic reasons, the US government advocated a lessening of population pressures through reduced birth rates (slow or no population growth, pp. 37-38), because population policy becomes relevant to the economic and political interests of the United States. (National Security Memorandum 200, 1974 p. 43). Based on these interests, the strategy proposed that the US should: a) obtain international agreement and commitments from local leaders to roll out the population policy, rearticulating in the population control discourse some of the ideological elements articulated in alternative discourses by opposing actors; b) play a leadership role in family planning, and c) design development policies in aid programmes.
Development of a worldwide political and popular commitment to population stabilization [] requires the support and commitment of key LDC leaders [] to take the lead in advancing family planning (pp. 11-12). Also, priority should be given in the general aid program to selective development policies in sectors offering the greatest promise of increased motivation for smaller family size (p. 11). Our assistance strategies for these countries should consider their capabilities to finance needed population actions. (Ibid. 127) There is [] the danger that some LDC leaders will see developed country pressures for family planning as a form of economic or racial imperialism [] It is vital that the effort to develop and strengthen a commitment on the part of the LDC leaders not be seen by them as an industrialized country policy to keep their strength down or to 24

reserve resources for use by the "rich" countries. [] The U.S. can help to minimize [ideological] charges of an imperialist motivation behind its support of population activities by repeatedly asserting that such support derives from a concern with: (a) the right of the individual couple to determine freely and responsibly their number and spacing of children []; and (b) the fundamental social and economic development of poor countries [] (pp. 106, 114 and 155). Finally, providing integrated family planning and health services on a broad basis would help the U.S. contend with the ideological charge [] (p. 177)

The strategy also stated that

the availability of contraceptive services and information is not a complete answer to the population problem. In view of the importance of socio-economic factors in determining desired family size, overall assistance strategy should increasingly concentrate on selective policies which will contribute to population decline as well as other goals (p. 108), such as providing minimal levels of education especially for women and the education and indoctrination of the rising generation of children regarding the desirability of smaller family size (p. 111). Similarly, there have been some controversial, but remarkably successful, experiments [] in which financial incentives, along with other motivational devices, were used to get large numbers of men to accept vasectomies. (p. 138) something more than family planning services will b e needed to motivate other couples to want smaller families (p. 58). The great necessity is to convince the masses of the population [] to have, on the average, only three and then only two children. the obvious increased focus of attention should b e to change the attitudes of the next generation (158).

Consequently, it can be concluded that population control was a political and foreign policy decision by the US government, which defined it as a population policy targeted mainly at LDCs and their people, with a gender and age bias, as it was aimed specifically at women (without ruling out successful experiments on men), children, young people and future generations. So, if these were the objectives, strategy and methods of the populatio n control policy, I conclude following Foucault that this population policy was also a tool of power (1984) used to apply family planning programmes and contraceptive methods, which were also promoted by different movements and actors such as the birth controllers and the family planning advocates, who sometimes established strategic alliances. Thus, the population control policy was formulated with the aim of controlling fertility. 27 The problem would be solved by formulating and implementing the population control policy, which was in fact
27

From the end of the 1940s until the 60s, the movement acted through private US foundations which promoted and financed research on population, reproductive physiology and new contraceptive methods. University departments, academic institutions and exchange programmes were set up to train researchers, technicians and administrators. Laboratories were opened to develop the most modern and effective contraceptive methods, such as the pill. Prestigious institutions such as the Population Council and the International Planned Parenthood Federation were established and funded, as were journals that have become essential to the field of demography today, such as Population Index, Demography or Population

25

The population control programme with the largest political aim ever dreamed of: to control the world population. The central theoretical framework would be provided by Notesteins DTT, and suppor t would be sought by transferring the mission to the United Nations itself and trying to turn it into a Programme of Action approved by the whole world through the International Population Conferences (Perez, 1994).

This policy was implemented and put in practice by setting in motion the hegemonic apparatus and it was Notestein himself, as President of the Population Council and the first director of the Population Division of the United Nations, 1946 1948, who took charge of the task.28 He had the support of private foundations that were already operating and practising fertility control from the end of the 1940s until 1961, such as the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), Family Health International in the US, the Voluntary Sterilization Association known as the "Human Betterment Association of America," "Birthright", Negative Population Growth and others (Embid 118-124). Also involved were the big US foundations such as Ford29, Rockefeller, Mellon and Carnegie (Caldwell, J. and Caldwell, P. 1986), the CIA (Frances Stonor 2000) and the US Army, since population was a national security issue. The managers and staff of these apparatus were holding public office during the F. Kennedy administration, when population control was declared an international policy in 196130. Thus, the federal government (starting with Kennedy, and continuing with Johnson and Nixon) and its agencies got involved in the promotion, funding and implementation of family planning programmes. The World Bank started to finance them in 1968, the year of publication of the best-seller The Population Bomb (Ehrlich, P. 1968), which acted as the device through which the debate was introduced to western public opinion.

and Development Review. The CIA got involved in this movement with military advisory committees that recommended family planning assistance for third world countries, for national security reasons (Embid, n.d) and (Frances Stonor 2000). 28 During and after Notesteins time in office, the Population Council (founded by Rockefeller III) promoted censuses all over the world. These allowed the Population Reference Bureau also funded by Rockefeller and working along the same lines as the Population Council since the 1950s (Embid n.d. 119) to quantify the first results (2,500 million people in 1950, projected to grow by between 500 and 1,100 million in thirty years) and publish them in the 1954 Demographic Yearbook. That year, with the aim of deepening demographic knowledge, the First World Population Conference was held in Rome. It resolved to encourage the establishment of regional training centres in the third world (Prez 1994). The Second World Population Conference (Belgrade 1965) approved the creation of a trust fund for population matters. Between 1952 and 1958 the Population Councils budget increased from 4.5 to 18.3 million dollars, with 8.4 million donated by the Ford Foundation, 3.4 million by the Rockefeller Foundation, and 2.9 million by the Ellon family. By 1959 its budget had increased to 20 million dollars. During these years it promoted the development of various hormone-based contraceptives (Embid n.d. 117). 29 The Ford Foundation collaborated with the US government from World War II until the neoliberal revolution promoted by the Reagan administration . It helped to implement state policies by providing financial support to international development agencies such as the IMF, where it imposed professionalization and scientific social work delinked from the class struggle. For the CIA, the Ford Foundation was the best and most plausible kind of funding cover as it allowed the CIA to finance "a seemingly unlimited variety of clandestine action programs that affected individuals, political and social interest groups, institutions, universities, publishers and other private institutions such as those involved in human rights(Petras, J. 2001). 30 That same year, the National Council of Churches in the US approved the use of contraceptives, reversing its historic position on the issue (Schoijet, 2007: 121).

26

According to the Population Council report (New Yo rk), in 1969 aggressive strategies were designed to control the population (Holdren 1977). These were also agreed at the International Planned Parenthood Federation Congress held that same year (Embid, 118). The strategies were: a) massive use of a fertility control agent sterilants mixed with drinking water or basic foods to maintain birth rates at a suitable level; b) authorised payments per child, to ensure a reproduction rate of 2.2 children per couple, or a certificate allowing people to have just one child legally; c) temporary sterilization of all girls by means of a delayed contraceptive implant; d) obligatory sterilization of men who had fathered three or more live children; e) obligatory abortion for all illegitimate pregnancies; and f) encouragement programmes such as payments for starting to use or effectively practising contraception or for sterilization, payments for periods of time without pregnancy or childbirth, savings bonuses for periods of twelve months with no children born, responsibility awards for each five-year period a couple lasts without a pregnancy or for vasectomy before the third child, and special lotteries with tickets given to those who do not have children (Ibid. 118-119). That same year, the trust fund became the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA), which was later transferred to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). In 1971, 65% (US$109.5 million) of the UNFPA budget came from the United States, 15% from other countries, 1% from the World Bank and 19.2% from private foundations. 16% of this was contributed by the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations (Ibid). Several developing countries received conditional aid and officially announced that they were adopting national family planning programmes (Prez 1994). Consequently, political and institutional support was mobilized in all areas of US influence around the world. The United Nations was the main apparatus that had a global influence through the International Conferences on Population and Development, Human Rights, and those held during the UN Decade for Women. As well as the aggressive strategies, the policy included cultural strategies to ensure that people move in the direction we want for what they think are their own reasons (Frances Stonor 2000). Family planning programmes were an important component of both strategies, and the UN thus became a key driver of US foreign policy through its Declarations, Programmes and agreed Plans of Action (Johnson 1987).

3.1.1.4.

Policy implementation: women as the object of the policy.

One of the constitutive ideological elements of family planning and contraception programmes, including voluntary and involuntary sterilization, is the relegation of women, ad eternam and in perpetuity, to the status of an object, [] this is one of the expressions of the global patriarchy that dominates the arena of public policy formulation (Prez, R. 1995).

In the family planning programmes, the population control policy found a useful tool for exercising control and limiting fertility. It was applied most aggressively in developing countries through conditional aid with the support of the Population Council. Several researchers, feminists and human rights activists called them eugenics and depopulation programmes because they deployed strategies such as:
27

compulsory abortion (population law) [] if the population crisis became sufficiently severe to endanger the society (Holdren 1977: 1280); surgical (laparoscopy) and chemical sterilization, either voluntary or involuntary, such as Adding a sterilant to drinking water or staple foods ( Ibid., p. 1203), and other experimental methods so that People who cause social deterioration can be compelled to not have children (p. 1281); "if the smart and responsible people limit their families, why dont the stupid and irresponsible? (Ibid. p. 1141). The following examples documented by Embid (1994: 76-91) and others serve as illustrative cases: a) Chemical sterilization experiments involving the injection of the drug paraformaldehyde into the uterus, which affects the endometrium, and ultimately removing the uterus. This was applied to more than 100,000 women in 17 countries, including the Philippines, Indonesia, India, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, El Salvador, Panama and Peru. 31 b) Etherization by laparoscopy to obstruct the Fallopian tubes, applied initially in indigenous communities. In Bolivia, the US NGO Peace Corps sterilized all the women of fertile age in the Quechua community of Kaata (Sanjins 1969). In other indigenous communities, between 300 and 500 women per day were being sterilized: Bogot (80 per day), Colombia (40,000/1967), El Salvador (30,000/1976), Guatemala, India (837,000/1976), Peru, Mexico (1,500,000/1970s), Brazil (25,000,000/19651971)32. c) Sterilization through the tetanus vaccine containing hidden abortioninducing HCG, used in the Philippines, India, Mexico and Nicaragua. 33 d) The Intra-Uterine Device (IUD) with the thread cut was applied to Brazilian women, who were left sterilized because the device could only be removed in a surgical operation, and none of the women could afford to pay. 34 e) The Norplant Plan developed by the Population Council (New York). This is a long-lasting (5-year) contraceptive implant. It has side-effects such as blindness, haemorrhaging, brain tumours and immunodeficiency. Having been used experimentally on 500,000 women in Brazil, its use was extended to millions of women in Chile, Colombia, China, Denmark, Ecuador, Egypt, Finland, India, Indonesia, Jamaica, the Dominican Republic, Sweden, Thailand and the US.

