Al Qods: Past, Present and Future

Dr. Mohamed Imara(*)

In the fourth century BC, the Canaanites -people of Palestine- founded the city of Urosalem or Yuroshalem. From this western name was derived the name of Jerusalem in Greek, Latin, German, French, English and other languages, and from this same name was also derived the name of this city in "ancient times," Oroshalem. Hebrews began to identify with this Canaanite city when David, peace be upon him, conquered it in the tenth century BC, almost three thousand years after its founding by the Canaanites. However, the reign of the Hebrews over this city lasted little more than four centuries (415 years exactly), until its demolition by the Babylonians who annihilated the Kingdom of Judah in 580 BC and launched the era of Hebrew Captivity. Even after the Persians allowed Hebrews to return to the land of Canaan, the latter regained the land as simple settlers who had no state and no sovereignty over Oroshalem. Still, this Jewish presence once again provoked the ire of the Roman Empire which proceeded to destroy this city on two occasions. The first attack was carried out by Emperor Titus (39-81) in the year 70 AD, and the second one in 125 AD by Emperor Hadrian who, after totally annihilating the city, renamed it "Aelia Capitolina" or the Great Elia. This name remained in use until the Islamic conquest (15AH/626AD) during the caliphate of Omar Ibn Al Khattab (40BH-24AH/584-644AD). During their four hundred years of reign over the city, the Hebrews claimed monopoly over the sanctity of the city for their own religious rites to the exclusion of all other populations living at the time in the land of Canaan, the same people who had built the city three thousand years before its conquest by David, peace be upon him. The Hebrews maintained their monopoly and even persecuted the newly converted Christians after the divine revelation was sent to Jesus, son of Mariam, peace be upon him. When the Roman Empire converted to Christianity in the 4th century AD, the sacredness of Elia became the sole privilege of the Christians who in turn persecuted the Jews. After demolishing the "Temple," the Christians turned its site into a refuse dump to which rubbish was brought from all over the city and its surrounding areas. Even after they handed the city over to Omar Ibn Al Khattab after the conquest, the Christians requested that "no Jew be allowed to share the city with them." This was the history of the city prior to the arrival of Islam. The conquest by Islam and Muslims of the city of (Yoroshalem, Urushalem-Aelia) heralded the dawn of a new era. It was Islam and Muslims that gave this city holiness and sacredness which started with the new name they give it, Bayt Al Maqdis and Al Qods. For the first time in its history, the holiness of the city was generalized to all the nations of the Book -Judaism, Christianity and Islam, and stopped being the monopoly of the followers of one religion to the exclusion of all others. After the city was surrendered to him, Omar went to the desecrated Jewish places of worship turned by the Christians into rubbish dumps during the Roman reign. He concluded with the city's population the famous Omari Pact. "At the rock he found much refuse that had been discarded there by the Romans to spite the Israelites. He removed his cloak, began to sweep the rubbish and made the Muslims clean the refuse with him. Muslims followed up on the places of worship of previous prophets, starting with

Abraham and on to the last one to have been buried in Palestine and Bayt Al Maqdis. There, they built mosques, restored the holiness of the city and cleansed it thoroughly" (Dr Ishaq Mussa Al Husseini, "Status of Al Qods in Islam," papers of the 4th Conference of the Islamic Research Academy, pages 5258, Cairo, 1968). Muslims bestowed on this city a unique status which gave it distinction over all the cities they had conquered. This began the day when, instead of handing it over to the conquering military commander "Ameen Al Umma" Abu Ubaida Ibn Al Jarrah (40 BH-18AH/629-584AD), everyone waited for caliph Omar Ibn Al Khattab who rode out from Medinah to take over the reins of the city. There, he personally concluded the Omari Pact with the city's patriarch Sophronius (17AH-628AD). Through this distinction, the city acquired the status of the "trust" safely deposited by Al Farouk in the hands of the Ummah of Islam, an honour that no other city conquered by Muslims through their history of conquests could ever aspire to. The name of the city thus changed to Al Qods and Bayt Al Maqdiss where the Muslims raised high the banner of sanctity and holiness. Omar Ibn Al Khattab, sitting with Sophronius in the Church of the Resurrection, declined the invitation to pray in the church despite the invitation to do so made by the Patriarch, for fear that Muslims nurture notions of owning church land. With this typically Omari stance, Omar Ibn Al Khattab reiterated the respect advocated by Islam for the sanctities of Christians. This was not an innovation or a piece of jurisprudence on the part of Omar. He was simply adhering to the faith of Islam of which the five pillars only become complete with the profession of faith in all prophets, all revelations and all books that preceded the message of Mohamed (PBUH) on the path of divine-human relationship: "This is the Book; in it is guidance sure, without doubt, to those who fear Allah. Who believe in the Unseen, are steadfast in prayer, and spend out of what We have provided for them; And who believe in the Revelation sent to thee, and sent before thy time, and (in their hearts) have the assurance of the Hereafter. They are on (true) guidance, from their Lord, and it is these who will prosper." (Al Baqara, verses 5-6). "The Messenger believeth in what hath been revealed to him from his Lord, as do the men of faith. Each one (of them) believeth in Allah, His angels, His books, and His apostles. We make no distinction (they say) between one and another of His apostles." (Al Baqara, verse 285). This was Omar who worshipped with the Holy Quran which addressed the places of worship of all nations of divine faith, starting with the monasteries and finishing with mosques "Did not Allah check one set of people by means of another, there would surely have been pulled down monasteries, churches, synagogues, and mosques, in which the name of Allah is commemorated in abundant measure. Allah will certainly aid those who aid his (cause);- for verily Allah is full of Strength, Exalted in Might, (able to enforce His Will). (Al Hajj, verse 40). With this stance on Omar's part began a new era in the history of the city. Its holy character was thus guaranteed for the followers of all divine religions. The Church of the Resurrection held its mass for Christians, Jewish temples regained their purity and cleanness thanks to Omar and the Muslims who cleared the rubbish away, and the minarets of Islamic mosques soared high in the city's skyline. Muslims achieved this because they are the nation of the seal of all messages, the nation that inherited the legacy of all prophets and messengers. The message of their prophet was the final brick in the edifice of monotheism, and as such this nation became responsible of preserving all the bricks of this edifice. The Ummah of the charia which came to fulfil the one divine religion is the custodian of the sanctities of all the manifestations of the One religion. It alone recognizes the legitimacy of all the laws decreed by these religions.

Muslims achieved this through "Al Qods" in particular because their Holy Quran wove a link between Al Qods and the Mekkan holy place, the qibla of the seal nation. This was a divine miracle, and not only a political or sovereignty link established by conquerors and broken by invaders. "Glory to ((Allah)) Who did take His servant for a Journey by night from the Sacred Mosque to the farthest Mosque, whose precincts We did bless,- in order that We might show him some of Our Signs: for He is the One Who heareth and seeth (all things)." (Al Israa, verse 1). This ascension was the Nightly Journey of Allah's slave and Messenger from the Holy Mosque to the Aqsa Mosque, then crossing the rock to the seventh heaven. It was also the divine proclamation of the completion, through this sacred journey, of the mission of all prophets and messengers on the path of Allah. It meant that the seal nation was henceforth entrusted with the mission of jihad as a way of preserving the sanctity of all divine messages, more embodied in the city of Al Qods than in any other city or place. The Islamic history of Al Qods stands witness, in letters of light, to the loyalty and dedication of the Islamic Ummah to the mission entrusted to it by Allah, symbolised in the Nightly Journey, and concretised by Omar Ibn Al Khattab. Since then, Al Qods has become the shining source of all sacredness, opening its arms to the followers of all divine creeds. Standing side by side with mosques, churches flourished and Jews begun to trek back to the city after a ban that lasted through the Roman, pagan and Christian reigns. Muslim families were even set the task of managing the "waqfs" or religious endowments that Christians made in favour of their churches. The Christians themselves chose them for this task and they have administered Christian holy places throughout the history of Islam. This quality of "trustworthiness" has remained, by the grace of Allah, one of the characteristics of the Islamic Ummah and of Islamic states. The sovereignty of the Islamic Ummah over Al Qods has lasted a long time because this Ummah did not decree a monopoly over religious belief in Allah, nor over prophecies and divine messages. It was not motivated by discrimination in limiting holiness to its own places of worship. And as long as this lasted, the gates of Al Qods remained open to all the nations believing in divine messages. But in the times of Muslim regression and weakness, times when the Muslim claim to sovereignty over Al Qods slackened, as it did during the old Crusades wars and in the modern Israeli ones, monopoly over the sanctity of Al Qods reared its ugly head again. And this is what has happened time and again in the history of Al Qods, becoming almost a law which can neither be changed nor repealed. In the Crusades Era: The three powers that shared reign over the Islamic Orient, namely the Abbasids, the Fatimids and the Seljuks, had become enfeebled. The West seized the opportunity to reclaim its control over the East, control that had been gained by Alexander the Great (356-364 BC) and lost to the Islamic conquests. In the town of Clerment in the South of France, the Western alliance came together under the leadership of Pope Urban II (1088-1099 AD). It was financed by the trading towns of Italy which aspired to take control of the international trading routes crossing the Islamic-dominated Orient. The striking force of this invading power were the knights of feudal Europe for whom the Pope set the mission of crusading when he addressed them in Clerment in these words: "Let those who have formerly been accustomed to contend wickedly in private warfare against the faithful fight against the infidel (Muslims).Let those who have hitherto been robbers now become soldiers. Let those who have formerly contended against their brothers and relatives now fight against the barbarians as they ought.

Let those who have formerly been mercenaries at low wages now gain eternal rewards. Enter upon the road to the Holy Sepulchre-, wrest that land from the wicked race, and subject it to yourselves. That land which, as the Scripture says, "floweth with milk and honey." If you vanquish your enemy you shall inherit the kingdoms of the Orient." Thus, and despite his papal status, the religious motivation and words about the cradle of Christ, the words of the Pope exposed the true purpose of the campaign; the aim of the "contract" was to inherit the kingdoms of the orient which flowed with milk and honey. He resolved the conflicts opposing the feudal princes by channelling their forces to destroy Muslims-infidels. In 489AH/1096AD, the first crusade war broke out. In these battles which lasted for two centuries, killing Muslims, plundering their lands, occupying their homelands and creating Latin principalities and kingdoms in Palestine and around it, all of this became a profession - the profession of the European feudal knights. In the words of the Christian historian Maxime de Montrond, author of The Crusade War, many noble and great men began to consider the war as a craft and a means of amassing wealth. Greed for war booty was enough to draw armies to the fight(1). By the 11th century, the Crusader principalities set up by the invaders in the Arab East had broken the geographical unity of the Islamic world. In the north of Iraq and Syria, the principalities of Alraha and Antakia were founded. After the invasion of Al Qods, the Kingdom of Urushalem was created and stretched as far as the Bay of Aqaba, isolating Egypt, Morocco and Andalusia from the eastern parts of the Arab and Islamic worlds. The occupation of Al Qods was an eloquent example of the "robbers turned soldiers." The city was surrounded by seventy thousand men while the troops defending it did not exceed one thousand Egyptian soldiers. The city fell in the hands of the Crusaders after a thirty-eight days-long siege. De Montrond narrates how "the Crusades military advisory council convened at the same spot where our saviour forgave those who had crucified him. There and then it was decided that every Muslim who remained in the holy city would be put to the sword." The massacre lasted a whole week. Those who had taken refuge in houses and cellars were arrested and cast from the roofs of houses and towers into the fire. The blood of those who had sought asylum in the mosque of Omar Ibn Al Khattab flowed in knee-high rivers or even as "high as a camel's bridle" as Maximus wrote. In the message they sent to the Pope, giving him the glad tidings of what they had achieved, they boasted "If you wish to know what happened to the city's enemies, rest assured that at the Temple of Solomon (mosque of Omar), our horses waded to the knees in the rivers of blood of the Orientals." After a period of consolidating the Crusader entities embedded in the usurped land, another phase began, namely that of economic monopoly over the whole region. This involved controlling trade and its routes, and levying taxes and jizya on Islamic states and principalities. Once Egypt was isolated from the rest of the Mashreq, attempts were made to conquer and dominate it. Many factors helped the enemy in this process, namely the weakness of the ruling Fatimid dynasty whose Batini Ismaili sectarianism helped isolate it from the general Sunni public of Muslims, as did the intestinal fights among its multi-ethnic soldiers and among vizirs Shawar (564AH/1169AD) and Dergham (559AH/1164AD). A Crusader's expedition set up camp outside the walls of Egypt and held the keys to its gates and fortifications. The vizir Shawar signed a truce with the Crusaders and agreed to pay a jizya of one million dinars. Guillaume de Tyr described the control that the Crusaders held over economy in the Orient at that time: "We had at our disposal the treasures of Egypt, the kingdom of Jerusalem had nothing to fear from the Mediterranean fronts, the sea was safe and open and all the

Egyptian ports were open to our vessels. Egyptian traders brought their products to our ports and the trade was profitable to all; tributes and taxes were regularly paid to us." However, the challenge that had ripped the land apart, plundered its treasures and laid claim to all the economy had also sparked the spirit of resistance among the nation's children. The Islamic principalities began to stand up to the Christian entities. The Zanki state which was led by Imad Eddine Zanki (565AH/1117AD) in Mosul, freed the north of Iraq and Syria and banished the Al Raha State, almost half a century after the beginning of the Crusades. It then moved its capital to Aleppo under Nureddine Ach-chahid (511-569AH/1118-1174AD) to increase its pressure on the Crusade entities and usher a new era of military-political confrontation between the two parties over Egypt. Nureddine wished to annex Egypt and thus rule from the south by encircling the Crusaders' dominion and increasing the pressure from north, east, west and south, leaving the Mediterranean ports of the Syrian coasts unencumbered in order to leave from there as he came. The Christians wanted Egypt to prevent its resources from serving the interests of their opponents, and to remain as a buffer zone separating the region from the towns of Morocco and Andalusia, and thus thwart Nureddine's strategy. Through 559-564AH/1162-1168AD, confrontations between the armies of the two parties took place in Egypt but in their third round, the army of Nureedine came out victorious. The troops were under the command of Asad-Eddine Sikrokoh who had been appointed as vizir over Egypt by the Fatimid Caliph Al Aadid (544-567AH/1149-1171AD). When Asad Eddine passed away, he was replaced in command and as vizir by Annasser Salaheddine El Ayyoubi (532-589AH-1127-1192AD) on 25 Jumada II in the year 564 AH. And thus began a new and glorious chapter in the history of this conflict, or maybe in all history of all times. In those days, poetry was a tool used by the Ummah to express and spread its culture. When the unity of Egypt and the Mashreq was finally achieved, poems described the role that this feat was to play in concretising the strategy of liberating Palestine with its most sacred symbol, Al Qods. As he congratulates Asad Eddine Sirkarkoh over his victory in Egypt, Imad Al Katib reminds him that that conquest was part of the mission of liberating Al Qods: You conquered Egypt and I hope this victory Will aid you, once there, in conquering Bayt Al Maqdis When he congratulated Nureddine, he reminded him that the condition for liberating Al Qods, meaning the unity of Egypt and the Greater Syria, had been fulfilled: Conquer the Franks for ripe is the time Shatter their ranks with fire and brimstone For Egypt and Syria are now Gems in the glorious crown of Islam The poet Ibn Assaker Ali Ibn Al Hassan Hibat Allah proclaimed that there could be no excuse for delaying war after the circle had been tightened around the Christians. He addresses Nureddine saying: An excuse to relinquish Jihad you have not Now that lands from Egypt to Aleppo you own The ruler of beautiful Mosul is amenable To all your desires so hasten to a quick strike But time did not allow Nureddine to enact the strategy the poets wrote about. After his death, Salaheddine El Ayyoubi found himself face to face with the logistical task of carrying out this strategy and make it more than mere poetry lines.

The tremendous resources and capacities of Egypt were stagnant, isolated and dwindling amidst a Fatimid weakness that lasted almost a century. Salaheddine had to revive and channel these resources to guarantee victory in his battles against the Crusaders. After closing the chapter of the Fatimid reign and recovered Egypt's allegiance to the Abbassid fold, Salaheddine led a major and drawn-out battle at the intellectual and cultural front to uproot the Ismaili-batini doctrine and replace it with the Sunni one. He began building sunni schools such as the Nassiriyya, the Qamhiyya, the Qotbiyya, and the Soyoufiyya, etc. During his own rule, he built six of these schools which were prestigious and comprehensive institutions. The globe trotter Ibn Jubayr (540-614AH/1145-1217AD) describes the building of the Nassiriyya school saying: "It is a school of which the like has never been seen in the land. No other school could be larger or more lavish. Anyone wandering around its premises can easily imagine it to be a country in its own right. Located in its vicinity are the bathhouse and many other amenities". Many stories are told about the generosity of Saleheddine towards this school and how he told the person in charge of its building: "Make it more lavish and more celebratory and we shall provide for all that." The Sunni thought of these schools which taught all four doctrines, filled the intellectual void which had previously been satisfied by the Ismaili-Batini thought. The doctrinal affiliation of both Ummah and state replaced the break and division that had prevailed before, making possible the emergence and shining of Egyptian competencies in theology-related fields. The commitment and inflexibility of Salaheddine in this regard reached such extents that he closed down Al Azhar -which had more of a popular following- for five years and till its Shii Fatimid curricula changed in content and migrated to the Sunni thought. Along with the state, science, thought and education, the juridical system also changed to the Sunni doctrine. At the economic front, the military regime of farmland exploitation replaced the tax farming one (iltizam). In today's language, this regime could be referred to as the economy of war and battle, and in the language of Islamic fiqh as "land endowment for Jihad in the name of Allah." The territory of Egypt was divided into twenty-three economic regions and units. Some regions were dedicated to covering the expenses of troops, princes and soldiers. All economic resources were placed in full mobilization. This revival also affected the intellectual front, as once again loyalty and allegiance were established between the ruled and the ruling. Salaheddine paved the way for his decisive battles by encircling the Christian principalities that had been forcibly embedded by force in the heart of the Ummah, and launched his first campaigns against the Crusader defences in Al Karak Fortress, south of Palestine. The purpose was to enlarge and secure the roads linking Egypt to the East and tighten the siege around Christian entities. To this end, Salaheddine organised four military expeditions in 568, 579, 580 and 582 AH. To restore unity on the Eastern front which had fallen prey to division and strife after the death of Nureddine Ash-Shahid, Salaheddine concluded a pact with the princes of Mosul, Aleppo, the Peninsula, Arbil, Mardin, Kuniya and Armenia, by virtue of which, the signatories pledged not to fight each other. Salaheddine showed no qualms about fighting those who breached the pact, as he did with the prince of Aleppo in 579AH/1182AD. To fortify the main front which was dedicating all its power and resources to fulfilling the liberation strategy, Salaheddine reached new heights in fighting any thought, philosophy or ideology that differed from the majority's doctrine and ideology. He crushed the Ismaili-Batini preachers, and ordered his son - governor of Aleppo- to execute the Ishraqia Agnostic philosopher Sahrourdi (549-587AH/11541191AD) in punishment for the intellectual turmoil he had created through his debates with scholars.

In these debates, he failed to differentiate between cultures and civilisations, placing Zarathustra and Plato on par with the Prophet of Islam and confusing one of Plato's Dialogues with the Caledonian awareness of the Holy Quran. Such acts threatened to weaken the intellectual front by favouring an approach of the "similar and equal" at a time when conflict with the enemy required an approach of 'differentiation' so that one can stand apart from the other and fill one's heart with hatred towards him, a crucial factor in unconditional mobilization and victory. Through these political, economic and military achievements, Salaheddine El Ayyubi led troops with whom he entertained an intimate father-to-son relationship into the great battle that reversed the course of the conflict with the Crusaders, the Battle of Hittin, on 11 Rabie II of 582AH/1 July 1187AD, ninety years after the first invasion by the Crusaders of the lands of Islam. On the land of Hittin in Palestine, the Christians rallied sixty-three thousand cavalry and infantry troops. The two sides knew very well that it was what we call today a decisive battle, and in the words of Ibn Shadddad (612-684AH/1217-1285AD), chronicler of those times: "Each party knew that the defeated one will lose all pride in nation and the last shred of dignity." Hittin was the gateway to Al Qods which epitomized the whole conflict. The summer heat of July intensified the flames of the fires that Salaheddine started in the shrubs close to the Christian formations, and the fury of battle and clash of fighters. Maxime de Montrond described "The arrows which soared in the air like birds, alight with burning fire, the blood from swords, congealed in the middle of the battle field, pooled on the ground like rainwater." When the tent of the Frankish king Guy of Lusignan tumbled, announcing the defeat of his army, Saladin dismounted, prostrated himself and kissed the ground in gratitude to Allah for the victory which thus opened the way for him to Al Qods Al Sharif. Describing the events at Hittin on that day, historian Abu Shama (599-665AH/1202-1267AD) says: "Those who saw the slain could not believe that anyone could have been taken alive, and those who saw the prisoners could not believe that anyone had been killed. From the day the Franks assaulted the coast of Syria, the Muslim's thirst for victory had not been quenched as it did on the day of Hittin." After several expeditions in which he freed many villages, fortresses and forts, Salaheddine advanced with his army on Al Qods Al Sharif, the symbol of all conflict and the subject of every poeminformation system of the times- composed after a victory. After his victory in Gaza, Al Imad Al Katib says of Salaheddine: They conquered the heart of the infidels in Gaza In broad daylight and the infidels in defeat bowed heads Awakening the yearning for Bayt Al Maqdis Yearning for you that only intensifies with waiting That is the Bayt which if you conquered and by Allah you shall No other gate in Syria would remain locked to you Yes, Al Qods was the symbol, the goal and the key. On Sunday, 20 September 1187AD, Salaheddine began his siege outside the walls of the Holy City, setting camp at the same spot from where the Crusaders had invaded it in 1099AD. He increased pressures to force the city's Christian defence force- sixty thousand men- to plead for a truce, and thus spare the city's holy places from destruction. At the negotiations which took place during the siege, the Franks threatened to launch a desperate attack in which they would ransack these holy places. To Salaheddine they said: If we see that death is inevitable, we shall:

- Destroy the Temple and burn the Royal Palace to the ground ; - Burn all possessions, treasures and money held in the coffers of the city ; - Pull down the Sanctuary of the Rock and the Masjid al-Aqsa and the other sacred places ; - Slaughter the Muslim prisoners we hold-5,000 of them-; - Kill our children and our wives so as not to leave you a single man or woman to enslave ; - And once the Holy city has become no more than mounds of rubble and an immense graveyard, we shall then come out to fight you like men fighting for their lives. Grant us safe-conduct and we shall surrender the city to you without any harm to it from any party. Salaheddine acquiesced to their request and granted them safe conduct. The invaders left the city with all their possessions while the Muslims and eastern Christians remained there. Al Qods was liberated on the anniversary of the Nightly Journey of the Prophet, 27 Rajab 583AH/October 1187AD, without a single drop of blood, a far cry from when the horses of the Crusaders had swam in the blood of Muslims in Omar's mosque, ninety years earlier. After the liberation of Al Qods, and as the poet said, no gate in Mesopotamia remained closed to the Muslims. But this did not dissuade Europe from rallying its armies to fight Salaheddine. European rulers even imposed a tax on their subjects called the war tax (the Saladin tithe). The armies and armadas of England and Europe and their kings organised many onslaughts. The conflict lasted for many years and until the day Salaheddine and Richard Lion Heart (1157-1199AD), King of Britain, signed a truce for three years and three months in Shaaban 588AH/September 1192AD. Salaheddine spent the times of peace rebuilding what the war had destroyed and what the Crusaders had demolished. He laid down the foundations for revival in architecture, thought, education and economy, foundations that consolidated the spirit of belonging and stimulated progress on the path of liberation of the remaining forts and fortresses. In rebuilding Al Qods, Salaheddine carried the bricks himself, working side by side with the builders. Then he marched to Damascus where he fell ill with yellow fever and died on 26 Safar 589AH/March 1192AD, entering not only the history of the Islamic Ummah but also its conscience, as one of the greatest figures of Islam, the most famous of heroes since the apogee of Islam and until present history. Contemporary fall of Al Qods: The western powers which had initiated, organised and led the Crusades came back at a later stage, always in pursuit of the old mission: "Wrest that land that floweth with milk and honey, lay claim to the sanctity of Al Qods and destroy its sanctity for the others." After Islam was uprooted from Andalusia with the fall of Granada (897AH/ 1492AD), the occupation powers began the process of encircling the Islamic world. When Columbus strayed from his route and set anchor at the American continent, the Portuguese expedition set sail to achieve what Columbus had failed to do. Indeed, they found a way around the Islamic world through the Cape of Good hope (903AH/1497AD), five years after the fall of Granada. On the coasts of Muslim India, confrontations broke out between the Portuguese and the Egyptian Mamluke-led army (910AH/1504AD), resulting in the victory of the Portuguese over the Mamlukes. With the increased pace of siege campaigns around the Indian coasts, in the Arabian Sea, the Gulf, and the Red Sea and the growing weakness of the Mamluke State, the Ottoman Empire focused on the East and the South and brought the Arab world within its military fold (923AH/1517AD) in an attempt to

contain the encirclement which had managed to firmly set the feet of the European invaders in Indonesia, India and the Philippines (in the 10th century AH - 16th century AD). Once the encircling strategy had come to a full circle, Europe began to prepare its strike against the heart of the Islamic world. By fuelling the conflict between the Safavids and the Shiites in Iran, and between the powerful Ottoman state which embodied the striking force and military shield of the Islamic world, a conflict fabricated and kindled by Europe, the Ottoman military power was mobilised and exhausted in an Islamic-Islamic conflict, leaving the gate wide open for a strike against the core of the Islamic world once the siege policy came to a full circle. Then the expedition of Bonaparte to Egypt was launched place (1213AH/ 1798AD). After the failure of the Bonaparte Expedition, the English expedition of Fraser took place in 1222AH/1807AD. Then Algeria was occupied by France (1246AH/1830AD). Eden was next in line for occupation by Britain (1254AH/1838AD). Bound by the London Treaty, Egypt, led by Mohamed Ali Pasha, was prevented from giving a new lease of life to the Ottoman Empire (1254AH/ 1804AD). France then occupied Tunisia (1298AH/1881AD). The British managed to occupy Egypt (1299AH/1882AD). Italy occupied Libya (1329AH/1911AD). France declared the state of protectorate in Morocco (1330AH/1912AD). The provinces of the Islamic caliphate were then divided among colonial powers according to the Sykes-Bicot Agreement (1324AH/1916AD). To set Al Qods as the symbol of conflict was one of the purposes of this division. Sykes even erected in his Sledmere village in Yorkshire a bronze statute depicting him, dressed in full battle armour, holding a sword with a Muslim cowering at his feet, with a scroll on top of him on which the words: "rejoice Jerusalem!" are written. England subsequently occupied Iraq (1225AH/1917AD). Then Balfour made his promise which consecrated the Zionist-Western partnership through this colonial campaign (1226AH/1799AD). Napoleon Bonaparte had called for this same alliance during his siege of the city of Akka (1212AH/ 1799AD). The English then entered Al Qods (1226/1917AD). On that day, British General Allenby said that the Crusades had finally come to an end. Punch magazine carried a caricature titled "The Last Crusade". The drawing showed Richard Lion Heart (1189AH/1899AD) gazing at Al Qods and saying: "At last, my dream comes true!" Then France occupied Syria (1338AH/1920AD) and French General Gouraud went to the tomb of Salaheddine El Eyyoubi, kicked it and said: "Here we come back, Saladin!" The Treaty of Lausanne (1341AH/1923AD) between the European allies and Turkey consecrated the end of the Ottoman State and the fall of the caliphate (1342AH/1924AD). The creation of the state of Israel gave body to the Jewish-Western alliance for the occupation of the Arab and Islamic world (1367AH/1948AD). The total occupation of Al-Qods in 1387AH/1967AD was the starting signal for the process of its judaization. The world celebrated the passing of 500th anniversary of the first spark of this historical and

civilizational conflict with the organisation of the Olympic Games in Barcelona, on the land of Andalusia, on the anniversary of the fall of Granada and the uprooting of Islam from that land. The first spark was in 897AH/1492AD and the anniversary was celebrated in 1412AH/1992AD. With the celebration of 500 years since the uprooting of Islam from the West of Europe, and in the same year (1992AD), the Bosnian War broke out, this time seeking to uproot Islam from the heart of Europe. This was the war that the Serbian information minister placed in its rightful context on the pages of this historical civilizational conflict when he said: "We are the forerunners of the new Crusades." Al Qods stood out during these times of conflict as it did in the Crusades, the symbol, the goal and the key. Its judaization and the tentacles of monopoly over its sanctity are steadily progressing. If the Ummah's collective memory has remained, through culture, conscious of the status of Al Qods in this historical conflict which has spawned many phases and episodes, the contemporary phase of our national and Islamic culture is about keeping the conscience of the Ummah fully aware of the importance of Al Qods Al Sharif, until a new dawn arises with a new Salaheddine. The general public had taken to calling the issue of Al Qods and Palestine the Middle East Crisis, and it is important to remain conscious of the background and history of this crisis of the Middle East. The British author and commander Glupp Pasha very eloquently summed it up when he said that the problem of the Middle East has started way back in the seventh century AD, i.e. with the birth of Islam.

