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century this industry was in decline, and the Catalans had not forg-
ed others to take its place. An exploration of the failure of the
Catalan and Barcelona bourgeoisie to develop the means of pro-
duction is essential to any critical understanding of what the unions
and their militants desired and accomplished when they seized con-
trol of the Barcelona factories and shops.
The lack of industry and the weakness of the urban bourgeoisie
in Castile, the centre of Spain, is well-known, and the Catalan suc-
cess in fostering a bourgeois culture with its values of industry,
thrift, and work is often contrasted with the Castilian case. By the
end of the seventeenth century the Catalans had developed a pros-
perous textile industry.' In the eighteenth century Barcelona pro-
bably had the most powerful bourgeoisie of the Spanish Peninsula,
engaging in overseas trade and textile manufacturing. It began a
'real economic and industrial colonization of Spain'.2 Yet, despite
the relative economic power of Catalonia in Spain, the eighteenth-
century Catalan cotton industry has been described as 'modest'.3
From 1834 to 1854 the Catalan cotton industry blossomed and
expanded. The Catalan textile industry was 'mechanized' between
1835 and 1861, in an attempt to reach the same level of mechaniza-
tion as that of foreign textile industries, a level it never reached.4
Thus, even at its peak in the middle of the nineteenth century, the
Catalan cotton industry, the basis of Catalan industrialization, was
weak in comparison with its foreign competitors. For example, in
the Catalan cotton industry each worker transformed 660 kg of cot-
ton per year in contrast to the United States where each worker
transformed 1,500 kg of cotton per year.5 Hence the constant
demand from Catalan industrialists in the nineteenth century for
tariff protection by Madrid to preserve a relatively backward
industry which was dispersed among small, often uneconomical,
firms. The demand for protection by the Catalans resulted in a
'pact' at the end of the nineteenth century with conservative
agrarian and traditionalist elements of Castile and Andalusia, sec-
tors that also desired protection for their unproductive and
backward agricultures. Thus the Catalan industrialists came to sell
their high-priced textiles to a poor but protected market in which
the level of consumption was very low.
Although the cotton and textile industries were certainly the most
important of the Catalan enterprises, the regional economic growth
in the nineteenth century was not limited to textiles. Railroads were
constructed, but these were dominated by foreign, mainly French,
Seidman: Workers' Control in Barcelona, 1936-38 411
decline of the CNT's political and police powers and have wedded
the CNT's loss of political power to a collapse of its economic
power in those factories which had been collectivized or controlled
by its militants. In other words, the periodization of the collectives
has become subordinated to the periodization of the CNT's
political vicissitudes in and out of government. Thus the end of the
CNT's participation in the Republican government after the street
fighting in Barcelona in May 1937 has been identified with the suc-
cessful counter-revolution against the CNT's economic power in
the factories which it controlled.
The identification of political and economic periodizations has
some, but only limited, value. It was highly probable that when the
forces opposed to the CNT, whether Communist or Republican,
controlled the government, CNT factories were denied foreign cur-
rencies and financial assistance necessary to procure raw materials
and machinery. It has also been shown that the political withdrawal
of the CNT a few weeks after the fighting in Barcelona in May 1937
increased Communist strength and led to important attacks on col-
lectives in certain regions, notably Aragon. Nevertheless, in
Barcelona, the most important bastion of the CNT, where it was
undoubtedly the most important union, its economic control of in-
dustry did not collapse when its enemies gained political power. In
fact, by its own and its enemies' admissions, the CNT, often with
the participation of the UGT, retained control of many of the most
essential industries in Barcelona virtually until the end of the war.
The final part of this article will examine how the CNT and UGT
rationalized the industries which they controlled and consequent
problems which the unions and their militants encountered.