31

Chemical sterilization was promoted by Dr. Stephen Mumford from the Center for population and security research and founder of the US organization Family Health International (Embid 1994: 90). 32 In the case of Brazil, the International Monetary Fund imposed birth rate reduction programs as an essential condition for debt renegotiation (Embid 1994: 88). 33 The vaccination campaign promoted by the WHO had the support of the Rockefeller Foundation, the World Bank and the Population Council. The WHO admitted that abortion-inducing HCG was present in the vaccines, though in small doses, as it came from the production process (Embid, 1994: 89-90). 34 This was implemented by the "Family Welfare Association" in Brazil, a branch of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF).

28

f) The Enorit pill, experimented with on 1,956 women in Puerto Rico in the 1950s and 60s by the Puerto Rican family planning organisation Asociacin pro Bienestar de la Familia. g) Medroxyprogesterone acetate (DMPA or Depo-Provera), a three-monthly progesterone-based injectable contraceptive, widely used in developed countries such as the US and on four million women in developing countries, including Ecuador, El Salvador, Jamaica, Thailand and South Africa. It reduces bone density in certain parts of the body and doubles the risk of breast cancer the reason why it was banned as a contraceptive in the United States. Consequently, sterilization (voluntary and involuntary or forced) was applied mainly to rural indigenous populations and to the poorest sectors of urban societies in less developed countries such as Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Peru, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic and Thailand. Thus, women were forced to endure an assault on gender, genocide, the crime against humanity as defined by international human rights organizations. The consequences in terms of physical, mental and family damage to women sterilized against their will have still not been fully assessed (Reportaje de la esterilizacin forzada, s/f). It was against this policy that the contestatory movement would come together to defend womens human rights and demand sexual and reproductive rights. 3.1.2. Partial conclusions on population control as a policy. Throughout PART THREE, I have examined the process through which the population control discourse was articulated and socially constructed, culminating in its formulation and definition as an international policy in 1961. The study of this process allows us to state that a population policy defined as the set of measures that seek to influence the population growth rate, structures and geographical distribution (Tapinos 1988: 362) is not neutral, because these measures are not plucked out of the air but are instead interwoven with the process of social struggle and production of meaning of which in this study population control is one of its expressions. In this sense, the analysis undertaken allows us to state that the formulation of the population control policy was the process through which political decisions were taken to solve population growth in less developed countries, which was considered by the US state to be a problem. As we have seen, inherent in this process is the meaning of the theories and ideologies that have supported and are frequently linked to the social and political interests which its solution sought to serve (Prez, J. 1994). Consequently, in the analysis of the discourse of a certain policy such as population control or any other,
it is relevant to identify the Subject or actor(s) who define it, the ideology and economic, political and social interests that work to support it, and the hegemonic apparatus through which it achieves legitimacy and takes material form in social life. All this leads us to situate the policy in the historical context in which it was defined 29

and the power relations which shaped it, due to which it is vulnerable to ruptures that usually lead to a paradigm shift in the issue in question (Prez, R. 1993).35

Consequently, following the quotation above, we can state as a partial conclusion that the population control policy defined by the US state responded essentially to its objectives of economic expansion and political domination, which are clearly defined in Memorandum 200. Thus, it will be the articulation of these objectives together with their form of implementation that differentiates this specific population policy from others (Prez 1994). Looking at the implementation has likewise led us to examine the apparatus and following Foucault (1984) to identify which apparatus are to be used to take action, which in turn leads us to examine the strategy, methods and means. Thus, the US state set in motion various power apparatus through which it exercised an influence to take forward its policy, which was implemented on the basis of the correlation of forces and power relations established in the process of social and political struggle, now more globalized, and which met with a contestatory response from the Global Womens Rights and Health Movement (GWHRM). I will conclude PART THREE by analysing the discourse of this latter Subject and actor.

3.2.

THE COUNTER-HEGEMONIC DISCOURSE AND ACTORS.

There were at least three main actors36 opposed to the population control discourse that became a policy; but in this paper, the focus is on the Global Womens Health and Rights Movement (GWHRM) which is concerned with womens rights, womens health, and womens lack of voice in the public and private spheres (Wendy Harcourt 2006). The GWHRM emerged in the 1970s. Like any other movement, it is not homogeneous, and neither is it limited to the feminist movement. It brings together womens organizations from developed and less developed countries, and therefore links different ideological and political standpoints deriving from diverse social realities and specific and historical social constructions of gender. It is characterised by having denounced - with the human rights community - the abuses that were committed by individuals dismissive of womens human rights. 37 Thus, based on the new unifying principle of gender and human rights, it defends the right to reproductive health.
35

As we will see later in PART THREE and in PART FOUR, where I will undertake a comparative analysis of this discourse and its rival, that of Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights. 36 The main actors opposed to the policy were: first, the socialist block, for whom overpopulation does not depend only on the size or density of the population, but also on the ratio of population to available sustainable resources, and thus the way resources are used and distributed throughout the population (John F. Besemeres 1980); second, the South block constituted by developing world which - through the Group of 77 - demanded a New Economic Order NEO (Encyclopedia of Globalization 2007: 553 555) to deal with population policy; third, the organized feminist movement concerned with women s rights, womens health, and womens lack of voice in public and private spheres (Wendy Harcourt 2006). 37 Before constituting themselves as the GWHRM, different womens movements and groups forged alliances with various other actors, in pursuit of the objectives that guided their actions. At the beginning, there were alliances between a) the neo-Malthusian movement and some feminist movement tendencies from the developed countries known as the birth controllers and the family planning movement; b) At the end of the 1960s, the alliance was made with the comm unity of the

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3.2.1. The Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights Discourse. The violation rights as a problem and the womens declarat ion policies as solution. 3.2.1.1. Definition of the problem The universal concept of human rights set out in the Declaration of 1948 "has a blind spot on women's human rights (Steiner, H.J. et. al 2000: 158). The assertion of these rights in the field of sexual and reproductive health followed a distinct historical process, in the heat of social and political struggles driven by the different strands of the feminist (and non-feminist) movement in both developed and developing countries, which finally came together around the GWHRM. The movement worked alongside the human rights community. 3.2.1.2. What is the problem? The problem arose because women the main subjects of reproductive life were the object and the main victims of population control programmes. Thus, contraceptive methods, which are in fact a means of liberating women by separating sexual activity from reproduction, became the instruments and devices of population control, (vila, 1989: 18) with a negative effect on womens sexual and reproductive health. 3.2.1.3. What is the cause of the problem? The cause is not one-dimensional. It can be explained historically by the way in which social gender relations have been constructed38 and the ideas on which they are based, as expressed also in the concept of Universal Human Rights (1948) 39. The cause
Human Rights Movement; and c) in the 1970s, the alliance began to become comprehensively articulated between different tendencies of the feminist movement from developed and less developed countries; finally, they all came together to constitute the GWHRM. 38 With regard to the first point, and focusing only on the causes relevant to this study, it is useful to mention that in the 17th century, human beings were represented by men, while women were seen as bodily life forms half way between h umans and animals. [] In the 18th century, with the clamour for equality, liberty and fraternity (in the French revolution), women ceased to be seen as an atrophied version of men and gained their own sex and corporeal nature (Villela, W. and Arilha, M. 2003, pp. 95, 102-103). The newly inaugurated world of two sexes did not alter the idea that nature had ordained the basic differences between men and women and, based on these, the functions and roles that the two sexes should play in society (Roden n .d.: 206). The function of women was to procreate (Villela et al, p. 95), while that of men was to organise the good government and bodily economy of women, since the development of society depended on the appropriate and efficient management of the bodily development and reproductive capacity of women (Rohden 2003: 205-206). Consequently, the differences imprinted by nature on the bodies of men and women located them as occupying different social positions and functions. In this discursive formation, rep roduction is the ultimate aim of sexual relations and any sexual expression that focused on pleasure rather than reproduction was rejected (Villela 1992: 104). As a result of this link between sex and reproduction, the normative model was also that of heterosexuality (Avila 2003: 466), since every culture, at every moment in history, constructs symbols and signs of what is accepted and desirable in sexual terms (Villela 98). 39 The adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the UN in 1948 marked the start of international human rights law and the global system of human rights protection in the setting of the United Nations. The holders of these rights were identified as all human beings, in general and in the

31

of the problem can therefore be identified as the failure to recognise womens human rights, specifically those that relate to sexual and reproductive health (Villela, W. and Arilha, M. 2003: 95-102), which were violated by the implementation of International Family Planning Programs (IFPP) (Visaria, and Chiaria 1998: 54 -64). Following an anti-natalist policy, these programs included as methods of family size limitation: a) sterilization, b) abortion, and c) other forms of experimental contraception. These disregarded the recognition of women's human rights, affecting womens health (Ibid. 1998: 54-64) and violating their rights because these programs were coercive, racist and even genocidal according to the GWHRM (Harcourt, W. 2006). Therefore, according to Freedman, and Isaacs (1993: 18-30), the problem should be addressed by breaking with neo-Malthusian ideas and moving away from the neo-Malthusian movement, whose aim with regard to reproduction was to limit family size by using contraceptive methods to control population growth. Here, the population especially women as reproductive subjects is seen as the object of management rather than the subject of policies that aim to ensure their wellbeing. The new approach focuses on womens control over their own bodies and reproductive life, once again making women the subject of a population policy whose aim is to promote the individuals wellbeing (Ibid.). Here, family planning programs and the contraceptive methods envisaged are linked to womens reproductive health rights and their right to life, ensuring them proper access to health services (CEDAW 1979). The shift occurred once The demand for reproductive rights [] was expressed, based on the link with the right to health (and) the measures that ought to be adopted to ensure the full exercise of those rights (Pintaguy 1999: 37) . 3.2.1.4. How can the problem be addressed and resolved?

The problem has been tackled in three dimensions: a) seeking to deconstruct the "theories of sexuality and reproduction" in order to build "a new approach that enables sexual practices to be thought of as separate from reproductive practices" and include these in the field of human rights; leading to b) a shift from the focus on 'population control' to family planning that respects human rights and reproductive health; and c) introducing this approach in the discussion at the International Conferences on Population and Development, to influence decisions and action plans. These three interlinked dimensions take us to the setting of the International Conferences on Human Rights, held in 1968 and 1991, the International Conferences on Population and Development held in 1974, 1984 and 1994, and the World Conferences on Women, held in 1975 and 1984. By looking at the most important milestones in these conferences, and what they meant, we can reach an understanding of how the problem was addressed and resolved.
abstract. Later, as a result of the social construction of rights and social and political struggle, the subjects of rights started to be specified in response to differences between sexes, races and age groups. It was only in this process that the concept of womens human rights beg an to be articulated and expressed as meaningful at the International Human Rights Conferences in Tehran (1968), Bucharest (1974) and Cairo (1994).

