Abdisalam M.

Issa-Salwe
Thames Valley University, London

The Darwish Resistance:

The Clash Between Somali Clanship and State System

Paper Presented at the 5th International Congress of Somali Studies December 1993
1 INTRODUCTION
Sayid Maxamed was the Somali nationalist hero and father of modern Somali nationalism as he the
man who is attributed who inspired at the end of the nineteenth century realised, partly, the creation of the
Somali state half a century later. He envisaged the Somali state as being a unified political unit and
nurturing a political ideology surmounting clanism. Both attributes were part of the modern Somali
nationalism when it reawakened in early 1940s.
The Darwish structure can be considered a state as the three salient features of state are defined as
territory, population living in that defined territory and a government who is sovereign to rule the country
and the people. Though fluid, all these characteristics can be found in the Darwish. This became clear when
Italy and Britain, signed a treaty (the Ilig Treaty) with the Darwish on 5th March 1895[1] The treaty
stipulated that the Mullah should rule the territory between the Majeerteen Sultanate in the north and the
Sultanate of Hobyo (Obbia) in northeastern Somaliland. The agreement also granted the Darwish watering
and grazing rights for their livestock within British Somaliland.[2]
Darwish nationalism endured in a period when Somali society was widely dispersed and lacked the
necessary organisations to form a single political unit, and at a time when colonial powers such as Britain,
Italy, and France were expanding their hegemony over the country. As the clan was and still is the most
important political unit in the traditional system, Somalis rejected the replacement of their traditional
system with that of a state system as offered to them by Sayid Maxamed. Somalis preferred to live in
clanism rather than a system that they did not know. I will discuss in this paper the conflict of the Darwish
state and Somali clans.

2 THE INCEPTION OF DARWISH MOVEMENT[3]

At the end of the nineteenth century, Islam reawakened in Eastern Africa, which was as result of the
revival of Islam in the Muslim world. This tendency might have been triggered by the outcome of the effect
of the Euro-Christian rule and colonization of the Muslim lands in Africa and Asia which consequently
seems to have created a widespread reaction and the resurgence of a revivalist movement against the Euro-
Christian hegemony, such as the Mahdist revolt in Sudan in 1880s and that of the Darwish movement led
by Sayid Maxamed, in Somalia, during the same period.
The resistance led by Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle was motivated by religious principles, as well as
cultural. Islam served as the ideology of the Darwish movement. A darwiish is a Muslim believer who
takes vows of poverty and a life of austerity in the service of Allah and his community.

2.1 A Brief Background to Sayid Maxamed

Sayid Maxamed was born in the Sac-ma-deeqa valley, a small watering place between Wud-Wud and
Buuhoodle, in the south of British Somaliland in 1856,[4] during a spring season well known as
Gobaysane.[5] He was the eldest son of Sheekh Cabdulle and Timiro Seed[6]. His grandfather, Sheekh Xasan
Nuur, of the Ogaadeen clan, had settled and married among the Dhulbahante in 1826.
Two influences left an impression on the life of Sayid: The first influence was Islamic study, the other
the might of pastoralism. At the age of seven he attended the Quran school. At eleven he learned the 114
suras' of the Quran by heart. Afterwards he became a teacher. After two years of teaching the Quran, he
suddenly changed his mind, a change that took him to search for more religious learning for ten years. He
travelled to many Islamic seats; he went to Mogadishu, Nairobi, Harar and Sudan. He went and learned
from sheikhs who had Islamic knowledge. In his early thirties, he embarked towards Mecca, to charge his
haj obligations.[7] While in Mecca, he met Sheikh Mohammed Salah (1853-1917), who changed the young
Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan completely. The mystic Sheikh Mohammed Salah of Sudan was the founder of
the Salahiya order,[8] which was spreading in the Arabian peninsula and across the Red Sea into East Africa.
Two years later, in 1895, Sayid Maxamed returned to Somaliland with a mandate to be the Salahiya
representative[9].
Islam has been associated with Muslim brotherhood (dariqa literally means "way") which expresses a
mystical view of the Muslim faith. In the nineteenth century various religious organizations developed in
Somalia to the extent that the "Somali profession of the Islamic faith was synonymous with membership of
a sufi brotherhood."[10]
The Sufi order grew from the main order Qadiriya founded by Sheikh Abdul-Qadir Jilani in the
twelfth century. However a few centuries later a "neo-sufism" movement was founded which could be
categorized into three groups of Muslim fellowship: the resisters who believed in struggle, the moderates
who usually went about their pedagogical teaching but occasionally created rebellion and lastly, the

2
conservatives who practised their mystic meditation without feeling their social environment and
sometimes collaborating with the rulers of the country.[11]
On his arrival in the port Berbera, Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan refused to pay the tax to the
customs. The customs duties stunned the Sayid since he was entering his home land. The custom officer
decided to arrest him but an interpreter explained the reason for the sheikh's refusal as insanity by saying
"Sir, he mad mullah,"[12] a name that the colonialists labelled Sayid Maxamed in the later years. The arrival
of the Sayid in the British Somaliland coincided with a new tax system introduced by the British Consul-
General in the British Somaliland, Colonel J. Haya Sadler.[13]
Before the arrival of Sayid Maxamed in British Somaliland and the other parts of Somali inhabited
territory the influence of Andarawiya, which like the Salihiya, is an offshoot of Ahmadiya,[14] was limited.
Sayid Maxamed established a base from which he campaigned and spread the Salahiya order by
condemnation of the Qadiriya's moral laxity[15] in adapting to colonialism. In the view of many scholars, the
Qadiriya leaders and settlement, which was well established along the Benaadir coast, became, tolerant to
the colonial regime.[16] He condemned the use of alcohol and khat (or Catha edulis tender leaves of a mild
narcotic tree grown in the East Africa and in Yemen).
Sayid Maxamed's attempt to proselytise and convert urban Somali to the Salahiya order met with stiff
resistance from the Berbera community. This caused a firm opposition from the Qadiriya who had
established roots in the area. Therefore, the Qadiriya ulumos (sheikhs) were outraged by Sayid Maxamed's
campaign, among them his former teacher, Sheikh Cabdullaahi Caruusi, Aw-Gaas Axmed, Sheikh
Ibraahim Xirsi Guuled, Sheikh Kabiir Aw-Cumar[17] and Sheikh Madar.[18] His conflict with the known
religious men caused him to lose the sympathy of Berbera people. [19] In turn the Berbera ulumos fought
back to discredit Sayid Maxamed and his new order. To finish him, they informed the administration about
his intentions.[20] The rift between the two orders lasted until the British administration sided with Qadiriya
and closed down the Salahiya mosque at the end of 1897. This infuriated Sayid Maxamed who later moved
with his small group of followers to his maternal home, among the Dhulbahante, in the south of British
Somaliland.
On his way to his maternal home, he passed near Daymoole, a few kilometres from Berbera, where
there was a French catholic mission established in 1891. The mission, with two fathers, one brother and 69
boys in an orphanage looked after destitute children. He asked a little boy, "What is your name?". The boy
replied, "John Cabdullaahi." Then the Sayid asked, "What clan you are?". The boy answered to Sayid
Maxamed, "I belong to the clan of the father." This convinced Sayid Maxamed that the colonialists were
christianising their children. That event remained in the memory of the young Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan
and led him to focus his campaign against the idea of Christian colonization and against the Qadiriya's
ineptitude and their tolerance of the colonial rulers.
Sayid Maxamed made his first base in Qorya-weyn, a small watering place 29 miles west of Aynabo
in British Somaliland. In Qorya-weyn he began campaigning for the Salahiya order, against the infidels and
also against the Qadiriya order.

3 THE BEGINNING OF THE DARWISH STRUGGLE

In Qorya-weyn, he started preaching Islam under the Salahiya banner. In spite of failing to convince
the urbanized Berbera residents, he found fertile land in the pastoral society that was not influenced by
urban life style. His appeal attracted the pastoral society of the area and the people responded positively to
him. By settling clan feuds, the pastoralist saw him as an awliya (saint) who had been sent among them, he
gained himself the reputation of a peacemaker. In the first period the British administration welcomed him
to exercise authority and saw him on the side of the law as he prevented clan raids. But his aims to mediate
and unify clans were to gain their support in the fight against the infidels. His aspirations soon turned to
oppose the colonial interests. In fact, an incident that happened around this time, in 1899, was a turning
point in the relations between the Sayid and the British authority. A British administrative constable Ilaalo,
went to the Darwish settlement and sold his gun to the Sayid. On his return to Berbera, the constable
reported to the authorities that his gun had been stolen by the Sayid. The case prompted the British Counsel
to send a letter to Sayid Maxamed ordering to surrender the stolen gun immediately but instead on 1th
September 1899 Sayid Maxamed replied in a letter challenging British rule in the country. The defiance
brought the Sheikh to the attention of the British authorities. That episode was to change British attitude
towards the Sayid and his movement. The era of conflict between the Darwish movement and the colonial
powers which was to blast two decades had begun.