One of the first major tasks which the militants undertook was
the concentration of the tiny and dispersed firms which composed
most of Barcelona industry. With perhaps over 50,000 workers in
the textile industry, the city of Barcelona was the most important
textile centre in Spain. Although there were several large factories,
in general the textile industry was dispersed in 'industrial crumbs',
small firms lacking modern machinery. Often when these
uneconomical units closed, their old machinery was bought at
bargain prices by another industrialist who employed it again.41
Most of the Barcelona metallurgical industries' 35,000 workers
were also scattered among small firms and shops which averaged
less than fifty workers per unit. The statistics available on sixty-
nine chemical companies in Barcelona indicate that nineteen firms
418 Journal of Contemporary History
had between one and ten workers; thirty-five firms between eleven
and fifty workers; eight between fifty and a hundred workers; six
between a hundred and five hundred workers, and only one over
five hundred workers.42The most important exception, the com-
pany Cros with about two thousand workers in branches in many
Spanish cities, was linked to English capital. With over 610 firms,
the Catalan electrical industry remained a hodgepodge of small,
often obsolete, power plants and distribution centres.
Both CNT and UGT militants wanted concentration of enter-
prises for several reasons. First, the 'industrial crumbs' were held
responsible for the low wages and poor working conditions of
Barcelona workers. Second, the tiny firms were unable to compete
in the world market, and their weaknesses permitted the domina-
tion of foreign capital in certain sectors. Third, mergers would
reduce the number of 'parasitic' middlemen, create economies of
scale, and thus lower costs to consumers. Therefore, the militants
quickly attempted to merge the industries. In textiles, work done at
home (trabajo a domicilio) disappeared after 19 July 1936.43 In
May 1937 the CNT Garment Workers Union:
succeeded in erecting a workshop in order quickly to end work which was being
done in the home so that this work could be accomplished by profes-
sionals... The premises where this workshop was installed have natural light and
ventilation. Therefore production will gain in quality because these (women)
workers will be under the direction of an expert.44
that changing the structure of the shop for the factory and counting on a rational
and technical base, production will increase and physical effort will decrease.45
The degree of Standardization is the scale that serves to determine industrial pro-
gress. Proof of this is that nations that have the best industry are those which
have the greatest quantity of standardized parts.48
his departure but was confident that if Labora continued on its pre-
sent path, it would become one of the most important metallurgical
firms in Spain. A letter of 23 November 1938 to the Administrative
Junta of the CNT Metallurgical Union confirmed that 'during my
stay at Labora I explained to the management of the factory the
road to follow for the best output'.
Articles in CNT and UGT reviews endorsed Taylorism. In
September 1937, an article entitled 'Professional Selection' in the
CNT journal, Sidero-Metalurgia, praised the research done at
Bethlehem Steel, Taylor's factory, where the optimum-sized shovel
for coal stokers was developed and employed. This shovel permit-
ted the most efficient use of the worker's strength. The article also
lauded a disciple of Taylor, H. Gantt, who had eliminated the
workers' unnecessary movements and therefore increased produc-
tivity. In addition, it argued for a careful selection of apprentices
since the metallurgical industry had some jobs demanding only
brute strength and others which needed intelligence. In May 1937,
Horizontes, the review of the CNT-UGT Collective Marathon,
formerly General Motors of Barcelona, concluded that the
American engineer had achieved 'scientific organization of work'
and had developed a system which chose the best workers for each
job in the factory. The militants of Marathon argued that the
careful selection of appropriate workers could prevent accidents
and that Taylorism should be adopted in railroads, trams, buses,
and machine shops.
CNT and UGT militants built new industries as they rationalized
the old. CNT members of the Catalan Federation of Metallurgy
sharply criticized the lack of 'progress' in the factory and under-
lined,
the misery, the lack of light, of hygiene, the same outdated tools, poor work
organization and imperfection of work because of the ineptness and poverty of
the Spanish metallurgical bourgeoisie which was always lagging behind the
bourgeoisie of other nations.52
The cute little car (cochecito) will be constructed... to shelter two lovebirds. Its
construction will take into account the most modern advances... we will endow
it with lightning rods, aviation equipment, swimming equipment, radio, fire
alarms, and extinguishers.54
When the CNT and UGT militants took control of General Motors
in Barcelona, they embarked upon an ambitious programme to
mass-produce the national truck. The Marathon Collective
celebrated the first anniversary of the 19 July victory by displaying
the first mass-produced Marathon truck motor. Ninety different
councils and control committees which had cooperated in the con-
struction participated in the festivities. A Marathon director
praised the labour of the 12,000 workers [sic] in the Catalan
automobile industry, and stated that the production of a mass-
produced vehicle was part of 'our war for independence'.55 In
February 1937 Horizontes declared that the economic potential of a
nation could be measured by the number of motor vehicles per
inhabitant, and it hoped that the automobile would soon become
an accepted part of everyday life in Spain.