(*) Member of the Academy of Islamic Research affiliated to Al Azhar, Arab Republic of Egypt. (1) Maxime de Montrond: History of the Holy Wars in the Orient called the Crusades, Vol 1, pp. 12-14, translated by Maximus Madhloum, Urushalem (Al Qods) Press, 1865.
Muslim Minorities: Insights into Integration

Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradawi(*)

Muslim Presence in the West: This paper addresses what Muslim minorities in non-Muslim countries should do. These minorities represent the Islamic presence in non-Muslim lands, particularly in the West. I would like to start by saying that an Islamic presence in the West is beneficial to both Muslims and Westerners. It allows the West to interact with Islam in the absence of any intermediary. Such opinion is ardently opposed by Muslim radicals who believe that living on non-Muslim soil (what they call the lands of disbelief) is not lawful, nor is seeking to obtain foreign citizenship, an act seen, in fact, as a cardinal sin. More than a decade ago, I had the honor of participating in a religious conference held in France and attended by a number of prominent scholars. At this gathering, we addressed issues such as residing in Western countries, and seeking and obtaining the nationality of these countries. The majority agreed on the lawfulness of such acts but emphasized the need to respect certain conditions(1). They also agreed that this was concordant with the universality of the message of Islam and in line with the rapprochement trend witnessed in today's increasingly village-like world. It affirmed the orientation followed by many rational-thinking Westerners of bringing Muslims and Westerners closer to

understanding and harmony, removing all mistrust, achieving emancipation from the remnants of history, and endeavoring to establish a sense of coexistence founded on tolerance instead of bigotry, mutual acquaintance instead of blind denial, dialogue instead of clash, and cooperation instead of a tug of power. Thankfully, the Islamic presence in Europe occurred through divine providence and for natural causes that made this presence easier and spontaneous on the part of us Muslims. Therefore, we need to turn this presence into a bridge linking us to the West, a bridge that favours communication between Muslims and others, and helps remove the misconceptions embedded in the minds of some, and refute the allegations that may be leveled at Muslims. This is exactly what the European Council for Jurisprudence and Research has dedicated its efforts to since its inception. This comes through the fatwas and legal opinions it provides, the recommendations it issues and the statements it makes at each of its sessions, extending advice to Muslims in the West on how to be a dynamic and efficient minority that fulfills its duties, and how to serve society and avoid seclusion and withdrawal from this society. Anyone reading the legal opinions, decisions, recommendations and statements made by the Council during the sessions it held can clearly understand my point. I responded to some hardliner scholars and preachers who reject the Islamic presence in the West and in other countries where non-Muslims live, whether they were people of the Book or pagans. I drew attention to an important fact, namely that the presence of many of these Muslim minorities is in fact indigenous in the sense that they belong among the original inhabitants of the countries and are not immigrants. This is the case of Muslim minorities in India, China, Thailand and Myanmar (Burma) and other Asian countries, as well as for many Muslim minorities in several African countries. I believe that it is necessary for Islam at this point in time to be present in all societies that have a say in world politics. The Islamic presence is a necessity in Europe, the Americas and Australia for many considerations: There is a need to spread the word of Islam and ensure that its voice is heard, preaching to nonMuslims and inviting them to embrace Islam through the word, dialogue and by serving as a good model. This presence is necessary to provide care and guidance to those who convert to Islam, help entrench their faith and provide them with an Islamic environment that is conducive to a sound Islamic life. It is necessary to welcome newcomers and immigrants and assist them until they find those who love immigrants and provide them with an environment where they can breathe the air of Islam. It is necessary to make possible the defense of the causes of the Muslim Ummah and of the lands of Islam in confronting hostile and misleading forces and currents. Muslims have to have their special gatherings in known states and cities, as well as their religious, educational and even entertainment institutions. They must have their scholars and sheikhs to answer their questions, guide them out of ignorance and reconcile between them when differences divide them. Conservative but not self-centered and open but not dissolute I have said to my expatriated brothers: try to have your own little society within the greater one, lest you should melt into it as salt melts into water. Endeavour to have your own religious, cultural, social and leisure institutions. This only becomes possible through mutual affection and cooperation; Man is powerless when standing alone, but

powerful if supported by his fellow men. Allah's hand helps those who help each other. What has helped the Jews preserve their identity throughout the long history was their little society which stood out by its principles and rituals, namely the 'Jewish quarter'. So strive to create your own 'Muslim quarter'. I am not calling for self-centredness and isolation from the rest of society for that is tantamount to death. What is required is openness but without dissolution. This openness would be that of an individual willing to act and have an impact, not the one content to imitate and surrender, one whose sole concern is to melt and be engulfed, emulating the ways of other people to the last letter. We have been suffering for a while now from an Islamic and Arab brain drain. Some of these brains are geniuses in some vital and important specialties and they have found a home in the land of exile that they could not find in their own homelands. If this is the undeniable reality, then we must not allow these brilliant minds to forget their faith, nation, heritage and origins. We have to spare no effort in keeping their hearts and minds alive with thoughts and sentiments for their countries, people and kin and kith, with no prejudice to their obligations to the countries where they have chosen to live. This is possible if their loyalty to Allah, the Prophet and to Muslims is secured, if they remain preoccupied with the concerns of their ummah and are not immersed in serving their own interests and giving them priority over those of the nation, as the world's Jews do for Israel wherever they may be living. This is the duty of the Islamic movement: not to abandon these people to be swallowed by the materialist and profit-minded trends prevailing in the West, to remind them always and ever about their origin for which they will always yearn(2). If the Islamic presence is strong in the West and holds a religious, cultural, social, and sometimes economic weight, it is only natural and logical that such presence would seek to acquire a political weight. Politics have become enmeshed with every other aspect of life, and even if we steer clear of politics, politics will always catch up with us. For these reasons, it is essential to seek an answer for the many questions raised by Muslim minorities living in the West. Some of them are original inhabitants and others are immigrants who settled there, obtained the host country's nationality and became an integral part of the population: Should they satisfy themselves with religion and relinquish politics? Or should they remain attached to religion and integrate politics? If they become involved in politics, should they do so as part of existing political parties or as an independent entity? Is it lawful to become a member of a secular political party? Is it lawful to found a party bound to adhere to the country's constitution? Should Muslims run for election as parliamentary representatives in such conditions? Does the Muslim's involvement in politics require from him recognition of the man-made constitutions in force in Western and other countries? If a Muslim wins an election and becomes part of a representative body that requires him to take the oath of allegiance to the regime in force and act according to the constitution, will this be in contradiction with the religion of Islam and the Sharia laws? These are questions that arise within Muslim communities anywhere in Europe and elsewhere. In fact, these concerns are raised even by some Islamic formations within many Islamic countries. Some of these formations consider as unlawful the creation of political parties and see them as a novelty and a religious heresy.

Others believe that participating in elections and seeking to access a representative position is unlawful, and some even consider such actions a total violation of the faith and call the representative councils the 'councils of shirk (polytheism)'. Someone even wrote a treatise titled: 'The Truth about Being a Parliamentary Representative: A Negation of Monotheism'. Some object to the wording of the oath taken by representatives to respect and obey the constitution, etc... Some Islamists solved the problem by suggesting that after the word of 'obey', the oath taker should audibly add 'in everything that is not an act of disobedience to Allah'. If these conflicting thoughts occur within Islamic countries, what then would be the case in non-Muslim countries? Muslim minorities should not derive their political fiqh from such groupings whose extremism has caused them to stray far from the straight and moderate path. They see the Muslims' presence in foreign lands as unlawful unless justified by extreme necessity. For them, living abroad can only be out of pure necessity, just like a person is forced to use the toilets despite their uncleanness. For some others, acquiring the nationality of the host country is prohibited. They proclaim those who do as apostates since the act involves loyalty to non-Muslims(3) and since Allah (SWT) said: 'O ye who believe! take not the Jews and the Christians for your friends and protectors: They are but friends and protectors to each other. And he amongst you that turns to them (for friendship) is of them. Verily Allah guideth not a people unjust' (Al Maida, verse 51). Others see the mere act of living in these countries unlawful except out of necessity, and the degree of this necessity is defined by the benefit to the person. But such opinion is open to debate and scholars have addressed the weaknesses of such an opinion. The virtue of Islamic Charia is that it is realistic and takes into consideration the requirements and demands of the human being, whether spiritual or material, religious or political, cultural or economic, and whether this person lived within or outside a Muslim society. Islamic Sharia seeks facility and ease in all its decrees, removes hardship and prevents harm and mutual harm, particularly for those living outside a Muslim environment and who are more deserving of support and attention to their needs. Muslim minorities need to remain attached to their religion, faith, rites, values and code of conduct as long they harm no one. They also need to integrate the society in which they live, to be productive and creative, to evolve and to take part in all activities. They need to engage in charity, spread the word, preach virtue and fight vice, to leave an impact on society by being a good model and by preaching goodness as much as they can without melting into this society and forfeiting their religious components and identity. Not all Muslim minorities are made up of immigrants. Some are made up in total or in part of original inhabitants, so no one can tell them: go back home! In any given country, a minority needs a voice to speak for it in the legislative or municipal forums and to defend its rights. Only then, the laws that are passed will not undermine them and ban what is permissible for this minority, hinder them in the performance of their religious duties or force them to commit what their Sharia proscribes. It is advantageous to have Muslims elected to these councils, whether as independent candidates or as part of an existing political party - to protect their sanctities, and defend their rights as a minority that has the right to conduct religious rites and rituals in a way that harms no one. These elected people can sway to their side the independent ones, the just ones and those who champion justice and freedom at all times and in all places.

There are a number of Sharia principles that can guide us in this regard: 1. The principle of 'an element that is essential to the performance of a duty is a duty in itself': If it is only possible for the Muslims to enjoy their religious, cultural and other rights if they partake of politics and engage in elections, then this involvement becomes a duty in itself. 2. The rule of 'the value of an act lies in the purpose behind it' based on the famous hadith: 'The reward for any deed depends upon the intention'(4) , and on many other texts. If the motive behind participating in politics is to defend the rights of Muslims, their religious freedom and greater good, then Allah will reward such as actions and Muslims will welcome them. 3. The principle of 'preventing harm': If withdrawal from politics and refraining from participating in political life represents a danger to the minority and entails the risk of relegating its members to the margin of society, depriving them of many benefits and propelling them into critical situations and in the way of endless harm, it is their duty to prevent this harm and pre-empt these plights and hardships. The hadith says: 'Whoever bars the way to harm pre-empts harm'(5). 4. The principle of 'necessity makes what is unlawful lawful, in which case need shall be made equal to necessity, whether private or public'. If a Muslim community in a non-Muslim society needs someone to defend their rights in a country of democracy, and this need involves actions that may be feared unlawful such as swearing allegiance to the constitution or acts that may be deemed dangerous by some religion-conscious people, this unlawfulness falls away in the face of need: 'But if one is forced by necessity, without wilful disobedience, nor transgressing due limits,- then is he guiltless. For Allah is Oft-forgiving Most Merciful.' (Al Baqara, verse 173). 5. The principle of 'al masalih al mursala' or consideration of public interests: These are interests that the Charia did not expressly or implicitly address, but which if addressed through rational thinking would be acceptable and bring about either a financial or moral gain for the Muslim community. The Prophet's companions applied this rule to many matters, as along as such reasoning did not clash with a categorically clear text or a definite sharia rule, and as long as the benefits that the Muslim community gains from them are real, not imaginary. In the light of all these sharia principles, we believe that it is in the interest of Muslims to take part in politics as a means of serving their religious and community interests and prevent the harms and prejudice that may befall them. This is all the more valid since even if they steered clear of politics, politics would not let them be. Muslims can create a political party to defend their rights and the rights of others if they are numerous, powerful enough and have the resources necessary to set up an independent party, and if the constitution and the law allow them to do that. Muslims can present a program of reform and rationalisation derived from the sources of their Islamic thought, enriched by the Western theory and experience and the new horizons these open up and that are compatible with their Sharia precepts and spirit of Islam. Neither is there harm in party being joined by non-Muslim members. Such party would be mainly for Muslims but remain open for citizens of all faiths. Any Islam-based system is supposed to serve the wellbeing and genuine interests of all people, Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Muslims can also join any other political party active on the scene. They can choose the one best serving Muslim interests, on the one hand, and the one that is most compassionate towards Muslims and their interests, on the other, provided they apply caution and have reservations on any of the party's aspects that clash with Islam.

Such steps can only be taken after an objective and scientific study is conducted by experts. This study should then be discussed by the decision makers of the Muslim minority in any given country. After study, discussion and comparison, Muslims then could decide on what would serve them better in terms of religion and worldly life: to form their own party or join an existing one, and in the second case, which party would serve them better and deserve them more. They may even see that it is best for them to neither form a party, nor join one, but to remain an independent block that can have a say in elections by giving one candidate or the other their votes as they deem fit and as their religious and worldly interests dictate. Only then will candidates lobby for their votes and seek rapprochement with them because a minority often plays a decisive role by tipping the balance in favour of one candidate or the other, particularly when the difference between them is not too wide. The votes of the minority given thus to one candidate sway votes and ensure the victory of one over the other.

(*) Director of the Centre for Sunnah and Sira Research in the State of Qatar, and chairman of the International Union for Muslim Scholars. (1) One of these conditions was for the Muslim and his children to be safe in their beliefs and identity. Should he perceive some danger to his faith and identity, he should hasten to return to his country of origin in order to preserve his most cherished religion and the faith of his children. (2) Refer to our book: Priorities of the Islamic Movement, pp. 146-148, Maktabat Wahba, Cairo. (3) At a certain point in time, Tunisian scholars issued a fatwa that ruled as guilty of revoking their faith (ridda) Tunisians who acquired the French nationality because Tunisia was at the time suffering under the yoke of the hegemonic and oppressive French occupation. Obtaining the French nationality back then was tantamount to proclaiming allegiance and support to the apostate occupier. It was considered a religious ridda as well as an act of national treason. The situation has changed today since the Muslim's acquisition of a foreign nationality gives him power and clout, and helps him preserve his identity and convey the message of Islam. It also grants him many privileges such as the right to vote and to run for elections without sacrificing any part of his religion. (4) Narrated by Al Bukhari in 'The Book of Revelation' (1) as reported on Omar Ibn Al Khattab. The hadith is also narrated by Muslim in 'The Book on Government' (1908), by Abu Dawoud in 'The Book of Divorce' (2201), by Al Tirmidi in 'The Virtues of Jihad' (1647), by Annassai in 'The Book of Purification', and by Ibn Majah in 'Asceticism' (4227). (5) Narrated by Attabarani in 'Al Awsat' (118/3) quoting Abu Dardaa, by Al Daraqotni in 'The Book of Reasons' (219/6), by Abu Nuaim in 'Al Hilya' (173/5), and by Al Baihaqi in 'Ash-Shuaab' (398/7). Al Iraqi says in 'Takhrij Ahadith Al Ihiyaa: reported by Al Attabarani and Al Daraqotni in 'The Book of Reasons' on a hadith by Abu Dardaa qualified as weak (141/3) and deemed as 'good' by Al Albani in his 'Silsilat alAhadith as-Sahiha' (342).
Activating the Culture of Dialogue through Civilization

Dr. Mohamed El Kettani(*)

As we study history, our focus should perhaps be on the civilizational rationale of what nations have achieved through interaction and through a give-and-take process conducted in the spirit of tolerance and coexistence. The importance of this interaction in the history of Islam is strongly visible. By analysing the manifestations of this interaction between Muslims and other nations at all levels, many facts become clear and many allegations born out of fanaticism against Islam and its history fall away.

Two phenomena are worthy of note in this respect: First: The temporal policy has often exploited religion in the worst possible manner, whether in the Islamic world or the Christian one. Faith was used to inflame hostility and promote exclusion and isolation at most phases of history. Thus, the Islamic and the Christian worlds often found themselves caught up in a continuous ebb-and-flow of confrontations. Second: In times of peace, the people-to-people relations were often in total contrast with expansionist policies. The image reflected was one of coexistence and harmony as opposed to clash and military confrontation. Nothing marred the serenity of this coexistence except phases of tension where states settled scores and where the deadliest weapon used was religion. Whether in the East or West, people considered wars a state of exception while states considered them their raison d'tre. Peoples interacted with each other through a realistic approach, that of the correlation or reciprocity of interests. Trade knew no boundaries and the exchange of goods never ceased, nor did the two-way flow of knowledge, technology, inventions and arts which transcended political and religious conflict, as we shall see in a while. Mention should be made of the fact that Muslims never used religion as a pretext for introversion and fanaticism but under some exceptional circumstances. The temporal policy was highly instrumental in adjusting creeds to its own interests through mobilization and exhortation. But in normal circumstances, Muslims considered difference in faith a matter of course in the life of mankind, finding inspiration for their civilizational vision in the divine saying: "O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know each other (not that ye may despise (each other). Verily the most honoured of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most righteous of you."(1) The call to Islam started with three principles: "universality", "rationality" and the "respect of plurality". The pillar represented by the first principle, the universality of Islam relied on a denominator common to all humanity, namely reason and instinct, so that this Islamic discourse could be general and capable of encompassing all national specificties. Islam, in defining its faith and Charia, relied exclusively on universal values such as faith in supra-sensorial truths and unconditional monotheism, acknowledging all god-sent religions, and believing in the resurrection of all mankind on the Day of Reckoning. As for Charia, the message of Islam was built around general rules which take body in legitimate objectives such as the preservation of life, religion, reason, property and honour, to which are added accessory aspects that complete and enhance them. Islam leaves all definitions and secondary rulings to new developments, to the ijtihad of Muslim scholars, following an approach that strives for balance between the openness of jurisprudence and the respect of conditions contained in text-bassed and reason-based mechanisms. The second principle, the rationality of the Islamic discourse, refers to a general human faculty, one that recognises humanity as the source of all knowledge, and the reason of our accountability and responsibility, namely the faculty of reason. There can be no knowledge and no accountability in the absence of reason and the application of the mind. This principle is what gives credence and support to the first principle. For the third principle, acknowledging difference as an intrinsic aspect of human nature, Islam not only respects this difference, but considers it a source of enrichment and wealth for culture and civilization, and even a field where human beings compete for excellence and virtue.

Let us go back to the history of the Islamic civilization and the culture of Islam. We will be able to perceive the effectiveness of these principles and their manifestations through the civilizational and cultural interaction between Muslims and non Muslims, and between Islam and the religions of the rest of the world. We will start with the interaction of the Islamic civilization with eastern civilizations and its endeavour to select from the latter everything that is beneficial and that does not clash with its own values. Two essential points deserve mention here. The first one pertains to understanding the Prophet's Tradition which represents the source and the reference par excellence for understanding the message of Islam and its civilizational and cultural project. Many understood that Prophet Mohammed Ibn Abdullah (PBUH) was the carrier of a divine message that he did his utmost to deliver to all mankind, that the motivation of this message was purely spiritual, that he was not as preoccupied by founding a political and social system that would guarantee the application of Islamic precepts, as he was by the mission of spreading the message of monotheism and virtue. Some believed that there was no association between religion and state in Islam, and considered that proof of this could be found in the Prophet's biography itself(2). But by perusing the modern books of Hadith and Sunnah, (i.e. Saheehs, Musnads and compendiums), we will be amazed at the richness of the Hadith literature proving that the Prophet (PBUH) had, from the day he migrated to Medinah, founded an Islamic state with its military, juridical and diplomatic apparatuses, a state that entertained relations with other peoples of the Book, Christians and Jews alike and with neighbouring countries, and that displayed all signs of sovereignty at all levels. The moment the Prophet (PBUH) passed away, the companions hastened to convene in Saqeefa in order to appoint the first caliph to succeed the Prophet (PBUH), being conscious of the importance of ensuring the State's continuity by consolidating its existence, reinforcing its sovereignty and taking the message of Islam beyond the frontiers of this new-born state. This means that the civilizational interaction of Islam with other civilizations should be seen as having started during the Prophet's time in Medinah, and through the bases set by the Quran for interreligious dialogue. Our second point is that Islam did not invent the laws and decrees that were revealed in the Quran. It was preceded by other divine books and known doctrines, as well as by economic, social and civilizational systems of previous nations of which the importance cannot be denied, especially in the field of civil rights. Islam completed some, created others, corrected the beliefs that had been distorted and abrogated through its own Charia all the radicalism and extremism that negated moderation and temperance. If Islam dealt with laws and civil rights in this manner, what about the matters where experience is the reference and where the bases are practices that have proven their efficiency in serving the interests of the people(3). We find that the Prophet (PBUH) set a distinction between what is revealed to him for the purposes of onward transmission and the worldly matters which are governed by experience and testing. In a hadith about pollinating palm trees, the Prophet (PBUH) said: "If I tell you something about God, take it because I would never lie about God. But if I tell something out of my own opinion, I am just a human being," or as in another version: "You know your worldly affairs better than I do."(4) After clarifying these two points, let us move to the Prophet's era since these times represent the reference in the application of the Charia and the embodiment of Islamic values in the management of the social affairs of Medinah. We are hard put to find something that prohibits benefiting from what

was then common and known among Arabs and other nations in the way of worldly life matters based on useful experience, whether in agriculture, trade, economy, health or the military field, barring all matters expressly prohibited by the Charia and discouraged by the Prophet's sunnah. This shows that Islam does not inherently require that the Muslim break away from his reality or reject the manifestations of the civilizations surrounding him or the experience of other nations and their scientific experiments. In fact, the sunnah represents the best reference exhorting the Muslim to espouse his times and embrace the components of these times except where explicitly proscribed by the Charia(5). If we look at medical expertise for example, we will find that Islam did not oppose the adoption of everything that medicine had previously proven to be beneficial even when the physicians were not Muslims. In Ibn Dawoud's 'Sunan', Saad Ibn Waqqas is reported to have said: "I fell sick and the Prophet came to visit me. He put his hands on my chest and said: You suffer from the heart, let Al Hareth Ibn Abi Kalda, brother of Thaqeef, come. He is a physician." Al Hareth was from Taef and had not converted to Islam. In fact, the Prophet (PBUH) used to refer all sick Muslims to this renowned physician. Aisha, may Allah be pleased with her, reported that when the Prophet suffered his final sickness, Arab and Persian physicians used to visit him and that he sought treatment from those of them whom he trusted(6). On benefiting from the personal experience and knowledge of desert roads of guides who were not necessarily Muslims, the biographical collections of the Prophet's companions contain accounts of guides whom the Prophet (PBUH) employed to cross the desert on the way from Mekkah to Medinah, or in some of his battles. These guides, who had not converted to Islam, included Tubay' Al Humairy, Ibn Hareth Al Hadhli, Thabit Ibn Addahhak, and Jameel Al Ashja'i. All of them were used by the Prophet (PBUH) in his movements or some of his battles as experts on desert routes and had not converted to Islam at the time of their employ(7). In the 'Sunan' of Ibn Dawoud, in the chapter praising some of the practises or traditions of the People of the Book, Ibn Abbas says that "The People of the book used to let their hair hang down over their foreheads while the infidels of Quraysh used to part their hair. The Messenger of Allah (PBUH) liked the ways of the People of the Book in matters where there was no specific command. He let his hair hang over his forehead, and later on parted it."(8) In Lissan Al Arab by Ibn Mandhour, the Prophet (PBUH) arrived in Medinah to find the People of the Book wearing their hair hanging over their foreheads and the pagans parting it. The Prophet wore his air hanging over his forehead and later on parted it. Parting the hair came last. Letting the hair flow down meant no shaping and no braiding of the hair whilst parting it meant letting it fall on both sides of the head using either a comb or some other accoutrement. In agriculture, Al Bukhari reports in his Saheeh that the Prophet (PBUH) left the lands of Khaybar to the Jews after conquering them because he considered that the Jews who had ample experience in farming were better qualified to care for the land than the Muslims, on condition that the harvest be divided in half between Muslims and Jews(9). In terms of respecting the religious legacy of the People of the Book, it is reported that the Jews approached the Prophet (PBUH) after the conquest of Khaybar asking him to return to them several copies of the Torah. He ordered that these be handed over to them and they were grateful and impressed by this stance, knowing that when the Romans defeated them in Jerusalem in 70 AD, they

either burnt or stamped over all the holy books(10). In communication, the Prophet ordered some of his companions such as Zayd Ibn Abi Thabit to learn foreign languages. He did learn Hebrew and Syriac and served as a scribe for the Prophet, writing his letters and reading the messages that reached him(11). In the same vein, Al Qalqashandi's "Subh Al A'sha" states that a scribe need to learn the language of those he has to address or write to, as should the magistrate who had to arbitrate between non-Arab opponents. In the military field, it was proven that the Prophet (PBUH) tasked some of his companions with learning warfare techniques in order to be on a par with the enemy. Some of these companions were Orwa Ibn Masuud and Ghailan Ibn Salam whom he dispatched to Jurash in Jordan to learn the warfare techniques of testudo and catapults(12). These examples serve to underline that Muslims are requested to seek knowledge, skills and expertise irrespective of their source. Abu Nu'aim narrates that Anas Ibn Malek reported that the Prophet (PBUH) said: "Knowledge is the quest of the Muslim. He shall seek it wherever he can find it. " Through the ages, Muslims have continued to build human civilization in their quest to acquire knowledge and draw benefits from universal knowledge and from skills and know-how, with no restraint whatsoever imposed by religious teachings. The scholar Al Andalusi Al Maliki Abu Abdullah Mohammed Ibn Yousuf, alias Abu Al Mawwaq (897AH) said: "Trustworthy scholars have confirmed that we were not warned to avoid all that non-Muslims brought unless the Charia explicitly proscribed it or the rules of Fiqh urged against it. What Non-Muslims have practiced as desired, allowed or accepted in our Charia should not be avoided on the pretext that its source is non-Muslim."(13) The Rightly-Guided Caliphs followed the Prophet's example in seeking to draw benefit from the medical, industrial, military and administrative expertise of Persian, Indian and Roman civilizations. Omar Ibn Al Khattab derived the systems of cabinets from the Persians and maintained transactions in Persian dirhams and dinars. He put an end to barter and added the phrase "La Ilah Illa Allah" to Khosroes' coins. In the Umayyad and Abbasid eras, civilizational interaction reached its widest scope. Dialogue and interaction with the peoples, civilizations and cultures of advanced countries reached their apogee. This interaction covered the systems and methods of governance, economic and commercial life, the translation of ancient sciences into Arabic and studying, authenticating, completing and innovating in these sciences. Dialogue continued on matters of faith among the scholars and clerics of both sides, which brought about a total harmony between Muslims and the inhabitants of conquered countries, in the spirit of co-existence and tolerance that orientalists acknowledged in their historical and civilizational studies. Thanks to this, the Islamic civilization became richer and more creative; achieving wealth that Westerners could only copy and embrace once they took knowledge of it. Through this civilizational coexistence under the Umayyad and Abbasid reigns, Muslims were influenced by the architecture and building arts they encountered in developed countries. They embraced the social, economic and commercial lifestyles prevalent at the time. Caliphs even endeavoured to pave the way for this interaction by securing roads between the East and the West and in Central Asia. Trade exchanges flourished and goods and commodities travelled through safe routes from the farthest reaches of China to Andalusia and Morocco. The impact on Muslims of the trading styles prevalent in former empires became clear through the professional traders' societies for investment, and the use of bonds which replaced coins. Muslims also maintained the system of Mukos and taxes, and the Byzantine and Muslim currencies were exchanged in all markets.

