Journal of Language Relationship 5 (2011) Pp. 6995 Militarev A.

, 2011
A|cxan!cr Mi|itarct
Russian State University for the Humanities / Santa Fe Institute
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated:
Items 3554
The paper represents the second part of the author's etymological analysis of the Swadesh
wordlist for Semitic languages (the first part having already appeared in Vol. 3 of the same
Journal). Twenty more items are discussed and assigned Proto-Semitic reconstructions, with
strong additional emphasis on suggested Afrasian cognates.
Kcqncr!s: Semitic, Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic), etymology glottochronology, lexicostatistics.
The object of the present study is analysis of the second portion
1
of Swadeshs 100wordlist for
Semitic. It is a follow-up to the authors second attempt at compiling a complete Swadesh
wordlist for most Semitic languages that would fully represent all the branches, groups and
subgroups of this linguistic family and provide etymological background for every possible
item. It is another step towards figuring out the taxonomy and building a detailed and com-
prehensive genetic tree of said family, and, eventually, of the Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic) macro-
family with all its branches on a lexicostatistical/glottochronological basis.
Several similar attempts, including those by the author (Mil. 2000, Mil. 2004, Mil. 2007,
Mil. 2008, Mil. 2010), have been undertaken since M. Swadesh introduced his method of glot-
tochronology (Sw. 1952 and Sw. 1955). In this paper, as well as in my previous studies in ge-
netic classification, I have relied on Sergei Starostins glottochronological method (v. Star.)
which is a radically improved and further elaborated version of Swadeshs method.
That the present portion includes only twenty items out of the 100wordlist, instead of a
second third (33 items), as I had previously planned, is justified by my efforts to adduce as
many Afrasian parallels to Semitic words as possible more than I did within the first por-
tion. I hope to fill all the Afrasian gaps in the first portion as a supplement to the forthcoming
portions which I will also try to provide with Afrasian etymologies. It should be noted that my
aim is not to give complete data from all the non-Semitic Afrasian languages for all the items
(i.e. nct the complete etymological entries), but only to present available data demonstrating
the Afrasian origin of all Semitic words involved, intcr a|ia, to eliminate the possibility of the
latter items having been borrowed from non-Afrasian languages. Compared with the same
20 items of the list included in one of my previous papers (Mil. 2008), these ones are updated,
corrected in some points, and some more reliable etymologies are suggested.
This study was carried out within the frames of several projects: |caturing car|q Ncc|it|ic
nan an! sccictq in t|c Ncar |ast |q t|c rcccnstructc! ccnncn jrasian |cxiccn ajtcr t|c jrasian !a-
ta|asc (supported by the Russian Foundation for Sciences, No. 09-06-00153), Scnitic |tqnc|cgi-
ca| Dicticnarq (supported by the Russian Foundation for the Humanities, No. 06-04-00397a),
|tc|uticn cj Hunan Ianguagcs (supported by the Santa Fe Institute), and T|c Tcvcr cj Ba|c|
(supported by Dr. Evgueny Satanovsky). I am much thankful to all of the supporters. My

1
See the first portion (items 134) and a more extended introductory note in Mil. 2010.
Alexander Militarev
70
gratitudes also go to my colleagues and collaborators in different projects: Prof. O. Stolbova
(with whom we collaborate on the Afrasian Database within the Evolution of Human Lan-
guages project, from where I draw most of the data) and Drs. L. Kogan and G. Starostin for
consultations and discussions. I am also indebted to Dr. M. Bulakh for obtaining for me a
100word list from a Tigre speaker, and to L. Kogan for sharing with me the Soqotri list
(namely, of the dialect spoken by a Bedouin tribe of Darho in the central part of Socotra) com-
piled by him during his recent expedition to Socotra in November 2010, which caused me to
correct a few items and cancel several synonyms that, for lack of more precise data, I had to
treat on par with the corresponding main term in my previous list.
The list below is based on the following main sources (not referred to in the text except for
special cases): Akk. CAD and AHw; Ugr. DUL; Hbr. and Bib. HALOT; Pho. Tomb.;
Pal. Sok. JP; Syr. Brock. and Sok. Syr.; Mnd. DM; Urm. Tser. and Sarg.; Qur. Pen.
and BK; Leb., Mlt. native speakers, Mec. Sat.; Sab. SD; Gez. LGz; Tna. native
speakers and Kane T; Tgr. a native speaker and LH; Amh. native speakers, Baet. and
Kane A; Arg. LArg; Gaf. LGaf; Sod. and Cha. native speakers and LGur; Har. a na-
tive speaker and LHar; Wol. LGur; Hrs. a native speaker and JH; Mhr. native speak-
ers, JM and Nak.; Jib. native speakers, JJ and Nak.; Soq. data collected by L. Kogan and LS.