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a) International Conference on Human Rights (Tehran-Iran 1968): Reproductive rights as human rights. The vindication of reproductive rights as human rights marks a milestone at the Tehran Conference because, according to Dixon-Mueller (1993: 3), 49 countries voted in favour of the following resolution: access to family planning was indeed a human right [] all couples had the right to freely decide the number and spacing of their children (TEHRAN DECLARATION, clause. 16 Final Act. 1968). So the Final Act moves the family planning programs articulated by population control to family planning programs articulated by human rights; and this new principle of articulation privileges reproductive rights, meaning the reproductive autonomy exercised mainly by women (Freedman, 1993: 20). This new articulation is centred on "women's control over their own bodies, their sexuality and reproductive life" as a fundamental human right (Ibid). The slogan our bodies, ourselves allowed the feminist movement to break with and distance itself from the neo-Malthusian movement (Correa, S. and vila, MA, Op. Cit. p. 19). After the Tehran conference, the feminist discourse on our bodies, ourselves gained in strength during the 1970s, and further victories were won at the World Population Conference held in Bucharest, Romania (1974). b) World Population Conference (Bucharest, 1974)40: The articulation of the GHRHM as counter-hegemonic Subject/actor. The Conference was planned by the leaders of the neo-Malthusian movement to be the international conference where consensus would form around their agenda (Hodgson and Watkinns 1997: 489). The United Nations, under the direction and leadership of the USA, was the powerful apparatus that mobilized the whole process through the UN Economic and Social Council (Donalson, 1990). Therefore, the USA 41, UN agencies, leaders of the neo-Malthusian movement and its demographers drew up the Draft World Population Plan of Action (WPPA) that stresses the need to limit population growth through implementing population [] policies with direct effects on fertility (and) embodied the convictions of those espousing the need for neo-Malthusian population control measures (Paige 2004: 63). The Draft was altered by a counter hegemonic historic block organized by the States of developing countries (Group of 77) 42; the socialist states43, and diverse social
40 41

Cf. Third World Population Conference (ECOSOC Res. 1484 (XLVIII) of 3 April 1970). USA brought as much influence both at formal and informal levels to planning and preparing the Bucharest Conference within level of expertise, manpower, financial resources, and diplomatic persistence to approached and establishment population control. Bucharest it was an opportunity to express what it viewed as a nearly complete consensus regarding the rapid population growth and the advantages of countries adopting population growth reduction targets (Paige, 2004). 42 The Group of 77 was constituted by the United Nations in 1964 to provide a forum for the developing world to articulate and promote its collective interest relating to the global economy and demanded major changes in the rules governing the global economy (Encyclopedia of Globalization 2007: 553). According to Finkle and Crane (1975: 92-97), in Bucharest the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order (NIEO) and its Program of Action (of this Group) was adopted to

33

womens movements articulated around the GWHRM, and NGOs. The first two, with discourses focusing on the construction of a New International Economic Order (NIEO), demanded socioeconomic policies that would benefit them and respect their national sovereignty and universal human rights (UNITED NATIONS (Comp.) 1994). The third focused on alternative discourses to population control such as family planning programs guided by a reproductive rights and health rationale. The game played by the Global Womens Health and Rights Movement (GWHRM), and the right-to-life movement through NGOs, was significant in that the right of individuals and couples to reproductive autonomy was affirmed at the Bucharest Conference. So, the historic block emerged on the international scene dismantling the ideological elements of population control and articulating devices such as development aid and family planning programs linked to universal human rights and national sovereignty. Because of the new correlation of forces, human rights as a new discursive principle won the debate in Bucharest. The Draft WPPA was revised. The conference approved 44 family planning programs linked to human rights rather than population control (Hodgson and Watkins 1997: 490); with regard to sovereignty, the Plan didnt set any international norm for family size or rates of population growth (Singh, 1998; 3). Countries which consider their birth rate detrimental to their national purposes may consider setting quantitative goals, implementing policies and programs (Paige, 2004: 67) to be formulated at the national level within the context of the specific economic, social, and cultural conditions within each country (Singh, 1998: 2). So, it enshrined the right of individual countries to determine their own population policies to suit local conditions and without any outside interference (Boland 1995: 27-28). Thus, the way in which the problem was addressed in Bucharest was to reaffirm human rights as the guiding principle for family planning programs, based on a reproductive rights and health rationale, and offering the media information and education targeted to couples and individuals regarding their reproductive rights (Freedman Op. Cit., 1993: 20).
After Bucharest, the population control discourse began to fall apart. Now that the social and political process had delegitimized it, it entered a crisis from which it would never recover. The US government changed its strategy once it recognized that population policy is a human concern intimately related to the dignity of the individual and the objective of the United States is to work closely with others, rather than seek to impose
rectify an unequal and unjust distribution in global wealth, to restructure existing debt repayments and engage in debt forgiveness, to make technology transfers to the Global South, and to seriously address a host of others issues championed by the developing world. 43 The Socialist states acted with them as an ant imperialist block against the USA identified as the main political adversary and so leadership of the West vs. East block in the context of the Cold War interested in realizing by consensus its foreign policy objective (population control) and the resulting strategy called by them Global Population Strategy. For the ideology of the communist international population growth has solution if the resources of the society are been distributed socially, such as socialistic system (Besemeres, 1980). 44 The World Population Plan of Action, was adopted by consensus of the 137 countries represented at the United Nations World Population Conference at Bucharest, August 1974. http://www.populationsecurity.org/27-APP1.html#Cover

34

our views on others (NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506)45. With the shift in strategy and the legitimation of the counter-hegemonic discourse, population control ceased to circulate as a hegemonic discourse. It was displaced and disqualified by the UN itself when it declared 1975-1985 as the UN Decade for Women and organized global conferences 46 to design new and improved policies to address population problems, based on the new ideological elements put in place in Bucharest.
c) The first Womens Conference - Mexico 1975.

A year after Bucharest, the First World Conference on Women, held in Mexico in 1975, included two significant elements in its Declaration: a) equal rights, opportunities and responsibilities for women and men, thought of as the reallocation of the functions and roles traditionally assigned to each sex by deconstructing and reconstructing what it means to be a man or a woman (Murube, n.d. 2); and b) the right to reproductive autonomy, adopting the right to reproductive choice and the notion of bodily integrity and control47. The powerful effects of this discourse became evident when in 1979 the UN adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)48, which was based on the "double duty to eliminate discrimination and ensure equality" (Piovesan, 2003: 207). d) International Meeting on Women and Health - Amsterdam 1984 The demand for reproductive rights was discussed in Amsterdam at a meeting convened by the International Campaign on Abortion, Sterilization, and Contraception (ICASC), which was later re-named as Womens Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR) following pressure from Southern womens activists to express their health and rights agenda (Correa, and Reichmann 1994: 61).

45

In this discourse, the enunciation work with the others doesn t mean that they are no longer population controllers. To work closely with others, means to take the opportunity to promote their own new agenda toward the new principle of the human right, and the USA did, taking advantage from the US feminist and their notion of rights (linked at the liberal ideology) in the sense that White House want to link also the policy with neoliberal economic policies to curb population growth in the developing world. So, rearticulating as populations controllers their demographic rationale and their neoliberal economic policies with the new principle, they have agreed gave to women another option in fertility reduction (Paige 2004: 90). So the strategy shift has been successfully from 1975 to 1984, during the UN Decade for Women.
46 47

Three womens conferences were held: Mexico (1975); Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985).

Mexico Declaration, states that: Equal rights, opportunities and responsibilities will be achieved through "reallocation of traditional roles and functions allocated to each sex", means "through the deconstruction and new construction of what is men and women" (Murube, s/f/). 48 Article 16 declares that member states are obliged to adopt all necessary measures to eliminate discrimination against women in all matters related to marriage and family relations. In particular, they must ensure based on equality between men and women that women have the same rights to decide freely and responsibly how many children they wish to have and when, as well as having access to the information, education and means that will enable them to exercise those rights.

35

Here there was a consensus to understand "women's health" rights as linked to an agenda for women's reproductive self-determination (CORRA, S. and VILA, M.B. Op. Cit, p. 20). The debate focused on the deconstruction of motherhood as a duty to fight for the right to abortion and contraception in developed countries (Correa, 1999: 14). This considers reproductive choice as a universal human right (Freedman, and Isaacs 1993), through which states can be required to adopt preventive and remedial measures to protect women's reproductive health, giving them the opportunity to exercise their reproductive self-determination (Cook 1993). e) International Conference on Population and Development Mexico 1984. Building on the gains achieved by the GWHRM, this Conference introduced the duty of governments to make universal access to family planning programs effective. At the Nairobi Conference (1985), this was linked with the ethical critique of the demographic approach to population control programs, advocating alternatives against the dominant norm and rearticulating a new norm of human rights. The human rights community and the GWHRM worked toward this objective at the UN World Conference on Human Rights (Vienna 1993). It can therefore be stated that a new approach to the problem was taking shape based on the new meanings that emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when women in diverse countries took up the human rights framework and began developing the analytical and political tools that together constitute the ideas and practices of womens rights (Bunch and Frost 2000: 2). f) Second World Conference on Human Rights - Vienna 1993. In the Second World Conference on Human Rights, Vienna (1993)49, the issue of sexuality, which had been absent from the discourse on international human rights (Petchesky, n.d 2), was included in paragraphs 18 and 38 of the Declaration and Programme of Action, which proposed to "eliminate gender-based violence and all forms of abuse and sexual exploitation," including the trafficking of women, systematic rape, sexual slavery, and forced pregnancy. In December of the same year, the UN adopted the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, condemning, in paragraph 2, the various forms of physical, sexual and psychological violence suffered by women, claiming that such rights and principles are embodied in international human rights treaties. It should be noted that this declaration was the basis for the Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women, adopted by the Organization of American States in 1994, whose content is legally binding for the countries that ratified it. So, after the Conference (1991), reproductive rights (and health) emerged as a human right, gaining international attention. The global network and actors influencing
49

In Vienna, the States agreed to consider any violation of womens specific rights as a violation of human rights. The Conference was a major shift in human rights theory, because it established that human rights can be enjoyed both in public and private; and therefore, can be violated in both areas. There it was determined that human rights are universal, interdependent and indivisible.

36

each other have recognized that womans rights are universal, inalienable, and indivisible. Consequently:
The reproductive right became globalized by framing it as an international human rights norm [] The abuses of womens human rights in coercitive population control programs were deemed unjust and intolerable [] the acceptance of reproductive right and health by the United nations, donor agencies, foundations, and states would help ensure a more just, tolerable, and human rights oriented world women. The framing of reproductive rights as an internationally recognized human rights also gave human working within their governments, public agencies, and even other individual who prevented women from exercising their reproductive autonomy (Paige 2004: 114).

Therefore, the framing of reproductive rights as international human rights was instrumental in moving global population policy away from population control to reproductive rights and health, and the discourse of population control was replaced by the language, norms, and policy prescriptions consistent with reproductive rights and health (Paige 2004: 114). Thus, the norms supporting population control were further undermined, and women ceased to be treated as targets and acceptors of family planning programs guided by the ideology that emerged at the beginning of global history. After Vienna, women have the right to control their reproductive capabilities or have a right to make voluntary and informed choices about their reproductive and sexual health. In the material social processes of globalization, women have articulated and constituted an alternative oppositional ideology that challenged the norm of population control and constructed one that changed the paradigm on population policies. The latter has its main expression in the Womens Declaration on Population Policies (Womens Voices 94 A Declaration on Population Policies, 1 993: 637-640), legitimized at the United Nations International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) that was held from 5-13 September 1994 in Cairo, Egypt. This process is what led to progress on the agenda of the International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo (1994) where "reproductive rights" were enshrined. According to paragraph 7.3 of the Programme of Action adopted in Cairo50.
reproductive rights rest on the recognition of the basic right of all couples and individuals to decide freely and responsibly the number, spacing and timing of their children and to have the information and means to do so, and the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health. It also includes the right of all to make decisions concerning reproduction free of discrimination, coercion and violence as expressed in human rights documents.