In addition to building new industries, the CNT and UGT
improved working conditions in many factories. CNT factory
councils recognized the importance of hygiene on production and
wanted to imitate modern American factories which had industrial
physicians.56 In general, lighting and safety were improved in
numerous factories. Showers and WCs were built, and clinics and
libraries were set up under both UGT and CNT auspices. Workers
received accident and health insurance with expanded coverage,
and older comrades' retirement benefits were improved. In the tex-
tile firm of Espafia Industrial, which with 1,800 workers was one of
the largest factories in Barcelona, a day-care centre was estab-
lished. Even some swimming-pools were constructed for the
workers' use.
The desire to improve working conditions and to rationalize and
modernize a backward industrial structure created a need for, even a
dependence on, technicians, and both the CNT and UGT built
schools to train them. In the Spanish Revolution traditional
anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist desires for a non-hierarchical
levelling of salaries conflicted with their wish to develop the means
422 Journal of Contemporary History
since the Committee wished to learn who had initiated and agitated
for the petition in order to take possible punitive measures against
them.
The chemical firm Cros, one of the largest in Spain, was collecti-
vized shortly after the pronunciamiento and had a factory council
composed of three members from the CNT and three from the
UGT. Its review, Sintesis, frequently told workers to postpone
demands for salary increases and vacations. Yet a full meeting of
the collective and its unions showed that not all workers followed
Sintesis' advice. On 30 June 1937 representatives of the collective's
offices and factories in Alicante, Lerida, Valencia, and Barcelona
and delegates from fourteen different UGT and CNT unions met in
Barcelona to discuss a petition from sailors and ships' technicians
in the CNT and UGT maritime unions.69 The maritime unions
asked for back-pay for overtime and work on Sundays from
November 1935 to 19 July 1936. In other words, the sailors
demanded back pay for work done before Cros had been collecti-
vized. Both the CNT and the UGT National Federations of
Chemical Industries opposed the sailors' claim, but they hoped for
a compromise since many other sailors had received back-pay.
Other representatives opposed a compromise because of the
demands of the war and those of the collective itself. There was an
incident during the meeting when a sailors' representative,
frustrated by the long discussion, stated that if the assembly was
not in a hurry to achieve a solution, the sailors were, since a ship
was scheduled to sail shortly. Delegates interpreted the statement as
a threat, and the president of the assembly warned that the meeting
could not be coerced. Other delegates criticized the sailors for
threatening to strike and for their 'indiscipline'. A representative
from Alicante noted that the workers in his factory had gone
hungry but had still made sacrifices for the good of the collective.
The Badalona delegate protested the sailors' claims and said that
the collective could not be considered 'bourgeois' since all
agreements had been adopted by majority vote. He insisted that no
agreement could be reached until the sailors' envoys ceased
threatening to strike. The UGT maritime delegate replied that he
was not aware of any strike threat. The CNT maritime represen-
tative declared that all the sailors wanted for risking their lives at
sea was fair and equal treatment. Another delegate answered that
the collective had always given the highest consideration to its
sailors but that on occasion the sailors had refused to sail if their
Seidman: Workers' Control in Barcelona, 1936-38 427
demands were not accepted, and the factory council had often been
forced to accede. The meeting finally accepted a proposal which
delayed a solution to the problem of back-pay until economic con-
ditions permitted. Workers of other collectives often sought salary
increases to keep up with wartime inflation.