The Data.
The data consist of items 3554 of Swadeshs 100word list of 28 Semitic languages, repre-
senting all groups within the family. Each item unites all the synonyms that are different in
origin, i. e. form different sub-entries within the same entry, each of which is preceded by its
own number (in round brackets). Each sub-entry, in its turn, consists of one or several cognate
lexemes divided by a semicolon; the etymological comments including a Sem. protoform fol-
low after a double slash; non-Semitic Afrasian parallels and a suggested Afrasian proto-form
follow after the symbol . Note that for cases when the choice of only one representative lex-
eme in a language is too difficult, Starostins procedure allows for several synonyms in the
same language to be scored; in this case, synonyms from the same language would be present
in two or more entries. Within each item there may occur two kinds of cases which are not
scored at all borrowings and lack of a corresponding term in the available sources; such
cases form a separate section within the item, preceded by the symbol . Each item is com-
pleted with its Semitic proto-form(s) in bold letters on the deepest level of reconstruction
available (Proto-Semitic, Common West and South Semitic, etc.) in accordance with my classi-
fication of Semitic.
The following dates (some of them fairly conventional, some chosen after much hesitation
and discussions with specialists in individual languages, and still liable to changes before a fi-
nal scoring) have been attributed to individual languages: Akkadian, 1450 B.C.E.; Ugaritic,
1350 B.C.E.; Hebrew, 650 B.C.E.; Phoenician 850 B.C.E.; Biblical Aramaic, 200 B.C.E.; Palestin-
ian Judaic, 200 C.E.; Syrian Aramaic, 200 C.E.; Mandaic, 750 C.E.; Urmian Aramaic, 1900;
Quranic Arabic, 600 C.E.; Lebanese Arabic, 2000; Meccan Arabic, 2000; Maltese Arabic, 2000;
Sabaic, 200 B.C.E.; Geez, 500 C.E.; Tigrai, 2000; Tigre, 2000; Amharic, 2000; Argobba, 2000; Ga-
fat, 1900; Soddo, 2000; Harari, 2000; Wolane, 2000; Chaha, 2000; Harsusi, 2000; Mehri, 2000;
Jibbali, 2000; Soqotri, 2000.
Abbreviations of languages, language periods and ancient sources:
Afras. Afrasian (Afroasiatic, Semito-Hamitic); Akk. Akkadian; Amh. Amharic;
Arb. Arabic; Arg. Argobba; Arm. Aramaic; Ass. Assyrian, B Babylonian, BD
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
71
Book of the Dead; Brb. Berber; Bib. Biblical Aramaic; C. Central; Cha. Chaha;
Chad. Chadic; Clas. Classical; CT Coffin Texts; Cush. Cushitic; Da Dana Ara-
bic; Dem. Demotic; of. ofar Arabic; Dyn. Dynasty; E. East; Egyp. Egyptian;
ESA Epigraphic South Arabian; Eth. Ethiopian; Gaf. Gafat; Gez. Geez; Gur. Gu-
rage; Har. Harari; r aramawt Arabic; HEC Highland East Cushitic; Hbr. He-
brew; Hrs. Harsusi; Jib. Jibbali; Jud. Judaic Aramaic; LL = lexical lists; Leb. Leba-
nese Arabic; LEC Lowland East Cushitic; Mlt. Maltese Arabic; Mec. Meccan Arabic;
Med. Medical Texts; Mhr. Mehri; MK Middle Kingdom; Mnd. Mandaic Aramaic;
Mod. Modern; MSA Modern South Arabian; N New, N. North; NK New King-
dom; OK Old Kingdom; Omot. Omotic; Pal. Palestinian Aramaic; pB. postbiblical;
Pho. Phoenician; Pyr. Pyramid Texts; Qur. Quranic Arabic; S Standard, S.
South; Sab. Sabaic; Sem. Semitic; Sod. Soddo; Soq. Soqotri; Syr. Syrian Aramaic;
Tna. Tigria (= Tigray); Tgr. Tigre; Ugr. Ugaritic; Urm. Urmian Neo-Aramaic;