3
 In August 1898 the Darwish occupied Bura-o, the centre of British Somaliland, and through this,
Sayid Maxamed established control over the watering places of the Habar Yoonis and the Habar Tol-
jecle. He succeeded in making peace between the Habar Yoonis and the Habar Tol-jecle, and between
Dhulbahante and Habar Tol-jecle. A huge assembly was held in Bur-o at which Sayid Maxamed urged the
congregation of Habar Yoonis and Habar Tol-jecle to make jihad (holy war) against the Abyssinians,
British and Italian who had come to colonize the Somali territory. Further development happened during
this period. Suldaan Nuur Ammaan, sultan of the Habar Yoonis clan, felt uneasy about the leadership of
Sayid Maxamed. He could do little to stop the development and therefore sought British help to stop it.
Knowing this, the Sayid undermined the sultan's leadership by persuading the Habar Yoonis to depose their
leader and replace him with one who was favourable to his cause. With the aim of obtaining leadership
favourable to his cause within the Somali clans, this trend became one of the principal policies of the Sayid.
Shortly afterwards, the Darwish raided a Qadiriya settlement at Sheikh, a small town between Berbera
and Bura-o, and massacred its inhabitants. Panic spread throughout Berbera the prospect of an imminent
Darwish attack. The British were alarmed by the situation and they took the Sayid's operations seriously.
But by the end of 1899, the British were occupied in the Boer War and could do little to contain the spread
of the Darwish movement in British Somaliland, which had badly affected their trade with the interior of
the territory under their administration.
The British authorities in Berbera urged their government to take action, finally London consented to
raise a local levy of troops that would attempt to suppress the spread of the Darwish movement.
During the same period Sayid Maxamed preached the Salahiya philosophy, especially the practice of
tawassul, the meditation of saints for those faithful to Allah. He taught chanting in praise of Sheikh
Maxamed Salah by singing "Shay Lillah Sheikh Maxamed Salah." He called the Darwish the adherents of
his Salahiya dariqa (order) by giving a white turban (duub cad) which was also customary sufi traditional
costume. Within a short time many pastoral societies followed the dariqa. In 1898 the Darwish followers
reached more than 5000 men and women with 200 rifles. In the middle of April 1898 the Darwish moved
their base to Dareema-caddo, a watering place northwest of Buuhoodle. Within short time the Darwish
grew in men, power and wealth. Because of this growth, it became necessary for Sayid Maxamed to
institutionalise the movement by creating four main governmental apparatuses, (1) at the top there was the
ministerial Council (qusuusi) which presided over affair of state, (2) there were also bodyguards (gaar-haye)
who were responsible for the security of senior members. These conscripts were mainly from people on
whom Sayid could depend, such as former slaves whom he had adopted as sons, and people from the
riverine clans such as the Reer Baarre,[21] (3) the regular army (Maara-weyn) which was organised into
seven regiments: Shiikh-yaale, Gola-weyne, Taar-gooye, Indha-badan, Miinanle, Dharbash and Rag-xun.
Each regiment with its commandant (muqaddim) varied from between 1000 to 4000 men, and (4) the
civilian population (reer-beede) consisting mainly of people from clans who followed the Darwish
movement.
The state was fashioned on the model of the Salahiya brotherhood with strict hierarchical and rigid
centralization of a religious order. The cohesive force of the Darwish state polity was based on religious
ideology. This was a radical departure from the clan alliance's politics, the effects of which will be
discussed at the end of this chapter.
By forming a standing army the movement had to face pressing needs such as food and other logistical
needs for the troops. In the first period they were supported by voluntary charity (siyaaro) which Muslims
are required to give to religious men. However, the needs of the army augmented with the enlargement of
the movement. Thus the Darwish began to lobby for more help for the movement, on the other hand they
spread rumours that anybody who did not help the Darwish, in the Jihad struggle, was not Muslim and must
be killed and his property must be confiscated.[22]

3.1 "You Defied" (Waad-xujowday) Penal Decree

On the legal front, Sayid Maxamed introduced for the first time a rudimental forms of a penal decree
such as the famous "you defied" (waad-xujowday) for those who did not obey the code of the dariqa. There
was an episode that tells of a wealthy man called Firin Qodax Faahiye who refused to pay a man who
worked for him as a geel-jire (camelman) his earnings were one-camel every year as was the tradition. To
retaliate the camelman escaped with a horse that belonged to Firin and took refuge in the xarun. Firin went
after the camelman and when he reached the xarun of the Darwish he claimed his horse back. Sayid
Maxamed who had been informed by the camelman asked Firin to pay the camelman's earnings. Firin
replied, "let him go to the administration if he has a case against me." This infuriated Sayid Maxamed and

4
announced to Firin, "if you choose the infidel's justice rather than the Islamic law, you are infidel. You
defied (waad-xujowday) the Islamic code, therefore, the law condemns you to capital punishment."[23]
Firin Qodax Faahiye was the first man who was executed by the Darwish. The execution of Firin was a
sign from the centralised system that the Darwish had decided to rule the Nugaal area. This was a new
practice that the pastoral society had not known before.
Traditionally the Somali people loathed totalitarianism and suspected any form of centralised rule.
Sayid Maxamed claimed to have divine connections and that he had been selected for the mission to "throw
the infidels into the sea." His claim was welcomed positively in the pastoral society. He then planned to
build his hierarchical authority by compelling his followers to address him as "Father Master" (Aabbe
sayidii). This was a sign of the hierarchical authority he sought to impose on the traditional egalitarian
society who addresses one other as "cousin" (ini-adeer). This attitude of Sayid Maxamed has been seen as a
tactic to drag people under his command to gain political power outside the traditional clan system and not
for the cause of Allah. This was a strategy that created rivalry from nearly all clan leaders. Some followed
him initially with caution but soon many conflicts developed. One of these leaders was Garaad Cali Garaad
Maxamuud, of the Bah-Ararsame Dhulbahante clan, whose people lived in Nugaal.

3.2 The killing of Garaad Cali

Garaad Cali Garaad Maxamuud of the Bah-Ararsame lineage of the Dhulbahante clan was one of the
Somali clan leaders whose people lived in part of Nugaal. Garaad Cali felt uneasy at the expanding power
of the Sayid within his matrilineal relatives, the Dhulbahante. Towards the end of 1899, Sayid Maxamed
sent a delegation to convince the Garaad to join him and his people in the Darwish movement. Garaad Cali
refused and replied, "Let the Sheikh deal with religious affairs but other affairs of the people and clans are
not his domain. There are no infidels in Nugaal. We are not going to those (infidels) who are at the coast
and in the towns."[24]
In the land that Sayid Maxamed sought to build his power were his maternal kin thus the people
expected him to follow the footsteps of his father who was a Quran teacher. On his return, Sayid Maxamed
was expected to be a Quran teacher and sheikh among the pastoral society and not as a leader of the people
who were not his paternal kinsmen.
Sayid Maxamed sent another delegation to the Garaad inviting him to the xarun (headquarters). With
reluctance Garaad Cali accepted to meet Sayid Maxamed in his xarun. In the heated debate which followed
Garaad Cali emphasised his position, "I am the ruler of Nugaal and its people. Their management is mine
and I expect everybody to respect it."[25]
A challenge of leadership between the two men followed: a traditionalist one against the introduction
of a new system into the country by the Darwish, a practice alien to the pastoral society. Garaad Cali sent a
letter to Boqor Cismaan of the Sultanate of Majeerteen in Boosaaso in the northeastern part of the Somali
peninsula, requesting his support.[26] He sent another letter to the British Consul-General at Berbera asking
for help[27] against Sayid Maxamed.
The resulting hostility prompted Sayid Maxamed to dispatch a group of Darwish to assassinate the
Garaad. The killing of Garaad Cali astonished the Somali clans and destabilized the Darwish.[28] This
incident proved to be one of the most catastrophic miscalculations made by Sayid Maxamed. Many of his
followers left the dariqa angered by the carnage of the Garaad. Only a few the groups of his maternal kin,
the Cali Geri, stood fast with him. By losing the support of the Nugaal people and following the instability
caused by the killing of Garaad Cali, Sayid Maxamed and his followers were forced into the Ogaadeen,
among his paternal kin.