Both the CNT and the UGT engaged in an intensive propaganda
campaign to counteract wage demands, absenteeism, sabotage, and
indiscipline. In February 1937 in its Boletin, the CNT Textile Union
of Badalona, an industrial suburb of Barcelona, called on workers
to imitate stakhanovism, a movement to increase production which
had aroused 'keen enthusiasm' among Soviet workers. The CNT
review even published a photograph of the Soviet work hero.
According to Sintesis, the magazine of the Collective Cros, the
USSR was an example of 'successes obtained by rationalization and
efficient work organization'.70 In December 1937 the magazine
attacked laziness and vice and warned workers who considered
'work as a punishment' that they had better change their attitude
quickly. Sintesis praised stakhanovism and wanted to make work a
'sporting game, a noble competition' in which the victor could
achieve a great prize: 'the title of distinguished worker of produc-
tion'. In February 1937 the journal of the Marathon Collective,
Horizontes, contained an article by La Pasionaria herself which
was entitled 'Our cry: WORKER, WORK'.
Sailors were the object of special criticism. Near the end of the
war and the Revolution, the CNT Maritime Union became
extremely blunt:
The majority of workers are an inert mass who, carried by circumstances, came
to the unions because life was impossible without a union card.71
You must guess what the sailors are thinking because they are not able to express
themselves in assemblies and meetings.72
Workers must act with energy in all cases. A person who discovers a saboteur, an
opportunist, or a slacker cannot be considered an informer or a betrayer.
428 Journal of Contemporary History
The Union will take charge of all denunciations wherever they come from and
whomever they concern.73
The unions made it clear that the workers had to build a new
society based on work. The Revolution must create a 'New Dawn'
where 'work was essential'.74 While true art and science had been
destroyed by capitalism, work was 'the only value that remains
unblemished'.75 With or without the bourgeoisie, work was the
only source of wealth.76 In January 1938 the journal of the UGT
petroleum workers, Petroleo, admonished: 'We want to make a
new society in which work and the worker will be everything.'
Petroleo bluntly stated, 'the Revolution is not a good time
(juerga)', and included a poetic homage to oil, that 'divine
essence'. For the CNT, the unions, which were based on work and
consumption, were 'diametrically opposed' to capitalism: 'The
union is the form par excellence that permits the extraction of the
maximum of efficiency and output from its members'.77
In their quest for 'maximum efficiency and output', both the
CNT and the UGT were forced to confront the problems of
absenteeism, sabotage, low productivity, and indiscipline, and both
unions reacted in analogous ways to 'solve' these conflicts.
However, although the similarity of the difficulties which con-
fronted the CNT and the UGT has been emphasized, our examina-
tion of workers' control in Barcelona cannot be completed without
discussing the tensions between the two great unions. The historical
literature has largely stressed the political and ideological dif-
ferences which separated the UGT from the CNT. Some historians
have focused on the UGT and the Catalan Communist Party pro-
gramme for nationalization or government control of industry in
opposition to the CNT's policy of collectivization or union control.
Others have pointed to the CNT and anarcho-syndicalist ambi-
valence toward political action and governmental responsibility as
opposed to the UGT and the Catalan Communist Party's will-
ingness to participate in elections and to control government.
However, as significant as these ideological and political tensions
were, the day-to-day conflicts over economic and industrial control
were equally important. The two unions constantly competed for
new members, each adherent representing new dues and increased
power. In addition, competition for available jobs was fierce, and
only those holding a union card could get them. In certain branches
where the CNT dominated, it could place its members in positions,
Seidman: Workers' Control in Barcelona, 1936-38 429
Notes
I wish to thank Prof. Stanley Payne for directing me to the archives of Salamanca
and Prof. J. Amelang of the University of Florida for his suggestions.
Michael Seidman
has recently completed his doctoral
dissertation for the University of
Amsterdam. He is the author of 'The Birth
of the Weekend and the Revolts against
Work: The Workers of the Paris Region
during the Popular Front (1936-38)',
French Historical Studies, Fall 1981.