W. West.; Wol. Wolane, Y Young.
Transcription and transliteration:
2
p bilabial emphatic voiceless stop; bilabial emphatic voiced stop; bilabial
voiced fricative; dental emphatic voiceless stop; dental emphatic voiced stop;
voiceless interdental fricative (in Egyptian, a conventional symbol most likely conveying ;
voiced interdental fricative (in Egyptian, a conventional symbol most likely conveying ;
c alveolar voiceless affricate [ts]; alveolar voiced affricate [dz]; palato-alveolar
voiceless affricate [t]; palato-alveolar voiced affricate [d]; hissing emphatic voiceless
fricative; c emphatic voiceless affricate; conventionally stands for what was likely ],
emphatic voiced interdental spirant, or [, emphatic voiceless interdental spirant; ( palato-
alveolar emphatic affricate; lateral voiceless fricative (denoted by
x
in Sem. reconstructed
proto-forms); lateral voiceless affricate; ( lateral voiceless emphatic affricate; z lateral
voiced emphatic fricative (or perhaps affricate); lateral voiced fricative; voiced velar
fricative (in Berber), or q emphatic velar stop; q hypothetic velar affricate [k
h
] (only in
reconstructed Afrasian proto-forms); uvular voiced fricative (Arabic ghain); uvular
voiceless fricative; presumably velar voiceless fricative (only in Egyptian); pharyn-
geal voiceless fricative; pharyngeal stop (ayin), | laryngeal voiceless fricative;
glottal stop (aleph, hamza), q palatal resonant; and i conventional transcription
symbols accepted in Egyptology.
Conventions for reconstructed protoforms:
V renders a non-specified vowel, e.g. *|Vr- should be read either *a, or *i, or *u
H renders a non-specified laryngeal or pharyngeal
S renders a non-specified sibilant
/ when separates two symbols means or, e.g. *i/a|ar- should be read either *i|ar- or
*a|ar-
( ) a symbol in round brackets means with or without this symbol, e. g. *|a(v)r- should
be read *|avr- or *|ar-
~ means and pointing to two or more co-existing protoforms

2
It should be stressed that the vocalism reconstructed below for Semitic and, especially, Afrasian protoforms
is, in many cases, conventional and highly tentative.
Alexander Militarev
72
35 GREEN
(1) Akk. (v)aru; Ugr. qr greenish-yellow (of metal); Hbr. qr, qorara; Pal. qr; Syr.
qr-, Mnd. qura-, Har. var // < Sem. *var- yellow, green (v. in DUL 982; Bulakh 2003
810).
( < Afras. vVra- green, yellow (ADB): (?) Egyp. i (MK) < *qr leeks, greens, vegetables
(more likely < Canaanite than an inherited term, cf. Hbr. qr greens, vegetables); Brb.:
Ghadames aro be green, Siwa a-vra green, Ahaggar, Ayr irva (met.), Qabyle avra
be green, etc.
(2) Qur. aar-, Leb. Mec. aar; Mlt. a!r // < *sr. Perhaps related to Akk. aartu (acrtu,
aatu) (wool or cloth of a certain color, probably green); (green) dry mucus, nasal discharge
(CAD 130) if the meaning green is genuine. Probably further related are Pho. nrt herb-
age (Tomb. 172), Hbr. r grass, leek (HALOT 343), Old Arm. r grass, herb (HJ 400),
Jud. ar grass, leek (Ja. 496) if the latter forms represent a case of Sem. *s > Arm. ; cf., how-
ever, Arb. irin- tout fruit vert, non mr et acide; datte non mre and ar- tissu; ... natte
(de roseaux ou de jonc); ... panier tress de feuilles de palmier (BK 1 441) pointing to *r,
perhaps a variant root of *sr. The situation looks still more entangled in view of Jib. acr
grn (attested in Jahn 190; another variant root *sr?). Cf. the discussion in Bulakh Dis.
( There are problematic Afras. parallels with metathesis (ADB): Chad. C.: Mandara ur|c
blue, Podoko oro|a black (St. 2007 #275), Malgwa oro|c green (ibid. #270), E.: Kera |i-
sir|i black (ibid. #275; all the above examples are treated as forms with secondary |,
which needs proof; in all of them can reflect *( acc. to Stolbovas table of reflexation
ibid. 8); C. Cush. *ciur- ~ *car- black: Waag iur, Kunfl sar|i, Aungi c4r|i, arqi; Omot.
N. *|arc/c- black (although these forms are reconstructed as *|ar-tt- in Bnd. Om., c and
especially c more or less contradict the tables of correspondences in both Bnd. Om. and
Bla. Om. and can hardly reflect the common Afras. suffix in *t): Gamo |arcc, Male |arci,
Zaise |4rc, Ganjule |arci, etc., (?) S.: Ongota ar|anuni, ar|anuni, (ara-nuni green, wet
(compared in Bla. Ong., on one hand, with Ong (ar|i dew, Tsamai ar|c id., on the other,
with Aungi car|i black). If related to Arb. aar-, all of these forms imply Afras. qV(Vr-
~ qVrV(- ~(VrVq- green, black.