Durant says that a new civilization emerged after the first Crusade war. The proponents of this civilization settled in Syria and Palestine from the end of the 11th century AD. Christians wore oriental dress, donned the Arab head gear and the caftan. Muslim traders moved freely within Christian lands. When Christians fell sick, they sought Muslim doctors who were allowed to perform their rites of worship and educate their children in lands other than their homeland(14). The image of today's Muslims as they import the industrial and technological products of the West almost mirrors that of the West importing industrial and agricultural goods from the East up to the 12th century AD. At that time, silks, brocades, sugar, spices, plants, crops, gems, dyes, cosmetics and perfumes flowed into Europe's markets from where they went to adorn the houses of the wealthy and the new bourgeoisie. Europe learnt from Muslims the processes of refining sugar and the manufacturing of glass coated in metal which came to replace the mirrors made out of bronze(15). Nothing in the Islamic legislation or in the collective customs and traditions called for closing the door in the face of Ahl Dhimma, or barring them from working or making a living within Muslim societies on an equal footing with Muslims. In fact, they continued to practice professions that enabled them to amass fortunes. They were bankers, traders, or doctors or owned farms and plantations. Some professions became the specialty of Jews in Muslim societies, such as banking, money changing, jewellery making, tailoring and shoemaking. Other professions were practiced almost exclusively by Christians, such as the science of medicine and the art of scriveners. What is most amazing is that this tolerance which prevailed within Muslim societies towards nonMuslims reached great proportions. Non-Muslim administrators and workers operated in large numbers within the Islamic State in the central government and in provinces, including posts at the command of armies, as viziers and administrators of public treasuries. This proves beyond doubt that the Muslim rulers and caliphs considered merit and qualification in practical fields a key criterion in appointing people to certain practical tasks. However, the expansion of non-Muslim influence over the State's general affairs at some points in history often led to adverse reactions against these Christian and other administrators. In Muslim Andalusia, the social and civilizational integration of Muslims, Jews and Christians and other ethnic groups and sects over eight centuries reached unprecedented levels. Mohammed Kurd Ali (1953AD) quotes the orientalist Sedillot (1875AD) as saying that Muslims made a holiday of Sundays just like Christians whom they also allowed to preach. The Umayyad caliphs relied on Slavic mercenaries in their armies and allowed all non-Muslims to worship in their own way. When a conflict arose between a Muslim and a Christian soldier, justice was often in favour of the Christian one(16). The same situation was observed in the Orient where Christians maintained their churches and rebuilt those that had been destroyed during the conquests. The caliphs left the care and management of churches and synagogues to the priests and rabbis. Christians sought justice in Islamic courts when differences arose between them, confident in the equity of the Islamic justice system(17). Fire worshippers and pagans were treated in a similar way despite the fact that they were not people of the Book. When the Crusaders invaded Palestine, Muslims endeavoured, despite being the target of the attacks, to protect the Jews from the Crusading hordes as these Jews were part of ahl dhimma. Social integration developed till it reached unprecedented scopes. Muslims began to imitate the Christians in dress, in keeping harnessed horses and speaking in their language while Christians began to cover their women with veils and emulate the Muslims in dress and customs. Renaud relates in his book "The History of the Muslim Conquests in Europe" how Christians were so impressed by the good

treatment they received from Muslims that they became sensitive to the feelings of Muslims and began to circumcise their children and to refrain from eating pork. Marriages between Muslims and Spaniard, Portuguese and Castellan women became common, giving birth to generations of Muslims of mixed descent. Arabic became the language of the State and of institutions, and even of the Church in certain cases(18). Another researcher reports that the kings of Andalusia never balked at embracing any artefact of civilization, aspect of architecture or fact of science and learning that emerged, influenced by the Christians in the most exciting of these innovations. Even the prohibited statues were introduced into the houses of princes and dignitaries for decoration purposes as Muslims had kept most of the statues they had found in Andalusia either for moralistic purposes or others. One of their poets says about a statue in the city of Xativa(19) : A wondrous remnant of times Roman Standing witness to its builder's skill I see nothing in it but a reminder Of successive nations that named it a statue A unique chisel that carved truthfully Truly it has chiselled days and nations away Like a preacher that has stood long Speaking of the days of Aad and Iram To those who understand: behold a solid stone speaking to us In words more passionate and eloquent than a preacher's As for cultural exchanges which symbolize civilizational interaction, they were manifest in the nature itself of the Islamic culture's openness to other cultures. German Orientalist George Jacobs (1937AD) maintains that at no time in history was culture the product of the mentality of one people. According to him, it is a combination of several elements of a group of peoples and cultures, and that scientific research should not be approached in a radical nationalistic or religious way, but should instead grow within a universal context(20). Following the Islamic conquests, the Arabic language spread in a very noticeable way. This was probably owed to the fact that Arabic was the language of the faith and the Charia. Converting to and totally embracing Islam was dependent upon knowing this language and arabisation quickly spread to the conquered lands. In addition to the important religious factor behind the spread of Arabic, the integration of Arabs within the social circles of conquered lands, which happened in fast successive waves, also played an important role in achieving Arabisation and the spread of the Arabic language, without for that matter totally annihilating the original languages of the conquered lands. Another aspect of cultural integration was that Muslim conquerors copied and adopted the knowledge and sciences of the conquered nations, subsequently developing them with experiments, applications and rectification. They did not burn libraries despite their solid faith in Allah's book and the sunnah of His Prophet, knowing well that books in these libraries may contain what is against their beliefs and their culture. Instead, they were careful to take possession of these books. In fact, some Abbasid caliphs accepted to ransom some of the Roman prisoners against books. Such civilised behaviour helped non-Arab nations appreciate the new civilizational values, be amenable to Islam and embrace it, either out of conviction or because it guaranteed the respect of their faith within a context of coexistence and mutual interests.

This unequivocal stance vis--vis the adoption of the sciences and knowledge of previous nations, clearly refutes the fabricated story related by the Christian Syriac historian Ibn Al Ibri about Omar Ibn Al Khattab, may Allah be pleased with him, whereby he ordered the burning of the Alexandria library after he conquered Egypt. This story was taken up by some anti-Islam Western historians without verifying its veracity, while some other Westerners did refute it. In the same vein, education, as well as translation from foreign languages played a critical role in cultural interaction. These activities were mostly carried out by Christians and Assyrians in the Abbasid era. The mingling of Arabs and non-Arabs in markets and administrations, by founding families through marriage and concubinage, and through acquiring slaves also favoured the spread of the Arabic language and at the same time, its influence by other languages and its borrowing of foreign words. This gave rise to dialects and hybrid languages which borrowed heavily from Arabic and other languages. Thus, linguistic interaction was one of the strongest aspects of civilizational interaction between Muslims and other nations in the East and the West. One of such instances was the noticeable influence of Arabic on Persian and on Spanish during the Arab reign of Andalusia, which influence cannot be addressed in detail here. The historian Al Masoudi (346AH) wrote that the Abbasid caliph Abu Jaafar Al Mansur (158AH) was the first caliph to order the translation of books from Persian into Arabic, such as Kalila wa Dimna and Kitab As-Sind wa Al Hind. He also ordered the translation of Aristotle's books on logic, Ptoleme's Almajest, Euclid's book on geometry, and many other ancient books from Greek, Roman, Pahlavi and Syriac. These books were then placed at the disposal of people to read and benefit from them. He was also the first to have ordered readings on dogmas and to seek debates and opinions. This accounts for the fact that after his time, Zoroastrians felt free to proclaim their beliefs and the Manichee, Dayssani and other sects proclaimed their opinions confident of their freedom of belief. This also explains why the Abbasid caliph Al Mahdi Al Abbas (169AH) encouraged Muslim scholastic philosophers (Ilm AlKalam) to engage in debates with them. He was also the first to instruct these Kalam scholars to engage in research and theorizing, to compile the letters written in reply to these atheists and to provide arguments and evidence in answer to the disbelievers. It should also be mentioned that reactions to the spread of atheism differed from one caliph to another and as circumstances dictated. At times tolerance and dialogue were the basis of interaction, while at others it was repression and the persecution of atheists, although tolerance prevailed much more. There is no doubt that the Islamic civilization completed the scientific endeavours that were then in process and enriched with its own research all the disciplines of Greek science such as mathematics, geometry, astronomy, land surve, mineralogy, biology, chemistry and medicine. Caliphs built astronomy observatories, scientific laboratories and libraries. In the midst of such academic effervescence emerged great scholars and brilliant minds, poets, historians and philosophers. The content transferred from Latin played a tremendous role in the emergence of modern Western civilization, in contrast to the state of the Byzantine civilization. Therefore, the Islamic civilization is considered an important station in the march of civilizations from the eastern Greek world and Middle Ages Europe. Through some documented examples, we have seen how Muslims were influenced by the ancient Persian, Indian, Greek and Roman civilizations in various fields. This also applied to their influence by the scientific trends themselves which grew and expanded thanks to the Islamic movement of sciences. We have also seen how they responded to the values of Islam while opening up to ancient sciences

within a framework that is in harmony with the faith of Islam and its moral values. We need to ponder now the impact of the Islamic civilization on the West within the context of this positive interaction of civilizations, which impact made of Muslims the masters of the West at a certain stage in the march of human civilization. This undeniable distinction of Muslims in these experimental sciences could not have been achieved in the absence of an experimental approach. Orientalist Von Gunebaun says that Arab scholars were a strong source of inspiration in the Middle Ages. The West not only aspired to acquire the products generated by Muslims, they were actually able to grasp them through vast translation endeavours and adopted the interpretations produced by the Muslims of these sciences. In the 14th century, the University of Paris accepted to introduce the study of Aristotle only if it came along with the interpretations of Averroes(21). He goes on to say that no field of human experience was left untouched by Islam or where the wealth of Western traditions was not thus enhanced, including food, beverage, drugs and medication, weapons, shields and their adornments, industrial, commercial and maritime arts, then tastes and artistic subjects, without forgetting the many terms used in astronomy and mathematics. To list the full extent of Islam's contribution to all this would take pages and pages and still not give it justice(22). As we close this review of the aspects of civilizational interaction which show how the West was influenced by the Islamic civilization, culture and sciences, we would like to give two examples dating back to the Middle Ages and to the early stirrings of the European Renaissance. These two examples are intimately linked to the social and spiritual life of Europeans and relate to the impact of Islamic law and of Arab and Islamic literature. The first aspect is related to the Frankish students who used to travel from their countries to Cordoba or Granada in pursuit of knowledge and who were very keen on translating Islamic fiqh books into their languages. The purpose was to enable their countries to benefit from them as the laws which were at that time in force in their countries were inferior to the Islamic ones, especially in the fifth century of the hegira. In an article on civil rights in the ancient world, the researcher Said Murad Al Ghazi concludes that what the Europeans derived from Islamic Fiqh was what came to be known later as the new Roman law, for how indeed could a Roman law re-emerge in a new form after its total disappearance if it had not been influenced in form and content by new foreign or borrowed elements(23). The direct influence of Islamic law was most apparent in Andalusia where the co-existence of Muslims, Christians and Jews reached its most profound levels with Muslim judges ruling over all and the Islamic Charia serving as the reference. As for the second aspect which is related to literature, suffice it to point out that the most famous Italian work of literature during the modern renaissance era, namely Dante Allighieri's Divine Comedy (1321AD), a work considered the pride and masterpiece of this era's literature, had in fact been inspired by the story of the Nightly Journey and Ascension as written by Mohieddine Ibn Arabi Al Hatimi (1240AD). The Divine Comedy followed the same lines as the original work although it was largely expanded by the Italian poet to make room for Christian beliefs and poetic imagination. The Spanish orientalist A. Placios (1871AD) even wrote about this obvious influence in his study of comedy titled The Ascension of Mohamed(24). In German literature, no mention can be made of the greatest temporary poet J. Wolfgang Goethe (1832) without mentioning his renowned poetry compilation "West-stlicher Divan." This book shows

clearly the strong impact of the Noble Quran and the life of the Prophet (PBUH) had on this author. This influence made his poems and plays stand out by their admiration of Islam and its great Book. In this divan, he describes as a folly on the part of man to be so arbitrary about any aspect witnessed in life. He also announces that if Islam meant submission to God, then we all live and die as Muslims(25). In Russian literature, Pushkin (1837AD) is considered the greatest poet in the history of Russian literature. He developed a passion for the Quran after reading a Russian and French translation of its meanings, and tried to emulate it in his prolific poems. A Russian critic wrote in his book "Pushkin and the East" that Pushkin was in admiration of the Quran not only in religious and spiritual terms, but also in the philosophical, social and Islamic ones. This explains the keen interest that this poet took in this great religious and historical text with its artistic and cultural features(26). Pushkin produced his poem Imitations of the Koran in several parts, which represented a new development in nationalistic Russian poetry in terms of form, content, ideas, musicality and tempo. It is only natural after all these rich civilizational interactions through centuries and centuries, that we wonder about the destiny of such positive cultural and civilizational interaction between East and West which occurred within a context of tolerance, openness and intellectual freedom during the golden age of the Islamic State. All historians unfortunately concur in that such fruitful interaction between East and West began to dwindle and to display signs contrary to its former positive spirit after the West achieved progress and reclaimed the reins of power from Muslims. The Islamic and Christian worlds have started to grow apart, not in time and space, but in terms of coexistence and cultural exchanges, influenced by antiMuslim and anti-Islam religious sentiments. Since Europe's Christians rallied around Pope Urban II at Clermont in France in 1095AD in a collective mobilization to wage the Crusade Wars and reclaim Al Quds from those he called the infidels, a new page was turned in the history of the relationship between the East and the West, one of military and political confrontation between the Islamic and Christians states. Over the three centuries of this confrontation which waned at times and surged at others, all mutually beneficial relations ceased to exist. By necessity, only commercial and diplomatic relations were maintained and were highly volatile at that. In fact, Europeans were the only beneficiaries of the Crusade Wars and were at the same time responsible for the atrocities of these wars. However, humanity's contemporary history stands out by a long-lasting progress in communication and openness and by the strong impact of civilization's modern developments. Peoples and nations are now convinced of the inevitability of communication, cooperation and of the dialogue of cultures and civilizations. A new page has been turned in the history of relations between Islam and Christianity, a page that we are living as we follow the progress of some of its praiseworthy endeavours. This relationship is dictated by the need for cooperation between Muslims and Christians as a way of confronting the spiritual deterioration of man. The impact of such deterioration has intensified within the context of a materialistic civilization which has stripped Man of his spiritual armour. Muslims and Christians, having the greatest following today, perhaps carry the largest share of responsibility in halting this deterioration. This entails that they lay the bridges of fruitful cooperation between them, of a sustained and objective dialogue among their cultural elite, to at least preserve the dream of living in a world of peace and tolerance.

(*) Member of the Academy of the Kingdom of Morocco, member of the Moroccan royal cabinet and former dean of the Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences at the University of Abdelmalek Essaadi in Tetouan, Morocco. (1) Al-Hujurat: 13. (2) One of these was Sheikh Ali Abdelrazik in his book Islam and the Rules of Governance which appeared in 1925 in Cairo. The book caused great intellectual turmoil in Egypt and elsewhere in reaction to its claim that Islam was a religion and not a state. Many books and articles responded to this claim. (3) Cf. 'Hujjat Al islam Al Baligha' by Imam Shah Walli Allah Dahlawi who died in 1176, in the chapter on the differences between the religion of our Prophet (PBUH) and Judaism and Christianity, page 122, Dar Ath-Thurat, Beirut. (4) Cf. more examples of this in Sheikh Abdelhay El Kettani's book 'Attarateeb Al Idariyya', Dar Al Kitab Al Arabi, Beirut. (5) Hujjat Allah Al Baligha, Dahlawi, Dar Al Thurat, vol 1, page 124. (6) Attarateeb Al Idariyya, El Kettani, vol 1, page 457. (7) Ibid, page 348. (8) Sunan Abi Dawoud, vol 2/789, authenticated by Zuheir Ash-Shaweesh. (9) Fath Al Bari on Saheeh Al Bukhari, vol 5/12, Al Matba'a Al Bahiyya (10) Islam and the Arab Civilization: Muhammed Kurd Ali, vol 1/214. (11) Attarateeb Al Idariyya: El Kettani, vol 1/203. (12) Ibid, 1/376. (13) Cf. his book: "Sunan Al Muhtadine fe Maqamat Addine". (14) Will Durant, "The Story of Civilization". (15) Impact of the Orient on the West, page 109. German orientalist George Jacob. (16) Islam and the Arab Civilization, Mohammed Kurd Ali, vol 1/221. (17) Ibid. (18) Article: 'Past and Present of Andalusia' by Mohammed Kurdi Ali, Magazine of the Academy of Arabic Language, Damascus, Vol 2, page 167, 1922AD. (19) Poet Abu Amer Al Biriani, cf. ibid, page 234. (20) Cf. 'Impact of the East in the West', page 169. (21) Cf. 'The Civilization of Islam' by Gustave E. Von Gunebaum, translated by Abdulaziz Taoufiq Jared, revised by Abdulhamid Al Abbadi, page 432. Editions of the Egyptian Book Authority, Cairo, 1994. (22) Ibid, page 432. (23) Cf. 'Islamic Legislation and Man-Made Legal Systems' by Dr Adel Mostafa Bassiouni, published by the Egyptian Book Authority, Cairo 1978, page 79 and after. A study of Murad Al Ghazi published in the magazine of the Arab Language Academy in Damascus, 1922, pp 118-119. The researcher was a member of Ottoman Magazine and a lecturer at the Law Institute of Istanbul. (24) Comparative Literature, Dr Ghnaimi Hilal, Anglo-Egyptian Library, Cairo, 1962AD, page 49 and after. (25) Cf. The Orient and Islam in Goethe's Writings, Abdulrahman Sedqi, page 25. (26) Cf. Pushkin and the Quran, Malek Saqour, Al Awael Press, 2000, page 165.

A Conversation with Professor Tariq Ramadan Live Webcast: View here on day of event. Join the faculty and students at Zaytuna for an intimate conversation with Professor Tariq Ramadan. Professor Tariq Ramadan is Professor of Contemporary Islamic Studies at Oxford University (Oriental Institute, St Antony's College) and also teaches at the Oxford Faculty of Theology.

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Friday, April 20-Saturday, April 21 | 9am to 5pm PST "Critical Discourses on Islamophobia: Symbols, Images, and Representations" A two-day conference on Islamophobia organized by the Islamophobia Research and Documentation Project at the University of California, Berkeley, and co-sponsored by Zaytuna College. More Information >> Monday, April 30 | 6pm PST "The Leadership Model of the Prophet Muhammad, upon him be peace" Presenter: Zaid Shakir Location: Zaytuna College Library (use back entrance) Registration: Register here for this FREE event. Live Webcast: View here on day of event. In this talk, Imam Zaid Shakir will examine the model of effective leadership demonstrated by the Prophet Muhammad, upon him be peace, based on a Muslim worldview as informed by the Qur'an and the prophetic tradition. Rather than apply the Qur'an and hadith to modern western theories of leadership, Imam Zaid will, in sha Allah, illustrate how the Prophet, upon him be peace, has left us with an example of an authentically Muslim model of leadership. RECENT EVENTS

"An Islamic Model of Sustainable Development" with Dr. Hatem Bazian | "The Irony of Democracy" (Part 2) with Imam Zaid Shakir |View >> "How to Read a Book" (Part 2) with Shaykh Hamza Yusuf |View >>
I know what you're thinking, because sometimes I think it too. You look at the bovine, witless features of Anders Breivik in that Oslo courtroom and you think: maybe capital punishment isn't so bad after all. You remember the 77 people he murdered, grimly observe the fist-salute he performs daily, notice that horrible pencilthin beard, and ask why a platform is being given to his fascistic worldview. You wonder if, instead, a few choice electrodes might be acquainted with his ball sack, and a small victory for humanity thereby chalked up. Then you wonder if, with the aid of a noose, we might get a bigger one still. That Breivik should call for the his own death penalty - as he did yesterday, saying only that or total acquittal would be a 'just' outcome - strengthens your conviction. Why not just let him hang? A lot of people are thinking along these lines. Is this what you think too? Well, don't. Fight it. Dismiss it immediately, and console yourself that Breivik is getting a platform because he lives in a country which, through its judicial process, is at the forefront of civilisation. Norway has left the temptations of barbarism (which is what capital punishment - murder of individuals by the state - amounts to) behind, and for that we should all be grateful. As Freya Berry, a student at Trinity College, Cambridge put it in an elegant column for this newspaper yesterday, "we cannot fight hate with hate". Like my esteemed colleagueOwen Jones earlier this week, she quoted the exemplary Jens Stoltenberg, Prime Minister of Norway, who said the country's response to this massacre would be "more democracy,

more openness, and greater political participation." That is exactly right, and in resisting the impatience of those who want Breivik's punishment to be swift and merciless, Stoltenberg has recognised a philosophical distinction of great historical importance. Retribution is of two kinds: first, social, also known as justice; and second, individual, also known as revenge. The mark of a civilised society is that it promotes the messy frustrations and delays of the former over the false consolation of the latter. Capital punishment is wrong because it is ineffective, unjust, and uncivilised. No reliable evidence exists of its efficacy as a deterrent; there are countless examples of miscarriages of justice that cannot be reversed; and countries that resist its temptations tend to be those that also promote open justice and transparency. It abolition is a modernising force. In helping Norway to set an example for all humanity, some good is yet emerging from the turpitudinous life of Anders Breivik.

Amol Rajan: Why a spot of torture and a long rope would be too good for Anders Breivik
Norway has shown that true justice, though messy and frustrating, is the mark of a civilised society ULASAN BUKU
Khazanah Tafsir Di Malaysia. Oleh Mustaffa Abdullah. Bentong: Book Pro Publishing, 2009. Hh.xii + 336. RM 30. Buku ini adalah upaya definitif untuk mengemukakan perbahasan tafsir yang substantif di Malaysia. Sejarah penulisan tafsir ini menzahirkan pemikiran 26 tokoh pentafsir yang besar yang telah menulis dan mengemukakan idealisme tafsir yang persuasif dan meyakinkan. Ia menjelaskan mazhab pemikiran yang diketengahkan dalam tafsir yang merangkul aliran tradisional, islah dan al-Dihlawi. Dr Mustaffa memperkenalkan pemikiran dan perjuangan yang digerakkan sejak kurun ke-19 bagi mengangkat karya dan warisan tafsir di Malaysia dan pengaruhnya dalam mencorakkan peradaban dan kebudayaan bangsa. Pengajian dan penulisan tafsir ini menggarap manhaj penulisan dan penyampaian teks yang kritis, yang memperlihatkan pengaruh ulama tafsir dan karyanya yang masih diraikan dan dipertahankan di institusi pondok, dan diangkat dalam tradisi pengajian tafsir moden secara formal dan tidak. Menurut Zuarida Mohyin, Kajian ini berjaya membongkar dan mendokumentasikan fakta-fakta berkaitan sejarah tokohtokoh serta karya-karya tafsir yang pernah dihasilkan oleh mufassir (pentafsir) di Malaysia.1 Karya ini menampilkan 26 sarjana tafsir yang berpengaruh yang diketengahkan sejarah dan fikrah perjuangan

1 Miliki Khazanah Tafsir di Malaysia. Utusan Malaysia, Arkib : 27/03/2009.

serta kekuatan karyanya seperti Syeikh Abdul Malik Abdullah (penyalin Tarjuman Mustafid, h. 47), Tuan Haji Muhammad Said bin Umar (Tafsir Nur al-Ihsan, h. 52), Syed Syeikh al-Hadi (Tafsir al-Fatihah, h. 64), Haji Uthman bin Muhammad (Anwar al-Huda wa Amtar al-Nada, h. 75), Syeikh Muhammad Idris Abd Rauf alMarbawi (Tafsir al-Marbawi, h. 82), Syeikh Abu Bakar al-Ashaari (Intisari Tafsir Juzu Amma, h. 94), Shaykh Haji Abdul Aziz bin Abdul Salam (al-Bayan pada Tawil Ayat-ayat al-Quran, h. 115), Dato Haji Muhammad Nor bin Ibrahim (Ramuan Rapi: Dari Erti Surah al-Kahfi, h. 124), Maulana Abdullah Noh (Khulasah alQuran, h.136), Haji Abdullah Abbas Nasution (Tafsir Harian al-Quran al-Karim, h. 146), Syeikh Abdullah Basmeih (Tafsir Pimpinan al-Rahman Kepada Pengertian al-Quran, h. 160), Mustafa Abdul Rahman Mahmud (Tafsir al-Quran al-Hakim, h. 173), Nik Muhammad Adeeb (Rahsia Mengadap Tuhan, h. 192), Nik Muhammad Salleh Wan Musa (Tafsir Surah al-Mujadalah, h. 199), Haji Yusof bin Haji Abdullah al-Rawi (Tafsir al-Rawi Juzu Amma, h. 215), Dato Yusoff Zaky Yacob (penterjemah Fi Zilal al-Quran, h. 228), Dato Haji Nik Abdul Aziz bin Nik Mat (Tafsir Surah Hud, h. 240), Abdullah al-Qari bin Haji Salleh (Mencari Hidayah al-Quran Perintis Intisari, h. 255), Pauzi Awang (Tafsir al-Quranul-Karim Juz Amma, h. 268), Zainuddin bin Idris (Tafsir al-Quran al-Hakim, h. 277), Dr. Abdul Hayei Abdul Sukor (Tafsir Pedoman Muttaqin, h. 289), Dato Seri Haji Abdul Hadi Awang (Tafsir al-Tibyan dalam Memahami al-Quran, h. 296), Wan Ahmad bin Wan Ali (Abi Lukman) (Tafsir Juz Amma, h. 307), Muhammad bin Abd. Latif (Tafsir alHidayah, h. 314), Abu Zaky Fadzil (Tafsir al-Fatihah, h. 319) dan Abdullah ar-Rahmat (Samudera al-Fatihah Penyuluh Hidup Mukmin, h. 321). Tinjauan pemikiran dan khazanah tafsir yang dihimpunkan dalam karya ini menzahirkan manhaj dan pandangan kontekstual yang penting yang meraikan kekuatan idea dan menampilkan sosok dan kerangka pemikiran ulama yang luas. Prof. Dr. Ahmad Hidayat Buang, dalam prakatanya mengungkapkan Penulisan karya ini sedikit sebanyak mendedahkan kepada pembaca beberapa istilah penting dalam ilmu tafsir seperti Tafsir bi al-Ray, Tafsir bi al-Mathur, Tafsir Mawdui dan sebagainya. Selain itu, karya ini turut memperkenalkan beberapa tokoh mufassir tanah air yang kurang dikenali, namun telah banyak memberikan sumbangan yang bernilai di bidang ini. (h. vi). Kajian ini menyingkap lembaran teks klasik yang dihasilkan Ulama nusantara yang berupaya menulis dan menzahirkan idealisme tafsir yang berpengaruh dan tersendiri seiring dengan perkembangan metode dan percambahan kitab tafsir yang mencanangkan pendekatan modernis dan tajdid bagi memugar kebangkitan dan nahdah di Tanah Melayu. Kefahaman Islam yang dinamik di rantau ini telah menzahirkan keyakinan yang kukuh terhadap mazhab tafsir yang signifikan yang dilakarkan oleh Syaikh Muhammad Abduh dan Syaikh Muhammad Rasyid Rida dalam Tafsir al-Manar, di samping pendekatan lain yang diilhamkan dari aliran tafsir al-Dihlawi, al-Mathur dan al-Maudui. Penulisan ini menzahirkan pengaruh dan kekuatan yang jelas dengan keberkesanan dan ketinggian manhaj yang dilakarkan. Menurut penilai karya, Dr. Mazlan Ibrahim, gaya persembahan buku ini juga menarik kerana pengaliran ideanya nampak tersusun (h. ix). Suatu bandingan yang diperlihatkan dalam tradisi dan warisan tafsir di Malaysia adalah corak pemikiran yang terikat dengan kerangka mazhab dan kebudayaan melayu yang masih dipertahankan. Karya-karya ini memperkuat fikrah dan hujah mazhab yang diyakini dengan menepis hujah dan kefahaman yang bercanggah dengan nas mazhab. Pandangan dan pentafsiran ulama mazhab dipertahan dan diperkukuh dengan sandaran nas, aqwal dan ijtihad bagi merungkai ikhtilaf dan fatwa serta hukum yang kelihatan bercanggah dengan prinsip maslahah dan maqasid syariah. Perbahasan buku ini masih perlu diperluas dan dipertingkatkan, kerana menurut hemat penulisnya, Maklumat

dan data yang dikumpulkan ini masih terdapat kekurangan (h. xii), memandangkan khazanah penting manuskrip-manuskrip tafsir yang menghimpunkan pemikiran ulama melayu yang lampau masih belum disalin dan dicetak. Kerangka dan ruang lingkup perbahasan karya ini juga agak ringkas berbanding dengan tradisi penulisan tafsir yang besar yang telah dirintis oleh ulama silam sejak abad ke 15. Sumbangan bermakna yang dikemukakan oleh Tok Kenali dalam terjemahan tafsir al-Khazin dan komentar tafsir al-Jalalayn dan ulamaulama tafsir lain juga wajar diangkat dan diketengahkan, di samping tafsiran yang terkesan dengan aliran isyari, sufi, syii, dan imami yang telah mengalir dan menzahirkan pengaruhnya di Malaysia.
Bismillah Walhamdulillah Was Salaatu Was Salaam 'ala Rasulillah As-Salaam Alaikum Wa-Rahmatullahi Wa-Barakatuhu Prayer - 28th Jumada al-Awwal 1433 (20th April 2012) Narrated Abu Huraira (Radi-Allahu 'anhu): Allah's Apostle (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) said, "If anyone of you can get one Rak'a of the 'Asr prayer before sunset, he should complete his prayer. If any of you can get one Rak'a of the Fajr prayer before sunrise, he should complete his prayer." Bukhari Vol. 1 : No. 531