3.3 The Darwish's Move to Western Somaliland

The Somalis' rejection of Christianity stemmed mainly from a sentiment felt towards their centuries'
old enemy, Abyssinia. This was at the same time as Abyssinia was expanding its empire over Western
Somaliland. During his first period of the struggle, the Sayid's ultimate aim was not the British but the
Abyssinians who caused more suffering to the Somalis of Western Somaliland and the Oromo people than
the European colonialists. Unlike the Europeans, the Abyssinian colonisers had no industrial power base to
finance their marauding armies, they lived upon the property of the conquered people. In fact, the reason
behind Menelik's southern conquests was his need to get more resources for his huge armies.[29] In the years
between 1890 and 1897, the Western Somaliland Somalis saw devastating pillage by the Abyssinians, in
which, 100.000 heads of cattle, 200.000 camels and about 600.000 sheep and goats were looted from the
pastoralists.[30]

5
 Meanwhile in Western Somaliland Sayid Maxamed was reorganising his force in Haradigeed in the
heart of Maxamed Subeer country (Ogaadeen clan). He started preaching and settled disputes between
various lineages in the Ogaadeen. This gave Sayid Maxamed a good reputation. To further gain power
Sayid Maxamed married the daughter of a prominent Maxamed Subeer, Ogaadeen clan. In return he gave
his sister to one of the Maxamed Subeer elders, Cabdi Maxamed Waal. This type of marriage was the
political marriage that the Sayid used to bind ties with the local people, and became one of his most
sophisticated political devices.
Learning of Sayid Maxamed's reorganization in Western Somaliland, the British informed the
Abyssinians about Sayid's plans and movement. A force had been sent to the area where Sayid Maxamed
had gained support. While en route the Abyssinian forces looted and harassed the nomads. The looted herds
were taken to Jigjiga. The pastoral society appealed to the Sayid. On 5 March 1890, the Darwish attacked
Jigjiga and killed 230. Although the Darwish sustained heavy losses, they took with them the animals
looted by the Abyssinians from the pastoral Somalis in Western Somaliland.[31]
In June of the same year the Darwish raided the Ciida-gale lineage of the Isaaq clan-family settlements
in Gaaroodi, a small watering place between Oodweyne and Hargeysa in the Northwest region. In the raid
they took booty of two thousand camels. The attack, named after a full moon night "Dayax-Weerar," had
negative effects on the Darwish movement. It was the first assault that the Darwish had made against
fellow Muslims. The contingent of the Darwish was led by Shariif Cabdullaahi Shariif Cumar this
astonished the pastoral Somalis. The Somali society believes the shariif to be a pious clan descended
directly from the prophet Maxamed. An observer sang:

When the Shariif leads the robber-band

And the learned Sheikh raid the people mercilessly,
And the herds are seized with approval and the blessing of a Sayid
Would that I lived long enough
To witness the end of all these events![32]

The storming of Jigjiga enhanced the prestige of the Darwish as they were seen to be the defenders of
the pastoral clans against the domination of their hated Abyssinian enemies. On the other hand the Dayax-
Weerar attack against Ciida-gale had negative consequences, especially, as the Isaaq clan had to seek help
from the British authorities. However, Sayid Maxamed later expressed regret about the raid.[33]
Sometime later hostility grew between the pastoral Maxamed Subeer and the Darwish the cause being
clan rivalry as the Maxamed Subeer lineage felt as if it were being subjected to "the hegemony of the
Sayid's small Bah-Geri lineage whom they traditionally despised."[34] They felt they were being subjected
into the submissive position, submissive to the autocratic reigns of the Sayid. The conflict had been
triggered by the killing in the xarun of Shire-Dhabarjilic Xasan-Jiijiile, a Maxamed Subeer elder, who
refused to bring to the dariqa his sub-lineage. The matter was aggravated when the body of Shire was
mutilated by running horses over it.[35] This was against an Islamic fellow and it enraged the Maxamed
Subeer's kinsmen. In retaliation, they planned secretly to kill Sayid Maxamed and his Qusuusi council. The
plan known as the Plot of Gurdumi[36] took for many months to plan but at the last minute it was aborted by
chance. The Sayid escaped unhurt but one of his closest advisers, a Qusuusi member Aw-Cabbas, fell under
the spears of the conspirators. In the resulting fighting, the Darwish gained the upper hand over Maxamed
Subeer and inflicted heavy losses. The Darwish retaliated later against the Maxamed Subeer nomads by
looting their herds. During the looting, known as Garab-cas, the Maxamed Subeer lineage lost much of
their property.
After sometime the Maxamed Subeer lineage sent a peace delegation (ergo), 32 of their most able men,
to Sayid Maxamed who had moved with his followers to Dhiito, east of Gurdumi. One of the peace
delegations, Cabdi Maxamed Waal, was the husband of Toox-yar Cabdulle Xasan, sister of the Sayid. The
plot of Gurdumi was the first attempt on the life of Sayid Maxamed by his kinsmen and it left him
psychologically scarred. Rancour induced him to arrest the ergo (peace delegation) and tie them with fetters
and anklets. Then he sent a message to the Maxamed Subeer that their men's release was conditional on
payment of the blood money (diyo) of Aw-Cabbas, two guns that he lost in the fighting of Gurdumi and a
hundred camels for each man.[37] The Maxamed Subeer could not pay three thousand three hundred camels
for the release of their relatives as the Darwish had inflicted heavy damage on their property during the
Garab-cas pillage. Three deadlines ended without conclusion and at the last deadline Sayid Maxamed
ordered the peace delegation to be executed. This enraged Maxamed Subeer and to save themselves from

6
further reprisals they asked the Abyssinians for help.[38] The killing of a peace mission is one of the worst
crimes in pastoral tradition. The act of executing the delegation damaged the reputation of the Darwish, one
elder described them as "sick wolves led by a mad sheikh."[39] The event, named after the fetters and
anklets tied to the delegation, was another set back to the very cause of the Darwish movement and went
down in Somali history as one of the saddest events. The incident forced the Somali clans in the Abyssinian
dominated area to ask for help from their centuries' old enemies. A Somali proverb says, "Stones cannot go
far but word can,"[40] the news of Gonda-gooye reached the corners of the Somali peninsula very quickly.
A combined force of Abyssinians and Maxamed Subeer Ogaadeen attacked the Darwish, and
consequently forced them to flee to the east back into the Nugaal valley, which they had left two years
previously after a bloody confrontation with Dhulbahante.

3.4 The Return of Darwish into the Nugaal Valley

Italian Somaliland consisted of three political regions: the Benaadir coast, the Majeerteen Sultanate on
the tip of the Horn and the Hobyo (Obbia) Sultanate of Sultan Cali Yuusuf Keenadiid. The Sultanates of
Majeerteen and Hobyo developed very effective political organizations with measures of centralized
authority over relatively large territories but their polity was based on tribal affiliation.
The return of the Darwish into Nugaal created panic among the clans under the British protectorate.
Early in 1901 the British colonial authorities felt their interest were under threat if the Darwish expanded
their influence in the region. Therefore, they decided to organise military action to wipe them out at once.
However, what they estimated to eradicate with one expedition, resulted in twenty years of war with the
loss of almost one third of the Somali population.
The Darwish was a natural military organization that was ingenious in guerrilla warfare, drawing their
enemy to ideal terrain and striking at will. The British, sometimes with their allies, sent one expedition after
another. The first expedition sent out from Bura-o on 22 May 1901 consisted of 21 officers of the British
and Indian armies, and a levy of 1500 Somalis. Between 1900 and 1904 four British expeditions were sent
against the Darwish. Well-known battles were Afbakayle that took place on 3 June 1901, Fardhidin on 16
July 1901, Beerdhiga (Eeragoo) on 4 April 1901, Cagaar-weyne (Gumburo) in April 1903, Daratoole on 22
April 1903, Jidbaale on 10 January 1904 and Ruugga (Dulmadoobe) 9 August 1923.[41]
During the first period the Darwish won many battles because many factors such as their knowledge
of guerrilla warfare, knowledge of the territory, their adaptability to the environment, their belief that they
were fighting a jihad (holy war) and just war, and their well organised military. However, after many
successes over the intruders, they changed their tactics of guerrilla warfare to conventional warfare. This
was a change of strategy that proved fatal for them. On 9 January 1904 at the plains of Jidbaale, a watering
place north of Laas Caanood, in British Somaliland, they sough head on confrontation with the British,
headed by General Charles Egarton. In the following battle, the Darwish lost nearly 7000 to 8000 dead and
wounded.[42] With the British forces on their heels, the fleeing Darwish headed to the Majeerteen Sultanate
in the northeast. On their way they send a message to Boqor Cismaan, hoping to gain his support. Sayid's
relation with Boqor Cismaan had been marred by a failed political marriage to his daughter, Qaali.[43]
Meanwhile, the British contacted the Italian consulate in Aden to press Boqor Cismaan not to give the
Sayid sanctuary. Boqor Cismaan gave way to the Italian and British pressure, and declined to give refuge to
the frustrated Darwish. This action angered Sayid Maxamed as he was undergoing a terrible time, a time
when many of his followers were deserting. Fighting erupted between the Darwish and the forces of Boqor
Cismaan. The Darwish forces were obliged to head for Ilig, a strategic place on the Indian Ocean.