(3) Gez. /ana|ni|; Tna. ana|ni|
3
; Wol. ano| !ana // < Eth.: Gez. an| vegetation, vegetables,
herbs, shrubs (LGz 233), Tgr. an|c coll. vegetables, herbs, grass (LH 59), Tna. an|i
edible herbs, vegetables, cabbage or mustard greens (Kane T 169), etc.
4
Perhaps compa-
rable with Arb. ani|at- douce, molle, tendre; terrain bas, doux et propre la culture; ter-
rain sablonneux trs doux et couvert de vgtation; bois pai, arbres touffus et dont les
branches sentrelacent; jardin o il y a beaucoup darbres (BK 1 635). See detailed discus-
sion in Bulakh Dis. No Afras. parallels.
(4) Tgr. saarsaarc
5
; Cha. sarinasor // < Eth. *a(a)r- grass, vegetation: Gez. ar, Har. saar,
Cha. sar, etc. (LGz 525, LGur 531; Cha. sarinasor is interpreted by Leslau as it resembles
grass from sar + (q)onasor from nasa|a to be like with |.r ibid. 560), further related to
Arb. ar- vegetation, trees.
( < Afras. a()r- green, grass, vegetation: Chad. W.: Hausa 4r, emphasizes greenness,
Ngizim orot green, not ripe, E.: Somrai scra-n-!u green, etc. (St. 2007 #270; likely also

3
The other Tna term for green, aa|qa, is an Amharism, judging by - instead of the expected *-
(v. Bulakh Dis.).
4
Borrowed into Cush.: Aungi an|i, Bilin an|a, etc. cabbage (App. CDA), Kambatta |anii|u cabbage (Huds.
320).
5
The other term for green, a!ar, is borrowed from Arb.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
73
*(q)VrV leaf ibid. #285 and perhaps *VrV black, blue ibid. #275 as a secondary devel-
opment from green). Very likely further related to Afras. a()rVq- barley: Sem. aVr-
barley; grass (Dolgopolsky explained - as the result of contamination with Sem. ar-
hair; otherwise influenced by Sem. VV-
6
); Egyp. (MK): r.t Gerste (EG IV, 524);
E. Cush.: Kambatta aru-ta, Tembaro aaru barley, etc. (see Mil. Farm. #6).
(5) Amh. oa|onna, oa|oqqa, oo|a| // < Eth. *a|: Gez. a| leaf, foliage (LGz 450), Tna.
a|i leaf, branch, green branch, foliage (Kane T 1059), Amh. oa| leaf, plant, occasion-
ally tree (Kane A 829), etc., related to Arb. a|- fourrage vert coup pour les chevaux,
a|at- tendre et flexible (arbre); gerbe (de crales fauches) (BK II 755).
( This Arb.-Eth. *a|- is comparable, as a form with |-extention (see Mil. RE), with Cush.
C.: Aungi aci leaf (App. CDA 91; < *ac/c), S.: Iraqw qaancaar, Alagwa qaancar, etc.
green, likely < *anc-: Burunge qaana rawness, state of being unripe
7
, Qwadza ana
green, perhaps Dahalo 4c unripe, raw (HRSC 250, in which Maa |usa bad, seman-
tically possible but hard to prove, is also included). The resulting Afras. protoform can be
reconstructed as *a-|- green, unripe.
(6) Amh. aranga!c (syn.); Arg. aranga!c; Sod. aranga!c // No Sem. etymology.
( Cf., however, C. Cush.: Kemant aragina green (connected with Amh. aranga!c, ac-
cording to App. CDA 77); the connection is unmistakable, though quite enigmatic. While
! in S. Eth. fails explanation, the Kemant term matches Egyp. (Pyr.) v (if < *vrg) be
green (EG I 264) and S. Omot.: Dime argc leaf (Dolg. 141). Are these scattered forms suf-
ficient to reconstruct Afras. */varg- green?
(7) Hrs. |cr; Mhr. |czr; Jib. o(rr; Soq. cz|cr // < MSA *csr- with no direct cognates. As
the similarity with *sr (#3) can hardly be ignored, may be suspected to be a contamina-
tion case (*sr > *sr influenced by another MSA root with a similar meaning and initial
), but I have so far been unable to find the pattern words with - in MSA which may
have engendered the phonetic shift. One wonders whether it could be the other way
round: MSA *csr- reflects a primary root *
x
VsVr-, while in Arb., where and are in-
compatible, *r > r by contamination with | be green?
( Urm. n| // Borrowing from Iranian (information from Prof. F. Pennacchietti). No terms in
Ugr., Pho., Bib., Sab. and Gaf.