HADIS-HADIS MUSYKIL DARI SUDUT LOGIKA DAN NORMA-NORMA AGAMA. CONTOH NO: 4 Perangilah manusia sehingga semuanya mengucap La ilaha illaLlah. Ali bin Abi Talib radiallahu anhu pernah bertanya kepada Rasulullah sallallahu alaihi wasallam: Ya Rasulullah ! Atas hal apakah patut aku perangi manusia ? Rasulullah menjawab: Perangilah mereka sehingga mereka bersyahadah bahawa Tiada Tuhan melainkan Allah dan Muhammad adalah Rasul Allah. Apabila mereka telah mengucapkan sedemikian maka terpeliharalah darah dan harta benda mereka. Kecuali yang menjadi hak kamu. Dan perhitungannya adalah kepada Allah.[1] Kemusykilan: Hadis ini menjadi sasaran utama para pengkritik orientalis bahawa Islam adalah agama yang disebarkan melalui pedang, iaitu secara paksaan. Apakah maksud sebenar hadis ini ? Penjelasannya: Hadis ini telah diperhujahkan dalam bentuk yang terkeluar dari konteksnya yang asal. Hadis ini sebenarnya disabdakan oleh Rasulullah sallallahu alaihi wasallam ketika berperang dengan orang-orang Yahudi di Khaibar, sepertimana yang pertama sekali diterangkan sendiri oleh Abu Hurairah radiallahu anhu apabila beliau meriwayatkannya. Urutan yang menyebabkan Rasulullah bersabda sedemikian dapat juga dilihat dalam mana-mana kitabsirah yang muktabar.[2] Pendek cerita, pada tahun 5 hijrah orang-orang Yahudi di Khaibar telah mengumpul beberapa kaum dan kabilah di

Semenanjung Arab untuk bersatu melancarkan peperangan ke atas orang-orang Islam di Kota Madinah. Namun serangan tersebut berjaya dipatahkan apabila umat Islam menggali parit yang dalam di sekeliling Kota Madinah. Peperangan ini masyhur dengan gelaran Perang Khandak. Dua tahun kemudian umat Islam telah melancarkan serang balas ke atas orang-orang Yahudi di Khaibar.[3] Adalah tidak benar jika dikatakan tentera Islam telah memaksa orang-orang Yahudi di Khaibar untuk memeluk Islam. Dari awal lagi Rasulullah sallallahu alaihi wasallam telah berdakwah kepada orang-orang Yahudi, malah beberapa sahabat yang mengenali kitab Taurat telah mengingatkan mereka tentang kerasulan Muhammad berdasarkan keterangan kitab mereka sendiri. Namun mereka tetap mengingkarinya.[4] Lebih dari itu, setelah menerima perintah untuk memerangi orang Yahudi Khaibar sepertimana hadis yang pertama di atas, berkata Ali bin Abi Talib radiallahu anhu: Ya Rasulullah ! Aku akan perangi mereka sehinggalah mereka menjadi seperti kita (iaitu menjadi orang Islam). Mendengar itu Rasulullah sallallahu alaihi wasallam menjawab: Maralah secara berhati-hati sehingga kamu sampai ke kawasan mereka yang lapang. Kemudian dakwahlah mereka kepada Islam. Khabarkan kepada mereka tentang apa yang wajib dari hak (undang-undang) Allah. Demi Allah ! Jika Allah memberi hidayah kepada salah seorang dari mereka adalah lebih baik daripada kamu memiliki sekumpulan unta yang berharga.[5] Mungkin ada kemusykilan lagi, bahawa hadis: Perangilah mereka sehingga sepertimana di atas bersifat umum kerana ia adalah jawapan yang merujuk kepada pertanyaan: Ya Rasulullah ! Atas hal apakah patut aku perangi manusia ? Perkataan al-Nas merujuk kepada seluruh manusia. Justeru sekalipun ia disampaikan dalam satu kes tertentu, ciricirinya yang umum menyebabkan ia tidak terikat kepada satu suasana tertentu. Ini selari dengan kaedah, bahawa sesuatu nas yang bersifat umum tidak terikat dengan suasana yang melahirkan nas tersebut. Kemusykilan ini dapat dijelaskan dengan memahami bahawa fungsi alif lam terhadap perkataan Nas (manusia) dalam hadis di atas tidaklah merujuk kepada erti seluruh manusia tetapi merujuk kepada sekumpulan manusia bagi menetap makna yang dimaksudkan (Lam-al-Marifah). Di dalam al-Quran, terdapat beberapa contoh di mana perkataan al-Nas tidak bererti seluruh manusia tetapi hanyalah sekelompok. Berikut adalah dua contoh: Pertama: Mereka juga ialah yang diberitahu oleh manusia (al-Nas) kepada mereka: Bahawa manusia (al-Nas) telah mengumpulkan tentera untuk memerangi kamu, oleh itu hendaklah kamu gerun kepadanya. Maka berita itu makin menambahkan iman mereka lalu berkata: Cukuplah Allah untuk (menolong) kami, dan Ia sebaik-baik pengurus. [Ali Imran 3:173] Dalam ayat di atas, perkataan al-Nas tidaklah merujuk kepada semua manusia. Alif lam yang mendahuluinya berperanan menetapkannya kepada sesuatu makna (Lam-al-Marifah). al-Nas yang pertama merujuk kepada Naim bin

Masud al-Asyjai manakala al-Nas yang kedua merujuk kepada Abu Sufyan dan rombongan dagangnya.[6] Justeru dalam ayat ini Naim bin Masud ingin menakut-nakutkan umat Islam dengan serangan tentera Quraisy Abu Sufyan tetapi ancaman ini tidak lain hanyalah menguatkan lagi keimanan umat ketika itu. Kedua: Apabila datang pertolongan Allah dan kemenangan, Dan engkau melihat manusia (al-Nas) masuk dalam agama Allah beramai-ramai, Maka ucapkanlah tasbih dengan memuji Tuhanmu dan mintalah ampun kepada-Nya, sesungguhnya Dia amat menerima taubat. [al-Nasr 110:1-3] Dalam ayat di atas juga, al-Nas tidak merujuk kepada manusia di seluruh dunia tetapi hanya kepada penduduk Kota Makkah, yakni ketika Fath-ul-Makkahdi mana umat Islam telah kembali menguasai Kota Makkah dari tangan kafir Quraisy. Manusia yang menerima agama Islam yang dimaksudkan ialah penduduk Kota Makkah dan bukannya penduduk seluruh dunia. Memadailah dengan dua contoh di atas. Justeru perkataan al-Nas dalam hadis di atas yang dipersoalkan sebenarnya merujuk kepada orang-orang Yahudi di Khaibar, bukan umum kepada semua manusia.[7]

[1] Sahih: Hadis dari Abu Hurairah radiallahu anhu, dikeluarkan oleh Ibn Saad, Muslim dan lain-lain. Di atas adalah dari lafaz Muslim, lihat Sahih Muslim no: 2405 (Kitab Fadail Sahabat, Fadail Ali bin Abi Talib). [2] Antaranya: Ibn Saad al-Tabaqat al-Kubra (Dar al-Kutub al-Ilmiah, Beirut 1997), jld 2, ms 84 (Kitab Maghazi dan Sariyah Rasulullah, Ghuzwah Khaibar); Ibn Kathir al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah (Dar al-Hadith, Kaherah 1997), jld 4, ms 185 (Tahun ke-7, Ghuzwah Khaibar); al-Dzahabi Siyar Alam al-Nubala, Sirah Nabawiyah (Muasasah al-Risalah, Beirut 1998), jld 2, ms 64 (Tahun ke-7, Ghuzwah Khaibar) dan Akram Diya al-Umari Madinan Society at The Time of The Prophet (terj: Huda Khattab; IIPH & IIIT, Riyadh 1995), vol 1, ms 145. [3] Lebih lanjut, disyorkan membaca buku sirah karangan H. Zainal Arifin Abbas: Sejarah dan Perjuangan Nabi Muhammad s.a.w. (Pustaka Antara, Kuala Lumpur 1991), jld 8, ms 69-74. [4] Ibn Hisyam Sirah Nabawiyah (Maktabah al-Abikan, Riyadh 1998), jld 2, ms 159 (Bab Orang Yahudi mengingkari (wahyu) yang diturunkan). Al-Suyuti menyebutnya dalamDarr al-Manthur fi Tafsir al-Mathur (Dar al-Kutub al-Ilmiah, Beirut 2000), jld 2, ms 476 sebagai sebab turunnya ayat ke 19 surah al-Maidah. [5] Sahih: Hadis dari Sahl bin Saad radiallahu anhu, dikeluarkan oleh Ahmad, al-Bukhari, Muslim, al-Thabarani (al-Mujam al-Kabir) dan lain-lain, lihat Sahih Muslim no: 2406 (Kitab Fadail Sahabat, Fadail Ali bin Abi Talib). [6] Lihat al-Mawardi al-Nukatu al-Uyun, jld 1, ms 438; Ibn Kathir Tafsir al-Quran al-Adzhim (terj: Bahrun Abubakar; Sinar Baru Algensindo, Bandung 2000), juz 4, ms 305-308;al-Suyuti Tafsir Jalalain (terj: Bahrun Abubakar; Sinar Baru Algensindo, Bandung 1997), jld 1, ms 173 dan lain-lain. Bagi pengajaran dan iktibar yang besar dari ayat ini, lihat penjelasan yang amat baik oleh Said Hawa dalam al-Asas fi alTafsir (Dar al-Salam, Kaherah 1999), jld 2, ms 938-939. [7] Muhammad al-Ghazali Menjawab 40 Soal Islam Abad 20 (S. Abdul Majid, Kuala Lumpur 1989), ms 75-77 dengan beberapa tambahan

dari penulis.

Pembangunan Menerusi Pemerkasaan Iman dan Moraliti Khalif Muammar A. Harris

Tamadun Khayra

Ummah

Pendahuluan Artikel ini bermuara di bawah bayangan satu ayat al-Quran, ia cuba untuk menerangkan dan membumikan apa yang terkandung dalam surah Al-Imran :110 yang bermaksud: Kamu adalah umat terbaik yang dilahirkan untuk manusia, menyuruh kepada yang maruf , dan mencegah daripada yang munkar, dan kamu beriman kepada Allah

Ayat di atas mengandungi tiga konsep penting untuk memastikan pembangunan tamadun khayra ummah iaitu: a). menegakkan yang maruf b). membenteras yang munkar dan c). iman kepada Allah. Ayat ini memberi jaminan apabila ketiga-tiga prasyarat ini dilakukan oleh suatu bangsa maka bangsa tersebut akan mencipta tamadun khayra ummah. Kuntowijoyo telah mentafsirkan Surah Al-Imran di atas dengan bijak dan tepat, beliau menterjemahkan al-amr bi al-maruf dengan humanisasi, al-nahy an al-munkar dengan liberasi dan iman kepada Allah sebagai transendensi.[1] Dengan ketiga-tiga pendekatan ini beliau menjelaskan bahawa Islam mampu memberikan yang terbaik kepada umat manusia. Gagasan beliau sangat bernas memandangkan paradigma sekular yang dibina oleh Barat sudah mulai layu dan semakin bermasalah. Beliau menyarankan agar umat Islam membangun ilmu sosial profetik sebagai satu gerakan intelektual.[2] Oleh yang demikian, tulisan ini mencuba untuk menyambung ide tersebut dengan melihat hubungannya dengan konsep tamadun khayra ummah yang juga terkandung dalam ayat tersebut. Ayat di atas juga membayangkan bahawa Umat Islam mempunyai misi yang telah ditetapkan oleh Allah SWT. Misi menjadi umat terunggul dalam erti kata menjadi contoh dan teladan adalah satu misi ketamadunan. Islam tidak berambisi untuk menjadikan umat Islam umat yang terkuat, terbesar, teramai, terhebat dalam erti kekuatan ketenteraan dan material. Tetapi mendorong umat Islam agar menjadi umat yang terbaik atau terunggul. Terlepas daripada kerangka sekularis dan materialis, kalimat terbaik mengisyaratkan adanya muatan nilai moral yang dominan dalam objektif ketamadunan itu sendiri. Kebaikan (al-khayr) sebagai satu nilai murni asas tentunya bertentangan dan menolak segala bentuk diskriminasi, kezaliman, penindasan, keangkuhan, pembohongan dsb. Konsep umat terbaik ini berbeza dengan konsep the chosen people dalam tradisi Yahudi. Konsep the chosen people mengarah kepada rasialisme dan diskriminasi. Sedangkan konsep khayra ummah ini hanya menggambarkan fenomena sunnatuLlah bahawa potensi yang baik semestinya mempunyai aksi yang nyata dan terbimbing sehingga memberi kesan yang terbaik juga. Konsep ini sangat berkait rapat dengan hakikat Islam sebagai agama yang membawa misi pembebasan dan perubahan atau seperti yang diungkapkan oleh Dr. Siddiq Fadzil agenda dan misi liberatif-transformatif (tahriri-taghyiri).[3]

Hubungan Tawhid dengan Peradaban Hasil daripada proses sekularisasi dunia Islam, masyarakat pada hari ini cenderung menganggap agama tidak memberikan sumbangan besar dalam pembangunan bangsa dan negara. Bahkan tanpa disedari pemikiran dikotomis yang mempertentangkan agama dengan sains sudah meresap dalam pemikiran masyarakat. Sebahagian besar masyarakat juga beranggapan hanya sains dan teknologi yang dapat membawa masyarakat kepada kemajuan dan pembangunan. Golongan agama dianggap golongan yang kolot dan jumud, oleh itu, tidak berhak mencampuri urusan keduniaan. Malah gejala pelecehan agama dan ulama dalam masyarakat hari ini makin menjadi-jadi. Tanpa disedari oleh golongan sekular ini, pemisahan agama daripada kehidupan manusia sebenarnya telah menyebabkan masyarakat hidup dalam budaya yang rosak seperti hedonisme, materialisme dan budaya pop dan hype yang tentunya, seperti diungkapkan oleh Ziauddin Sardar, menyumbang kepada imperialisme budaya.[4] Tawhid dalam Islam membentuk worldview seorang Muslim. Konsep tawhid uluhiyyah misalnya, menggariskan bahawa segala sesuatu yang wujud datang daripada Allah oleh itu semestinya manusia melakukan segala perbuatannya kerana Allah. Mentaati, mencintai, berlindung, berharap kepada selain Allah secara mutlak bermakna mensyirikkan Allah. Konsep al-ubudiyyah menggariskan bahawa manusia hidup sebagai hamba Allah. Seorang Muslim yang sejati akan mendedikasikan hidupnya untuk mencari keredaan Allah semata. Menghambakan diri pada Allah bererti menjalankan segala perintah Allah dan menjauhi segala larangan-Nya. Segala perbuatan yang dilakukan oleh seorang Muslim tanpa mengira siapa (pekerjaan) dan apa (bidang) yang dibuat akan bernilai ibadah seandainya ia ikhlas dan mengikut petunjuk Shariah. Kedua-dua konsep asas tawhid ini sudah cukup untuk merubah pandangan sarwa manusia: seorang Muslim percaya bahawa masa yang dianugerahkan kepadanya adalah amanah yang mesti digunakan untuk tujuan keredaan Allah. Masa bukanlah datang dengan sendirinya sebagaimana dalam worldview Barat sehingga manusia bebas untuk melakukan apa sahaja yang diinginkannya. Sehingga dalam budaya hedonisme Barat inilah timbul istilah to kill the time dengan meramaikan kelab malam, budaya lepak, permainan video dsb. Begitu juga dengan harta dan kuasa, seorang Muslim akan berhati-hati dalam menggunakan harta dan kuasa yang ada padanya kerana ia tahu bahawa ia akan dipertanggungjawabkan di akhirat. Kuasa politik dalam worldview Islam adalah amanah Allah dan amanah rakyat. Seorang pemimpin hanya akan dapat menunaikan amanah Allah dengan menunaikan tanggungjawabnya terhadap rakyat. Ia dilantik dengan kontrak perwakilan (aqd waka>lah), oleh kerana itu rakyat mesti diberikan hak dan kuasa yang lebih tinggi untuk memilih, menegur dan menggantikan pemimpin. Tanpa adanya tanggungjawab kepada Allah seorang pemimpin sekular akan berusaha memperdayakan rakyat agar kuasa yang ada padanya berkekalan. Demikian juga dengan ilmu yang dimiliki oleh seorang Muslim. Dalam worldview Islam ia adalah amanah yang mesti dilaksanakan dengan baik. Ini kerana ilmu sebenarnya datang daripada Allah, Dialah yang menganugerahkan manusia akal fikiran yang dengannya ia dapat membaca ayat-ayat Allah (ayat qawliyyah) dan memahami segala ciptaan-Nya (ayat kawniyyah) pula. Oleh itu, ilmu datang kepada manusia bukan kerana usaha sendiri semata-mata tetapi merupakan tawfiq dan hidayah Allah juga. Kerana itu tidak sedikit orang yang belajar dan pakar tentang Islam tetapi masih keliru dan mengelirukan, sebaliknya juga ramai yang tidak memiliki ijazah tetapi mempunyai kefahaman dan ilmu yang tinggi tentang Islam. Dalam kerangka amanah ilmiah ini, kebenaran mesti disuarakan walaupun ia akan merugikan diri dan/atau sesuatu golongan (maksud hadis). Seseorang ilmuan tidak boleh menyembunyikan ilmunya dan membiarkan masyarakat dalam kejahilan

dan kesalahan. Seorang guru bertanggungjawab mendidik anak muridnya menjadi insan yang berguna dan berjaya di dunia dan di akhirat, dan bukan hanya menjadi alat penyampai maklumat. Setelah tawhid membentuk worldview seorang Muslim, maka jati diri seseorang itu akan berubah dan menjadi orang yang lebih baik dan bertanggungjawab. Seorang Muslim yang sejati akan bersikap amanah, berdisiplin, adil terhadap orang lain dan dirinya sendiri, melaksanakan al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar dsb. Maka dari itu nilai-nilai murni di atas hanya akan membekas dalam diri seseorang setelah ia melalui perubahan worldview tersebut. Dengan demikian jelaslah bahawa dalam Islam agama memainkan peranan dalam membangun bangsa. Dalam Islam kemajuan material bukan kemajuan sebenar, Islam lebih menitik beratkan pembangunan insan berilmu, berakhlak, berguna dan bermanfaat bukan untuk diri sendiri sahaja tetapi untuk masyarakat dan Ummat Islam. Kemuliaan inilah asas pembangunan tamadun khayra ummah. Dengan memahami Islam seutuhnya, seorang Muslim percaya agama dapat menjamin keharmonian, kebahagiaan, kesejahteraan, kedamaian. Di sini juga tampak kelebihan Islam berbanding agama-agama lain. Islam membentuk worldview manusia dan merubah jatidiri sehingga menjadi manusia ulung, manusia unggul dan insa>n ka>mil. Transformasi manusia jahiliyyah kepada manusia bertamadun ini dibuktikan dalam sejarah di mana pendidikan Rasulullah telah merubah bangsa Arab jahiliyyah kepada bangsa yang berilmu dan bertamadun. Transformasi tersebut dilakukan dalam masa yang relatif singkat. Setelah kurang daripada 50 tahun pembinaan insan dilakukan iaitu 611 Masehi wahyu diterima sehingga 659 Masehi berakhirnya pemerintahan Sayyidina Ali umat Islam berjaya mencipta tamadun terhebat dalam sejarah manusia. Pencapaian di atas bukan untuk bernostalgia tetapi untuk mengajak kita semua berfikir apakah gerangan rahasia pembangunan insan yang dilakukan oleh Rasulullah sehingga bukan sahaja membina empayar yang kuat tetapi juga membina manusia-manusia yang hebat dan tangguh.

Kesan Sekularisasi di Barat terhadap Moraliti Pemisahan agama daripada hal-hal keduniaan memberi dampak yang besar kepada moraliti. Masyarakat Barat pada umumnya menganggap morality adalah hal individu yang tidak terkait dengan kekuasaan. Maka dari itu penguasa tidak berhak campurtangan dalam menentukan apa yang baik dan buruk bagi individu. Sikap dikotomis dan individualistik ini membawa kepada ide bahawa individu dan masyarakat perlu diberikan kebebasan untuk melakukan apa yang diinginkan tanpa ada kekangan daripada agama mahupun pemerintah. Di Malaysia isu undang-undang moral ini hangat diperdebatkan beberapa bulan yang lalu dengan munculnya memorandum 50 Badan Bukan Kerajaan (NGO), yang diketuai oleh Sisters in Islam. Memorandum tersebut menggesa agar kerajaan menghapuskan undang-undang penguatkuasaan moral kerana dianggap menggugat hak kebebasan individu. Masyarakat Islam mempunyai pegangan yang berlainan dengan masyarakat Barat, tentunya kelainan ini perlu dibiarkan bahkan dipertahankan. Kerana itu masyarakat Islam tidak perlu dipaksa untuk mengikuti cara hidup dan cara berfikir yang asing. Bahkan masyarakat pada hari ini sedar akan kesan negatif budaya hedonistik dan materialistik yang dieksport Barat melalui media massa. Masyarakat pada umumnya juga mengharapkan adanya kekangan dan sekatan dilakukan agar budaya hidup bebas tidak meresap ke dalam diri generasi muda bangsa.