3.5 The Reconstruction of the Darwish

In Ilig the Darwish forces and their followers, who had experienced bad times, found peace and time
to recover from the loses in manpower and wealth in the war with the British. Actually, it was nearly a
decade later when Sayid Maxamed restarted his campaign to call the jihad against the colonialists. He
attracted the loyalty of major clans such as the Warsangeli of the powerful Harti clan, Cumar Maxamuud
and Ciisa Maxamuud, both of Majeerteen Harti clans. Since in Islam a man is allowed to marry no more
than four wives at a time, to ease his political marriage, Sayid Maxamed had to marry and divorce
frequently. These relations opened the way for the Sayid to ask for wife the sister of Maxamuud Cali Shire,
the son of the powerful Garaad Cali Shire of Warsangeli, and the sister of Islaan Aadan of the Cumar
Maxamuud lineage of the Majeerteen clan as his wives, and indeed, he did marry both women. The alliance
of these clans helped Sayid Maxamed to reconstruct his forces. The association with the Warsangeli clan

7
gave him access to Laas Khoray (Maakhergoosh), a door to the Arabian peninsula to import firearms and
ammunition. The importation of firearms and ammunition contradicted the Ilig Agreement of 1905 (see
bottom).
By knowing that the colonialists could not be defeated by force, the Sayid changed his strategy to use
words as arms. As words, spoken or written, have been the most powerful means of communication in all
mankind's society,[44] he consummately used skilfully the communicative functions of Somali verse. He
repeatedly sought to gain in verse what he had not succeeded in acquiring with arms. When he lost a battle,
he dipped into his reservoir of rhymes to encourage his shattered army.[45] He designed his verse to enhance
his cause, to encourage his followers or scorn and discredit his enemies. However, by scorning his enemies,
he sometimes excessively used to preach the pastoral ethos like an "epigram that borders on the
obscene."[46]
The period in Ilig was, in fact, the period during which he composed his best poems by dexterously
using Somali language that is well noted for its richness of vocabulary. Sayid Maxamed was a "literary
master"[47] and he used the medium of poetry as high powered propaganda warfare. As poetry is the
principle medium of mass communication, his mastery of the art of poetry won him the reputation of being
the greatest Somali poet, and earned him the title "master of eloquence."[48] In the opinion of Samatar,

The Sayid appealed to a traditional code of ethics that he knew would strike a responsive chord in the hearts of the
stroked: the notion of unbending defiance in the face of calamitous circumstances, a theme he often stressed
in his poems... Yet these tactics, [which] he designed to hold the ranks of the faithful together, concealed the
real shift in strategy that the Sayid was initiating in the light of grim realities.[49]

The adversity of many years gave vitality to Sayid Maxamed's personality, he was persisting in the
face of overwhelming odds. In spite of his totalitarianism and storming character, his tyranny was directed
towards a noble end.[50]

4 FROM MOVEMENT TO STATE

After four years of fighting, the British expeditions found they could not annihilate the Darwish as
they had believed. In 1904 because of financial troubles and opposition at home, they had been compelled
to change tactics and make peace with the Darwish through the Italians, who had not militarily confronted
the Darwish before. Xaaji Cabdille Shixiri, of the Habar Tol-jecle Isaaq clan-family, who was a Darwish
confidant, became the mediator between the Italians and the Darwish. Xaaji Cabdille Shixiri met with
Cavaliere Giulio Pestolozzi, the Diplomatic Representative of the Italian Government at Aden where he
took a letter for the Mullah.
Craving for respite, the Sayid accepted negotiation with the Italians who proposed that he rule the
territory from Ayl and Garacad on the Indian Ocean and from Nugaal into the interior. The agreement
included a condition to release Sultan Yuusuf Cali Keenadiid, the Sultan of Hobyo (Obbia), who had been
deposed by the Italians after he refused to allow British forces to disembark at Hobyo with the intention of
attacking the Darwish from the east while other British forces fought with the Darwish in Cagaarweyne
(Gumburo) battle on 17 April 1903. Sultan Yuusuf Cali had been deported to Assab in Eritrea in 1903.[51]
After tumultuous negotiations an agreement was reached on the 5 March 1895.[52] Giulio Pestolozzi signed
for Italy, Britain and Abyssinia. Recognition to govern his followers, religious liberty and freedom of trade
except in arms and slaves,[53] were granted to the Sayid.
By assigning the Nugaal Valley to Darwish rule, Italy planned to eliminate the threat of the Darwish
influence in their dominion in Benaadir.[54] By contrast, this policy had little effect as the Biyamaal and
Wacdaan clans where the first clans who received the Darwish message and rebelled against the Italian rule.
The Ilig agreement gave the Sayid a period of respite to recover his strength and influence. He built
his forces and, in breach of the treaty, imported arms on an unprecedented scale. He set a well-coordinated
strategy to sabotage the colonial administration and to terrorize and destabilize clans that he saw as loyal to
the British and Italian rule, those under Majeerteen and Hobyo Sultanates, and Ogaadeen Somali clans, by
sending roving bands of raiders (bur-cad).[55] They invaded Mudug to establish contact with Bah-Geri on
the upper Shabeelle and extended their attacks to the Hobyo Sultanate. The acts of indiscriminate raiding,
seizing and plundering property of fellow Muslims, and the act of breaking a solemn treaty even with
infidels were seen as dishonourable and alienated Sayid Maxamed from many Somali clans.