Thus, "women, the main victims of population control programs, went from object to subject of population and development programs, when it was resolved that the issue of population should be addressed from the perspective of reproductive rights and their recognition. It was thus explicitly defined that population policies should be guided by human rights. The relationship between population and development clearly
50

Text paragraphs 7.2 to 7.4.

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accelerated the legal recognition of reproductive rights, as human rights, "born in [...] conditions characterized by the struggle in defence of new freedoms against old powers" (BOBBIO 1992: 5). So, in conclusion, it can be said that the issue was partially resolved at the Cairo Conference, because: i) The policy of "population control was delegitimized and reproductive rights legitimized as an international norm that changed the politics and global population policy; ii) It established a program where the new paradigm for family planning programs: Envisioned the practice of family planning as voluntary and free of demographic targets (Hardee et al 1999: 53), The focus and objective were moved from fertility reduction to the needs of individual women, ensuring conditions that encourage voluntary and informed choice about their reproductive and sexual health (Forman and Ghosh 2000: 2), Replaced the regulatory approach, backed by the biomedical model, which saw increases in contraceptive prevalence as the best solution to rapid population growth, with a humanistic agenda centered on people, their health and rights (Piage 2004: 135 Op. Cit.); and finally

iii) Effected an ethical and moral reform when it stated that the use of coercion, incentives/disincentives, targets, quotas, or any inducement used to affect fertility, does not constitute appropriate behaviour by states, agencies, or any other actor involved in international population policy. Thus, it stated that governments ought not to pursue an antinatalist or pronatalist agenda in their support of family planning programs (Paige 2004: 160).
Consequently, it is possible to affirm that the problem was solved by the paradigm shift. The following paragraph summarizes and expresses the resolution:
Discursive and normative change has occurred at Cairo [] represented transformations in the ideology of the field [] is an unusual policy document. [] intended to establish norms guiding international population policy for the next twenty years [] the phrase population problem is totally absent from the Program of Action (and) put away at the rationale undergirding population control ( Hodgson and Watkins 1997: 469).

3.2.2. Partial conclusions on the discourse of Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights as an international norm that changed populat ion policy. Throughout PART THREE, I have examined the process through which the Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights discourse was articulated and socially constructed, culminating in a fundamental shift in the design, structure and implementation of population policies, to the empowerment and well-being of all women (Womens Voices 94, A Declaration on Population Policies, 1993: 637).
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My study of this process allows me to state that the formulation of this policy: a) was interwoven with the process of social struggle and production of meaning, in which the meaning of reproductive health and reproductive rights stands out as one of the expressions cut across by ethical principles that change the orientation of population policy. Heading the list of these principles is the one stating that Women must be subjects, not objects, of any development policy, and especially of population policies (Ibid. In: Fundamental ethical principles, 1993: 638); and b) was articulated from civil society, once the violation of womens human rights and reproductive health rights was recognised as a social problem after the Tehran conference (1968), and consequently action started to be taken through a process of collective action that defined and articulated over the years between 1968 and 1994 the main objectives set out in the Womens Declaration on Population Policies 51 (Womens Voices 94, pages 639-640). Therefore, the definition and recognition of the problem by civil society, the analysis of its causes, and the putting forward of objectives together with proposals for solving the problem once it started to be dealt with in the arena of public consideration52 - is what differentiates the definition of this policy from its rival. This is why it was relevant to identify its Subject/actor the GWHRM and the social movements that determined it, as well as the alliances forged with the human rights community, thus revealing the process through which established power relations defined the contradiction that led to the paradigm shift. It can therefore be stated following Gramsci (Bucci 1988) that the GHRHM, through the war of positions, managed to exercise an influence that enabled its policy to take material form, based on the power relations and the correlation of forces that was established. Thus, in the Global Womens Health and Rights Movement (GWHRM) and its Declaration, the US state came up against a contestatory response to its policy, on the basis of which the Cairo Programme of Action was rearticulated. The formulation of the alternative policy was therefore characterised by strictly political decision-making, and policies were defined on the basis of these political decisions (Barret and Fudge, 1981). This analysis concludes PART THREE of the study, and I will now proceed to the comparative analysis of the two discourses.

51

The Declaration sets out six inter-linked objectives as minimum program requirements. These are: 1. Reduce and eliminate pervasive inequalities in all aspects of sexual, social and economic life [] 2. Support womens organizations that are committed to womens reproductive health and rights and linked to the women to be served, especially, women disadvantaged by class, race, ethnicity or others factors [] 3. Assure personally and locally appropriate, affordable, good quality, comprehensive reproductive and health services for women of all ages [] 4. Develop and provide the widest possible range of appropriate contraceptives to meet womens multiple needs throughout their lives [] 5. Ensure sufficient financial resources [] 6. Design and promote policies for wider social, political and economic transformation that will allow women to negotiate and manage their own sexuality and health, make their own life choices, and participate fully in all levels of government and society. 52 According to the theory of the sociology of action, A social problem does not exist until its existence is recognised and people start to act on it until it gains legitimacy, since it is its entry into the arena of public consideration with the social and political backing of state and society actors and their institutions that enables it to gain legitimacy (Herbert Blumer, 298).

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IV.
4.

PART FOUR

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF TWO DISCOURSES.

To complement the research work, here in PART FOUR I will proceed to carry out a comparative and complementary analysis of the two discourses, referring to the theoretical corpus and the technique mentioned in PART ONE. 4.1. The Subjects/actors in the discourse.

There are two Subjects/Actors in these discourses: the US state and the GWRHM (as part of global civil society). Both actors works as interpellating subjects who establish relations of inclusion or exclusion with different types of addressees, who are the interpellated subject. The US state, articulator of the Population Control discourse, sees itself as an actor that is able through coercion and by consensus to influence political, economic and social life in less developed countries, as well as representative institutions such as the UN, in order to disseminate and implement its policy by imposing indicators that aim to affect fertility. In this sense, it seeks to achieve political, economic and social objectives that will polarise the political and ideological scenario. The GWHRM, articulator of the Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights discourse, sees itself as the organic expression of a collective will that deliberates and exercises its right to self-expression and self-determination in the international conferences organised by the UN. These are seen as a democratic space where the international policy of the US state can be questioned and displaced. In this sense, the GWHRM seeks to redirect population policy to achieve historic objectives that are political, because they imply weakening the population control policy and its Subject. 4.2. Surface Reading

4.2.1 Analysis of the ideological elements / semantic units in the discourses and how they are articulated around antagonistic and dichotomous hegemonic principles. In both discourses, there are ideological elements53 that can be grouped in the same semantic field. These are identified below.
53

Following Landi (1992), I have analysed the semantic units (ideological elements) that appear most frequently in the two discourses and proceeded to order them according to the semantic grouping in their relationship of inclusion or opposition. Based on this relationship and grouping, I proceeded following Van Dijk to formulate the basic proposition.

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In the Population Control discourse, there are ideological elements derived from the ideologies and theories studied in PART THREE. Those that appear most frequently are as follows: growth of the human species, population growth, population explosion, poor regions, reproduction, fertility, fecundity, insecurity, fertility reduction and control, contraceptive methods, abortion, sterilization (voluntary and involuntary), substances, incentives, aid, limits, family size, family planning programmes, national security, instability, insecurity, development, resources, minerals, industrial development, food, water, experiments, degeneration, poverty, the poor, survival, structural poverty, non-viability, sex, women, children, biological quality, population groups, race, indigenous peoples, coercion, the fittest, nature, disease, mortality, births, subsistence and decadence54. In this first reading, three semantic groupings can be identified: a) Reproduction (fertility and fecundity); b) Population growth (growth of the human species and the population explosion); and c) Insecurity (instability, nonviability, poverty, degeneration and decadence). Thus, the basic proposition links reproduction to population growth as a destructive force. In the Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Rights discourse, the terms that appear most frequently are: rights, gender, women, reproduction, health, health care, sex, childbirth, abortion, contraceptives, patriarchy, discrimination, violence, children, decisions, self-determination, family, fertility, fecundity, services, sexuality, the exercise of rights, self-determination, the body, discrimination, family planning programmes, human and reproductive rights, hygiene, safety, decision55. In this first reading, three semantic groupings can be identified: a) Reproduction (fertility and fecundity); b) Health (safety, hygiene, services); and c) human rights and reproductive rights. Thus, the basic proposition links reproduction to health with a clear connection to the exercise of human and reproductive rights.
Diagram No. 1.

THE USA STATE

GWHRM

54

Cf. Analytical Corpus in PART TWO. National Security Study Memorandum 200: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests (NSSM200) 1974. 55 Cf. Analytical Corpus in PART TWO. Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development. Chapter VII, United Nations A/CONF.171/13, 18 October 1994: Womens Voices 94 A Declaration on Population Policies (1993: 637-640)

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4.2.2. The dichotomization of reproduction and the actors The recurrence of the reproduction utterance in both discourses has a relationship of semantic equivalence with another in the same field, but reproduction acquires a different sense and meaning in the two discourses, in line with the basic proposition.56 An inter-discursive difference thus becomes intelligible 57 and, with it, a difference that appears as dichotomous is also produced between the addresser Subjects involved in the discursive construction process. In ot her words, the reproduction element present in both semantic fields suggests a relationship of opposition, contradiction and conflict between the subjects the GWHRM and the US state that also dichotomizes the social and political field. This will be analysed in more detail in the section on the historic conflict situation and its dnouement. 58 However, it is important to mention some of the differences of origin between the actors, or differences in the way in which their power was constituted, as these will be useful in the comparative analysis we are starting to carry out based on the reproduction utterance. First, we need to identify what they have in common, which is that both actors are the addressers of discourses. The dichotomization between actors and discourses arises because both are constituted as Subjects of social and political action and relate to each other through conflict. The difference lies in the fact that the GWHRM is the expression of a power that arises from and originates in civil society to claim and defend womens human rights and reproductive health rights; as a contestatory Subject, it will play a leading role in the changes brought about in population and development policy, by including the gender approach in it. The US state, in contrast, is the expression of state power, located over and above society, which prioritises economic and political interests (its own and those of powerful economic groups and transnational capital) in its areas of commercial influence, over and above human development interests. As a subject it plays the leading role in the policy of fertility control with a patriarchal approach which affects womens human rights and reproductive health.
Diagram No. 2.

Consequently, by relating to each other in a dichotomous way, they will rearticulate the reproduction utterance around poles that each exclude the other. To analyse the configuration of the structural poles of the discourses, it is necessary to
56

The semantic utterances in the basic propositions play a condensatory role with regard to others. It is around these that the structural poles of the discourses take shape and function as hegemonic principles. 57 In this first semantic grouping, the inter-discursive difference is examined by identifying which is the common semantic utterance in both discourses, and next by relating this to utterances that are not common or absent. Due to their recurrence, these also function as symbolic in one of the discourses, but do not appear or are banished in the other, thus giving a different meaning to the propositions. 58 Cf. Infra.