Politik dan moral sememangnya dua perkara yang berbeza. Namun demikian, keduanya tidak harus dipisahkan. Ini kerana pemisahan hanya akan mengakibatkan kepincangan dalam politik dan pemerintahan itu sendiri. Kalau dalam masyarakat bukan Islam moraliti hanya dikaitkan dengan agama dan agama difahami sebagai urusan individu yang hanya melibatkan aspek spiritual dan ritual, tidak demikian dalam ajaran Islam. Islam mengajarkan agar penganutnya mentaati segala perintah Allah S.W.T. dalam segala aspek kehidupan manusia. Ini bertujuan agar adanya kesinambungan antara kehidupan peribadi, kehidupan bermasyarakat dan bernegara. Adalah perkara yang asasi untuk difahami bahawa untuk melahirkan generasi muda yang cemerlang memerlukan suasana yang kondusif dan bersih dari segala keruntuhan akhlak dan budaya yang tidak sihat. Ketika arak diharamkan dalam Islam, baik dikonsumsi secara bersendirian mahupun di tempat umum, baik sedikit yang tidak dikhawatirkan akan mencederakan orang lain ataupun banyak yang pastinya akan menimbulkan masalah. Masalah ketagihan tidak mungkin ditangani dengan menyerahkan kepada masingmasing individu untuk mengawal diri sendiri. Walaupun al-Quran telah lama mengakui adanya sedikit faedah dari meminum arak dalam keadaan-keadaan tertentu, tetapi demi menjaga kepentingan bersama (masyarakat) Islam mengambil langkah mengharamkannya secara mutlak. Pengharaman ini memerlukan sokongan daripada penguasa Muslim, demi merealisasikan masyarakat yang sihat dalaman dan luaran. Demikian juga ketika Islam mengharamkan zina, ia diharamkan sama ada dilakukan secara sukarela mahupun paksaan (rogol). Walaupun yang pertama (suka sama suka) pada zahirnya tidak memberi masalah kepada masyarakat, akan tetapi ia mempunyai kesan yang besar kepada ikatan kekeluargaan (suami-isteri), keturunan (anak luar nikah), masyarakat (pengguguran dan pembunuhan bayi), risiko penyakit dan lain-lain lagi. Oleh itu, Islam melihat bahawa moraliti bukan hal individu yang terpisah daripada perhatian dan peranan publik. Justeru dalam pandangan Islam baik publik mahupun penguasa perlu memastikan agar moraliti dapat dijaga oleh semua pihak. Di sinilah Islam meletakkan prinsip al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar (menyeru kepada kebaikan dan mencegah yang munkar) untuk dipegang oleh masyarakat Islam. Dengan berpegang kepada prinsip ini Allah menjamin umat Islam akan menjadi sebaik-baik umat. Namun demikian mencegah kemungkaran tidak bermakna akan mengorbankan privacy seseorang, ia masih boleh memastikan hak-hak peribadinya dihormati. Apa yang dituntut adalah agar masyarakat dan kerajaan bertanggung jawab terhadap segala kegiatan yang bersifat publik yang dapat menjejaskan moraliti masyarakat. Yang menyedihkan, apabila ada kecenderungan masyarakat yang acuh tak acuh terhadap gejala keruntuhan akhlak walaupun ianya menjolok mata, ini tentunya akan memberi lesen kepada budaya yang lebih tidak bermoral. Pembangunan sesebuah negara pada hari ini biasanya dikaitkan dengan tingkat public awareness dan civil society. Sebenarnya Islam telah meletakkan asas kepedulian publik ini dalam bentuk al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar sebagai kaedah menciptakan masyarakat yang cerdas dan cemerlang. Islam menolak pemikiran dualistik dan dikotomis kerana manusia dan segala apa yang wujud di alam ini adalah makhluk Allah yang mesti tunduk kepada perintah Allah S.W.T sebagai Pencipta dan Pengatur alam. Sedangkan dikotomi antara agama dengan sains, politik dengan moral hanya boleh diterima dalam masyarakat Barat yang sekular. Tuhan, dalam pemikiran sekular, hanya berada dalam ruang lingkup agama yang sempit, dan tidak mempunyai kuasa untuk menentukan hal-hal keduniaan. Pemisahan dan sekularisasi di Barat pada akhirnya memaksa masyarakat Barat menanggung akibat yang besar dari segi krisis moral dan kerohanian: keruntuhan akhlak, kekeliruan dan kebingungan dalam menentukan jalan hidup dan nilai-nilai moral. Tiba saatnya para pendukung sekularisme menyedari bahawa sekularisme bukan satu pendekatan yang objektif dalam memahami dan mengatur kehidupan akan tetapi ia membawa mesej dogmatik yang berakar pada immanentisme dan berakhir dengan dunia tanpa nilai-nilai luhur. Kelemahan yang ada pada tamadun Barat perlu dijadikan pengajaran agar tidak menjadi kelemahan masyarakat

Islam pada hari ini mahupun akan datang. Ramai penulis Barat sendiri seperti John L. Esposito dan Peter L. Berger mengatakan bahawa sejak dua dekad terakhir abad 20 telah wujud apa yang dikatakan sebagai the global resurgence of religion (kebangkitan agama secara global), ini kerana agama telah kembali untuk mempersoalkan kebenaran dogma-dogma yang ditanamkan oleh para nabi modeniti (the prophets of modernity).[5] Apabila masyarakat dunia sendiri diramalkan akan kembali kepada agama untuk mencari jawaban bagi permasalahan-permasalahan yang tidak dapat diselesaikan oleh falsafah Barat, bukankah lebih utama masyarakat Islam yang sememangnya beragama untuk menghidupkan kembali keyakinannya terhadap agama? Kajian juga menunjukkan bahawa adanya ancaman liberalisasi dalam hal berkaitan dengan agama dan dalam hal ini termasuk juga moraliti masyarakat banyak diwarnai oleh agama Islam. Oleh itu kita tidak boleh menerima pendapat yang mengatakan biarlah individu menentukan sendiri apa yang baik dan apa yang buruk, masyarakat dan negara tidak perlu masuk campur. Walaupun ini adalah inti kebebasan berpendapat dan bersuara (freedom of expression and opinion) ia tidak sepatutnya diikuti dengan membabi buta. Dalam hubungannya dengan peranan dan tanggungjawab Negara terhadap moraliti masyarakat, Fathi Osman mengatakan: Morality has been considered essential and should be examined thoroughly in the acceptance of witness, the appointment of a public official, and in reporting the Prophets traditions. A state institution, hisba, to inspect the public places such as streets, markets, shops, and other open areas, to secure justice and guard public safety, order, health and decency, was connected with the moral responsibility of the state in enjoing al-maru>f and forbidding al-munkar.[6] Mengenai bagaimana seharusnya modeniti dan tamadun Barat dilihat oleh seorang Muslim, Bennabi berpendapat: Sesungguhnya kesilapan besar kita dalam menilai peradaban Barat adalah kita melihat semua produk Barat hanya sebagai hasil kemajuan sains, seni dan teknologi. Kita lupa bahawa semua sains, seni dan teknologi tersebut tidak mungkin terhasil kalau bukan kerana adanya integrasi sosial, (yang mana ) pada hakikatnya merupakan dasar moraliti yang dibangun atasnya peradaban Barat....Sesungguhnya kekuatan integrasi sosial ummat Islam terletak pada Islam tetapi Islam yang bagaimana? Tentunya Islam yang aktif dalam minda dan perilaku kita dan menjelma menjadi wajah Islam yang bermasyarakat.[7] Oleh itu dapat disimpulkan bahawa kehancuran moral masyarakat pada hari ini berpunca daripada sekularisasi kehidupan masyarakat. Maka untuk mengembalikan nilai-nilai murni dalam masyarakat perlu adanya anjakan paradigma (paradigm shift) daripada worldview (pandangan sarwa) sekular kepada pandangan sarwa Islam.

Peranan Iman Dalam Pembangunan Insan Dalam Islam, iman bukan sekedar kepercayaan dan dogma. Perkataan dogma mempunyai konotasi mengikut tanpa mempersoalkan kebenaran dan kerasionalannya. Iman lahir dalam jiwa seorang Muslim setelah berfikir, faham dan menghayati segala apa yang terkandung dalam ajaran Islam. Sehingga apabila iman telah berputik di dalam dada ia tidak akan mudah digoyahkan bahkan sanggup mempertahankannya dengan jiwa dan raga. Ini kerana iman sebenarnya membuka minda dan memberikan kekuatan kepada manusia. Pada hakikatnya, iman berfungsi untuk memerdekakan manusia daripada penghambaan kepada selain Allah. Daripada menghambakan kepada manusia dalam bentuk ketakutan pada orang yang berkuasa kerana kuasa yang palsu, daripada menghambakan kepada hawa nafsu yang mengakibatkan penyesalan.

Kemerdekaan dan kebebasan inilah yang diperjuangkan oleh para pejuang Islam. Bagi Sayyid Qutb pencak dunia dianggotai oleh tiga jenis manusia: manusia yang berjiwa hamba (al-a>bid), manusia yang dilahirkan sebagai tuan dan manusia yang memahami erti kebebasan (al-ahrar). Beliau mengatakan yang merusak adalah wujudnya di dunia ini penghambaan sukarela.[8]Mereka yang memilih untuk menjadi hamba manusia dan mengelakkan diri daripada kebebasan dan kebenaran. Mereka berlumba-lumba untuk mencari keredaan tuannya agar hidup senang lenang. Walhal mereka tidak lebih daripada sekedar hamba kepada tuannya. Islam menggariskan bahawa kemuliaan adalah dengan mengemban amanah Allah, hanya jiwa yang lemah sahaja yang lari daripada tanggungjawab al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar dan menjual prinsip dengan keduniaan. Dalam pentas politik antarabangsa pula sejarah mencatat bahawa kebebasan dijajah oleh mereka yang mengaku datang dari "dunia bebas" dan kebebasan juga amat asing dalam pemerintahan despotik di negara-negara umat Islam.[9] Tawhid berperanan untuk membebaskan manusia daripada kuasa selain Allah. Liberasi manusia ini memberi kesan positif kerana hasil yang diinginkan adalah manusia yang bebas berbuat sesuatu yang difikir betul tanpa takut kepada orang lain kerana yakin akan kuasa Tuhan yang lebih tinggi daripada segala makhluk. Kerana yakin takdir baik atau buruk hanya ditentukan oleh yang Maha Kuasa. Berbeza dengan pendapat yang diutarakan oleh Kuntowijoyo, penulis berpendapat tawhid yang berfungsi membebaskan manusia daripada segala keburukan dan kejahatan. Memang nahi munkar mampu menghapuskan kemiskinan dan penindasan akan tetapi al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar hanyalah alat dan mekanisma untuk menterjemahkan tawhid dalam kehidupan. Dalam menerangkan hubungan yang erat antara tawhid dengan moraliti Al-Faruqi berpendapat: His rigorous al-Tawhid is, in final analysis, a refusal to subject human life to any guidance other than the ethical. Hedonism, eudaemonism and all other theories which find moral value in the very process of natural life are his bete noire. In his view, to accept, any of them is to set other gods besides God as the guide and norm of human action.[10] Selain daripada liberasi atau pembebasan manusia, Islam juga telah melakukan modernisasi kepercayaan dan aqidah manusia. Islam membuat revolusi terhadap penyembahan berhala yang dilakukan oleh hampir semua tamadun ketika itu. Tamadun Yunani, tamadun Romawi, masyarakat Arab sendiri dan tamadun Parsi semuanya dikenal dengan pemujaan berhala. Keyakinan dan kebergantungan pada supernatural dan khura>fa>t ini mengongkong hidup manusia yang sentiasa diulit pesimisme dan kegelapan. Islam membuang segala kepercayaan karut itu semua kerana ia pada hakikatnya tidak rasional dan tidak benar. Di sini kita dapati bahawa sebenarnya modenisasi telah berlaku di awal kemunculan Islam, oleh itu tidak perlu proses yang sama dilakukan kepada Islam hari ini. Ini kerana Islam pada dasarnya telah memodenkan manusia sejak mula kemunculannya. Masyarakat Barat beranggapan mereka dapat menjadi masyarakat yang bermoral tanpa perlu mengikuti atau melibatkan agama. Mereka berdisiplin, bercakap jujur dalam banyak hal, berbuat baik kerana secara rasional perbuatan baik akan mendatangkan kebaikan dan kebahagiaan. Namun demikian kita dapat melihat kerancuan falsafah moral Barat ini apabila meneliti kepelbagaian pendekatan pemikir Barat terhadap moraliti. Teori Machiavellian misalnya dengan prinsip the ends justify the means (tujuan menghalalkan cara) telah meletakkan kepentingan penguasa di atas segala-galanya. Dengan kaedah ini penguasa dibenarkan berdusta, bertindak

zalim dan sebagainya apabila ia membawa kepada matlamat yang diingini.[11] Teori Utilitarian J. S. Mill pula melihat kebaikan melalui pertimbangan keseronokan. Umumnya masyarakat Barat hari ini mengatakan kebahagiaan adalah dengan memaksimumkan keseronokan dan kesenangan (pleasure). Dalam hal ini Bentham, seorang pemikir falsafah Moral berpengaruh, mengatakan: When I measure my approval or disapproval of any act, public or private, by its tendency to produce pains and pleasures; when I use the term just, injust, moral, immoral, good, bad, as comprehensive terms which embraces the idea of certain pains and certain pleasures, and have no other meaning whatsoever . [12] Bagi Mill pula, menyambung teori falsafah moral Bentham mengatakan: If an action produces an excess of beneficial effects over harmful ones, then it is rights; otherwise it is not.[13] Moraliti pada pandangan sarjana Barat berakhir pada kenyataan: no absolute values no absolute truth (tidak ada nilai yang mutlak, tidak ada kebenaran mutlak) yang ada hanya new morality iaitu moraliti yang terpisah daripada agama. Perkara baik adalah sesuatu yang mendatangkan kebahagiaan bagi seramai mungkin manusia sedangkan perkara itu buruk kerana ia akan mendatangkan kesengsaraan bagi seramai mungkin manusia. Atas dasar ini, penilaian baik dan buruk bergantung kepada masing-masing individu (relativism). Apabila moraliti diasaskan kepada keseronokan maka kita dapati yang menjadi budaya adalah hedonisme. Kekacauan moraliti dalam falsafah dan pemikiran Barat berakibat kepada kecelaruan dalam menentukan sesuatu itu baik atau buruk. Pada hari ini di Amerika dan beberapa Negara di Eropah homoseksual dan lesbianisme dibenarkan di segi undang-undang. Di wilayah Massachucettes Amerika Syarikat, wilayah pertama yang menghalalkan perkahwinan antara sesama jenis (same-sex marriage) kini timbul perdebatan sama ada istilah Ibu Bapa perlu dikekalkan atau diganti kepada second parent. Bahkan pornografi tertentu sekalipun dilindungi oleh undang-undang kerana ia dilihat dilakukan dengan cara yang tidak merugikan dan menganiaya orang lain. Mengikut kerangka berfikir sekular ini, ketika berlaku pertembungan kepentingan conflict of interests maka seseorang cenderung untuk mengutamakan kepentingan pribadi, bahkan kepentingan umum tidak diambil kira apabila kepentingan sendiri dan golongan wujud. Dalam dunia politik hari ini muncul istilah fabricated truth dan walaupun kepalsuan terdedah ia sudah dianggap lumrah oleh masyarakat. Kecelaruan dalam menilai dan menentukan baik dan buruk ini tentunya akan menimbulkan banyak malapetaka. Oleh itu dapat disimpulkan bahawa tanpa Iman dan Moraliti tamadun yang dibina oleh manusia akan mengalami kepincangan. Kemajuan material yang tidak diiringi oleh iman dan moraliti akan berakhir dengan eksploitasi orang kaya terhadap orang miskin, diskriminasi golongan yang kuat kepada golongan yang lemah, penindasan dan kezaliman penguasa akan semakin berleluasa, masyarakat akan diulit kebencian dan permusuhan. Masing-masing individu akan sentiasa berada dalam ketakutan dan kerisauan, dan tidak sedikit yang berakhir dengan tragedi dan putus asa.

Kecerdasan Rohaniah (TQ) dan Pengaruhnya dalam Kehidupan Manusia

Sebelum ini ramai orang beranggapan bahawa kejayaan seseorang bergantung kepada IQnya saja. Namun

kajian para saintis menunjukkan bahawa Kecerdasan akal (Intelligence Quotient) dan kecerdasan emosi (EQ) sahaja tidak cukup untuk berjaya; beberapa penulis Barat (Dannah Zohar dan Ian Marshal) menyedari kepentingan Spiritual Quotient (SQ).[14] Walaupun penelitian Barat tersebut hanya berpandukan kepada kajian empiris dan rasional dan dilakukan oleh orang sekular, namun, di sini dapat dilihat bahawa walaupun objektif kehidupan manusia adalah mencapai kejayaan material, ia tidak mungkin tercapai tanpa EQ dan SQ. Danah Zohar dan Ian Marshal telah membuktikan bahawa SQ ini amat penting untuk kehidupan manusia dan menjadi asas bagi IQ dan EQ yang baik.[15] Kecerdasan spiritual yang diperkenalkan oleh pemikir Barat di atas hanya menumpukan pada kepercayaan dan hubungan manusia dengan tuhan. Tuhan sebagai Penentu, tempat berharap dan berlindung. Konsep ini tentunya hanya sebahagian kecil daripada konsep Iman dalam Islam. Kecerdasan rohani menjadi sangat penting ketika seseorang individu menghadapi kegagalan, dan saat-saat susah. Ia dapat menghalang seseorang daripada putus asa, gagal mengawal diri dan bertindak membunuh diri. Toto Tasmara memperkenalkan Transcendental Intelligence (TQ) untuk memberikan gambaran bahawa ada satu konsep yang Islami bagi membentuk potensi manusia dan seterusnya menentukan kejayaannya di dunia dan di akhirat. Bagi beliau kecerdasan rohaniah ini berpusat pada mah}abbah dan taqwa. Kedua-dua konsep ini akan melahirkan insan yang bermoral.[16]Kajian beliau ini cukup penting khususnya di hari ini di mana kajian mengenai Akhlak sangat kurang. Beliau sekurang-kurangnya telah berjaya membuat pendekatan baru yang menarik minat masyarakat di mana beliau menghubungkan (korelasi) iman, taqwa dengan kehidupan moral masyarakat. Untuk menjelaskan kepentingan kecerdasan ruhaniyah perbandingan antara IQ dan TQ perlu dibuat. Manusia yang lemah dari segi IQ merupakan satu masalah individu. Kekurangan ini perlu diterima dengan hati lapang tanpa mengurangkan usaha untuk meningkatkannya. Namun kelemahan IQ ini tidak sama sekali bermakna gelapnya masa depan, berapa ramai orang yang cerdas tetapi hidup terumbang-ambing dan menderita sebaliknya tidak sedikit yang lemah IQnya akhirnya berjaya dalam hidupnya. Singkatnya, kelemahan dari segi IQ dapat diatasi denga usaha dan kesungguhan, bahkan orang yang IQnya tinggi sekalipun tidak mungkin berjaya tanpa kesungguhan. Namun demikian penilaian masyarakat adalah orang yang lemah IQ akan hidup miskin dan yang tinggi IQnya memiliki peluang masa depan yang lebih cerah. Walaupun ia tidak benar sepenuhnya ia juga tidak salah sepenuhnya, apapun, kemiskinan bukanlah satu tragedi yang perlu ditakuti oleh manusia, ia masalah biasa yang dapat berubah. Berbeza dengan kelemahan atau biasanya ketiadaan TQ, kewujudan golongan seperti ini akan menjadi satu tragedy kepada masyarakat. Orang yang lemah TQ pada kebiasaannya akan memberi masalah besar kepada masyarakat dan juga kepada diri sendiri. Ia adalah tragedy kemasyarakatan. Negara akan terpaksa membelanjakan berbillion ringgit untuk mengatasi implikasi buruk akibat aksi yang dilakukan oleh golongan ini (statistik). Kerugian material yang diakibatkan lemah TQ ini tidak seberapa dibandingkan dengan kehancuran generasi muda dan keruntuhan moral. Kemiskinan tidak mengancam dan membahayakan masyarakat, tetapi keruntuhan moral akan menghancurkan bangsa, menjadikannya bangsa yang terpuruk, tidak produktif, dan mundur. Malangnya justeru orang lebih takutkan kemiskinan dan malah menganggap keruntuhan akhlak sebagai perkara biasa. Ibadah dalam Islam berfungsi sebagai mekanisme yang dapat meningkatkan aspek kerohanian manusia. Aras

kerohanian manusia dapat diukur dengan sejauhmana ketaqwaan mewarnai kehidupannya seharian. Oleh itu Ibadah bukan sekedar satu kewajiban hamba kepada Tuhannya, akan tetapi ia sangat penting untuk kemaslahatan hamba itu sendiri. Ini dapat dilihat dalam ayat-ayat al-Quran di mana kebanyakan ayat yang menyentuh dengan ibadah-ibadah tertentu diikuti dengan harapan agar seseorang itu meraih ketaqwaan. Apabila seseorang Muslim melaksanakan ibadah-ibadah khusus tetapi ia ternyata juga tidak dapat meninggalkan perkara-perkara munkar dan maksiat, maka sebenarnya ia tidak mencapai matlamat ibadah tersebut. Demikianlah ayat sesungguhnya solat itu dapat mencegah daripada perbuatan keji dan munkar (29:45) hanya dapat difahami dengan memasukkan unsur taqwa yang terhasil daripada solat itu tadi sehingga taqwa inilah yang menahannya daripada melakukan perkara-perkara yang dilarang oleh Allah S.W.T. Oleh yang demikian, penulis berpendapat bahawa taqwa dapat diterjemahkan pada hari ini sebagai kawalan dalaman atau kawalan diri (self-restrain). Kawalan dalaman yang terhasil daripada penghayatannya terhadap amal ibadah yang dilakukan dengan ikhlas dan mengikut Shari>ah. Taqwa inilah yang mengawaln ya agar tidak melakukan sesuatu keburukan walaupun ia tidak diketahui oleh orang lain. Taqwa inilah juga yang menyuruhnya agar sentiasa bersikap adil, bermuhasabah diri dan tidak menzalimi orang lain kerana ia tahu dan yakin bahawa setiap perbuatannya sentiasa diawasi dan akan dibalas di akhirat nanti. Memang semua agama mengajak para penganutnya berbuat baik dan bermoral. Namun persoalannya adalah sejauh manakah agama yang dipegang oleh sesebuah masyarakat mampu menjadi panduan kepada ketinggian moral dan menjamin kebahagiaan hakiki? Agama yang menghadkan pengaruhnya hanya pada ritual dan memilih untuk tidak mencampuri dalam hal-hal keduniaan tentunya tidak akan dapat memandu manusia ke arah kemuliaan dan ketinggian moral. Manusia bermoral tidak terhad kepada hal-hal individu. Melainkan juga bermoral dalam berpolitik, dalam berniaga, dalam bersosial. Oleh yang demikian moraliti sebenarnya tidak dapat dipisahkan daripada politik, sosial, ekonomi dan lain-lainnya. Kajian Bennabi menunjukkan bahawa dalam agama lain moraliti bersifat individualistik. Seseorang yang bermoral akan mendapat ganjaran di syurga atau dalam kingdom of heaven (kerajaan Tuhan). Berbeza dengan Islam, menurut beliau, moraliti diasaskan kepada nilai moral individu dan juga matlamat keduniaan bagi masyarakat. Seseorang individu akan mendapat balasannya di akhirat tetapi masyarakat akan mendapat balasannya serta merta.[17] Oleh itu, kedudukan moral masyarakat sangat menentukan masa depan masyarakat itu sendiri. Hal ini sebenarnya telah dijelaskan oleh Al-Quran (6:11; 6:6). Maka dari itu, adalah sangat perlu difikirkan apakah mekanisme yang telah diberikan oleh Islam untuk meningkatkan moraliti masyarakat. Hakikat al-Amr bi al-Maruf wa al-Nahy An al-Munkar Muhammad Salim al-Awwa meletakkan al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar sebagai satu bentuk kebebasan berfikir dan bersuara yang menjadi salah satu prinsip dasar politik Islam. Beliau mengatakan buat pertama kalinya di dunia umat manusia diperkenalkan dengan kebebasan bersuara dan berpendapat dalam sistem pemerintahan.[18] Bahkan lebih daripada itu, Islam telah mewajibkan pengikutnya melaksanakan al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar seperti disebutkan dalam surah al-Ma>idah: 63, 78, 79; A<li Imra>n: 104; al-Nisa>: 114. Bahkan sesetengah ulama menganggap orang yang meninggalkannya telah melakukan dosa besar (kaba>ir).[19] Yang dimaksudkan dengan al-maruf adalah setiap perkara yang perlu dilakukan dengan merujuk kepada ajaran Islam. Imam al-Ghazali mentafsirkan yang dimaksudkan dengan Munkar adalah setiap yang tidak diingini kewujudannya. Agar tidak berlaku penyalahgunaan al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar ini Yusuf al-

Qaradawi menyenaraikan beberapa syarat sebelum seseorang itu dibenarkan melakukan al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar: a). perkara tersebut hendaklah sesuatu yang dipersetujui kemunkarannya, b). hendaklah kemunkaran tersebut zahir dan nyata (di khalayak ramai) c). hendaklah orang yang ingin merubahnya memiliki kemampuan untuk berbuat demikian.[20] Syarat-syarat tersebut dirumuskan daripada beberapa ayat dan hadis.[21] Terdapat ayat yang berkait rapat dengan ayat 110 di atas. Ayat 104 dalam surah yang sama menyebut bahawa berdakwah kepada kebaikan adalah langkah awal sebelum al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar dapat dilaksanakan. Ayat tersebut bermaksud: Hendaklah ada sebahagian daripada kamu satu ummat menyeru kepada kebaikan dan menyuruh kepada kemarufan dan mencegah daripada kemunkaran dan merekalah orang-orang yang berjaya. Ayat ini jelas membezakan di antara dakwah dengan al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar. Seruan kepada kebaikan dilakukan pada tahap awal dan diikuti dengan suruhan untuk melaksanakan kemarufan dan larangan terhadap kemunkaran. Oleh itu, al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar merupakan kelanjutan daripada dakwah. Ia bukan lagi pada tahap penyampaian, memberi kefahaman dan menyebarluaskan nilai-nilai murni tetapi tahap yang lebih tinggi di mana perlu adanya implementasi dan penguatkuasaan. Langkah ini tentunya memerlukan kesediaan, kemampuan dan persiapan yang cukup. Sayyid Qutb dalam mentafsirkan ayat di atas mengatakan bahawa kuasa amat diperlukan agar al-amr bi almaruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar dapat dilaksanakan . Ini kerana dalam melaksanakannya akan berhadapan dengan banyak halangan. Dalam masyarakat sendiri akan terdapat sebahagian orang yang menolak kema'rufan dan menerima kemunkaran sebagai perkara biasa, ada yang menghalang keadilan, ada yang senang dengan kesesatan dan menyesatkan orang lain.[22] Islam sebenarnya sangat tegas dalam masalah al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar, dalam satu hadis disebutkan: Demi Allah, hendaklah kamu melakukan al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar jika tidak maka akan didatangkan ke atas kamu satu azab daripada Allah kemudian kamu berdoa dan tidak dikabulkan.[23] Islam juga meletakkan kedudukan yang tinggi kepada sesiapa yang melaksanakan al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar sebuah hadis Rasulullah bermaksud: sesungguhnya salah satu jihad yang tertinggi adalah seseorang yang mengucapkan kebenaran (teguran) ke atas Imam yang zalim.[24] Ramai yang memahami al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar dengan pemahaman yang sempit iaitu dengan menghadkannya pada tegur menegur dan nasihat menasihati. Walaupun pentafsiran ini betul akan tetapi sebenarnya kalau diperhatikan dengan lebih teliti konsep dan implikasi al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an almunkar ini lebih luas daripada itu. Kemarufan dan kemunkaran hanya dapat dihayati oleh seseorang yang faham dan mampu menilai. Kemampuan membezakan dan menghayati konsep ini hanya ada pada masyarakat yang benar-benar beriman kepada Allah. Adapun bagi orang yang mempertuhan hawa nafsunya atau mengasingkan Tuhan dari kehidupannya (sekular) apa yang akan berlaku adalah kerancuan dan kekeliruan dalam menentukan mana yang maru>f dan mana yang munkar seperti yang berlaku pada hari ini. Oleh itu, al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar adalah satu cara hidup dalam masyarakat yang menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai murni dan budaya ilmu. Masyarakat yang cerdas dan faham akan bangkit untuk memperbetulkan kesilapan dan melawan segala kejahatan. Masyarakat seperti ini akan menyokong setiap usaha untuk menegakkan keadilan dan kebenaran dan bersuara untuk menentang setiap tindakan yang dapat merusakkan bangsa dan negara.