8
4.1 The Attempted Coup of the Tree-of-Bad-Counsel[56]
As the Darwish movement was based on religious ideology, many questioned Sayid Maxamed's
religious convictions. The distrust received a new momentum when followers of the Sayid obtained a letter
from the founder of Salahiya order, Sheikh Maxamed Salah who lived in the Arabian Peninsula. The letter
has been secretly circulated among the Darwish and consequently it was a disastrous blow as Sheikh
Maxamed Salah renounced Sayid Maxamed. The disavowing of Sheikh Salah generated grounds for many
Darwish followers to see that Sayid Maxamed had lost his moral credibility to lead the Darwish movement.
Following this episode, 600 Darwish held a secret meeting in Gubad, a watering place 30 miles south of
Ayl on the Indian Ocean, to plot against Sayid Maxamed. The meeting, which took place under a tree, was
to be called Canjeel Talawaa (the Tree-of-Bad-Counsel). Three proposals were raised in the discussion,[57]
(i) To kill Sayid Maxamed and replace him with another sheikh who could continue the holy war; (ii) To
remove from him the honour and responsibility of the Darwish and replace him with another sheikh; (iii)
To completely cripple the Darwish movement by dragging out all Darwish clans.
In the end the conspirators agreed to the last proposal and decided to desert en masse. One of the
associates, Shire Cumbaal, changed his mind and alerted the Sayid. Consequently, fighting erupted between
troops loyal to Sayid Maxamed and the clans of the conspirators. The fray deteriorated to a bloody civil war
in which Sayid Maxamed's devotees emerged victorious but not before several Darwish clans, like
Majeerteen and Dhulbahante, were decimated.[58] The loyal troops also slaughtered many holy men. The
heartless slaughter of pious Muslims was the most heinous crime in Islamic teaching.[59]
The Tree-of-Bad-Counsel divided and demoralized the movement as it eroded its moral basis. The
incident demoralized and wounded the morale of the Darwish and it damaged the aims of the movement.[60]
Sayid Maxamed relied increasingly on dictatorial methods to keep himself in power by summarily
executing his rivals including prominent holy men. Many held in question the Sayid's moral standards.
Following this incident, he started showing growing signs of insecurity. His sense of insecurity deepened as
there were many attempts on his life. The worst came from one of his wives by food poisoning.
By the end of 1909 the Darwish had moved to Caday-Dheero then two years later they moved to
Dameero and later to Taleex. At Taleex, the heart of the Nugaal valley, the Darwish reunited and started to
build their most strategic garrisons. Taleex was a strategic place as it was the centre between Haud, the Red
Sea, the Indian Ocean, the Majeerteen Sultanate, the Hobyo Sultanate and British Somaliland. It was
abundant in water and pasture. There the Darwish built four garrisons:[61] Silsilad could take two thousand
fighters and five thousand animals, Falaad was the executive mansion for the Sayid and his advisers,
Daawad was for guests and Eegi or Daar-Ilaalo was made as outpost for the xarun. Simultaneously the
Darwish built seven other forts for the defence of Taleex.[62] These garrisons were situated at between 10 to
40 miles from Taleex and were named Daar-cad, Gacal-guule, Xalin, Dhumay, Geeda-mirale, Cawshaan
and Nuguul. Outside Nugaal, the Darwish built 23 garrisons employed to guard the headquarters from
British Somaliland, the Majeerteen and Hobyo sultanates, the Italians and Abyssinians.[63] They extended
from Qardho to Jarriiban in the east, from Jiidali, Cirshiid and Shimbibiris in the north, from Kiridh and
Qorraxay in the west (Western Somaliland) and from Beled-weyne and Shilaabo in Italian Somaliland.
Although the building of the strategic fortresses gave the Darwish the appearance of supremacy in the
area, it was also strategically disadvantageous, since it was a complete turnabout of the guerrilla warfare
tactics that the Darwish had adopted in previous years. It gave their enemy a fixed target to attack and a
defined territory for battle. In the earlier years the Darwish dragged their enemy into their own battle
grounds.
By 1913 the Darwish dominated the entire hinterland of the Somali peninsula. Trade with the
hinterland was completely halted crippling the booming trade of coastal towns. The havoc created
favourable conditions for the Darwish who were the only organized institution in the area. The tumult in
the hinterland completely disrupted trade with the coastal towns and the decline of British prestige in
British Somaliland followed. This prompted the British to revise their policy and to form a mobile force,
the Camel Corps, to police the immediate hinterlands. The Camel Corps, under the command of the
arrogant but capable colonel Richard Corfield, did put the immediate hinterland in order.
In August 1913 a Darwish force led by Aw-Yuusuf Sheikh Cabdulle, the brother of Sayid Maxamed
Cabdulle, raided a Habar Yoonis settlement near Bura-o and looted a vast herd of camels. A contingent of
the Camel Corps chased the Darwish raiders. After hot pursuit the Camel Corps and the Darwish
confronted in Dulmadooba, near Oodweyne in the east of British Somaliland. Fierce fighting resulted in
which the British commander, Colonel Corfield, was killed. The victory of the Darwish enhanced the

9
prestige of Sayid Maxamed and following that event he composed the famous and brilliant poem "The
Death of Richard Corfield."[64]
Following the breach of the Ilig Agreement of 1905 by Sayid Maxamed, the British government, after
having spent more than five million pounds, had to assess the situation before any other alternatives were to
be adopted. By mid 1909 there was heated debate in the British parliament about the lost men and money in
British Somaliland.[65] The British authorities had only two options, either to abandon the Somali coast or to
strike a peace agreement with the Mullah[66] . It has chose the latter by sending General Sir Reginald
Wingate, the Governor-General of the Sudan, who was an expert in the Sudanese Darwish movement. He
had been dispatched to British Somaliland with the aim of opening fresh mediation directly with the
Darwish. However, Sir Wingate's mission became unsuccessful when Sayid Maxamed declined the British
terms of peace.
Following the failure of the Sir Wingate's peace initiative, in November 1909, the British authorities
were forced to select the least costly policy short of complete abandonment of British Somaliland,[67] that of
confining themselves to three coastal towns on the Red Sea: Berbera, Zeila and Bulhar.[68] To protect their
subjects from the Darwish threat as they moved to the coastal area, they distributed firearms only to their
"friendliest" dependants, the Isaaq clans,[69] thus leaving other clans who lived in the vulnerable area, such
as the Dhulbahante clan, who had no treaty with the British.[70] The purpose of distributing arms was to
persuade the Isaaq clans to organize themselves behind a leadership capable of counteracting the
Darwish.[71] However, that policy incited a new wave of feuds and closing of accounts between various
lineages and clans, and the interior lapsed into a bad situation. Soon the situation deteriorated due to a
drought that affected a large proportion of the population. That period is known as "xaraama cuna" (the
time of eating filth).[72]
Because of the policy of withdrawing from the hinterland, the British undid the damage of
excommunicating Sheikh Maxamed Salah[73] and the damage that Sayid Maxamed had sustained from the
Tree-of-Bad-Counsel. It gave him a wonderful opportunity to flex his muscles by retaliating against clans
whom he suspected were against his cause. In fact the worst affected were the Dhulbahante, the Habar
Yoonis, the Habar Tol-Jecle (Isaaq) and the Ciisa Maxamuud sub-lineage (Majeerteen) clans who felt much
of the Mullah's wrath.[74] The carnage of the Ciise Maxamuud is known as the "Bloodshed of Ilig Daldala"
where bundles of hundreds where thrown from the peak of the rocks of Ilig into the sea.[75] Towards the end
of 1912 at least one third of the pastoral Somalis perished in the chaos.[76]
On the diplomatic front, the Sayid made alliance with the new Abyssinian Emperor, Lij Iyasu, who
acceded to the throne in December 1913. Emperor Iyasu was sympathetic to Islam and moved his court to
Dire Dawa among his Muslim subjects.[77] He aspired to create a Muslim empire in North Africa. To fulfil
his dream he proposed to make alliance with Sayid Maxamed. He probably supplied financial aid and arms
to the Darwish, and sent a German arms technician, called Emil Kirsch, to Taleex to help the Darwish
movement.
The fear of an alliance of Abyssinian Muslims and the Darwish sent shivers through the European
capitals as well through the Abyssinian orthodox church. Concern appeared to have been realised with the
announcement of Iyasu's conversion to Islam in April 1916.[78] However, before he could consolidate his
power, Emperor Iyasu was deposed on 27 September 1916.
On another diplomatic front, Sayid Maxamed made an alliance with the Ottoman empire.[79] However,
in 1917 the Italians apprehended Sheikh Axmed Shirwac Maxamed and found a document from the
Turkish government giving assurance of their support and nominating Sayid Maxamed as the Amir of
Somalia.[80] The diplomatic achievements, the Ilig Agreement, the British withdrawal from the hinterlands
and the reconstruction of the Darwish authority in the heart of the country helped enhance the prestige of
Sayid Maxamed throughout Somalia. However, there were also disadvantages as all this they made the
Sayid over confident which naturally led him to underestimate the strategy his enemies. He over estimated
the help he could receive from the Emperor Iyasu, who had only a short time left to lead, and from Turkey
who was at its declining time in history.

4.2 The Annihilation of the Darwish State

During the best days of the Darwish movement in the Nugaal Valley, Qusuusi (advisers) of the state
recommended[81] changing their policy by stopping farming, and to halting trade with the coast as they
believed this would avert enemy spies from to reporting about the Darwish. They suggested moving the
headquarters to a location where rival informants could not spy on them. Nevertheless, Sayid Maxamed
sanctioned the counsel without examining the consequences. Then, in mid 1918 the headquarters were

10
transferred to Mirashi[82], a mountainous place with difficult access for their enemies, but less strategic
communication with their other settlements.[83] That policy proved detrimental to the Darwish tactics as it
interrupted communication between their camps. During this period the Darwish knew little about their
enemies' preparations.[84]
While Darwish were in an isolated situation, the British built up their fire power, and included for the
first time, the newly invented lethal weapon, aeroplanes, which they planned to use against the Darwish.
On 21 January 1920, they attacked all Darwish bases in Taleex and Mirashi simultaneously by sea and air.
This was a great surprise for the Darwish military leaders. Their plans never included a strategy to protect
their bases against such mortal weapons. On 3 February 1920 the British captured Taleex, and the Darwish
troops abandoned their forts in the Nugaal Valley and other parts before fleeing to Western Somaliland. In
Western Somaliland they regrouped again but a natural disaster, smallpox broke out in the region and
decimated the men and livestock. Meanwhile, the British governor despatched a peace delegation to Sayid
Maxamed pressing him to surrender and in exchange allowing him to establish his own religious settlement
in the west of British Somaliland. Nonetheless, Sayid Maxamed categorically refused to surrender, and to
prove to the British authority that the Darwish were still capable of intimidating their subjects, they raided
the Isaaq clansmen grazing their livestock near the Abyssinian border. The attack outraged Isaaq and with
the help of the administration a force of Isaaq men led by Xaaji Warsame Bullaale, known also as Xaaji
Waraabe, made a massive onslaught on the already feeble Darwish.
After this fatal blow, Sayid Maxamed and some of his qusuusi members fled to Iimay, in the Arusi
country in Abyssinia. After arriving in Iimay, the Sayid and his remaining companions started to build
thirteen new garrisons but Sayid Maxamed did not live long enough to finish his plan to restart the Darwish
movement. He succumbed to an attack of influenza on 21 December 1920 at the age of fifty-six.