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expand the analysis of reproduction to include new articulations with other semantic units which likewise operate as symbolic. To do this, we will proceed to the in-depth reading. 4.3. In-Depth Reading.

From the former reading, it has become clear that the ideological element and/or semantic utterance that plays a key role in these discourses is reproduction, and that this takes on a different sense and meaning in each discourse, due to the way in which it is articulated around broader semantic units such as those present in the basic proposition. In the in-depth reading, we will proceed step by step to identify the new articulations that take shape around reproduction and the propositions that emerge from these articulations, with the aim of: a) deepening our understanding of their sense and meaning in the discourses; and b) as a result of this analysis, arriving at the symbolic proposition of all the rest, which will shape the fundamental contradiction; the relationship between these articulations will lead us to the structural poles of the discourses, based on which their hegemonic principles are expressed. 4.3.1. Reproduction: its sense and meaning Reproduction has a different sense and meaning in the two discourses, depending on the way in which it is conceived and reart iculated in family planning programmes and the services they provide. 4.3.1.1. Reproduction and family planning programmes In the population control discourse, reproduction is linked to family planning programmes with the aim of reducing fertility (the growth of which should go from slow to zero=extermination) to reduce family size and limit population growth, for the economic and ideological reasons explained above. Implementation of these programmes implies using aggressive/coercive and cultural strategies. The former include all the voluntary and involuntary fertility control methods, involving all possible forms of services and technologies that make it possible to achieve this goal, such as compulsory abortion and sterilization carried out by means of surgical procedures such as tube tying, chemicals such as paraformaldehyde, injections, pills, devices, and drugs or other substances added to water and food. The cultural strategy is linked to this. It plays an important role because these strategies operate by using persuasive policies that go beyond family planning in the strict and coercive sense it is given by the language of population control, as they seeks to make people move in the direction we want for what they th ink are their own reasons. Proposals for achieving this include ensuring a minimum level of education for women, indoctrinating young people and children (with regard to the desirability of having smaller families), and to convince the masses [...] to have [...] only two children. [...] the obvious increased focus of attention should be to change the attitudes of the next generation. The strategy includes health festivals and other cultural activities such as music, which assist the free tube-tying and vasectomy campaigns.

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Reproduction in these programmes is therefore determined more by quantitative demographic indicators and less by the concept of human rights and reproductive health, because they are based on a demographic assessment which took it as given and proven that there is an inverse relationship between population growth and economic growth. Based on this mistaken assumption or universal truth, depending on the speakers point of view, the population control policy established avowed ly restrictive and controlling demographic strategies and methods.
Diagram No. 3.

In the Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights discourse, family planning is understood as the set of human rights-based practices aimed at improving the health and reproductive rights of women (and men). Here the subject is returned to the status of beneficiary of the policies. The starting point is the right of individuals especially women to take decisions about reproduction, which implies having access to contraceptive methods and being able to use them appropriately. This comes about as a result of freedom and autonomy in decision-making and the individuals self-determination with regard to their reproductive life without suffering discrimination, coercion or violence, in line with what is stipulated in the international documents approved at UN conferences. Reproduction linked to health (reproductive health) is therefore understood as the state of complete physical, mental and social wellbeing in relation to sexuality and reproduction at every stage of life. As part of family planning, the discourse includes sex education, the prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted infections, advice before and during pregnancy and childbirth, and infertility treatment by means of assisted reproduction techniques. Thus, reproductive health implies that people should have a safe and satisfactory sex life, the ability to have children and the freedom to decide whether, when and how frequently to have children (reproductive rights). Both men and women have the right to be informed and to have access to safe, effective and affordable methods to regulate fertility. They should also be able to use accessible family planning and public health services that provide appropriate professional care to pregnant women, enabling the delivery to take place safely and ensuring the birth of healthy children.

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In this discourse, reproduction is thus disconnected from the objective of reducing family size and its indicators. Instead, the priority is its link with the two basic concepts (rights individual and collective and reproduction) which are at the same time constitutive elements of the human rights and reproductive health rights discourse. In this sense, it d iffers from the population control discourse because it breaks with the latters focus on the population and development dyad by believing that human beings are the axis of development and that their reproductive rights, as individual rights, cannot be exercised unless the social, economic and political conditions are in place for them to be fulfilled. This link between the individual and the social sphere locates the debate in the field of development and implies that the possibility of exercising these rights also depends on improving the economic, political and social conditions in which people live and which are at the same time factors that determine their health, together with individual and collective behaviours and lifestyles.
Diagram No 4.

Consequently, the displacement of family planning programs articulated by population control and their replacement by family planning programs articulated by human rights reveals the new sense and meaning that reproduction takes on, which centres on womens control over their own bodies, sexuality and reproductive life as a fundamental human right. Thus, the structural poles take shape: one that gives priority to reproductive rights, meaning reproductive autonomy exercised mainly by women, versus that of population control, meaning the control of bodies or the exercise of biopower59 through a power of state located over and above society. 4.3.1.2. Reproduction in service provision

With regard to service provision, the difference between the two discourses likewise depends on their objective, strategy and methods, which are in turn linked to their perception of the subject (people). If the discourse views people as beneficiaries of the policy, its sense and meaning will be different and opposed to the discourse that views people as the object of management in other words, as subjects deprived of the
59

The concept of biopower used here draws on Negri, A. and Hard, M. (2000).

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right to health and the right to exercise their fundamental human rights. In the case of women, this perception consigns them ad eternam and in perpetuity to the status of an object rather than a person. In the population control discourse, the services to be provided are aimed at reducing fertility to control population growth, and therefore ignore the individuals right to decide. This is particularly so for women, who are subjected to coercive procedures and methods for controlling their fertility. In most of the recorded cases in less developed countries, this happened without their knowledge and consent, and quality of care, hygiene and safety was absent. The services are designed to control the bodies and thus the fertility and lives of women and their offspring. Poverty is to be combated by killing the poor in their mothers womb. It is clearly established that the aim is to eliminate the poor rather than poverty. With this in mind, direct support policies were implemented through bilateral agreements between states, which in turn facilitated those that were implemented indirectly through NGOs and private clinics. The former type of policies, said to be part of the fight against poverty, were implemented through conditional aid. The condition was to meet the indicators and targets for the number of people who should be sterilized, by implementing Family Planning Programmes. This type of aid in exchange for forced sterilization was implemented aggressively in the 1960s and 70s, through the Alliance for Progress (humanitarian food aid with the aim of sterilizing women) 60 and during the military dictatorships in Latin America which carried out the Condor Plan. 61 In the postWashington Consensus62 period of the 1980s, now in more democratic contexts with neoliberal governments, conditional aid continued under other arrangements and with the backing of the Law on Sexual and Reproductive Rights. This enabled family planning programmes to be institutionalized in several countries which enacted in law the resolutions and action plans approved in the Womens Conferences organised by
60

The Alliance for Progress was a US economic and social assistance programme for Latin America (1961-1970). It deployed aggressive strategies in the area of sterilization and supported the construction of [...] hospitals, clinics and water-purification projects throughout Latin America. http://www.america.gov/st/develop-english/2011/March/20110307144645nerual1.765078e-02.html 61 Through the Condor Plan, the United States CIA coordinated operations with the top echelons of the military dictatorships in the Southern Cone of the Americas (Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia). It was carried out in the 1970s and 80s (Paredes 2004). 62 Based on the assumption that the welfare state is responsible for economic stagnation (the lost decade of the 80s), the fiscal deficit and the inefficiency of public services, the Washington Consensus (Moreno 2004) promotes the shrinking of the state, untrammelled access for transnational capital and the privatisation of public services. The objective (Ponte, 2005: 313) is to reduce the role of the state as the guarantor of basic social rights by delegating its regulatory role to the free market and making individuals responsible for their capacity to access health, education and social security se rvices. Therefore, social goods such as health, education and social security, formerly achieved as rights, began to be questioned and gradually transformed into articles of merchandise. In the area of health, the reform process adopted various arrangements to create a market with the expectation of investment and profitability in cost-benefit terms. The reform of the organisation and management of health services also took place by means of decentralisation, which would supposedly lead to more efficient management. This reform targeted one of the key spaces of the health / disease / care process with the aim of encouraging competition between health services and, indirectly, the involvement of financial capital in the health market.

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the UN. Some of these programmes were just as aggressive as in the past, as pointed out in the report of the Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defence of Womens Rights (CLADEM: 2003, 2004).63 In the Gender and Human Rights discourse, services are intrinsically l inked to a different perception of people as service users. In other words, people are given back their right to decide and are seen as subjects with the capacity to fully exercise their fundamental human rights, including rights linked to reproductive health. They therefore cease to be seen as objects. This led to changes in the approach and arrangements for service provision and government policies for direct support to improve the conditions in health care services and revolutionise their practices, as they redefined the health sectors obligations in primary health care to include a) information, education and communication on human sexuality, reproductive health and responsible paternity; b) information about and access to family planning methods that are appropriate, safe, effective, affordable and accepted as a result of an informed decision, c) safe pregnancy, childbirth and postnatal services and the elimination of maternal health risks, which was the key demand with regard to womens health during t he International Decade for Women, 1975-1985, d) abortion prevention and treatment of the consequences, e) prevention and appropriate treatment of infertility, f) prevention, diagnosis and treatment of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), including HIV/AIDS, and of breast cancer and other diseases of the reproductive organs, g) elimination of harmful behaviours such as female genital mutilation, sexual violence and sex trafficking, h) developing mechanisms for participation by the community, and especially women, at all levels of the health care system, i) encouraging men to be responsible in all aspects of sexual and reproductive health, civil society and the community in general, paying particular attention to empowering women to defend reproductive rights (ICPD Programme of Action, 1994, Chapter VII, Paragraphs 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9, 7.11). Following this line of action, policy-makers and planners were given a (nonbinding) mandate and several countries implemented health system reforms that changed administrative structures through decentralisation processes to improve the quality of the service. Thus, service provision is directly related to the continuity of care and improvements in quality.
Diagram No. 5.

63

In the 1990s in Peru, for example, the National Population Plan 1998-2002, financed by USAID and UNFPA, stated that birth control, sex education and the gender perspective should be linked . 320,000 women were sterilized in Peru during the Fujimori government with the backing of the Law on Sexual and Reproductive Rights (CLADEM 2003, 2004).

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4.3.1.3. The structural poles of the discourses and how the main Subjects/actors articulate these with the hegemonic principles We have seen how reproduction is one of the constitutive elements in both discourses, and that this can be articulated, dismantled and re-articulated differently by the main Subjects and/or actors around broader semantic units such as those we have analysed with regard to family planning and services. These shape new structural poles which can in turn be re-articulated around meta utterances which contain all t he previous ones and express what we have called in this study the articulatory principles of the discourses: Population Control and Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights.
Diagram No.6.