Dapat dikatakan ciri al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar yang diberikan kepada umat terunggul ini satu doktrin yang dapat membangun masyarakat daripada kejahilan dan keruntuhan. Ini kerana kejahilan adalah punca kehancuran ummat. Masyarakat yang jahil mudah dikuasai oleh kejahatan, mudah dipengaruhi, tidak dapat menilai sendiri, masa depan ditentukan oleh orang lain. Dengan demikian Allah memberikan Ummah tanggungjawab yang besar. Al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar dapat membantu merealisasikan peranan umat Islam sebagai khalifah Allah di muka bumi. Di sini kita lihat, konsep yang perlu difahami adalah bahawa dalam Islam, masyarakat berperanan dalam melakukan perubahan. Ini kerana perubahan hanya boleh dilakukan oleh masyarakat. Para pendidik, pemikir, penulis, pendakwah hanya boleh memberikan kesedaran. Tanpa al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar kezaliman akan berleluasa, masyarakat yang menerima kezaliman akan menerima kehancuran (al-Quran 22:45,28:59). Pastinya, Negara-negara yang tidak bermoral akan menerima balasan atas kezaliman dan kekejaman yang dilakukan. Baru-baru ini Mathias Chang, seorang Katholik yang prihatin terhadap nasib umat Islam di Iraq dan cuba mendedahkan konspirasi Amerika, telah meramal (dengan bukti dan fakta) bahawa empayar Amerika-Zionist akan hancur akibat perang global war on terrorism yang mereka lancarkan terhadap umat Islam.[25] Dr. Siddiq Fadzil menghubungkan moraliti dengan realiti perpecahan masyarakat Melayu dan mengatakan bahawa perpecahan dan konflik dalam masyarakat adalah berpunca daripada mengenepikan ajaran Tuhan.[26] Beliau menegaskan bahawa masyarakat pada hari ini telah dipengaruhi oleh budaya negatif dan merusak. Kejujuran tidak lagi dipegang teguh oleh masyarakat. Contohnya pada hari ini berbohong telah membudaya khususnya dalam politik. Beliau juga menyelar sikap ilmuwan-ilmuwan yang kehilangan integriti dan kejujuran dalam mendidik masyarakat. Hal ini dikatakan sebagai pengkhianatan kaum intelektual. Semua ini pada akhirnya amat berpotensi untuk memperparah perpecahan dan permusuhan dalam sesebuah masyarakat. Masyarakat pada hari ini sudah tidak mengerti apa sebenarnya peradaban Islam. Mereka hanya tahu peradaban Barat yang sudah sebati dengan cara hidup masyarakat hari ini. Bercakap mengenai peradaban Islam bagi masyarakat bermakna hanya memperkatakan fakta-fakta sejarah silam. Umat Islam lupa bahawa Islam membentuk cara hidup yang lengkap. Tawhid membentuk jatidiri dan worldview, ibadah menjadikan hidup ini bermakna dan bertanggungjawab. Menjadi seorang Muslim sejati semestinya mendorong seseorang untuk hidup bukan hanya mengejar impian dan kepentingan peribadi sahaja, tetapi berbakti dan berkhidmat untuk kepentingan masyarakat. Akhlak memastikan kehidupan yang harmoni, aman dan bahagia. Shari'ah menjadi batasan dan peraturan agar masyarakat hidup berdisiplin dan tidak melampaui batas. Dengan cara hidup yang lengkap dan komprehensif ini pembangunan seimbang, dapat menjadi realiti. Kesimpulan Perbincangan di atas menunjukkan bahawa iman, taqwa dan akhlak adalah asas yang dapat membentuk tamadun khayra ummah. Keunggulan dan kesempurnaan sesebuah tamadun sangat bergantung kepada keadaan moraliti masyarakat yang juga bergantung kepada kekuatan iman dan taqwa. Keterkaitan masing-masing elemen di atas dapat dirumuskan dalam gambar rajah di bawah. Akhlaq/ Taqwa/ Moraliti M TQ

Iman Ketenangan hati (jiwa, qalb) Kebahagiaan hidup (individu) Keharmonian dan keamanan (masyarakat). Tamadun cemerlang dan seimbang (bangsa). Umat Terunggul (khayra ummah). Pembangunan Tamadun Khayra Ummah Moraliti bukan hal individu tetapi tugas masyarakat dan negara. Al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar memerlukan kuasa untuk dapat dilaksanakan dalam masyarakat Islam. Bahkan hadis Rasulullah ada menyebut bila tiada kuasa untuk melaksanakan amar maru>f nahi munkar maka masyarakat perlu bersuara dan apabila kebebasan bersuara maka seterusnya hadis menyarankan agar masyarakat menolak dengan hati sebagai langkah minimum yang dapat dilakukan untuk memperjuangkan kemarufan dan menentang kemunkaran. Kuasa dan penguatkuasaan (undang-undang moral), sebagai langkah pelengkap, amat diperlukan untuk mendisiplinkan masyarakat. Dalam sejarah Islam penguatkuasaan undang-undang moral ini dikenali dengan wila>yat al-h}isbah.[27] Kita lihat kaedah paksaan juga digunakan dalam sistem lalu lintas (traffic) sebagai kaedah yang terbukti berkesan mengikut pengalaman manusia. Kerajaan terpaksa memaksa pengguna jalan raya untuk memperlahankan kenderaan, tidak cukup dengan isyarat dan amaran, bonggol dibina agar pengguna terpaksa memperlahankan kenderaan. Ini kerana di samping ramai individu yang akan patuh dan taat cukup dengan isyarat, ada sebahagian orang yang tidak suka mengikut peraturan dan cenderung melawan peraturan. Untuk golongan seperti ini negara perlu memainkan peranan dan tanggungjawabnya dengan menguatkuasakan undang-undang moral. Dengan memahami setiap ajaran Islam dengan mendalam, kita lihat apa yang diinginkan adalah mengembalikan manusia ke tempat yang selayaknya iaitu sebagai hamba dan sekaligus khalifah Allah. Proses ini tentunya berlawanan dengan apa yang dilakukan oleh peradaban Barat yang akhirnya hanya menawarkan dehumanisasi. Tamadun yang telah memisahkan moraliti daripada agama dan kehidupan masyarakat ternyata telah menjatuhkan martabat manusia . Berbeza dengan worldview sekular yang meletakkan moraliti sebagai urusan individu Islam menggariskan tugas dan peranan yang mesti dilakukan bersama agar moraliti dipegang teguh oleh masyarakat. Hal ini hanya akan dapat dilaksanakan dengan sempurna apabila al-amr bi al-maru>f wa al-nahy an al-munkar menjadi budaya masyarakat dan Negara menyediakan mekanisme sesuai dengan tuntutan Islam. Oleh itu, sebenarnya dalam Islam menanamkan nilai-nilai murni sahaja tidak cukup kalau kemunkaran dibiarkan begitu sahaja. Ini kerana tanpa adanya komitmen dan kesungguhan daripada negara dan masyarakat untuk memerangi kemunkaran, kemunkaran akan berleluasa disebabkan tidak ada penghalang bagi setiap kegiatan munkar. Maka dari itu al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar perlu diterjemahkan menjadi komitmen yang tampak dalam setiap kebijaksanaan dan langkah yang diambil oleh pemerintah, Ibu bapa, media

massa dan para pendidik. Apa yang penting adalah perlu adanya kesedaran ditanamkan dalam masyarakat bahawa setiap individu bukan sahaja bertanggungjawab mengamalkan moraliti dan akhlak tetapi juga memastikan kebaikan ataupun kemakrufan dijunjung tinggi dan kejahatan atau kemunkaran dihapuskan. Inilah semangat al-amr bi al-maruf wa al-nahy an al-munkar yang diinginkan oleh Allah SWT. dalam surah Ali Imran ayat 110.

Nota Hujung

[1] Kuntowijoyo, Muslim Tanpa Masjid (Bandung: Penerbit Mizan, 2001), 364-365. [2] Kuntowijoyo, Ilmu Sosial Profetik Sebagai Gerakan Intelektual (Kajang, Malaysia: Akademi Kajian Ketamadunan, 2004),4. [3] Siddiq Fadzil, Perspektif Qurani: Siri Wacana Tematik (Kajang: Biro Dawah dan Tarbiyah ABIM Pusat, 2003), 35. [4] Ziauddin Sardar, Postmodernism and the Other (London: Pluto Press, 1997), pp. 289-300. [5] Azzam Tamimi and John L. Esposito, Islam and Secularism in the Middle East (London: Hurst and Company, 2000), 11-17. [6] Fathi Osman, Concepts of the Quran: A Topical Reading (Kuala Lumpur:ABIM, 1997), 664. [7] Malik Bennabi, Shurut al-Nahdah [Prasyarat Kebangkitan] (Dar al-Fikr al-Muas}ir,2000),95-96. [8] Sayyid Qutb, Dirasatt Islamiyyah (Kaherah: Dar al-Shuruq, 1996), 130. [9] Qut}b, 125-126. [10] Ismail Raji al-Faruqi, Al-Tawhid: Its Implication for Thought and Life (Herndon,Virginia: International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1995),15. [11] Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince (London: Penguin Books, 1999), 56-57. [12] Dikutip daripada Abdul Rahman Haji Abdullah, Pemikiran Islam Masa Kini (Kuala Lumpur: DBP, 1987), 46. [13] Albert B. Hakim, Historical Introduction to Philosophy (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1997),575-7 [14] Lihat tulisan Toto Tasmara, Kecerdasan Ruhaniah (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 2001), vii. [15] Dana Zohar dan Ian Marshall, SQ: Spiritual Intelligence, The Ultimate Intelligence (New York: Bloomsbury,2000). Lihat: www.dzohar.com/bk_sq.htm [16] Toto Tasmara, xvi-xvii.

[17] Malik Bennabi, The Quranic Phenomenon (Kuala Lumpur: Islamic Book Trust, 1991),110. [18] Muhammad Salim al-Awwa, Fi al-Nizam al-Siyasi li al-Dawlah al-Islamiyyah (Kaherah: Dar al-Shuruq, 1989), 152. [19] Lihat al-Awwa, 160. [20] Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Min Fiqh al-Dawlah fi al-Islam (Kaherah: Dar al-Shuruq, 1997)121-125. [21] Seperti hadis man raa minkum munkaran.(Ibn Majah:1053; al-Tirmizi:1764). [22] Sayyid Qutb, Fi Zilal al-Qura>n 23rd ed. (Kaherah: Dar al-Shuruq, 1994), 1:444. [23] Hadis riwayat Tirmizi. [24] Hadis riwayat Abu Dawud dan Tirmizi. [25] Mathias Chang, Future Fast Forward: Zionist Anglo American Empire Meltdown (Kuala Lumpur: Thinkers Library, 2005), pp.10-33. [26] Siddiq Fadzil et al, Politik Melayu dan Penyatuan Ummah (Kuala Lumpur: ABIM, 2002),4. [27] Wilayat al-hisbah pertama sekali diterangkan dengan mendalam oleh Ibn Taymiyyah (728/1328) dalam bukunya: al-Hisbah fi al-Isla>m (Public Duties in Islam: The Institution of the Hisbah) [alih bahasa oleh Muhtar Holland] (Leicester: Islamic Foundation, 1982). Polemik Ali 'Abd Razik dan Faham Sekularismenya Ditulis Oleh Mohd Rumaizudin Ghazali

Princeton Readings in Political Thought: Essential Texts since Plato [Kindle Edition]
Mitchell Cohen (Author, Editor), Nicole Fermon (Author, Editor)

Review

Critics might question putting the work of Plato and Malcolm X together between the same covers, but the contrast simply suggests the wide range of thinkers one finds in this collection. Plato, Thucydides, St. Augustine, Adam Smith, Edmund Burke, Karl Marx, Frantz Fanon, Leo Strauss, Max Weber: All and many more can be found here, represented by substantial excerpts from their most characteristic and important writings.

Product Description
Princeton Readings in Political Thought is one of the most engaging and up-to-date samplers of the standard works of Western political thinking from antiquity through modern times. Organized chronologically, from Thucydides to Foucault, the book brings together forty-four selections of enduring intellectual value--key articles, book excerpts,

essays, and speeches--that have shaped our understanding of Western society and politics. Readers will find this work to be an invaluable reference, and they will enjoy not only the varied selections but also the lucid introductions to each historical era and the brief sketches of each thinker. The book includes the writings of many of the most distinguished observers of the Western experience from classical times (Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero), the Middle Ages (St. Augustine, St. Thomas Aquinas, and Christine de Pizan), modern times (Machiavelli, Luther, Calvin, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Adam Smith, The Federalist Papers, "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen," Burke, Marie-Olympes de Gouges, Mary Wollstonecraft, Bentham, Mill, de Tocqueville, Hegel, Marx, and Nietzsche), or the ideas of twentieth-century political philosophers and ideologists (Weber, Mosca, Michels, Lenin, Freud, Emma Goldman, Mussolini, Arendt, Orwell, de Beauvoir, Fanon, Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Leo Strauss, Walzer, Rawls, Nozick, Habermas, and Foucault).

Product Details

File Size: 1530 KB Print Length: 758 pages Page Numbers Source ISBN: 0691036896 Publisher: Princeton University Press (March 4, 1996) Sold by: Amazon Digital Services
Author: Murizah Mohd Zain Call Number 297.1227 Rah Author Title Publication Material Subject Qutb, Sayyid, Title Publication Material Subject Tafsir di dalam bayangan al-Quran: Juzu' Amma jilid: 2 / oleh Asy-Syahid Qutb Rahimatullah; diterjemahkan oleh Yusoff Zaky Haji Yaacob Kota Bharu: Pustaka Harmoni, 1984 viii, 179ms.; 22cm. Koran -- Interpretation RAHIMAHULLAH, Asy-Syahid Sayyid Qutb. Tafsir didalam bayangan Al-Quran Juzu 'Amma jilid: 1 oleh As-Syahid Sayyid Qutb Rahimahullah Kelantan Pustaka Harmoni 1983 158ms. KORAN -- HISTORY OF KORANIC

NAME

THESIS TITLE

SUPERVISOR

SALEH, Fauzan

The Development of Islamic theological discourse in Indonesia: a critical survey of Muslim reformists attempts to sustain orthodoxy in the 20th century The Hermeneutical Theory of Nasri Hamid Abu Zayd: An Analytical Study of His Method of Interpretation The Call: Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna": A Comparative Study of the Resources of Hasan Hanfi, Muhammad 'Abid al-Jabiri, and Nurcholish madjid

Howard Federspiel

RAHMAN, Yusuf

Issa Boullata

WAHYUDI, Yudian

Howard Federspiel and Uner Turgay

Phase II Masters degrees 1995 - 2000

NAME AMIRUDDIN, Andi Muhammad AliUjung Pandang ANWAR, EtinBandung THESIS TITLE Ibn Hajar Al-'Asqalani on Tajrih and Ta'dil of Hadith transmitters. A Study of His Tahdhib Al-Tahdhib SUPERVISOR Dr Eric Ormsby

Ibn Sina and Mysticism: a Reconsideration

Prof Hermann Landolt Prof Howard Federspiel Prof A. ner Turgay Prof Howard Federspiel Prof Hermann Landolt Prof Todd Lawson

ASYARI, Su'aidiJambi

The Role of Muslim Groups in Contemporary Indonesian Nationalism: Nahdatul Ulama Under the New Order (1980's-1990's)

BATUBARA, ChuzaimahMedan

Islam and Mystical Movements in Post-Independence Indonesia: Susila Budhi Darma (Subud) and its Doctrines

FUAD, Ahmad NurSurabaya

The Babi Movement in Iran: From Religious Dissent to Political Revolt, 1844 - 1853 Islam and Javanese Cultural Acculturation: A Religioanthropological Study of the Slametan Ritual

HILMY, MasdarSurabaya

Prof Howard Federspiel Prof A. ner

Turgay HUSEIN, FatimahYogyakarta HUSNI, DardiriPekanbaru Fazlur Rahman's Islamic Philosophy Jong Islamieten Bond: a study of a Muslim Youth Movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial Era, 1924-1942 The Concept of Perfect Man in the Thought of Ibn 'Arabi and Iqbal: a Contemporary Study Modern Qur'anic Exegesis: a Comparative Study of the Methods of Muhammad 'Abduh and Muhammad Rashid Rida Abu Isaq Al-Shatibi's Reformulation of the Concept of Bid'a: A Study of his al-I'Tisam Fakhr al-Din al-Razi's Methodology in Interpreting the Qur'an K. H. Hasyim Asy 'ari's Religious and Political Thought in the Perspective of Religious Reform and Nationalism in Indonesia during the 20 th Century Shafi'i's Theory of Naskh and his Influence on Ulum AlQur'an Islamic Law and Adat Encounter: The Experience of Indonesia Mohamad Roem's Political Activities and his Vision of an Islamic Political Party and State Prof Todd Lawson Prof Howard Federspiel

ISKANDAR, ArnelPekanbaru

Prof Todd Lawson

JAFAR, IftitahUjung Pandang

Prof Issa Boullata

JAHAR. Asep SaepudinJakarta KAFRAWI, ShalahudinBandung KHULUK, LathifulYogyakarta

Prof Wael Hallaq

Prof Issa J. Boullata Prof Howard Federspiel

KUSMANA, Jakarta

Dr Wael Hallaq

LUKITO, RatnoYougyakarta

Prof Wael Hallaq

MAKIN, AlYogyakarta

Prof Howard Federspiel Prof A. ner Turgay

MAKIN, AlYogyakarta

Modern Exegesis on Historical Narratives of the Qur'an: The Case of the 'Ad, and the Thamud, according to Sayyid Qutb in his Fi Zilal al-Qur'an The Intellectual Responses to the Establishment of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals(ICMI) during 1990-1995 Socio-Political Background of the Enactment of Kompilasi Hukum Islam di Indonesia Islam and Politics in the Thought of Tjokroaminoto (18821934)

Dr Issa J. Boullata

MARDATILLAH, FuadiBanda Aceh MAWARDI, Ahmad ImamSurabaya MELAYU, Hasnul ArifinBanda Aceh

Prof Howard Federspiel Prof Howard Federspiel Dr Howard Federspiel Dr A. ner Turgay N/A

MUJIBURRAHMAN, Banjarnasin MULUK, SafrulBanda Aceh

Non-Thesis MA, Religious Studies

The Indonesian Army and Islam: A Political Encounter

Prof A. ner Turgay N/A Prof Issa J. Boullata Prof Wael Hallaq

MUNIR, Bandung MUTHMAINNAH, InnaBanjarmasin NURASIAH, FMedan

Non-Thesis MA, Religious Studies Tanwir al-Miqbas min Tafsir Ibn Abbas: the Principles of its Interpretation Muhyi al-Din Ibn al-Arabi's Views on Shari'ah: A Preliminary Study of the Legal Element in His Writings Development of al-Ghazali's Concept of the Knowledge of God in his Three Later Works: Ihya, al-Munquidh, and Iljam al-Awamm Asghar Ali Engineer's Thought on Liberation Theology, and Women's Issues: an Analysis : Sufi Order and the Resistance Movement: The Sanusiya

NURBAETHY, AndiUjung Pandang

Prof Eric Ormsby

NURYATNO, Muhammad AgusYogyakarta RAHMA, AwaliaYogyakarta

Dr Sajida Alvi

Dr Eric Ormsby

of Libya in 1911-1932 RINDWAN, ZainYogyakarta RO'FAHJakarta Non-Thesis MA, Religious Studies Women and the Muhammadiyah Movement: A Case Study of Aisyiyah, an Indonesian Women's Organization Muslim Responses to Christianity in Modern Indonesia N/A Dr Sajida S. Alvi

ROPI, IsmatuJakarta

Prof A. ner Turgay Dr Eric Ormsby

SAYUTI, NajmahPadang

The Concept of Allah as the Highest God in Pre-Islamic Arabia (A Study of Pre-Islamic Arabic Religious Poetry) Islamic Legal Reform in Twentieth Century Indonesia: A Study of Hazairin's Thought

SUGIONO, SukiatiMedan

Prof Howard Federspiel Prof Wael Hallaq Prof Issa Boullata

SYAHNAN, MohamadMedan

A Study of Sayyid Qutb's Quran Exegesis in Earlier and Later Editions of his Fi Zilal Al-Quran with Specific Reference to Selected Themes Al-Shahranstani and the Shi'i Doctrine of Imama: An Analysis of the Views Expressed in his al-Milal wa al-Hihal and Nihayat al-Iqdam fi 'Ilm al-Kalam An Examination of Bint al-Shati"s Method of Interpreting the Qur'an The Majlisul Islamil A'la Indonesia (MIAI): Its Socioreligious and Political Activities, 1937-1943 Colonial Experience and Muslim Education Reforms: a Comparison of the Aligarth and Muhammadiyah Movements Modernization of the Pesantern's Educational System in Attempting to Meet the Needs of the Indonesian

SYAMSIYATUN, SitiYogyakarta

Prof Eric Ormsby

SYAMSUDDIN, SahironYogyakarta SYA'RONI, MizanSemarang

Prof Issa J. Boullata Prof A. ner Turgay Prof Sajida Alvi

THOYIB, RuswanSemarang

WAGIMAN,

Prof Howard

SuprayetnoMedan WAHYUDI, JarotYogyakarta

Community Ahl al-Kitab in the Qur'an; an Analysis of Selected Classical and Modern Exegesis The Mystical Element in Mikha'il Nu'aymah's Literary Works and its Affinity to Islamic Mysticism K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim: His Contribution to Muslim Educational Reform and to Indonesian Nationalism during the Twentieth Century

Federspiel Prof Issa Boullata

YUNINGSIH, Yeni RatnaJakarta ZAINI, AchmadSurayaba

Dr Hermann Landolt Prof Howard Federspiel

Di bawah naungan al-Quran / Sayyid Qutb ; terjemahan, Siddiq Fadil

Qutb, Sayyid, 1906-1966
Call Number Publication Physical Description 297.1229 QUT M BP130.4 Kuala Lumpur : Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia, 1980 142p. ; 19cm

Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966): Menyingkap Fikrah dan Ijtihadnya

SEMINAR PEMIKIRAN POLITIK ISLAM: ASY-SYAHID SAYYID QUTB INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF ISLAMIC THOUGHT AND CIVILIZATION (ISTAC) || 16 Julai 2011
IRF (Islamic Renaissance Front), sebuah badan NGO yang aktif menganjurkan wacana pemikiran Islam yang mengangkat tema dan fikrah yang rasional dan semasa, pada 16 Julai 2011 lalu telah menganjurkan seminar pemikiran politik Islam yang membincangkan pemikiran Asy-Syahid Sayyid Qutb dan relevensinya dengan nuansa politik kontemporer. Perbahasan yang menggarap tema pemikiran dan gagasan pentingnya tentang politik, budaya, kesusasteraan, peradaban, dan cita-cita Islam ini menzahirkan sosok AsySyahid sebagai pemikir dan arkitek penting yang telah merangka secara tuntas pemikiran politik dan maqasid Islam yang jelas. Seminar ini mengetengahkan tiga panelis yang terkenal dalam wacana intelek dalam membedah teks dan merungkai sejarah peradaban iaitu Ustaz Adlan Abdul Aziz, Dr Ahmad Farouk Musa dan Ustaz Mohd Syauqi Md Zahiri al-Kulimi dan dipengerusikan oleh saudara Edry Faizal bin Eddy Yusof, felo penyelidik di IRF. Seminar yang dilangsungkan di ISTAC ini telah melakarkan sejarah penting dalam pemikiran politik tanah air kerana ia menjawab secara ilmiah setiap tohmahan yang dilemparkan terhadap Asy-Syahid seperti dukungannya terhadap faham khawarij, salafi, penafiannya terhadap proses demokrasi, pandangannya yang konservatif, dan aliran perjuangannya yang radikal dan ekstremis. Tesis sedemikian telah ditangkis dengan berkesan oleh Dr Farouk dalam analisisnya tentang Maalim fi al-Tariq yang menzahirkan hujah yang dapat membungkam pemikiran dangkal yang dilontarkan oleh kalangan yang jahil tentang pengaruh dan asas pemikiran Asy-Syahid yang dinamis.

Ustaz Adlan dalam pembentangannya yang berjudul Memperingati Sayyid Qutb cuba menyingkap sejarah dan latar kehidupan AsySyahid, dan menyorot aliran pemikiran yang dominan di Mesir ketika itu. Beliau menukil dari beberapa karya penting yang mencatatkan biografi Sayyid Qutb seperti kitab Sayyid Qutb min al-Milad ila al-Istisyhadoleh Dr Salah Abd al-Fattah al-Khalidi, kuliah Li Hayat Sayyid Qutb oleh adiknya, Muhammad Qutb, dan memoir Zainab al-Ghazali di penjara Naseer (1918-70). Cabaran yang ditempuh oleh Asy-Syahid sejak menuntut di Madrasah al-Muallimin pada 1922, pengaruh persekitaran dan kekuatan yang mengangkatnya sebagai pemikir Islam yang seminal dibahaskan dengan komprehensif. Beliau mengungkapkan latar belakang Sayyid Qutb yang kental dengan pengaruh dan tradisi Islamnya, yang memungkinkannya menghafal al-Quran pada usia 10 tahun, dan asas agama yang mendalam yang telah memperkukuh keyakinan dan istiqamahnya dalam perjuangan. Beliau turut menyentuh tentang sumbangan Sayyid Qutb dalam pemikiran Islam yang diperlihatkan melalui karya-karyanya yang berhasil mencetuskan inspirasi dan mempengaruhi gerakan Islam kontemporer. Sayyid telah menulis kitab yang cukup berpengaruh dan monumental seperti Al-Mustaqbal li Hadha al-Din, Kutub wa Shakhsiyat,Marakat al-Islam wal Rasmaliyah (Pertempuran antara Islam dan Kapitalisme), Al-Adalah al-Ijtima iyyah fil Islam (Keadilan Sosial dalam Islam), Tifl min al-Qaryah (A Child From the Village), Masyahid al-Qiyamah fi al-Quran, Taswir al-Fanni fi al-Quran (Deskripsi seni dalam al-Quran) dan Fi Zilal al-Quran. Qutb merupakan penghayat dan penganalisis sastera yang tajam tatkala menyorot sejarah kesusasteraan arab yang dilukiskan oleh penyair dan karyawan Arab yang terkenal. Idelisme klasik yang ditampilkan dalam tulisannya menzahirkan ketinggian pemikirannya dalam menganalisis dan melontarkan pandangan dan kritikan. Kehalusan seni dan keindahan sastera yang diungkapkannya adalah hasil telaah dan kekuatan imajinasinya sebagai penulis dan pengamat sastera yang halus. Qutb terkesan dengan kekuatan al-Ikhwan dan pengaruh dakwah yang digerakkan oleh Hasan al-Banna. Gagasan pembaharuan yang ditampilkan oleh Muhammad Abduh dan muridnya Sayid Rasyid Rida turut mempengaruhi corak pemikiran dan perjuangannya. Tepatlah sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh Muhammad Asad dalam The Message of the Quran bahawa landasan perjuangan yang ditempuh oleh kesemua gerakan Islam berpunca dari pemikiran Muhammad Abduh. Dr Ahmad Farouk Musa dalam slot kedua menzahirkan kompetensi Qutb dalam merangka ide dan kerangka perjuangan yang jelas untuk digerakkan oleh Ikhwan. Dalam artikelnya yang berjudul Revisiting Sayyid Qutbs Milestones (Mengkaji Semula Petunjuk Sepanjang Jalan) beliau berusaha meninjau karakter dan esensi kitab Petunjuk Sepanjang Jalan yang ditulis oleh Sayyid Qutb. Karya yang monumental ini mengupas dengan tuntas doktrin L ilha illa Allh (Tiada Tuhan Selain Allah) yang merupakan teras penting dalam membentuk pandangan dan kerangka pemikiran Islam. Islam muncul dengan keyakinan baru (aqdah jaddah) yang telah membawa transformasi agung dalam sejarah umat manusia seluruhnya dengan keupayaan menakluk dan menumpaskan faham jahiliah. Ini merupakan karya terakhir ditulis oleh Asy-Syahid Sayyid Qutb ketika ditahan di penjara Mesir dan bertahan sebagai sebuah karya klasik dan fundamental dalam tradisi pemikiran Islam. Ustaz Syauqi al-Kulimi dalam slot perbahasan yang ketiga, tampil membahaskan ketinggian karya Fi Zilal al-Quran (Di Bawah Bayangan al-Quran). Kitab ini disifatkan sebagai tafsir madani dan haraki yang terpenting dan berpengaruh dalam kajian teks alQuran pada abad ke 20-21. Beliau berusaha merungkai kemusykilan pandangan dan tafsiran yang dikemukakan yang menyentuh ayat hukum, politik, sosial, ekonomi, budaya dan sejarah. Qutb telah menulis perenggan-perenggan awal Fi Zilal al-Qurandalam kolum khas yang dimuatkan dalam Jurnal al-Muslimun dari surah al-Fatihah hingga al-Nahl (1951-54) dan meneruskan tafsirannya ketika mendekam di penjara dari 1954-64. Tafsir Fi Zilal al-Quran ini merupakan khazanah intelektual Islam yang cukup bernilai yang melakarkan hujah dan analisis teks yang meyakinkan. Ia menzahirkan cita-cita besar penulisnya untuk mencetak dan melahirkan jil al-Quran al-Farid (generasi al-Quran yang unik) bagi meneruskan peranan sebagai pembaharu politik Islam. Ustaz Syauqi turut membandingkan kupasan Buya Hamka dalam Tafsir al Azhar dengan Fi Zilal al-Quran yang memperlihatkan kesamaan dalam kupasan ayat politik, sosial, tauhid, alam dan pandangan dunia. Ringkasnya, seminar ini telah memperlihatkan daya tahan dan daya juang Sayyid Qutb dan tekad perjuangan yang dizahirkannya kerana mempertahankan keyakinan dan kalimah Islam. Pihak IRF telah menerbitkan kertas-kertas kerja yang dibentangkan dalam bentuk ebook dan diedarkan kepada pengunjung melalui email. [pautan ke link [