5 CONFLICT BETWEEN STATE AND CLAN

Before the arrival of colonialism in the Somali territory, Somali society led a decentralised way of life,
however, the colonial powers demanded a way of life contrary to the traditional one. Subsequently, Somalis
responded violently in reaction to this interference. Somali resistance to the foreign interference in their
lives dates back to at least the years between 1528 and 1535. Under the command of Imam Ahmed Ibn
Ibraahim al-Ghazi, known as Axmed Gurey (Gran the left-handed) Somali forces devastated and
successfully rolled back the Abyssinian Empire. Only with the help of Portuguese[85] did the Abyssinians
defeat the Muslim forces.
As Euro-colonialists were usually of another faith, the Somali felt that the colonialists were trying to
christianise their children. The resistance led by Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle was in response to this belief.
What Sayid Maxamed inspired was nationalistic in essence, a tradition not seen in the Somali peninsula
since Ahmed Gurey's (Ahmed Gran, the left-handed) war against Abyssinia in the sixteenth century.
The opinions held by people about Sayid Maxamed vary widely. Africanists see him as an African
nationalist hero who fought against colonial intrusion in his country. Many scholars of Darwish movements
regarded his aim as a purpose[86] to expel Christian domination from his country. The colonial powers rated
him simply as an eccentric sheikh by labelling him "Mad Mullah." They assumed that he was simply from
a small religious order or a clan leader whose political role lay within the internal Somali clan structure.
The Somalis attitude towards Sayid Maxamed is somewhat ambivalent.
Despite the tyrannical nature of his rule, Sayid Maxamed's burning passion was to liberate his country
from the British, Italian, French and Abyssinian colonial powers. He sensed a threat from the colonialists to
christianise his compatriots, therefore, he saw the Salahiya brotherhood as a "way" through which he could
increase his countrymen's devotion to Islam and to "kick out the infidels." He never lost his vision to attain
his primary goals which were explicitly explained in his political poems. But the circumstances made it
difficult for him to worry about anything other than the organizational and military needs of the
Darwish,[87] the effect of which will discussed below. His talented capacity was to convert the Salahiya
brotherhood into a political movement thus fashioning the state on a strict hierarchical and centralised
organization.[88]
Although Sayid Maxamed carried on the struggle for two decades, why he failed to mobilize all the
Somali clans against the colonialists is one concern. One view maintains that the compulsive approach of
the Darwish policies contradicted the tradition of persuasion and convincing. Another school of thought
postulates the intolerance of the movement towards the other Sufi orders. Whoever was not Salahiya was
not recognised as Darwish, and was labelled as a supporter of the colonialists or infidels. This approach
narrowed the idea of the Darwish simple as a faction of Islamic society in the country. This put the

11
Salahiya in a constant struggle with other religious orders such as the Qadiriya and Ahmadiya in the
country. This view concludes therefore, that Sayid Maxamed's aim was more concerned with the Salahiya
than Islam itself.[89] He called his followers Darwish (dervish) or ikhwaan (brother) and distinguished them
from the clans who used to called themselves "Somalis." His supporters attributed him three qualities that
he shared with the Prophet Maxamed: the name, Maxamed, the age when he began his ministries; and the
propensity to urge the jihad (holy war).
Nevertheless, one of the indisputable convictions is that the Sayid was a national figure whose appeal
aroused patriotic sentiments. In his task to create a national movement transcending clan divisions, he
skilfully adopted his tactics to the realities of Somali life by employing all traditional devices of Somali
politics: clan alliance, poetic crafts and political marriage.[90] He appeared as a symbol of Somali resistance
to colonialism and inspired to create a state based on Somalism, therefore, a pan-Somali idea.[91] Even the
adherents of the Qadiriya order could not rally openly against the Darwish for this could mean siding with
Christian colonisers and would greatly damage their religious status. One of his qualities was that he never
gave up his ideals even in the worse situation. In fact when the Darwish fled to Western Somaliland after
their defeat in February 1920 the British sent a delegation asking him to surrender but he refused, adhering
firmly to his ideals.
The Darwish State was fashioned on the model of the Salahiya fellowship with a strict hierarchy and
rigid centralization of a religious order. The state polity was based on religious ideology thus causing a
radical departure from the clan alliance politics.
Two qualities seemed to help him to surmount the difficulties he faced during the struggle: the religion
that gave him legitimacy of leadership and the mastery of political oratory, which is the "vehicle of politics
and the acquisition of political power"[92] The religious power that he wielded was based on the principle of
fellowship[93] which Martin defines as follows: (1) The brotherhood believed in the Prophet and his
inspiration through the founder of the order. This is explained the tawassul of "Shay Lillaah Sheikh
Maxamed Salah." (2) The extension of power given to the leader was indisputable and complete. (3) The
dikri ceremonies, the mystic chants, which bond the group and reciting together hymns, part of the Koran
and Islamic literature. (4) The spiritual and emotional communion with Allah, the Prophet, and the spiritual
leader. These processes link the mystic leader to his followers. (5) The brotherhood was voluntary
therefore the member dedicated to their cause. (6) The order was organized into a collective spirit which
facilitated a means of hierarchical organization. (7) Lastly by adopting the concepts of hijra and jihad as
tactics, the two strategies that the Prophet used in times of pressure from the infidels.
Despite knowing the need to develop the structure of his theocratic state, the Sayid established the
Darwish in personal quality. This is the reason why the Sayid Maxamed was a contradictory figure, and the
same cause is believed to be the reason behind the end of the Darwish movement after his death. One of the
other causes which led to the collapse of the movement was that it was, by nature, a highly fluid national
movement. He failed to unite Somalis against the colonialists because of the traditional Somali society
which was too widely dispersed to form a political unit, and also because of the clannish rivalries.
To accomplish his vows to fight the colonialists, he had to be a warrior chieftain and pursue a career
contrary to the traditional Somali wadaad (holy man). As Sayid Maxamed founded his movement under the
Salahiya banner, an order new to the Somali society, the puritanical Salahiya with the strong personality of
Sayid Maxamed created an atmosphere of hostility towards the Qadiriya that was older and more widely
accepted among the Somalis and "it blended well with the metamorphic social process in the Somali
territories."[94]
Sayid Maxamed himself claimed to have divine connection, and that he was sent to expel the infidels
who came to his country to christianise the children. He required his followers to address him as "Father
Master" (Aabbe Sayidii). This was a sign of hierarchical authority he sought to impose on the traditional
egalitarian society who addresses one another as "ini-adeer" (cousin). There is a Somali maxim that says,
"Abandoning customary conventions causes the curse of God."[95] The new state system that Sayid
Maxamed imposed on the pastoralist was resisted because of these beliefs. His attempt to create such polity
required a new style of leadership contrary to what was known as traditional authoritarian behaviour. His
concept, which was alien to the pastoral society, was an open confrontation with the Somali traditional
authority system. Soon a challenge of leadership between Sayid Maxamed and Somali clan leaders
followed. Many of these clan leaders felt uneasy about the new style leadership of the Sayid. Garaad Cali
Garaad Maxamuud of the Bah-Ararsame lineage of the Dhulbahante clan was one of the Somali clan
leaders whose people lived in part of the Nugaal Valley,[96] and one of the clan leaders whose people where
affected by the new system. The conflict between Sayid Maxamed and Garaad Cali was a reaction to the