Consequently, the hegemonic principles are the fundamental structural poles of the discourses that contain the fundamental contradiction. This organises the social world in dichotomous terms, because the actors and/or Subjects that are the addressers of the discourses relate to each other through conflict, opposition and confrontation. Here, through language, the discourses pose a dilemma which in this research study is constituted and operates as historical and political, because it defines the resolution of the conflict over population policy in terms of power relations. This leads us to a final consideration of the relationship between the structural poles of the discourses and the main Subjects/actors who produce them. The Subject category64 is useful to refer to the interpellations based on which, on the one hand, the US state constitutes itself as the interpellating Subject of population control and, on the other, the GWHRM constitutes itself as the interpellating Subject of Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights. I t

64

This category, coined by Althusser (op. cit.), is related to that of the functioning of ideology. Ideology interpellates and constitutes individuals as subjects, and they in t urn give the ideologies material form through different practices that operate through apparatus various state and society institutions and organisations which Althusser calls ideological state apparatus and Gramsci calls hegemonic apparatus. This makes it possible to break with the instrumentalist view of power and situate it instead in terms of power relations, as well as breaking with topological views of social reality. Consequently, the individuals who are interpellated and constituted as subjects act through identity collectives, which may be movements, governments, parties or pressure groups (economic, religious, cultural, gender, age, ethnic, etc).

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also refers to the Subject that they constitute through their interpellations: the interpellated subject. In the first case, the interpellations made to affect reproduction, limit fertility, reduce the number of families and, consequently, limit population growth all articulated around the hegemonic principle of population control were not utterances made by the US state alone. These interpellations were produced earlier, when the eugenicist and neo-Malthusian ideologies took material for m as the US demographic orthodoxy in the Office of Population Research headed by Notestein. This interpellated members of the US government and its main agents operating through the state apparatus65 until it managed to constitute itself as a Subject and, as such, officially legitimated the population control policy in 1961 and used it to interpellate others. In the second case, the interpellations operated in a two-way relationship because, on the one hand, the GWHRM constituted iself as a Subject as a result of the interpellations coming from feminist movements articulated from and in civil society, and thus interpellated and was interpellated by these movements that articulated it as their organic representation. As such, it became constituted as the interpelling Subject of the political project (Womens Voices 94 Declaration on Population Policies). With this project, it interpellated the representatives of states, seeking to disqualify the policy of its adversary by presenting its project as a political and social demand coming from civil society, using the language of what is democratic to oppose the antidemocratic nature of a policy which, being articulated by a power located over and above society, does not represent it and, on the cont rary, seeks to control society. Consequently, the discursive construction poses another dilemma that is expressed between these two poles of the democratic and the anti-democratic. This can be resolved if a third Subject starts to act: the member states of the United Nations. In the discursive dispute, the representatives of states are thus situated and located around this dilemma: they either identify themselves with what is democratic i.e., the historic project of an alternative populatio n and development policy formulated in the Womens Voices 94 Declaration on Population Policies or they identify themselves with the antidemocratic policy of population control. Through the interpellatory interplay, the utterances thus seek to reso lve the dilemma by aligning the third subject either with the GWHRM or with the US state. Through their interpellations, the main Subjects/actors thus seek to produce recognition effects in the third subject, around one of the poles. Therefore, if their interpellations are effective, they interpellate once the opening up of the inter discursive field has taken place. Here, a choice of population policies is offered and the interpellated subjects take sides (as happened in the Cairo consensus) a nd align themselves with the one that appears to possess verisimilitude 66; thus, the rearticulations of the third subject around one of the poles will also take place.

65 66

The CIA, the US Army, USAID and others analysed above in PART THREE. In discourse, verisimilitude does not refer epistemologically to the truth or falsity of the utterances but rather to the power effects produced by a discourse, which presents itself as a universal truth.

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The effectiveness of the GWHRM lies in having articulated human rights and reproductive health rights around what is democratic. This is what gives it legitimacy in the dispute with its rival, because it situates and identifies the latter with what is anti-democratic. It is around the sense and meaning of what is democratic that the alternative population policy is identified and expressed, and at the same time interpellates and constitutes other subjects that operate to oppose population control.
Diagram No 7.

4.4.

The ideological unity of the discourses and the discursive matrix

From the way in which the ideological elements or semantic utterances are articulated around the hegemonic principles, the ideological unity of the discourses can be defined and their discursive matrix can be elucidated. In the two discourses that are the subject of this study, there is a dispute around the ideological elements that play a condensatory role with regard to the others. Although they belong to the same semantic field, such as reproduction, family planning, services, etc, they are grouped in the discourses in a relationship of exclusion due to the way in which they are linked to the discourses two hegemonic principles, which are Population Control and Gender, human rights and reproductive health. According to Laclau (1986: 115), if this happens, we find ourselves with a relatively unified discourse. Likewise, the ideological matrix in the two discourses is characterised by being binary and refers to an arena of conflict, power relations and power effects produced by the social and political actors involved in the conflict, whose discourses thus dichotomize social and political reality. Of course, the process of social and political struggle may or may not lead to changes in a certain ideological matrix. In the process analysed, it seems that what has changed in the population and development discourse is the internal organisation of the ideological elements in the matrix over the period from 1961 to 1994. This organisation is what gives sense and meaning to the central propositions in the
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discourses produced from 1945 to 1974-1994 (Population Control) and from 1968 to 1994 (Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights).67 This leads us to analyse the effectiveness and power effects of the discourses and the discursive process in order to better understand the polarity of a binary ideological matrix. 4.4.1. The power effects of the discourses and the interpellatory and interpellated Subjects. To produce power effects, the interpellations must be effective, meaning that they must constitute individuals including addressees as Subjects in the social process of producing sense and meaning. 4.4.1.1. The power effects of the population control discourse The power effects of the discourse of the US state are related to its addressees and refer to different periods of time and contexts. To start with, its interpellations were effective, because they constituted economic and political actors (politicians and governments of other states) as subjects once they accepted and identified with population control. This is because the US states economic and commercial interests in poor regions of the world are the same as the interests of the groups with transnational economic power, meaning that the latter not only supported but also promoted this policy. They therefore constituted the principal pro-addressees, together with the political leaders and governments of less developed countries who have an affinity with US policy, who took measures to help to secure political and social stability in their countries, combating poverty by means of fertility reduction strategies with the support and (conditional) aid provided by international cooperation. Consequently, an initial power effect of the US state discourse is the potential and capacity that power confers upon it to implement its policy through bilateral relations. Having constituted these two actors as subjects, it then sought to interpellate other states and/or those considered the disputed third party (those who are undecided and therefore the principal para-addressees) by means of the power structures at the UN, making sure that its organic intellectuals (inclusive pro addressees) deployed political influencing strategies to advocate for the United States position in the preparations for the International Conferences on Population and Development, drawing up draft declarations and plans that served to legitimate population control policy at the Summits. Once these were approved, states could enact national legislation and take direct action to implement the policy.

67

The propositions in binary opposition are expressed in different ways and with metagroups that once again regroup the semantic fields and which allude to democratic and antidemocratic alternatives as the dilemma: either the democratic project triumphs, meaning that the alternative population policy is approved and states vote to constitutionalize human rights and reproductive health rights, so that the policy can then be deployed by governments in their countries to benefit the people; or the antidemocratic project prevails and the human species is controlled in various ways through the population control policy, which serves the economic and political interests of hegemonic elites who act through the state. Faced with this dilemma, the UN is called on to fulfil its mandate and resolve the conflict in favour of the alternative project.

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However, despite these efforts, the initial power effect produced by the discourse entered into crisis at the Bucharest Conference (1994), where the policy of population control was called into question and delegitimised by various actors who formed the historic oppositional block referred to in PART THREE. Here, what needs to be stressed with regard to power effects is the loss of hegemonic capacity by the dominant discourse, whose interpellations no longer produced constitutive effects once the unity of the discourse had broken up. This enabled the ideological sphere to be transformed as a result of the entry and intervention of alternative discourses, which reorganised and disputed the ideological elements under a new form of articulation and based on a different interpellation. These discourses were produced by the Group of 77, and in this scenario the GWHRM constituted itself as an organised force and the organic expression of the contestatory discourse. In an attempt to restore its hegemony in response to what happened at Bucharest, the US state rearticulated the ideological elements in its discourse and took up the same hegemonic principle as the contestatory discourse of the GWHRM, affirming the President's concern that population policy is a human concern intimately related to the dignity of the individual and the objective of the United States is to work closely with others, rather than seek to impose our views on others (NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506). Thus, by including the interpellations that referred to human rights and sexual and reproductive health rights in the population control discourse, it sought to rearticulate the discursive unity of its discourse without changing its hegemonic principle. To structure this new unity, it penetrated human rights institutions with financial support from the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations (Petras, 2001), and promoted and organised together with the power structures of the UN the International Conferences that took place during the UN Decade for Women (1975 1985). Thus, it seems to have decided to approach a new para-addressee: women. Consequently, until the end of the 1980s and in a context in which a historic meaningful event took place the break-up of the socialist system and the defeat of the counter-addressee, the main enemy identified with communism the US state seems to have managed to rearticulate the ideological unity of its discourse by absorbing the contestatory discourses most symbolic ideological elements and implementing programmes aimed at educating women and indoctrinating the masses. What the US state did was therefore to rearticulat e the real policy of population control which was already being implemented by including the most symbolic ideological elements of the virtual (unimplemented) policy of gender, human rights and reproductive health. In this way, the population control discourse included a new group of elements in its semantic field which enabled it to make new discursive references to interpellate women as an identified group in an inclusive way, shifting them from being a para-addressee, ignored due to its status as an object, to becoming a pro -addressee. With this modus operandi, it sought to achieve another effect: to break up the social unit of women organically linked to the GWRHM, in order to separate it as an identified group from its Subject; and thus identify and position the GWHRM as a negative addressee (or adversary that had brought together antiglobalisation movements, with which the population control
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discourse continued to maintain a relationship of exclusion because it identified them as radicals, terrorists, fundamentalists, and other terms that function as substitutes for communism). Hence, with regard to the first manifestation of the crisis of hegemony, it can be said by way of a partial conclusion that what the US state did in order to rearticulate its hegemony was to move its discourse from the pole of its spirit to the pole of its letter. Following Faye 1974, the poles of a discourse can be represented as a horseshoe: at one of its extremes is the spirit of the discourse (Kratos/State, Government) and at the other the letter of the discourse (Demos/People). Thus, when the US state rearticulated the most symbolic elements of the contestatory discourse in its discourse on population control, it approached the pole of the letter (at one extreme of the horsehoe); and it distanced itself from this extreme of the horseshoe when it turned back to the pole of the spirit. 68 Because of this, population control can be thought of as an ideologeme.69 However, because the population control discourse articulated other elements that are likewise disputed by other alternative/contestatory discourses clearly identified with class projects and anti-Imperialist70 and other interpellations, by 1994 it was obvious that it had lost hegemony and entered the organic crisis that would lessen its power effects in comparison to the contestatory discourse. To understand this kind of political process known as the dispute for hegemony, Gramsci wrote: in a war possession once a counter hegemonic actor gained the discourse battle, and its interpellation have been constituted such a religion of people and produced a moral and intellectual reform, the counter hegemony discourse has effects of power to dismantling the dominant hegemony (Cited by Mouffe, 1980. This also happened because there have been produced material condition of possibility to decline the hegemonic discourse (Ibid). It can therefore be concluded that at the Cairo Conference the counterhegemonic discourse achieved power effects sufficient to dismantle the dominant discourse, as we will see in the next section. 4.4.1.2.The power effects of the Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health discourse The power effects or effectiveness of the Gender, Human Rights and Reproductive Health discourse are: a) its ability to dismantle the dominant discourse and provoke its organic crisis; and b) its ability to bring about a moral and intellectual
68

This shift also seems to be related to the two-party system and whether the US government was controlled by Republicans or Democrats. This demonstrates indisputably that discourses interact with political systems. 69 For Cross (1997), the ideologeme is a semiotic-ideological microsystem that is generated in discourse and spreads or filters into various social discourses or discursive practices as a result of its frequent recurrence. The relationship between the semiotic and the ideological is given by the fact that certain outstanding semes can be recognised in the ideologeme and these in turn make it possible to detect a certain ideology. The ideologeme condenses the dominant thought in a given society at a given moment in time. It is therefore a signifier with ideological connotations. 70 On the concept of Empire, Cf. Negri, A. and Hardt, M. 2000.