Editorial: Why the West Fails to Understand the Islamic World

Over the past years, strategic and political studies institutes and research centres have pored over an issue that has come to be known in Western academic circles as the 'case of Islam', a case often associated in the minds of those in charge of studying it with terrorism and extremism. In the past, whether during the Cold War or even prior to that, the study of Islam in its religious, cultural and civilizational dimensions was the purview of the Western researchers known as 'orientalists'. These researchers specialised in the Arabic language and in Islamic studies which covered all aspects of Islamic culture. The large majority of orientalists served in the ministries of foreign affairs, or overseas affairs as they were known then, of the colonial powers which occupied the Islamic world at the time, from Indonesia in the east to Morocco in the west. These researchers were prolific, generating a wealth of books and ample research material. They published encyclopedias and books which addressed the Arab-Islamic heritage contained in manuscripts which were in danger of loss and deterioration, using advanced publishing techniques and the scientific approach they developed in authenticating Islamic heritage. It is only justice to say that some of these publications which began appearing in the 18th century and proliferated in a most particular way in the 19th century and first half of the 20th century, have somewhat been of great service to the Arab and Islamic culture. However, in most cases, serving this culture was not the initial purpose sought from these publications which were motivated by colonialist designs. This class of Western scholars often congregated in international conferences held on a regular basis in European capitals. At other times, they convened in one or the other Arab or Islamic capital in meetings dubbed as the 'International Conference of Orientalists'. The first of these conferences was held in 1873 in Paris at the invitation of the International Federation of Orientalists which was founded in Europe. The 24th and last of such gatherings took place in Munich, Germany, in 1957. However, the tremendous transformations unfolding in the world, and most relevantly in the Islamic world, and the new developments occurring on the international political scene and in the world of academia, culture and human studies, were all factors that contributed to a move away from convening these conferences under such names. They were thus replaced by gatherings held under different names but which continued to serve the same purposes, albeit through new techniques and under other forms. Orientalists resumed their gatherings but within a new framework, namely 'The International Conferences for Asian and North African Studies'. These are held by the Washingtonbased Middle East Institute, by the League of Middle Eastern Studies in the United States of America, the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies, or any of the numerous other centres, institutions and societies specialised in this field. The centres for strategic political, intellectual and cultural studies, and the institutes specialising in the Middle East, or the Near East as it was called in previous times, were not as common or numerous as they are today. Oriental language departments in some Western universities served the pur@pose that was taken over by these centres. In most cases, these university departments employed highly qualified scholars who had acquired an in-depth knowledge and understanding of the Islamic world in all its aspects. As such, they rendered valuable services to the government authorities to which they were affiliated. This is a far cry from the situation today. The number of western highly qualified and specialised scholars with an extensive knowledge of the Arabic language, Islamic thought, the Arab and Islamic culture and the situation within Muslim societies has dramatically dwindled. This situation

negatively impacts on the studies they prepare and the reports they draw up at a critical time when these studies and reports serve as major reference documents in informed decision making. Decision makers rely on such reports and studies in formulating their policies in the Islamic world in all political, economic, military, security, social, religious, cultural, information and other matters. This explains the confused, unsound and inappropriate decisions taken by official Western circles in how to deal with Arab and Muslim related issues, and on how to establish well balanced and equality-based relationships with the Islamic world countries. This has reached such proportions that the failure of western policies in the Islamic world in general, and most particularly at the current juncture, is largely owed to the fact that the studies prepared by these centres and institutes rely heavily on improvisation and stray very far from objectivity, fairness and scientific integrity. Such studies are founded on unrealistic concepts, on analyses that lack in methodology, and on uninformed conclusions built around unreliable information that is often obtained from unworthy sources or relayed through disloyal parties who choose to leak that information for sinister purposes. One of the dire repercussions of this situation is the West's lack of understanding of the Islamic world, producing unclear impressions tainted by ill intentions. When it comes to Arab and Islamic-related issues, the policies and choices made by the West are far removed from reality, built around unsound foundations, and unrealistic visions, theories and thoughts. The result is a tendency to heedlessly undermine the higher interests of Muslim peoples, prompting decisions that prejudice relations between the Islamic world and the west, that muddy the international atmosphere, and that ultimately lead to trouble and crises. Consequently, this undermines the rights of both parties and deprives them of the chance to jointly edify a human world order founded on the rules of justice and fairness and where the values of tolerance and coexistence prevail. Why the West fails to understand the Islamic World is a question that remains unanswered in research circles and strategic studies centres. This same question was in fact distorted to become: why do they hate us? In truth, the objective, precise and convincing answer to the first question implicitly holds the answer to the second one, since the two questions are correlated. If the West correctly understands the Islamic world in a way that is innocent of all ill designs and hidden purposes, if the West acquires an in-depth knowledge of the Islamic world based on correct information, actual facts and on the honest scientific analysis of the course of events, if it becomes conscious of the aspirations and hopes of Muslim peoples, understands their needs and the prerequisites of their growth, development and progress, displays full respect for their rights, their sovereignty over their territories, their constants and their religious and cultural specificity, and civilizational identity, if the West abides by international laws in dealing with the Islamic world and complies with the terms of sound international relations in all the stances it takes, if the West takes such straight path, there would be simply no need to ask the question: Why do they hate us? The absence of exact information, relying on the writings, studies and reports of a bunch of researchers who claim to be specialised in the study of the Islamic world but who sorely lack in intellectual integrity and scientific and professional honesty, coupled with ill intentions, arrogance and a predilection for hegemony, all of this stands in the way of reaching a proper and sound understanding of the Islamic world in all its dimensions, be they political, economic, social, ethnic, cultural or religious. Here lies the root of unfair judgement calls which often fail to mirror reality, and this is what motivates the taking of decisions which, with the passage of time, turn out to have been

hasty, inappropriate, far from serving the true interests of the West, and which provoke Muslims into adopting belligerent stances vis--vis the West, out of a self-defence reflex and out of fear from the dangerous repercussion of such decisions and gambles.

Dalam bukunya al-Islam wa al-Siyasah, Muhammad Imarah menghuraikan dengan panjang lebar penolakan terhadap buku Syeikh Ali Abd al-Raziq, al-Islam wa Usul al-Hukm, yang diterbitkan pada April 1925. Beliau membawa hujah dari Saad Zaghlul dan Abd al-Razaq al-Sanhuriuntuk menyangkal dakwaan palsu Ali Abd al-Raziq. Muhamad Imarah menyifatkan Ali Abd al-Raziq sebagai aliran yang terpesona dengan budaya Barat. Di samping tiga aliran yang lain iaitu aliran al-Ihya wa al-tajdid, aliran Taqlid dan aliran pengkhianat tamadun (al-khiyanah al-hadariyyah) iaitu golongan seperti Salamah Musa (m.1958M) dan Luis Awad (1989M). Menurut Imarah buku ini menyimpang jauh dari pandangan golongan Oreintalis sendiri yang memisahkan antara agama dan politik. Ia merupakan satu dakwaan yang tidak pernah dijumpai sebelumnya dalam sejarah Islam. Ia memutuskan hubungan agama dengan politik dan pemerintahan serta masyarakat awam dan mengingkari bahawa Rasulullah mendirikan sebuah negara. Pendek kata Rasulullah hanyalah sebagai pendakwah agama semata-mata. Inilah dakwaan palsu Ali Abd al-Raziq. Saad Zaghlul (m.1927), seorang pemimpin politik dan revolusi dari Mesir mengatakan: setelah membaca buku al-Islam wa usul al-Hukm maka didapati terdapat di dalamnya kebenaran dan kesilapan. Tetapi yang menghairankan ialah bagaimana seorang yang alim dalam bidang agama boleh menulis seperti ini". Katanya lagi: "Saya telah membaca banyak buku-buku orientalis dan tidak didapati dari kalangan mereka yang menista dan mencerca Islam dengan ungkapan-ungkapan yang begitu tajam seperti yang dilakukan oleh Syeikh AliAbd al-Raziq ini. Saya dapati ia jahil tentang kaedah agama malah dalam perkara-perkara yang asas. Sekiranya tidak, mana mungkin ia mengatakan bahawa agama Islam, agama yang tidak ada hubungan dengan masyarakat awam. Tidak ada peraturan untuk pemerintahan. Adakah jualbeli, hibah dan lain-lain dari sistem muamalat, bukan dari sistem Islam. Seolah-olah ia tidak belajar sesuatu dari Universti al-Azhar.

Menurut Zaghlul lagi keputusan yang telah dilakukan oleh Lembaga Ulama al-Azhar dengan mengeluarkannya dari lembaga tersebut merupakan satu keputusan yang tepat dan bukan mengaibkan bagi Universiti al-Azhar kerana ia mempunyai hak yang betul berdasarkan undang-undang dan juga berdasarkan kepada mantiq akal. Perkara ini tidak mempunyai hubungan dengan kebebasan berpendapat. Namun menurut Zaghlul ramai pemuda-pemuda Islam yang tidak kuat pengetahuannya mengenai Islam dan terpengaruh dengan pengetahuan Barat, terlalu bangga dengan sesuatu yang baru dan meniru pemikiran ini sama ada ia benar atau salah tanpa penelitian dan pengkajian (Muhamad Imarah, al-Islam wa al-Siyasah, 2005: 78-79). Pada 12 Ogos 1925, Majlis Ulama al-Azhar yang terdiri dari 24 ulama dan Syeikh al-Azhar Syeikh Abu Fadl telah memutuskan hukuman ke atas Syeikh Ali Abd al-Raziq dengan mengeluarkannya dari lingkungan ulama al-Azhar. Menurut majlis tersebut, kandungan buku tersebut mengandungi kenyataan-kenyataan yang bertentangan dengan agama, nas-nas al-Quran, al-Sunnah dan ijmak.

Kemudian Imarah membawa pandangan seorang tokoh perundangan iaitu Dr. Abd al -Razaq al-Sanhuri alBasha (m. 1971M). Semasa buku Ali Abd al-Raziq ini diterbitkan, beliau sedang menyiapkan risalah Ph.D

bertajuk Fiqh al-Khilafah wa Tatawwuruhu (Kefahaman Khilafah dan Perkembangannya) di Paris. Dalam risalah ini, beliau telah mengaggap pandangan Ali Abd al-Raziq sebagai pandangan yang janggal (al-ray al-shadh). Beliau berpendapat bahawa Ali Abd al-Raziq mengambil pandangan Khawarij dalam mengatakan bahawa penegakkan khilafah itu bukan wajib pada akal dan Syara. Syeikh Ali Abd al -Raziq mendakwa bahawa ijma yang menjadi sandaran bagi ahli Sunnah wal jamaah mengenai kewajipan menegakkan khilafah sebenarnya tidak wujud. Dia berhujahkan bahawa perlantikan khalifah kebanyakkan melalui kekerasan, pembunuhan dan ugutan. Dan tidak mungkin pada pandangan beliau umat meredai sistem ini malahan baginya tidak ada yang bersepakat mengenai hal ini kerana ia dilantik melalui kekerasan dan kekuatan. Begitu juga beliau menyangkal pendapat golongan mutazilah tentang kewajipan menegakkan khilafah dari segi akal. Al Sanhuri menjelaskan bahawa Syeikh Ali Abd al-Raziq mencampuradukkan antara dua perkara yang sepatutnya dibezakan iaitu ia mencampurkan antara kewajipan menegakkan khilafah dengan pemilihan khalifah. Umat Islam tidak memcampurkan kedua-duanya seperti yang dilakukan olehnya. Prinsip kewajipan mendirikan khilafah telah disepakati oleh umat sejak zaman Abu Bakar yang menyampaikan khutbah tentang keperluan perlantikan khalifah untuk menjaga dan melaksanakan Syariat Islam. Sementara paksaan yang diutarakan oleh beliau dalam perlantikan khalifah dan pergolakan yang berlaku dan fitnah sesama umat Islam dalam menjawat jawatan khalifah adalah perkara biasa dalam mana-mana empayar. Adalah satu kesilapan untuk mengatakan kaum muslimin tidak bersepakat dalam kewajipan khalifah semata-mata kerana mereka berbeza dalam menentukan khalifah. Perselisihan di sini adalah mengenai siapa yang sepatutnya menjadi khalifah dan bukan terhadap institusi khilafah itu sendiri. Sebenarnya golongan Khawarij yang mengingkari keperluan khilafah sepertimana yang dihujahkan oleh Ali Abd al-Raziq tidak menafikan kewujudan ijmak kerana kita berbicara dalam konteks ahli Sunnah wa jamaah dan kewujudan ijmak itu bukan kesepakatan kesemua para ulama tetapi memadai dengan persetujuan majoriti fuqaha. Sementara itu, golongan Khawarij wujud di akhir pemerintahan Ali selepas berlakunya ijma para sahabat.

Dakwaan kedua Syeikh Ali Abd al-Raziq ialah Islam merupakan peraturan agama semata-mata dan tidak ada kaitan dengan pemerintahan. Beliau berpendapat bahawa Rasulullah hanya membawa ajaran spiritual sematamata dan tidak bermaksud untuk mendirikan sebuah negara Islam. Oleh demikian, tidak tepat untuk mengatakan dalam ajarannya mengandungi perintah untuk mendirikan pemerintahan Islam. Beliau berpendapat bahawa perkara yang dilakukan oleh Rasulullah dalam sistem pemerintahan hanyalah satu sistem yang tidak semestinya diikuti. Ini kerana sistem-sistem pentadbiran dan kehakiman telah wujud dalam kabilahkabilah Arab sebelum kedatangan Islam. Menurutnya Rasulullah hanya mempunyai kuasa spiritual ( al-sultah al-ruhiyyah) dan selepas kewafatan baginda maka tiada sesiapa yang mewarisinya. Baginya Abu Bakar yang menonjolkan dirinya untuk menggantikan Rasulullah dan menubuhkan dawlah iaitu satu tindakan politik ke atas bangsa Arab.

Dalam menyangkal dakwaan tersebut, Al-Sanhuri menegaskan bahawa pendapat bahawa peraturan pada zaman Rasulullah s.a.w. itu bukan perkara muhkamat (yang merupakan hujah asas bagi beliau adalah tidak relevan kerana keadaan situasi masyarakat Arab ketika itu tidak memerlukan satu sistem yang terlalu mendalam dan sempurna. Nabi hanya meletakkan asas pemerintahan yang sesuai pada ketika itu dan bersesuaian dengan masyarakat tersebut. Peraturan ini kemudian berkembang dengan perubahan masa dan tempat. AlSanhuri berpendapat bahawa kuasa-kuasa yang diasaskan oleh nabi itu merupakan peraturan sivil yang sebenar dengan adanya hukuman jenayah bagi orang yang melanggar Syariat Islam dan mempunyai sistem pentadbiran dan kewangan. Pendeknya, Nabi membawa risalah Islam dan juga pengasas daulah Islamiah. Malah boleh juga dikatakan nabi s.a.w. telah mendirikan kerajaan federal di Madinah dan adanya gabenorgabenor yang tunduk kepada pemerintahan federal tersebut seperti di Yaman. Para sahabat tidak mengasaskan daulah tetapi memperkembangkan perkara yang telah diasaskan oleh Rasulullah. Sementara dakwaan yang mengatakan bahawa ramai khalifah menggunakan kekerasan untuk mempertahankan jawatan khalifah. AlSanhuri bukan sahaja menolak dakwaan Ali Abd al-Raziq itu dalam risalah Ph.D-nya tetapi juga tetapi juga menulis pada tahun 1929 dalam majalah al-Muhamat al-Syariyyah yang bertajuk al-Din wa al-Dawlah fi alIslam. Dalam artikel itu beliau menegaskan bahawa Islam agama dan pemerintahan dan pemerintahan itu adalah sebahagian dari risalah Rasulullah s.a.w. Sungguhpun Islam mengabungkan agama dan pemerintahan tetapi ada perbezaan antara kedua-duanya iaitu agama sebagai perkara yang tetap yang merupakan wahyu dari Allah manakala pemerintahan adalah sesuatu yang berkembang dan merupakan ijtihad manusia berdasarkan perkara-perkara yang tetap dalam agama. Inilah yang merupakan ciri-ciri keistimewaan hubungan Islam dengan pemerintahan.

Pada tahun 1926, Taha Husayn (m. 1973) menerbitkan buku Fi al-Shir al-Jahili (Syair-Syair Zaman Jahiliah) yang menimbulkan keraguan kepada kisah-kisah al-Quran. Begitu juga Ketua pengarang akhbar al-Siyasah, Dr Muhamad Husayn Haikal (m. 1956M) telah menyokong pendapat Ali Abd al-Raziq. Namun ketiga-tiga tokoh ini ternyata kembali ke pangkuan Islam dan mengatakan bahawa Islam merupakan agama, politik dan pemerintahan. Bahkan dalam satu kenyataan Ali Abd al-Raziq menyebutkan bahawa kata-katanya bahawa Islam merupakan ajaran spiritual semata-mata merupakan perkataan syaitan yang diucapkan melalui lisan saya. (ibarah alqaha al-syaitan ala lisani) (Muhammad Imarah, 2005:116). Menurut Muhammad Imarah Ali Abd al-Raziq kembali apabila beliau menegaskan semasa ditemuramah oleh Akhbar al-Siyasah pada 1 September 1925 dengan menyebutkan bahawa agama Islam merupakan agama perundangan dan wajib setiap orang Muslim melaksanakan syariatnya dan hukum-hukumnya. Allah telah menyuruh kepada seluruh umat Islam dan wajib umat Islam mendirikan pemerintahan atas dasar tersebut tetapi Allah tidak menentukan bentuk yang tertentu untuk pemerintahan tersebut malah ia meninggalkan perkara itu untuk mereka memilihnya bersesuaian dengan keperluan zaman. Muhammad Imarah berhujah bahawa perkataan tersebut menggambarkan bahawa beliau mengakui hubungan Islam dengan pemerintahan walaupun ia tidak

menggunakan kalimah kembali atau bertaubat. Malah beliau mengulangi koreksi tersebut pada tahun 1951 apabila beliau mengulas artikel Ahmad Amin dalam majalah Risalah al-Islam pada April 1951 yang bertajuk Ijtihad pada pandangan Islam.

Ternyata Syeikh Ali Abd al-Raziq memang kembali dari pendapatnya yang awal malah buku tersebut tidak diterbitkan semula semasa hayatnya. Benarlah kata Muhammad Imarah bahawa orang yang berpendapat Islam hanya agama spiritual semata-mata adalah bisikan-bisikan syaitan malah mereka adalah pengikut syaitan. Mereka merupakan orang yang yang masih lagi dalam zaman perhambaan kedua seperti yang diistilahkan oleh Fahmi Huwaidi kerana gagal membebaskan diri dan mempunyai jiwa yang merdeka. Terdapat golongan di kalangan umat Islam yang telah terpengaruh dengan pemikiran Barat seperti kumpulan Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) yang bergiat cergas di Indonesia dan beberapa institusi-institusi dan individu-individu di Malaysia dan terus mencuba membawa pemikiran tersebut. Marilah kita merenung kata-kata Muhammad Imarah terhadap golongan sekularis Arab yang membesar-besarkan Ali Abd Raziq: Sesungguhnya kami menghormati Ali Abd al-Raziq yang mengatakan bahawa syaitan telah membisikkan kata-kata itu atas lisan saya dan ia bukanlah pandangan sebenarnya, malah ia adalah pandangan syaitan. Maka lihat siapakah yang sebenarnya ketua kamu dan pencerahan kamu, ia bukan Ali Abd al-Raziq tetapi ia adalah syaitan. (Muhamad Imarah, 2005, hal. 125) Timbalan Presiden ABIM

dikutip dari MADANIYAT Jld. 5 bil. 1 2007 Zahrah al-Tafasir oleh Imam Muhammad Abu Zahrah

Fi

Dhilal

Al

Qur'an

Sayyid

Qutb

(15

Volumes

Ever since its revelation 1400 years ago, the Qur'an has been a book of guidance and inspiration, a reference point, and a rich source of social and moral dynamism for hundreds of millions of people throughout the world who believe it to be immutable word of God. Hardly a generation passes without a fresh attempt to unravel the meanings of the Qur'an and gain deeper insight into its universal message within a contemporary perspective. In The Shade Of The Qur'an is more than 'just another' commentary; yet it is not too overreaching or outlandish to be a completely new interpretation. It is an earnest, sincere and sober look at man's contemporary achievements and difficulties in the light of the message of the Qur'an. It is an effort to vigorously explore its rich wisdom, and expand its invaluable guidance for the benefit of an increasingly 'sophisticated' , yet highly perplexed modern society. The work, which is by far Sayyid Qutb's largest and most profound, spans the whole of the

text of the Qur'an. It was written, and partly re-written, over a period of more than 15 years, most of which the author had spent in Egyptian prisons, during the 1950s and 1960s. In it is embedded Sayyid Qutb's insight, highly esteemed intellectual vigor, and his widelyacclaimed literary prowess. In The Shade Of The Qur'an has been universally recognized as an outstanding contribution to Islamic thought and scholarship, to which students and scholars, as well as contemporary Islamic revivalist movements all over the world, owe a great deal. Now that it is available in English, it will continue to enlighten and inspire millions more. It will take its rightful place as an indispensable work of reference for a proper understanding of contemporary Islamic thinking. The Author : Syed Qutb, true to his teachings died for the values he espoused. He was sentenced to death and hanged by a military court established by Nasser. Writing was his jihad against the jahiliyya that he saw all around him 1906 : Born in the village Musha, northern Egypt. 1930's and 1940's: Qutb start working as a inspector of schools for the Egyptian Ministry of Education. He also tries to start a career as a writer, and publishes some books but without much success. 1948: Travels to USA on a scholarship to study the educational system, receiving a master's degree from the Colorado State College of Education. 1951: Qutb returns to Egypt, and joins the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan ul Muslim) 1952: First volume of his commentary In the Shade of the Qur'an (Fi Zilal al-Qur'an) is published. There would be 29 more volumes to this work. 1954: He is arrested and sentenced to long imprisonment together with many other members of the Ikhwan. 1964: After 10 years in prison, Qutb is released. 1965: Is allegedly part of the planning of the assassination of President Gamal Abdu lNasser, and is arrested again. 1966 August 29: Executed after being found guilty in the 1965 plot. May Allah Bless his Soul About one of the Translator Adil Salahi: Adil Salahi teachers at the Markfield Institute of Higher Education, Leicester, England. After working for the BBC Arabic Service for several years, he worked for the Arabic daily, alSharq al-Awsat. He continues to publish many Articles in various Publications including , Arab News, and many Online Publications. . He has worked and translated most of thel volumes of Sayyid Qutb's commentary, In the Shade of the Quran .

Book Review From Prison:

By Imam Anwar al-Awlaki This work by the Shaheed -by the will of Allah- along with Milestones represent his greatest works and the fruits of his life. I received 5 of the 6 volumes along with Madarij al Salikeen as the first books I was allowed to have. This came after a period of two months with nothing but the Quran. Having had the chance to spend that time with the book of Allah and to contemplate on it, I wanted to read what our scholars had to say about Quran so I ordered Tafsir Ibn Kathir which is a proper classical tafsir along wi th In the Shade of the Quran which is more about thoughts and insights on the book of Allah in addition to it being a contemporary tafsir.

Sayyid is a very prolific and eloquent writer. His style is unique. If someone has read for him then he could recognize his writings without having to be told who the author is. With Ibn kathir his tafsir is full of Hadiths and statements of scholars and rulings so it must be read slowly. I would limit myself to a maximum of 30 pages a day. But because of the flowing style of Sayyid I would read between 100-150 pages a day. In fact I would read until my eyes got tired. My left eye would get exhausted before the right eye so I would close it with my hand and carry on reading with my right eye until it can handle it no more and would just shut down. My vision started deteriorating especially in my left eye. Was it because of too much reading, or was it because of poor lighting, Allah knows best. I found that deteriorating eyesight along with kidney problems where the two most common complaints of the prisoners. I would be so immersed with the author I would feel that Sayyid was with me in my cell speaking to me directly. There was something about my reading in prison: I could feel the personality of the author through his words. So even though I was in solitary confinement I was never alone. I was with ibn Kathir for some days, with ibn al Qayyim, Sayyid Qutb, al Shawkani, al-Nawawi and many others on other days. How could I feel the loneliness when all of these great men where my companions? I believe it was Ibn al Mubarak who when asked why he used to spend his time alone said: And how can I be alone when I am in the companionship of the Sahaba? My favourite parts of the Shades were Sura Yusuf, and al Qasas. Sayyid has a beautiful way of presenting the stories of Yusuf and Musa in these suras. Then there are the introductions to surah al Ankaboot and al Rad. In his introduction of al Ankaboot he has some wonderful words about trails and in the intro to Sura al Rad he talks about the miracle of Quran. Something that the reader of Sayyid couldnt fail to feel is the immense love Sayyid had for the words of Allah. I lived with In the Shade of the Quran for over a month. It carried me through and offered me solace during that period. May Allah reward him abundantly on the Day of Judgment.

Perginya seorang ulama yang produktif - Allahyarham Yusuf Zaki Yaacob 73

UMAT Islam telah kehilangan seorang ulama' dan seorang pengarang Islam yang produktif bila Dato' Yusuf Zaki Yaacob 73 tahun telah kembali ke alam baqa' pada pagi (4.30) 19 Januari lepas. Allahyarham telah mengidap penyakit lemah jantung dan darah tinggi sejak beberapa tahun lalu. Tetapi keadaannya makin bertambah tenat sejak kebelakangan ini, hingga ke akhir hayatnya. Walaupun kesihatannya tidak begitu baik sejak tahun 60an lagi, tetapi Allahyarham tidak pernah melepaskan tanggungjawabnya sebagai seorang pendakwah dan pengarang buku-buku serta majalah-majalah yang berunsur Islam. Melalui Penerbitan Dian yang diasaskan pada awal tahun 60 an dulu, Allahyarham telah menghasilkan berpuluh-puluh buku dan majalah Islam yang dianggap bermutu dan popular dikalangan semua lapisan masyarakat.

Majalah bulanan Dian yang diterbitkan sempena hari pertabalan Almarhum Sultan Yahya Petra pada awal tahun 60 an dulu, merupakan sebuah majalah yang paling popular di kalangan anak-anak muda dan orang dewasa. Nama Ustaz Yusuf Zaki sebagai seorang pengarang yang ulung dikenali melalui majalah Dian yang Allahyarham pimpin dan terbitkan. Nama Allahyarham lebih terkenal sebagai pengarang majalah Dian daripada pengarang buku-buku psikologi remaja yang diterbitkan oleh Pustaka Dian. Saya mulai mengenali nama Yusuf Zaki melalui Haji Nik Salleh Nik Mat dan Allahyarham Abdullah Yusuf di waktu belajar di AlMashhur Pulau Pinang pada akhir 40 an dulu. Melalui dua orang teman ini, saya dapat mengenali dari jauh mengenai beberapa keistimewaan dan kebolehannya dalam bidang penulisan, bahasa Arab dan agama. Saya mulai mengenali beliau dari dekat bila seorang sahabat meminta saya mengundangnya untuk memberi syarahan maulidur-Rasul di sebuah Sekolah Arab di Rantau Panjang pada pertengahan tahun 1957 yang lalu. Melalui pertemuan yang pertama itu, saya mulai merasa kagum dengan pengetahuannya dalam bidang agama, bahasa Arab, bahasa ibunda dan peka dengan pergolakan politik tanah air yang masih dijajah pada waktu itu. Dalam pertemuan berikutnya, saya dapati Allahyarham sangat minat dalam bidang penulisan, dakwah dan politik. Allahyarham sangat tertarik, kalau ada antara penulis yang bercerita mengenai perjuangan pengarang-pengarang yang terkenal seperti Pak Sako,Ahmad Boestaman Ibrahim Ya'acob, Pak Samad Ismail, Pak Hamka dan pengarang-pengarang yang termuka di Indonesia dan Malaysia. Sebagai seorang penerbit, Allahyarham juga memberi peluang kepada penulis-penulis muda untuk menulis dalam majalah -majalah keluaran Pustaka Dian termasuk Mingguan Kota Bahru dan majalah Peristiwa. Walaupun ramai jumlah intelek Islam dan ulama yang berkelulusan universiti, tetapi belum ada seorang daripada mereka yang dapat menandingi Allahyarham Ustaz Yusuf Zaki dalam bidang penulisan dan penerbitan.