12
attempt of Sayid to influence the Dhulbahante clans. The Sayid aimed to have clan leaders loyal to his
cause. Sometimes he undermined the leadership of those who where not sympathetic to his cause, such as
that of the Habar Yoonis and Warsangeli.
Worth mentioning is the episode that happened when Sayid Maxamed convinced the young
Maxamuud Cali Shire, the eldest son of the aged Garaad Cali Shire of the Warsangeli clan, to take his
father's place as leader of the clan.[97] Maxamuud Cali Shire became a sympathizer of the Darwish cause in
early 1911 and during this time Sayid Maxamed influenced Maxamuud Cali Shire to challenge his father's
leadership. When Maxamuud Cali Shire went back to his relatives and demanded that he should replace his
ailing father, disarray was created within the Warsangeli. The argument was settled by proposing that the
young Maxamuud Cali Shire should become Sultan of Warsangeli while his father could remain Garaad.[98]
But after a short time Sultan Maxamuud (later Garaad Maxamuud) fell out with the Sayid and their
relationship became sour.
The reason that Sayid Maxamed was such a controversial figure was his indiscriminate raiding,
seizing and plundering of the property of the Somali clans he suspected were not favourable to his cause.
This behaviour poisoned his relations with the Somali clans and crippled his movement as, consequently, it
alienated him from the clans who traditionally considered all crime against an individual as a crime against
the clan to which the person belongs. Somalis believe the individual does not exist outside the clan. In the
clan the individual enjoys a modicum of economic and political security.[99]
All these actions were against the gist of the Darwish movement, it also estranged him from other
religious orders such as the Qadiriya and Dandarawiya. The conflict stretched to such an extreme that the
Darwish killed a Qadiriya representative in southern Somaliland, Sheekh Awees Biyooley (Sheikh Uways
bin Maxamed al-Baraawa) in Biyooley, southern Somaliland, in 1909. The Darwish also razed a Qadiriya
settlement in Sheikh, a small town between Berbera and Bura-o in British Somaliland. The Qadiriya was
deeply rooted in the country when Sayid Maxamed started in his struggle 1890s. Somalis believe that pious
men are people that must be respected and killing them is believed to be a nefarious act. The unsympathetic
pogrom of pious Muslims was the most abominable offence in Islamic teaching.[100] The veteran Darwish
Ismaaciil Mire believed that the cause that led to the collapse of the movement was the indiscriminate
killing of holy men.[101]
Sayid Maxamed and his followers blamed the clans for the conflict and they maintained that they were
on the side of truth and righteousness,[102] and those opposed them were supporters of the infidels, therefore,
infidels themselves. The opponents of the Darwish accused their actions of being non-Muslim, therefore,
bid-ci (heretic).[103]
Contracting political alliances by marriages was one of Sayid Maxamed's political devices. He asked
for nearly all the clan leaders’ daughters or sisters as spouses. To accommodate his political nuptials he had
to divorce and marries continuously as Islam allows a man to marry only four wives at a time. This type of
marital life frustrated his spouses until one of them, Dhiimo, attempted to poison his food. After this
episode insecurity stalked him everywhere and consequently secluded him from his advisers.
The logistical need and other pressing need of huge standing troops require continuous supply. To
cope with these demands the Darwish collected voluntary charity (siyaaro), which Muslims are required to
give to religious men. In the first few years' donations appeared to flow without many problems but when
relations with clan’s soured supplies were cut. Then a new decree was passed by the Darwish that said
whoever did not help the Darwish was not Muslim, must be killed and his property confiscated. The seizing
of property seemed to have become one of the resources of the movement. The announcement alarmed
many clans and it created a situation where clans were compelled to defend themselves and to ask for help
from the colonialist authorities.
In June 1890 a Darwish contingent raided the Ciida-gale lineage of the Isaaq clan-family settlements
in Gaaroodi, between Oodweyne and Hargeysa in the Northwest region. In the raid they looted two
thousand camels. The incursion named after a full moon night "Dayax-Weerar" had negative effects on the
Darwish movement as it was led by commander Shariif Cabdullaahi Shariif Cumar. The Somali society
believes shariif to be pious people who are directly descendent from the prophet Maxamed. People could
not expect such acts from pious men and it astonished them. The policy of looting and plundering clans
suspected of not being in favour of the jihad created the impression that what Sayid Maxamed intended was
to institutionalise "the devil's norms," thus contradicting his cause.
He introduced the law of talon within the Darwish. Whoever wronged among the Darwish had to face
the "you defied" (waad xujowday) provision. This code of rules was completely alien to the Somali practice
of treating crime according to clan context.

13
 The inter-clan adversary was another factor that weakened and handicapped the Darwish movement as
clans pulled out from the movement if they detected that their rival clans had more chances within the
organisation. The Somalis see the individual through his clan, therefore, Sayid Maxamed was seen as an
Ogaadeen sheikh and whatever he did they expected him to be liable to his clan but this proved false, as his
organisation transcended clan interests. This was a complete departure from the traditional alliances of clan
politics. For Somalis to comprehend such a social system was unimaginable. What Sayid Maxamed was
aiming at was beyond the comprehension of clans then. They did not know who was liable for the Sayid's
mistakes since his enemies included his own Ogaadeen relatives. The fighting between Sayid Maxamed
and the clans may be interpreted as a conflict between state and clanism, in which the state was
overwhelmed by the reality of the social polity.

6 CONCLUSION
6.1 Darwish Nationalism and Modern Somali Nationalism
The Somalis remained encompassed by the kinship system for centuries, even at the advent of the
formation of the Somali state. The same manifestation has been seen in ancient societies where they were
deeply antagonistic to any strong inclination of individualism.[104] Any one who behaves independently as
an individual they call "one who stands alone" (goonni u goosi). This evidence still exists today. One thing
seems clear, the Somali stays Somali by pressing the drive towards individualisation and what the Darwish
demanded was a state system where the individual depends on the state and not the clan. This evolution
needs time and conditions where process of social change could take place and individualism could breed.
Modern Somali nationalism that springs from the very nature of their culture and nurtured from a
feeling of national consciousness is also the result of the reawakening of the effect of external influence
such as the establishment of an alien government, and the impact of the Second World War.[105] The feeling
of national consciousness and rejection of colonial domination correlates with Darwish nationalism.
However, where Darwish nationalism envisaged a state fashioned on the model of Salahiya brotherhood
with strict hierarchical and rigid centralization of a religious order, modern Somali nationalism conceived a
unitary republic with a representative democratic form of government. The cohesive force that the Darwish
state polity was based upon was religious ideology whereas the modern Somali state's ideology was based
on Somalism, an ideology that reflected the sharing of the people of common national consciousness.[106]
The politics of the clan requires that nobody belongs to Somali society unless he/she belongs to the
descent structure therefore the kinship group." [107] In fact, the creation of an independent Somali Republic
on 1th July 1960 was only the beginning of their struggle for national unity as the republic was formed by
those Somalis formerly ruled by Italian and British colonial powers, thus excluding those Somalis living in
Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti, [108] who attained their sovereignty from France in June 1977. The creation
of the Republic was not an ends itself but a means to attain the task of putting all Somalis under a single
state. [109] This fact constituted "a dilemma where Somalia remains a nation in search of a state." [110] The
concept of the 'unification of all Somalis' became the crux of the hope of the Somali people.