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reform. Thus, the power effects are measured by the hegemonic capacity of a discourse and this is achieved by integrating interpellations that differ in scope and nature some classist, others non-classist (gender-based) in a relatively structured whole (Ipola 1982: 103). The various int erpellations produce power effects by constituting (individuals as) subjects, leading to the articulation and constitution of a collective will which becomes the Subject of change. Consequently, the power effect or effectiveness of the GWHRM discourse is explained by its capacity to constitute a collective will that goes beyond the movement that determines it the GWHRM itself and is expressed through the vote of 179 states who by (unanimous) consensus adopt the Cairo Programme of Action at the International Conference on Population and Development (1994). Its interpellations, differing in scope and nature, produce a paradigm shift in the way in which the relationship between population and development is understood, giving these two concepts a new sense and meaning different to that of previous international conferences on population. This happened when, in opposition to previous demographic approaches, the conference addressed the issue of population and development in a way that delegitimated the emphasis on reducing population growth and linked it to human development, sustainable development and the focus on gender in development. Following Ducrot (Op. Cit.), this enables us to address an important characteristic of political discourse: that of having legal effects and being the source of creation of rights and duties, which are produced by the illocutionary act 71. To be successful, the illocutionary act (or speech-act)72 depends according to Austin (1992) on conditions that are not just discursive but also extradiscursive, both institutional (agreements) and conventional (pacts). At the institutional and conventional level the illocutionary act took material form through the approval of the Cairo Declaration and Programme of Action, which required previous pacts (of varying sorts) between the Subjects and actors who participated in the process of social and political struggle. Consequently, it can be stated that one of the power effects of the GWHRM discourse was expressed at the Cairo Conference in the form of this legal effect,73 which constituted the (moral) source of the rights and duties created for the UN member states. In a situation of conflict and power relations, the success of the speech-act also requires the speaker to have an authoritative voice and to be invested with the authority to speak, and for this it requires legitimacy (Ducrot, Op. Cit.). The authoritative voice is therefore not a given but is constructed and deconstructed in keeping with its capacity to produce power effects on recipients/addressees. The construction of this authority requires the prior constitution of a interpellating subject (the GWHRM); and, as a result of this, it requires effectiveness in the articulation/constitution of the interpellated subject (the addressees). This produces a two-way relationship whereby the authoritative voice is authorised and viceversa. The legitimacy thus constructed by the GWHRM was put to the test at the Cairo Conference.
71 72

Also known as a constative utterance Also known as a performative utterance 73 Although it is true that the mandates agreed at the UN are not binding, this does not reduce the importance of the effectiveness of the speech-act as the contestatory discourse acquires material form.

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The legitimacy achieved by the GWHRM also allows us to refer to the discursive practice as the relationship of the speaker with what it says because this overlap (not only) confers authority and an authoritative voice but also makes visible other power effects related to the verisimilitude 74 and trustworthiness75 of this discourse and its Subject, allowing it to introduce its most heartfelt demands in the Cairo Programme of Action. Consequently, by way of a partial conclusion, we can state that the power effects of utterances and interpellations have to do with the relationship between the addresser and what it says, as well as the relationship established between the addressee and what is said, the image of the addresser and the image of the addressee, and the conditions of production of the utterance: a whole modus operandi that leads to the effectiveness of the discourse which, in the case of the GWHRM, was expressed in the illocutionary act. 4.5. The historic conflict situation and the political dnouement in population policies The historic conflict situation is given by the political resolution of population policy that posed the dilemma in terms of the contradiction expressed around the hegemonic principles of the two discourses that acted as vehicles for population policies: the real policy, implemented from 1961 to 1994; and the virtual policy, which gradually gained legitimacy until it was constituted as the real policy from 1994 onwards. The relationship between the two demarcated the conflict between the Subjects, and the power relations established in the social and political struggle were what put an end to the conflict in relative terms. In other words, the conflict did not go away with the approval by consensus of the Programme of Action. Instead, the conflict between the Subjects was redefined. States approved a mandate which is not binding, although it set the course for implementing the new population and development policy. In this sense, the Programme of Action can be understood as the real expression of population policy. It alludes to the construction of a specific praxis in the building of a system of rights and obligations among states and societies as the result of the interaction between the enunciation of the policy and the power effects that arise from its implementation (as a material form of the discourse). This led to the organisation and functioning of the current system of population policies, in which the population and development dyad continues to feed back into eminently political discourses that are consequently dichotomous, because the social conditions of discursive production in the current globalisation scenario arise in a context in which political forces are being reshaped and polarities or economic and social gaps between developed and less developed countries, between classes, gender, ethnic groups, etc, are becoming wider. This gives rise to new contradictions and dilemmas that could well constitute new discourse-structuring poles, regenerating the binary matrix; and
74

Verisimilitude refers to the representative dimension of language in its descriptive component, through which it constructs reality just as it is. This dimension produces verisimilitude. 75 Trustworthiness is linked to the speech-act and the intersubjective relationship between the addresser and its addressees, based on the representation of reality.

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whenever there are contradictions, the economic, social and political field will be dichotomized. Subjects, their discourses, and discursive practice in the field of population and development policy, the issue and object of which is territory, population and resources, will therefore continue to articulate/rearticulate and disarticulate ideological elements in dispute around hegemonic principles which, due to the nature of the gaps mentioned above, will acquire new sense and meaning. There is evidence of this in the events and new challenges posed by globalisation in the 21st century. Consequently, discourses can be rearticulated around the new contradictions that emerge in the current context of globalisation and bring a new sense and meaning to population policies, which could either be anti-natalist or pro-natalist. The direction taken by the policy will depend on the power relations that are established during the reconfiguration of state structures, subjects and actors around the world, and between the pro-globalisation and anti-globalisation movements that are likewise reconfiguring civil society. What is certain is that the current context of globalisation has reconfigured power relations and is tending to shift paradigms in different arenas such as that of geopolitics, where sovereign national states have increasingly less power over the issues of territory, population and resources. In this new context, health policies and public health clearly depend increasingly on the political dimension:
The political dimension is in itself one of the factors that determine health [] Today it is showing its relevance because it conditions the distribution of social determining factors themselves. Health is political because its own social determining factors are vulnerable to political intervention and dependent on political action. In that sense, ideology, power and politics influence peoples health (Franco G. A and lvarez D.A 2008: 282).

Therefore, based on the comparative analysis I have undertaken of the two discourses on population policy, it can be stated that the political dimension, process and factors play a decisive role in the definition and redefinition of any policy, whether on population or some other issue. In this study, I have tried to show that politics itself determines whether the gender focus, the exercise of fundamental human rights (individual and collective), human and sustainable development, and consequently health, are included in population policy. 4.6. Partial conclusions

By means of the comparative analysis of the discourses, I have studied two ways of addressing population policy through discursive practice, tracing the threads of how this practice constructs reality through the social process of the production of meaning. The analysis compared the Subjects/actors that produced the discourses and analysed the ideological elements/ semantic units that articulate them around opposing hegemonic principles. These define the fundamental contradiction around which the structural poles of the discourses are constructed based on a binary discursive matrix, which expresses and is expressed in the polarization of the actors. The comparative analysis enables us to understand how the sense and meaning of the social construction of discourse produces a paradigm shift and a new re-articulation of population policy.
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V.
5.

PART FIVE

FINAL CONCLUSIONS

5.1. We have seen that, in discursive practice, the GWHRM and the US state built relationships with their social conditions of existence and related to each other through the conflict that took place in the process of social and political struggle and in the space of the International Conferences organised by the UN. The conflict relations have been examined through language, showing that the discourses are polarised, because they identify and order the social and political world differently by means of opposing hegemonic principles: Population Control and Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights. Consequently, the study has shown that, rather than being plucked out of the air, the two discourses can be understood as a form of social existence of social, political and ideological struggles, and the power relations established during the process of social discursive production, which refers to certain historical and social conditions of production. Based on these, I have tracked the footprints of the respective discursive production processes, describing, in the field of their direct production: a) the respective theories and ideological tendencies on which they were based; b) the problems they sought to address and resolve; and c) the different scenarios/spaces and apparatus through which their social and political practices were organised and materialised in the quest for hegemony, thus revealing the conditions of circulation and reception where the power effects of the discourses are produced. In the case of the Population Control discourse, the post -World War II context was favourable to the US state, enabling it to articulate its political, economic and military hegemony and position itself in the international arena to deploy population control by means of coercion and consensus. Likewise, the context of the Cold War meant that in its discursive practice it constructed enemy adversaries and its relations with them were antagonistic. The adversary operates and is identified in the discourse with communism. The US state acted to prevent this adversary from interpellating ideologically and politically the growing mass of dispossessed people in less developed countries and exercising influence in these poor regions of the world identified as areas of economic and political interest to the United States. In these areas the poverty situation, aggravated according to the US state by the fast pace of population growth, generates objective (and subjective) conditions of political, economic and social instability. This is why fertility reduction is the priority political-demographic task. Thus, the US state focused and targeted its policy at the reproductive subject par excellence: women. As a result of this discursive production process, Population Control took material form as a policy. 76
76

This policy although articulated differently was not new in the sense that it continued an interpellatory trend in the field of population control that began at the end of the 19th century and carried on throughout the 20th. Depopulation and eugenics policies had already been developed by organisations such as the International Family Planning Federation, which initially emerged as a subcommittee of the Eugenics Society and represents the merger of the eugenics movement and the birth control movement, whose relationship is based on a commitment to prevent the undesirables from