Allahyarham bukan sahaja seorang penulis dan pengarang, malah beliau seorang penerbit, pencetak dan pengedar buku-buku agama dan majalah-majalah yang bermutu. Selepas Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah mengambil alih pentadbiran negeri Kelantan, beliau menghasilkan sebuah buku mengenai Hudud (terjemahan) yang dianggap paling laris pada waktu itu. Saya diberitahu oleh keluarganya, buku yang paling akhir di tulis oleh Allahyarham Ustaz Yusuf Zaki ialah mengenai/imam - Makmum yang sedang diulang cetak sekarang ini. Dalam pertemuan saya yang akhir, dengannya, Allahyarham membayangkan akan menumpukan perhatian dan tenaganya untuk menyiarkan terjemahan tafsir Fi Zilal Quran karangan Syed Qutb. Allahyarham memberitahu saya dan Cikgu Nik Mat Abdul Rahman bahawa terjemahan tafsir Fi Zilalil Quran merupakan satu peninggalan dan pusaka kepada umat Islam selepas beliau tidak ada lagi alam fana ini. Saya diberitahu oleh seorang anggota keluarganya, terjemahan tafsir itu sebanyak 30 juz telahpun disiapkan oleh Allahyarham. Sebagai seorang anak kepada seorang ulama', Tuan Guru Haji Yaacob, Allahyarham mendapat didikan agamanya daripada orang tuanya. Allahyarham juga turut menadah kitab kepada beberapa orang ulama' yang terkenal pada waktu itu termasuk Allahyarham Tuan Guru Haji Abas Bukit Tiu.
Allahyarham pernah memberitahu saya, dua orang gurunya yang sangat beliau kagumi, iaitu Allahyarham Tok Khurasan (ulama' dari Pakistan) dan Allahyarham Ustaz Abdul Rabb Tamimi (dari Indonesia) yang pernah menjadi Mudir di Jamek Merbau, kota Baharu. Katanya, Tok Khurasan telah mengajarnya itu ilmu-ilmu yang tidak diajar oleh ulama'-ulama'tempatan pada waktu itu. Sementara Ustaz Abdul Rabb pula memberi banyak panduan kepada Allahyarham dalam mendalami bahasa Arab. Oleh kerana Allahyarham telah banyak mempelajari kitab-kitab agama secara mendalam daripada ulama' tempatan dan Tok Khurasan, maka Allayarham tidak belajar di Universiti Al Azhar waktu berada di Mesir. Sebaliknya, Allahyarham belajar di Univerisiti Cairo. Tokoh Penulis Kelantan Dato' Yusof Zaky Yaacob ( 1928 - 1999 )

Tokoh ini termasuk seorang pengarang, penterjemah dan sekaligus penerbit buku yang sangat dikenali di Malaysia pada separuh abad ke 20. Karya-karyanya bukan sahaja mengenai agama, tetapi juga merangkumi politik, psikilogi, kritik sosial malahan genre sastera (puisi dan novel). Lahir di Jalan Gajah Mati, Kota Bharu pada 13 Jun 1928, Yusof Zaky ialah anak kepada seorang ulama' Kelantan yang sangat terkenal; Tuan Guru Haji Yaacob Lorong Gajah Mati. Selepas menerima pendidikan awal daripada ayahnya sendiri, beliau belajar di Jami' Merbau al-Asmaili, dengan pada masa-masa senggang, berguru kepada Tuan Guru Haji Saad Kangkong, Haji Ali Pulau Pisang, Maulana Tok Khurasan dan lain-lain. Pada 1949, beliau berangkat ke Mesir untuk mempelajari ilmu sosiologi dan psikologi di sebuah universiti yang sangat bergengsi American University. Pulang dari Mesir dengan sebuah cita-cita bulat- menjadi pengarang. Dengan cita-cita ini beliau mula menubuhkan syarikat percetakannya sendiri - Pustaka Dian Press - pada Mac 1957 bagi tujuan mencetak dan menerbit sendiri buku-buku karangannya. Pada bulan Julai 1961, beliau menerbitkan majalah Dian, dan kemudiaanya pada 1965, menerbitkan pula majalah Santajiwa. Tulisan-tulisan beliau sangat tajam dan memikat. Selain padat dan berbobot, tulisan beliau juga segar dan indah dengan gaya bahasa dan susunan katanya yang menarik. Lihat misalnya siri tulisan beliau di bawah tajuk "Mikroskop Dian" dan siri terjemahan cerpen dunia yang sangat mendapat tempat di hati pembaca pada era 1960an dan awal 1970an. Puncak kerjayanya dicapai apabila beliau berjaya menterjemahkan secara lengkap karya Sayyid Qutb "Fi Zilal alQuran" ke dalam Bahasa Melayu dengan judul "Di Bawah Naungan al-Quran". Kitab tafsir yang kemudiannya terbit dalam 17 jilid yang dikerjakan dengan tekun dalam tempoh 11 tahun ini merupakan antara sumbangan besar beliau dalam bidang persuratan Islam di Malaysia menjelang saat-saat kematiannya pada pagi hari raya Aidil Fitri 1419 (bersamaan 19 Januari 1999). Antara karya tulisan beliau (asli dan terjemahan) ialah Menuju Revolusi Islam (1953), Psikologi Remaja (1955), Dari Rahim ke Dunia (1957), Falsafah Qiamat (1958), Air Mata Abdi (1958), Mencari Kejernihan Jiwa (1959), Erti Surah al-Baqarah, Prinsip-Prinsip Ilmu Masyarakat (1959), Psikologi Kanak-Kanak (1960), Psikologi Takut (1965), Ilmu Jiwa (1970), Langkah-Langkah Menuju Allah (1971), Salah Faham Terhadap Islam (1978), Kamus Nama-Nama Indah (1978), Masalah Imam Makmum, Roh Ibadat Solat (1979), Khulasah Ibadat Haji, Seribu Satu Masalah Jiwa Manusia (1986), Batu-Batu Pedoman Perjuangan Islam (1988), Memahami Jiwa Manusia (1996) dan lain-lain lagi. Dalam bidang sastera, beliau banyak menterjemah cerpen-cerpen dari tokoh-tokoh penulis timur dan barat untuk majalah Dian dan Santajiwa, di samping beliau juga dikenali sebagai penulis puisi yang berbakat di bawah nama samaran "Saujana", dan penulis novel sindiran yang tak sempat disiapkan berjudul "Komidi Syaitan".

Allahyarham seorang ulama' yang tidak mahu menonjolkan diri dan tidak berminat untuk menjadi seorang pemimpin (hubbu riasat) sebagai tokoh politik tertentu. Allahyarham pernah memberitahu saya, bahawa Presiden Umno pernah menawarkan jawatan ahli Majlis Tertinggi Umno (yang dilantik) kepadanya, tetapi beliau menolak dengan alasan-alasan tertentu. Inilah yang dikatakan keistimewaan Allahyarham ustaz Yusuf Zaki, kerana beliau tidak bersedia menerima jawatan yang ditawarkan kepadanya. Sedangkan pada waktu itu, seorang pemimpin Umno terpaksa membelanjakan beratus-ratus ribu ringgit untuk dipilih sebagai seorang Ahli Majlis Tertinggi Umno.

Allahyarham meninggalkan tiga orang anak lelaki dan seorang balu, Datin Azizah Yusuf. Saya mengucapkan takziah kepada balunya, Datin Azizah dan keluarga. Semoga Allah mencucuri rahmat ke atas rohnya. Sumber:HARAKAH : Ibnu Muslim (HARAKAH Internet Edition 29 Januari, 1999 / 11 Syawwal 1419H)
Ia mengungkapkan aspirasi perjuangan, dan idealisme yang segar dalam Ia merupakan usaha yang signifikan untuk menampilkan sosok Qutb sebagai pemikir dan pentafsir moden dan kontemporer (muasirah), dan mengangkat ide dan pemikiran reformnya yang dizahirkan dalam Fi Zilal. Kefahaman dari pemikiran Qutb yang diungkapkan dalam tafsir ini dapat dilacak dari tafsiran-tafsirannya yang bersifat radikal, rasional, saintifik, dan Islamis, seperti diungkapkan pada ayat . ini mengenengahkan pengaruh yang besar kepada mazhab Qutbiyyah di dunia Islam. Princeton Readings John Calvert
Bismillah Walhamdulillah Was Salaatu Was Salaam 'ala Rasulillah As-Salaam Alaikum Wa-Rahmatullahi Wa-Barakatuhu Prayer - 27th Jumada al-Awwal 1433 (19th April 2012) Narrated Abu Al-Mahh (Radi-Allahu 'anhu): We were with Buraida in a battle on a cloudy day and he said, "Offer the 'Asr prayer early as the Prophet (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) said, "Whoever leaves the 'Asr prayer, all his (good) deeds will be annulled." Bukhari Vol. 1 : No. 528

Fi Zilal al-Quran
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Sunni: Tafsir ibn Kathir (~1370) Tafsir al-Qurtubi (~1273) Tafsir al-Tabari (~922)

Tafsir al-Jalalayn (1460-1505) Tanwir al-Miqbas Shi'a: Tafsir al-Mizan (1892-1981) Sunni tafsir

Tafsir al-Baghawi Tafsir al-Kabir Dur al-Manthur Tadabbur-i-Quran Tafhim-ul-Quran Shi'a tafsir

Al-Mizan Fi Tafsir al-Quran Holy Quran (puya) Majma' al-Bayan Ahmadiyya tafsir

Tafseer-e-Kabeer Tafseer-e-Sagheer Haqiq al-Furqn Sufi tafsir

Tafsir Ibn Arabi Kashf al-Asrar wa 'Iddat al-Abrar Mu'tazili tafsir

Al-Kashshaf Terms

Asbab al-nuzul

In the Shade of the Qur'an or Fi Zilal al-Qur'an[p][n] (Arabic:

, f ill al-qur'n) is a highly influential

commentary of the Qur'an, written during 1951-1965 by Sayyid Qutb[a] (1906-1966), a leader within the Muslim Brotherhood. Most of the original 30 volumes (114 Surahs) were written (or re-written) while in prison following an attempted assassination of Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1954.[1] The book outlines Qutb's vision of an Islamic state and society. It is considered by some to be a comprehensive and farreaching tafsir (commentary) that takes a clear and lucid interpretation of the Qur'an. However, it has also been criticized by some modernists and traditional Ulema alike, as an extended personal opinion or essay rather than a well-evidenced textual commentary, and for not adhering to the traditional structure for a tafsir. It has much influence throughout the Islamic world, especially amongst the ordinary lay practitioners of Islam in the Arab world. The work extends to 30 volumes and has been translated into several languages, including English, French,German, Urdu, Turkish, Indonesian, Persian and Bengali.[citation needed] The full set of volumes covers the entire Qur'an.[1]
Contents
[hide]

1 Conclusions 2 References 3 See also 4 External links

[edit]Conclusions
From a social and political standpoint, some of the more important conclusions Qutb drew in his interpretation include:

On the issue of human relationships: Allah wishes human life to be elevated, happy, based on pure motives and characterised by mutual compassion, brotherhood and purity of hearts and behaviour.[2]

On the Victimization of Children of Israel by the Pharaoh: Tyrants are always ready to commit any crime, without hesitation, in order to retain power....That is tyranny: ignorant and stupid, but at the same time arrogant and conceited. [3]

The Children of Israel suffered persecution on a similar scale by Pharaoh and his clique, as stated in Srah 28, The Story, in which we read: Pharaoh made himself a tyrant in the land. He divided his people into casts, one group of which he persecuted, putting their sons to death and sparing only their daughters. Truly, he was an evildoer. (28: 4). This is characteristic of tyranny everywhere, in all periods of history. It still resorts today to the same methods it employed centuries ago.
[4]

The importance of implementing true Islamic law and danger of people who "oppose the implementation of God's law." These are people "who claim to be Muslims but perpetrate corruption," [5]

Jews as a perpetual opponent of Islam. The threat Jews pose to Islam is emphasized in Qutb's commentary on Surah 2:

The war the Jews began to wage against Islam and Muslims in those early days has raged on to the present. The form and appearance may have changed, but the nature and means remains the same. Again, in the commentary on Surah 5: The Muslim world has often faced problems as a result of Jewish conspiracies ever since the early days of Islam. ... History has recorded the wicked opposition of the Jews to Islam right from its first day in Medina. Their scheming against Islam has continued since then to the present moment, and they continue to be its leaders, nursing their wicked grudges and always resorting to treacherous schemes to undermine Islam.[6] Qutb explicitly warns against applying the expressions of tolerance and forgiveness in the Qur'an towards Jews, and maintains the sins of theBani Qurayza have permanent effects on all Jews everywhere. Or as one author puts it, "In Qutb's interpretation, the sins and crimes of the Medina Jews in the seventh century have a cosmic, eternal quality -- rather like the sins and crimes of the Jerusalem Jews in some of the traditional interpretations of the Gospels." [7]

[edit]References
[a] - The author name "Sayyid Qutb" is pronounced as "Sah-yeed Kuh-tabh". [p] - The work is also called "Fi Dhilal al-Quran". [p] - The title "Fi Zilal al-Qur-an" is pronounced as "Fee Zhuh-lahl ahl-Kour-ahn". [s] - The major sources for Fi Zilal al-Qur-an are:
[1] [8]

1. 2. 3.

^ a b c "Kalamullah.Com | Fi Dhilal al-Quran", Kalamullah.com, 2007, webpage: Kalam-shade. ^ In the Shade of the Qur'an, translated by Adil Salahi, Vol. 30, p. 275 (2002). ^ Commentary on Surah 7, In the Shade of the Qur'an, translated by M.A. Salahi and A.; A. Shamis, Vol. I Markfield, Leicester, and Nairobi, Kenya: The Islamic Foundation 1999.

4.

^ Commentary on Surah 7, In the Shade of the Qur'an, translated by M.A. Salahi and A.; A. Shamis, Vol. I Markfield, Leicester, and Nairobi, Kenya: The Islamic Foundation 1999.

5.

^ Commentary on Surah 2, In the Shade of the Qur'an, translated by M.A. Salahi and A.; A. Shamis, Vol. I Markfield, Leicester, and Nairobi, Kenya: The Islamic Foundation 1999.

6.

^ In the Shade of the Qur'an, translated by M.A. Salahi and A.; A. Shamis, Vol. I Markfield, Leicester, and Nairobi, Kenya: The Islamic Foundation

7. 8.

^ Berman, Paul, Terror and Liberalism, Norton and Company, 2003, p.85 ^ "Sayyid Qutb: The Karl Marx of the Islamic Revolution", Shaggyman.com, 28 September 2006, webpage: Shaggym-18.

Syeikh Said Hawwa

Sesungguhnya, bersama kesulitan ada kemudahan. Sesungguhnya, bersama kesulitan ada kemudahan. (Al Insyiroh [94]: 5-6). Pasti Terjadi Dalam menjalani kehidupannya, manusia akan mendapati situasi enak atau tak enak, sebagai ujian Allah Subhanahu wa Taala (SWT). Apapun situasinya, nyaman atau tak nyaman, itu yang terbaik dalam skenario Allah SWT. Jika kita sedang berada disituasi sulit, Allah SWT mengingatkan janji-Nya, sebagaimana disebut ayat di atas. Sesungguhnya, bersama kesulitan ada kemudahan. Sesungguhnya, bersama kesulitan ada kemudahan. Menurut As-Suyuthi, Alam Nasyrah ayat 1 8 turun ketika kaum musyrikin memperolok-olok kaum Muslimin karena kekafirannya. Sementara, dalam suatu riwayat Ibnu Jarir yang bersumber dari Al-Hasan, dikatakan bahwa ketika turun ayat Sesungguhnya, bersama kesulitan ada kemudahan (Alam Nasyrah [94]: 6), Rasulullah Shallallahu alaihi wa sallam (SAW) bersabda, Bergembiralah kalian, karena akan datang kemudahan bagi kalian. Kesusahan tidak akan mengalahkan dua kemudahan. Janji Allah Sesungguhnya, bersama kesulitan ada kemudahan itu diulangi-Nya dua kali. Padahal, janji Allah pasti benar (Faathir [35]: 5) dan pasti terjadi (Al-Mursalaat [77]: 7). Sebagian Bukti Kisah Buya Hamka, Sayyid Quthb, dan Ibnu Taimiyah dapat kita jadikan rujukan. Hamka melahirkan karya tulis lebih dari 115 judul dalam berbagai bidang. Tafsir Al-Azhar adalah karya paling utamanya dan terbesar. Sekitar awal 1964 Hamka ditahan rezim Orde Lama dengan tuduhan subversi, sebuah tuduhan yang sampai dia bebas dua tahun empat bulan kemudian tak pernah bisa dibuktikan secara hukum.

Hamka berkisah tentang pengalamannya dihari-hari pertama dia ditahan, Kalau saya bawa bermenung saja kesulitan dan perampasan kemerdekaan saya itu, maulah rasanya diri ini gila. Tetapi, akal terus berjalan, maka ilham Allah datang. Cepat-cepat saya baca al-Quran, sehingga pada lima hari penahanan yang pertama saja, tiga kali al-Quran khatam dibaca. Lalu, Hamka atur jam-jam buat membaca dan menulis Tafsir al-Quran. Maka, menyusul kekacauan politik yang disebabkan Gerakan 30 September 1965 Partai Komunis Indonesia, pada Mei 1966 Hamka dibebaskan. Saat itu, dia telah mengkhatamkan al-Quran 150 kali, dan selesai pula tafsir 28 juz. Sementara, yang dua juz yaitu juz 18 dan 19 telah diselesaikannya sebelum dia ditahan. Maka, Hamka, meninggal pada 1982, berhak menasihati kita, bahwa hendaknya kita Jangan gentar menghadapi kesukaran, karena dalam kesukaran itu pasti ada kemudahan, asal kita mempergunakan otak buat memecahkannya. Sungguh, Allah tidak akan mengecewakan orang-orang yang bertawakkal kepadaNya. Di Mesir, ada Sayyid Quthb (lahir 1903) dan hafal al-Quran sejak masih anak-anak. Dia aktivis Ikhwanul Muslimin yang penuh semangat. Dia dipenjara rezim Gamal Abdel Nasser, sebelum akhirnya syahid dihukum mati pada 20 Agustus 1966. Apa kesalahan dia? Saat Sayyid Quthb menulis sejumlah buku seperti Maaalim fit-Thariq (Petunjuk Jalan), 1964, yang berisi penolakan terhadap kebudayaan jahiliyah modern dalam segala bentuknya. Rezim Gamal Abdel Nasser yang menganut sosialisme Arab memandang itu sebagai sebuah kesalahan besar. Dalam buku Maaalim fit-Thariq, Sayyid Quthb mengemukakan gagasan tentang perlunya revolusi total, bukan semata-mata pada sikap individu, namun juga pada struktur negara. Selama periode inilah, logika konsepsi awal negara Islamnya Sayyid Quthb mengemuka. Buku inilah yang dijadikan bukti utama dalam sidang yang menuduhnya bersekongkol hendak menumbangkan rezim Nasser. Tafsir Fi Zhilalil Quran (Di Bawah Lindungan Al-Quran) diselesaikan Sayyid Quthb saat berada di penjara. Dan, Hamka mengaku, bahwa tafsir Fi Zhilalil Quran Banyak mempengaruhi saya dalam menulis Tafsir AlAzhar. Selain Hamka, banyak ulama yang menilai Tafsir Fi Zhilalil Quran sebagai salah satu tafsir terbaik. Hujjahnya kuat meneguhkan iman. Bahasanya indah menyejukkan hati. Pendek kata, tafsir itu mampu menggelorakan spirit iman, hijrah, dan jihad. Jauh sebelum Hamka dan Sayyid Quthb, ada Ibnu Taimiyah yang lahir 1263 dan meninggal 1328. Masa hidupnya banyak dihabiskan di Damaskus. Dia bukan saja pernah tapi bahkan sering merasakan manis-nya penjara, karena sejumlah pendapat keagamaannya berbeda dengan yang dianut ulama-ulama lain yang dekat dengan penguasa ketika itu. Ibnu Taimiyah yang saat berusia dua puluh tahun telah bergelar profesor di bidang hukum dalam mazhab Imam Hanbali- berkali-kali dipenjara sebelum akhirnya syahid di dalamnya. Kesalahan dia, hanya karena perbedaan dalam memahami atau menafsiri al-Quran. Padahal, lewat fatwa-fatwanya, Ibnu Taimiyah berniat memurnikan ajaran Islam dari unsur-unsur yang datang dari luar Islam dan tak sesuai dengan Islam. Dia hendak memurnikan Islam dari segala bidah dan khurafat.

Tentu saja, di antara karya-karya besarnya (dari total 500-an judul karya tulisnya) lahir di penjara. Sebab, di penjara, Ibnu Taimiyah memiliki banyak kesempatan untuk membaca dan menulis. Hal itu, hikmah besar baginya. Maka, dia tak pernah sedih atau menyesal atas apa yang dialaminya. Hal itu, diyakininya sebagai ketentuan Allah yang tak boleh dibantah, karena di dalamnya terdapat banyak kebaikan yang akan didapat. Ajaib, dan Benar! Hamka, Sayyid Qutb, dan Ibnu Taimiyah adalah sedikit contoh manusia beriman yang merasakan bukti keajaiban janji Allah bahwa bersama kesulitan ada kemudahan. Juga, bukti kebenaran sabda Nabi Muhammad SAW. Ada keajaiban yang dimiliki orang beriman. Yaitu, bahwa sesungguhnya semua persoalannya serba baik. Dan, hal itu hanya dimiliki oleh orang yang beriman. Jika dia mendapat kesenangan, dia bersyukur. Dan, hal itu menambah kebaikan (pahala) baginya. Namun, bila dia ditimpa bencana/musibah, dia akan sabar. Dan, itu berarti kebaikan (pahala) baginya. (Riwayat Muslim). Rasulullah SAW kerap membuktikan sendiri. Misalnya, saat beliau bersembunyi di Gua Tsur dalam hijrahnya dari Mekkah ke Madinah. Abu Bakar yang sempat mengkhawatirkan keselematan Nabi Muhammad SAW, sempat bersedih. Lalu, Muhammad SAW meneguhkannya, dengan bersabda: ..Janganlah kamu berduka cita, sesungguhnya Allah beserta kita.., (At-Taubah [9]: 40). Subhanallah! Kaum musyrikin pengejar Rasulullah SAW yang sempat mengepung di sekitar mulut gua menjadi terkecoh atas fakta-fakta yang tergelar di depan mereka. Di pintu gua, ada sarang laba-laba dan ada dua burung dara plus telurnya. Di pintu gua, ada ranting-ranting pohon. Sehingga, para pengejar berkesimpulan bahwa tak mungkin Muhammad masuk dan bersembunyi di gua, tanpa melewati pintu gua dengan terlebih dahulu membersihkan rintangan-rintangan tadi. Senyum, Senyum! Semua manusia di sepanjang kehidupannya pasti akan menjalani ujian demi ujian. Kesulitan yang dihadapinya adalah ujian, sebagaimana kemudahan yang ditemuinya pun merupakan ujian. Jika kesulitan sedang melilit kita, hadapilah dengan sabar dan tawakkal. Yakinilah, bahwa bersama kesulitan pasti ada kemudahan. Bukankah di sekitar kita, telah cukup banyak contoh-contoh yang transparan tentang hal itu? Maka, tetaplah tebarkan senyum di sepanjang langkah kehidupan kita, sebagai perlambang bahwa kita (akan) selalu lulus ujian. Allahu-Akbar! *M. Awar Djaelani/Suara Hidayatullah APRIL 2008

SYEIKH SAID HAWWA

Syeikh Said Hawwa tidak asing lagi bagi para pencinta gerakan Islam. Beliau merupakan ulamak dan tokoh dalam gerakan Ikhwan Muslimin. Nama penuh beliau ialah Said bin Muhammad Daib Hawwa. Dilahirkan di kota Hamat, Syria pada tahun 1935. Penglibatan beliau dengan Ikhwan bermula sejak tahun 1952 iaitu ketika ia masih di Tahun Satu Sekolah Menengah. Pada tahun 1963 beliau tamat belajar di Universiti Syria. Di antara guru beliau ialah Syeikh Muhammad al-Hamid, Syeikh Muhammad al-Hasyimi, Syeikh Dr. Mustafa as-Sibaie, Dr. Mustafa az-Zarqa dan ramai lagi.

Pada tahun 1973, beliau telah dipenjara selama lima tahun oleh pemerintah Syria (iaitu hingga tahun 1978) dan semasa dalam tempoh penjara itu beliau menulis tafsirnya yang terkenal iaitu Al-Asas fi at-Tafsir sebanyak 11 jilid. Syeikh Said Hawa telah menghasilkan banyak karya penulisan yang menjadi rujukan kaum muslimin khususnya aktivis-aktivis Harakah Islamiyyah. Antara karya beliau ialah; 1. Allah Jalla Jalaluhu 2. Ar-Rasul 3. Al-Islam 4. Al-Asas Fi As-Sunnah (as-Seerah, al-Aqaid dan al-Ibadat) 5. Tarbiyatuna ar-Ruhiyah 6. Jundullah Saqafatan Wa Akhlaqan 7. Fi Afaqi at-Taalim 8. Fusul Fi al-Imrati Wa al-Amir 9. Hazihi Tajribati Hazihi Syahadati 10. Al-Mustakhlas Fi Tazkiyati al-Anfus Antara sifat peribadi Syeikh Said Hawa yang menyebabkan beliau disegani kawan -rakan serta ulamak-ulamak sezaman dengannya ialah kezuhudan dan kewarakannya. Ustaz Zuhair asy-Syawisy dalam tulisannya tentang Said Hawwa dalam harian al-Liwa yang diterbitkan di Jordan telah menceritakan; .Saya pernah mengunjunginya di alAhsa ketika ia menjadi pengajar di al-Mahad al-Ilmi. Saya tidak menemukan perabot di rumahnya kecuali sesuatu yang dapat memenuhi keperluan seorang yang hidup sederhana. Juga tidak saya temukan pakaian yang layak dipakai oleh ulama dan pengajar di negeri yang panas itu. Baju jubah yang dipakainya dari buatan Hamat yang kasar. Saya terus mendesaknya hingga ia mahu memakai beberapa pakaian putih dan abaah (baju luaran) yang layak bagi orang seperti dirinya, tetapi ia mensyaratkan agar tidak terlalu longgar. Sedangkan makanannya, tidak lebih baik dari pakaian dan perabot rumahnya. Termasuk dalam kategori ini adalah sikapnya yang mudah kepada orang-orang yang menerbitkan buku-bukunya baik yang telah mendapatkan izinnya atau tidak. Buku-bukunya telah dicetak berulang-ulang -dengan cara halal dan haram-, tetapi saya tidak pernah mendengar ia mempersoalkan hal tersebut. Ini termasuk sebahagian dari zuhudnya. Sesungguhnya akhlaq dan toleransi Said Hawwa ini merupakan kebanggan dan teladan bagi orang lain. Inilah kesaksian yang dapat saya sampaikan. (al -Liwa, edisi 15/3/1989) Pada tahun 1987 M beliau diserang penyakit lumpuh di sebahagian badannya disamping penyakit-penyakit lainnya hingga terpaksa mengasingkan diri dari orang ramai dan kemudiannya dimasukkan ke hospital. Pada hari Kamis tanggal 9 Mac 1989, Syeikh Said Hawwa kembali ke rahmatullah di Hospital Islam Amman, Jordan. Semoga Allah menempatkan beliau di tempat yang tinggi di dalam syurgaNya bersama para Nabi, para Siddiqin, Syuhadak dan Solihin. ilmudanulamak.blogspot.com

said hawa