14
NOTES
[1].
For the treaty see Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit.,
p.188-189.
[2].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), p.73.
[3].
Many parts of this writing I took from Abdisalam M Issa-Salwe, The Collapse of The Somali State: The Impact of The Colonial
Legacy, (London: Haan Associates, 1994).
[4].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), Wasaaradda Hiddaha iyo
Tacliinta Sare, Akadeemiyaha Dhaqanka, Muqdishu, 1976, p.4. Others believe he was born in 1864.
[5].
Traditionally, Somalis name season after events or its effect. Gobaysane was famous for its abundance.
[6].
Sayid Maxamed's mother was from the numerically superior Cali Geri, a Dhulbahante sub-lineage. Later on his maternal lineage
became the nucleus of his followers.
[7].
Haj is one of the five pillars of Islam. Every Muslim is required to do haj, in Mecca, at least ones in his lifetime.
[8].
Salihiya is an offshoot of Ahmadiya order.
[9].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op.cit., p. 8. About the mandate
is in dispute. Others believe that the other hajis who accompanied him in the haj recommended him to represent Salihiya in
Somalia.
[10].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.63.
[11].
Bradford G. Martin, Muslim Politics and Resistance to Colonial Rule: Shaykh Uways Bin Muhammed Al-Baraawi and the
Qadiriya Brotherhood in East Africa, Journal of African History, 10,3 (1969) pp.471-186.
[12].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op.cit., p.9. There is another
version of how the Sayid acquired this epithet. It says when he left Mecca, he passed the port of Aden. The sheikh had a
skirmish with an English officer. An interpreter named Cali Qaaje explained to the officer by saying, "Sir, pardon, he Mad
Mullah."
[13] .
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1982), p.106.
[14].
Ahmadiya was founded by Ahmad bin Idris Al-Faasi (1760-18-37) in Mecca.
[15].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.106. The Qadiriya order
was founded by Sheikh 'Abdul-Qadir Jilani (d. AD 1166) and buried in Baghdad. It was divided into two groups: Zayla'iya,
named after its founder Sheikh Abdul-Rahman Az-Zayli'i (died in 1883), in the north. Uwaysiya named after its founder Sheikh
Uways Bin Mahammad al-Baraawa killed in 1909 by the Darwish forces in Biyooley in the south Somaliland.
[16].
Ahmed I. Samatar, Socialist Somalia: Rhetoric and Reality, (London Zed Books Ltd, 1988), pp.26-27.
[17].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.10.
[18].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.106.
[19].
Ibid, p.107.
[20].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.12. Aw-Gaas
Ahmed was the one who put the attention of the administration about Sayyid Mohammed's intention, by saying "This sheikh is
planning up something. If you do not arrest him now, you will look for him very far." (Wadaadkaasu waxbuu soo wadaa.
Haddaan haatan la qabanna meel fog baa laga dooni doonaa).
[21].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.120.
[22].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.23.
[23].
. Ibid., p.22.
[24].
Ibid., p.25. In Somali, "Wadaaku wixii diin ah ama diintayku lug leh ha xukumo. Wixii reer ah ama dadka Nugaal deggan
xaalkooda ah dhaafo. Dhulkayaga gaalo ma joogto, tan xeebaha iyo magaalooyinka lagu sheegayana dagaal ku doonan mayno."
[25].
Ibid., p.25. "Nugaal iyo dadka deggan anaa Boqor u ah. Taladooda nin iiga dambeeya maahee ninna uga dambayn maayo!"
[26].
Ibid., p.25. "Wadaad Ogaadeen ah oo dariiqo aan dhulka laga aqoon wata ayaa dunidii waalay, dadkiina kaxaystay. Dab iyo
askarba ii soo dir."
[27].
I.M. Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa op. cit., p.70
[28].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op.cit., p.26.
[29].
Margery Perham, The Government of Ethiopia, (Evanston, Illionios: North Western University Press, 1969), p.161.
[30].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.110.
[31].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.28.
[32] .
Somali version: Col Shariif, waceysiyoo, caalin reero dhacaaya; Cilmi geel lagu qaado, Sayidkii calmanaayow; Cimri yuu
kuysimaayoo, ciribteeda ogaada! The English version quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The
Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.119.
[33] .
Ciida-gale ma daaroo, an danqabi maayo; Duubiyey calaamayn, Diiriyaanu xididnoo; Dayax weerar jeer hore rag baa igu
dukhuuloo. See Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit.,
p.29.
[34].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.121.
[35].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.31.
[36].
A seasonal lake in the heart of the Western Somaliland.
[37].
Sayid Maxamed intended to impose Maxamed Subeer to pay for the blood money of their ergo. Traditionally blood-fine of a man
is 100 camels. Sayyid Mahammad asked more than one hundred camels for the blood-fine of Aw-Cabbas. This makes more
than 3300 camel for the release 32 peace delegation.
[38].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.36.
[39].
Sheikh Maxamed Xuseen, Field notes, Busia, Uganda, 14 August 1989.
My translation from Somali, "Dawaco waalan oo uu hogaaminayo wadaad waalan."
[40].
Quoted in Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.24-56.
[41].
See Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.41-102.
[42].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.155.
[43].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.63.

15
[44].
Maxamed D. Afrax, Culture and Catastrophe in Somalia: The Search for a New Discourse, Paper presented at The Somali Chal-
lenge: Peace, Resources and Reconstruction, Geneva on 10-14 July 1992, pp.15-34.
[45].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.181.
[46].
Quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.153.
[47].
B. W. Andrezejewski and I. M. Lewis, Somali Poetry: an Introduction, (Oxford: University of Oxford, 1964), p.74.
[48].
Spencer J. Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, (Oxford: the Clarendon Press, 1952) p.34.
[49].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.143.
[50].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.82.
[51].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.117-118. In this
occasion the Sayyid said, "Talyan Koofiyad weynow, dabadeed aadykalaantoo. Kidibkii aad shubtee, Keenadiid ma
waddaa?" Translated in English, O Italian with big hat, talk later. What ever you, did you bring with you Keenadiid?"
[52].
For the treaty see Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit.,
p.188-189.
[53].
For more detail of the agreement see Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-
1921), op. cit.
[54].
Robert L Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1966) p.134.
[55].
Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.208.
[56].
I am using here the translation of Canjeel Talawaa quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of
Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit.
[57].
Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.187.
[58].
id S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.128.
[59].
id, p.101. See also Cali Jaamac's poem quoted in Said S Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid
Mahammad 'Abdille, (1982), op.cit., pp.148-149.
[60].
Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.209.
[61].
Ibid., p.204.
[62].
Ibid., p.206.
[63].
Ibid., 206.
[64].
For the full text of the this poem see B. W. Andrezejewski and I. M. Lewis, Somali Poetry: an Introduction, op. cit.
[65].
Jardine, The Mad Mullah of Somaliland, op.cit., p.189.
[66].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.158.
[67].
Saadia Touval, Somali Nationalism: International Politics and the Drive for Unity in the Horn of Africa, op.cit., p.54.
[68].
The order might have been from W. Churchill, the then Under Secretary of State for Colonies who came to visit Berbera. See Aw
Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.166.
[69].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.76.
[70].
Ibid. p.76.
[71].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.76.
[72].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.164.
[73].
Robert L Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia, op. cit., p.140.
[74].
Ibid., p.141.
[75].
Siciid Maxamed Guure, Field note, Iskushuban, (Bari region), Somalia, March 1977.
[76].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p. 77.
[77].
Ibid., p.78.
[78].
Robert L Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia, op. cit., p.146.
[79].
For the agreement see Francesco Caroselli, Ferro e Fuoco in Somalia, (Roma: Sindicato Italiano Arti Grafiche Editore, 1931),
p.224. For more detail see also Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-
1921), op. cit., pp.242-246.
[80].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.78.
[81].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.260.
[82].
Ibid., pp.261-262.
[83].
Ibid., p.262.
[84].
Ibid., p.206.
[85].
Isabel Burton, ed., First Footsteps in East Africa by Captain Sir Richard F. Burton, (London: Tylston and Edwards, (London:
Tylston and Edwards, 1894), Vol.I. p.10.
[86].
Martin (1976) quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit.,
p.117.
[87].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p. 81.
[88].
Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.186.
[89].
Ibid., p.117
[90].
I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.82.
[91].
See Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.198.
[92].
Said S. Samatar and David D. Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.36.
[93].
Martin (1976) quoted in Ahmed I. Samatar, Socialist Somalia: Rhetoric and Reality, op. cit., pp.25-26.
[94].
Quoted in Ahmed I. Samatar, Socialist Somalia: Rhetoric and Reality, op. cit., p.34.
[95].
My translation of Caado laga tago cara Alla ayey leedahey."
[96].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.25.
[97].
Field note, from tape recorder by Aw-Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Lusaka, Zambia, July 1990.
[98].
Ibid.
[99].
Said S. Samatar and David D.Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.45.
[100].
Ibid., p.164. See also Ali Jama poem quoted in Said S Samatar (1982) pp.148-149.
[101].
Ibid., p.177.

16
[102].
Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.209-210.
[103].
Ibid., p.210.
[104].
Eli Sagan, At the Dawn of Tyranny: The Origins of Individualism, Political Oppression, and the State, (London: Faber and Faber,
1985), p.362.
[105].
Saadia Touval, Somali Nationalism: International Politics and the Drive for Unity in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.83-84.
[106].
Ibid, p.73
[107].
Said S. Samatar and David D.Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.31.
[108].
Roland Oliver and Michael Crowder, edit. The Cambridge Encyclopedia, p.250
[109].
Cabdisalam M Ciise-Salwe, The Collapse of Somali National State: the Colonial Factor, Paper presented at the conference on
Paix et Reconstruction en Somalie, Paris, 15-17 April 1993, p.4.
[110].
S. Samatar and A. Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.129

17
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18