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By analysing this population policy in concrete and historical terms, I have tried to show and argue that the US state, in close connection with political and economic power structures and their respective apparatus of hegemony, managed the reproduction of the population (life, death, reproduction). Far from being the ultimate beneficiary of a policy concerned with its welfare, the population instead became an instrument used to achieve other objectives, as defined and formulated in MEMORANDUM 200, better known as the Kissinger Report. This policy entered an organic crisis and lost hegemony due to the actions of the contestatory Subject. The Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights discourse was articulated in response to the former discourse in order to challenge it, in three interlinked dimensions of sense and meaning: Firstly, it was produced in the context of the Cold War, which had given rise to a specific dominant discursive formation favourable to population control. The capability of the GWRHM as a Subject, as well as the power effects of its discourse, is rooted in its ability to de-structure this discursive formation, leading to the emergence of another, based on the expression of other interpellations. These enabled the constitution and social and political action of (an)other Subject(s) which, by interacting with reality, altered the political and ideological arena at the end of the 20 th century, generating a new discursive formation and breaking up the hegemony of the dominant discourse. In other words, it produced a double power effect. Secondly, the exercise of population control is made visible and identified by the contestatory Subject as generating and rearticulating patriarchal practices and ideologies. These take material form in the device of fertility control, revealing the power relations that mediate the social (and historical) constructions established between the genders. In the timeframe of our study, this power is exercised and functions by restricting the (individual and collective) human rights of the female gender and clearly the right to reproductive health. 77 Consequently, the Gender demand in the discourse not only implies making these power relations visible but also challenging them and acting to change them. This gives a specific sense and meaning to the debate on population and development policies, which penetrates the politicalideological arena and consequently the established institutional power structures. Thus, it is in this discursive dispute that the discourse of Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health and its Subject gradually gained legitimacy, an authoritative voice and authority, until finally, in the post-Cold War context, the unipolarity and consequent neoliberal democratisation that took place in a more globalised context, shaping a new discursive formation, generated objective and subjective conditions for a multiplicity of scattered discourses as a result of the
multiplying. It currently represents and coordinates various national family planning organisations and it is the largest international private agency in the field of population control by means of family planning. To start with it received funding from the Rockefeller Foundation and later from USAID and the World Bank (Embid, A. 2000: 118-119). 77 The power relations that are established between the genders allow us to understand why it is possible to violate a certain norm, such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (United Nations 1966), which recognises the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health (Article 12, clause 1) and the human rights of specific vulnerable groups (including women and children).

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rupture of the previous discursive formation to attempt to reorganise the ideological field and dispute hegemony by rearticulating an alternative population policy. This was defined by bringing together and mainstreaming the most heartfelt claims and demands formulated by the GWHRM in the Women and Population Policies Manifesto (1992). As a demand that arose from organised civil society, it had the capacity to enter78 the United Nations system, interpellate the member states in 1994, and bring about the paradigm shift. Having said this, it is important to refer to some other aspects of the dispute for hegemony that took place between the actors in the process analysed. 5.2. The dispute for hegemony between the two discourses has been understood as the most openly political phase in the confrontation that took place in the process of social and political struggle, involving the (unstable) power relations established between the actors, and in the different scenarios in which significant events in the production of meaning took place and significant discursive footprints were registered. With regard to the actors, the dispute was defined when the discourse of population control lost its interpellatory and constitutive capacity and entered an organic crisis that was expressed in the break-up of its hegemonic principle and thus the loss of its hegemony; while the counter-hegemonic discourse of Gender and Human Rights managed to impose itself in the social, political and ideological arena. With regard to the confrontation settings, I have analysed and located the dispute for hegemony in the spaces where the most relevant events in the production of meaning took place and where the significant footprints of discursive production were registered. These are, firstly, the International Population Conferences organised by the United Nations that were held in Bucharest (1974) and Cairo (1994); and secondly the International Human Rights Conferences held in Tehran (1968) and Vienna (1991), and the UN Decade for Women Conferences held in Mexico (1975) and Amsterdam (1984). It was at these latter conferences that the unity of the interpellatory discourse was rearticulated and its efficacy and power effects became capable of breaking up the unity of its rival. The footprints registered at the Tehran Conference (1968) represent a milestone because womens control over their own bodies, their sexuality and reproductive life was introduced and defined as a fundamental human right. This was the first time that gender was linked to human rights and it led to the rupture between the feminist movement and the neo-Malthusian movement. Thus, womens human rights were introduced as new ideological elements to be taken into account in population policies. This would have significant power effects in dismantling the dominant discourse, as became evident at the Bucharest Conference (1974), when the ideological unity of the dominant discourse was broken up by the counter-hegemonic action of a historic block which introduced new hegemonic principles such as the
78

From the theories of Collective Action, which have sufficient empirical evidence, we know that not every demand can or has the capacity to enter a certain system in order to be addressed. To achieve this, it is necessary for the Subject/actor to be legitimate and to have reorganised power relations in such a way as to checkmate the system (Blumer, H. 1971: 298-306).

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New International Order and Gender and Human Rights and Reproductive Health Rights in the population debate. These de-legitimised the Draft World Population Plan of Action (WPPA), which focused on limiting population growth by means of reproduction indicators and direct policies to deal with fertility. The contestatory action and discourse significantly affected the population control discourse because, once it had been dismantled, it was no longer able to produce constitutive effects as the dominant, hegemonic discourse, and this is the sign of its organic crisis. Consequently, it no longer circulated at the next Conferences organised by the UN, such as those during the Decade for Women, where women gradually won new rights and together with their organic expression, the GWHRM undertook the task of rearticulating an alternative population policy, between 1975 and 1994. In this process, an important discursive footprint was registered at the Nairobi Conference (1985), because family planning programmes were linked with the ethical critique of the demographic approach to population control programmes, advocating alternatives against the dominant norm and rearticulating a new norm of human rights. The GWHRM worked toward this objective at the UN World Conference on Human Rights (Vienna 1993), while women in various countries took up the human rights framework and began developing the analytical and political tools that together constitute the ideas and practices of womens rights. At this C onference, states agreed that womens human rights should be considered an inalienable, integral and indivisible component of universal human rights and that efforts should be made to promote them, since a violation of womens specific rights is equated with a violation of human rights. Based on these gains, the Womens Declaration on Population Policies was drawn up and debated in Cairo. It was able to produce a rupture in population policy, as a clear manifestation of the power effects produced by t he contestatory discourse. Thus, a change of meaning in population policies occurred. It is therefore possible to state that the social and political struggle is the midwife of a process of discursive deconstruction and construction. Firstly, on the level of deconstruction, the hegemonic principle of population control is broken apart and it enters a crisis of hegemony as the dominant discourse; secondly, there is a process of discursive construction as the Gender and Human Rights discourse is formulated and then solidifies, gains strength and is ultimately enshrined in the United Nations, finally winning the battle of the discourses in Cairo in 1994. 5.3. By focusing on analysing the hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourse on population policy, my research underlines how important political factors were and continue to be today in the definition and resolution of this policy, because if politics is the gaining and exercise of power, the way in which this power is used by states, governments or civil society actors will define the relationship of social and political forces that do or do not identify with and have a commitment to peoples health needs and demands. In this study, the focus has been on the demands related to Gender, womens human rights and reproductive health rights.

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Considering the above, my study of population policies in the light of the process of social and political struggle shows that decision-making deriving from political power in a globalised context plays a decisive role in how public health is viewed and addressed. To paraphrase the Pan American Health Organisation, public health depends to a great extent on politics and the actors involved in it (PAHO, 2002). In this sense, the role of politics can be recognised as a determining factor in health (Hunt 2006, and Milio 1986). Its influence is imposed through public policies, the effect of which will be positive when they are based on human rights (Franco et al 2008). If the political factor seeks to ensure that universal human rights, social justice and political, economic and social rights are guaranteed when the determinants of health are addressed, peoples health will constitute the key focus of the policy (WHO 2007). This is illustrated in the case we have studied in the arena of the human rights and reproductive health rights claimed by the GWHRM, and agreed and approved at the International Conferences organised by the UN, which shaped an appropriate framework for public health activities previously unrecognised either by the biomedical sciences or by classical public health (Ibid.). Consequently, it can be stated that the paradigm shift in the arena of population and development policy also constituted (following Gruskin and Tarantola, 2002) a new paradigm of health and human rights in relation to womens health. Consequently, by studying the political dimension through the lens of population and development policy, it is possible to visualise its links with public health, since public health in the current globalised context should focus on the study of the social, political and economic processes that determine the arrangements adopted by the organised social response in health, and focus on the inter-relationship between the different organisations involved in the health system (Frenk, 1994). By studying the policies that affect health (such as population control) and their consequences, as well as the policies that promote and define it through the Cairo Programme of Action (1994), it is possible to illustrate the relations of influence that exist between the political factor, health and public health. The political process and debate in the area of population and development policy thus promoted actions in favour of publ ic health and fed back in an intersectoral and interdisciplinary way into public health policies on gender inequality, human rights violations and sexual and reproductive health, bringing various state and society actors and sectors and different disciplines together to implement the Cairo Programme of Action (Lori S. Ashford: 2001). 5.4. Another aspect that should be stressed is that by studying the ideological elements involved in the concepts of demography and health and their relationship with the determining factor of politics in an integrated way, it is possible to identify the definition and implementation of a population policy that questions the power that is established over and above society and highlight the importance of the powers emerging from civil society that lead to a new re-articulation (in a new way) of the principles of fundamental human rights, economic, social and cultural rights, and participation in the development of public policies (MARKS: 2000) that gives new meaning to public health (and transforms it).
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5.5. The comparative analysis of the discourses also allows us to state that peoples health, particularly the health of the most vulnerable groups, is affected by policies outside the arena of health, or policies that go beyond the sphere of health and are the result of the decisions taken by institutions with political power. Implementation of the population control policy was based on the exercise of such power; conversely, the counter-hegemonic action which changed that policy drew its power from society through collective action, determined some of the key guidelines in population and health policy from the ideological and political arena, and consequently affected the health system. The approach to the problems of population and health policy therefore situates the sphere of politics as a determining factor in health. Its articulation poses the challenge of addressing and resolving health problems on the political agenda, and achieving the development of public policies aimed at improving peoples health conditions which, based on human rights and by means of mechanisms for the construction of citizenship and political participation, go beyond actions that seek to prevent the infringement of such rights in health systems (Mann JM et al 1994). 5.6. Bearing in mind that the modern concept of public health focuses more on the factors that determine health, my study illustrates that the determining factor of politics and the population policy that was consequently defined on the basis of political decisions played a significant role over and above other determining factors. The population control policy affected womens physical, psychological and sexual health and violated their rights. In its turn, the alternative policy which focused on a new approach to population and development brought about an improvement in health conditions for women. Even so, women especially in less developed countries are still victims of the inequities and inequalities inherent in the gender relations defined by power relations, and this is aggravated by the conditions of economic, social, cultural and institutional development that are important determinants of health. If public policy is defined as the broad framework of ideas and values within which decisions are taken and action, or inaction, is pursued by governments in relation to some issue or problem (O Neill and Pederson, 1992 cited by Fiona Adhead and Allison Thorpe 2009: 11), it can be affirmed that although the policy defined in Cairo described as a set of guiding principles to be followed by states is not binding and thus does not guarantee that action will be taken, it is clear that the change in the discursive formation has helped public health policies in various countries. This is indicated in studies by researchers which show the significant progress that has been made in the sphere of human and reproductive rights, although significant differences still exist in less developed countries, in line with the points made in the previous paragraph.

Copenhagen, May 2011

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