Proto-Semitic: *var- (#1) .
36 HAIR
(1) Akk. rtu; Ugr. r; Hbr. cr; Bib. oar; Pal. r, sr; Syr. soart-, Qur. ar-, Leb. Mec. aar;
Mlt. (g|)ir; Gez. oor-t // < Sem. *aar(-at)- (SED I #260).
( < Afras. *Var- (ADB): Brb. *a-zzar (possibly < *VHar) hair: Semlal a-zzar, Izdeg,
Seghrushen a-zzar, etc.; Chad. C.: Mofu 4ra, Gisiga ara feather, E.: Migama ccrc id.,
Dangla irc long feather.
(2) Mnd. nanzq-, Urm. nizt- // < Arm. *nianz-aq-: Jud. noazzoq hair (Sok. 693), nazzoq id.
(ibid. 652). Likely a relative adjective (goatish) < Sem. *na/i(a)z- goat: ESA: Main nzq

6
Sem. VV- barley, ear of corn; k. of beans: Akk. cu barley, grain; pine nut (CAD 1 345; AHw 1222; acc.
to both sources, from Sumerian; the quoted reading has been recently put under doubt by Huehnergard), uu
pulse, chickpea (CAD 3 416), eine Getreideart (AHw 1294); Jud. ot a species of beans (Ja. 1610), ot- i!.
(Ja. 1611); Arb. a-, i-, u- barbe de lpi, IV se remplir de grains (se dit des pis, des crales) (BK 1
1234); Tgr. saa oats (LH, 194), etc. (see Mil. Farm. #5).
7
United in KM 230 with Iraqw qaanca saliva of a dead man, Alagwa qaanca rainy season, which is semanti-
cally unconvincing.
Alexander Militarev
74
(du.) chvre, Arb. naz-, naaz, nom gn. chvres et boucs, espce, race caprine, etc.
(SED II #148).
( < Afras. *nai(n)- horned ungulate: Egyp. (CT) nqz.t horned animal (?); Chad. W.:
Hausa naazc harness antelope, C.: Gudur nagazav Redunca (reedbuck), E.: Barein
nuzc ox; (?) S.Cush.: Dahalo n4ac
8
female topi; N.Omot.: Gamo niizi, Dorze niiz, An-
fillo ninc, Bworo nii(n)za cow, cattle (ADB; EDE III 1567
9
).
(3) Sod. gunnan; Cha. gunar // Also head (Muher, Masqan, Goggot gunnan id.) < Sem. *gu/in-
~ */vVgn- cheek-bone: Arb. anat-, vanat- joue, surtout joue saillante, Jib. :gont
cheek-bone, etc. (SED I #84).
( < Afras. *gi/un(Vn)- cheek; jaw; face; head: Egyp. (Med.) nn.t Schdel, Kopf (EG V 576;
if < *gi/unn); Brb.: Ayr oganan os maxillaire; mchoire; Chad. W.: Montol gun cheek,
Geruma gcnnc face, C.: Lame gini cheeks, E.: Birgit gin forehead, etc.; N. Cush.: Beja
gcnun jaw, chin (ADB; cf. SED I #84).
(4) Wol. !uni // < Eth.: Gez. !on, !on, !on| head, crown of the head, skull, summit,
Amh. !ona| top of the head, Arg. !ona| head, Gaf. !ona tte, comparable with a
cluster of variant roots in Arb.: !in- cervelle, cerveau, !n frapper la tte au point
dattendre la cervelle, !n briser la tte and !annaa pencher la tte (cf. SED I #52,
DRS 271; cf. also Kog. Eth. #42). Apart from Mhr. !on brains, likely an Arabism, I have
found neither Sem. nor Afras. parallels.
(5) Hrs. jt; Mhr. cj-t; Jib. jc-t; Soq. jc| // < Sem. *V()p(-at)- (tuft of) hair: Arb. ajat-
mche de cheveux, tupet, cheveux (BK 1 1240), etc. (SED I #259).
( < Afras. *aVp- (ADB): Brb. *zi/ajj-: Ahaggar ta-|ijja, E.Tawllemmet ta-jja unplaited hair,
Wargla zajj, Iznasen azaj, Snus zj hair; Chad. (?) C.: Kotoko opajo tail, Mada 4apa plait
(hair), Mofu 4op- plait (hair, rope) (otherwise < *VpV rope or *sVp), E.: Ndam sap
tail, Masmaje sajiji-tc mane (St. 2007 #90, 94); E. Cush.: Oromo sapii pubic hair, Darasa
sapc hair, pubic hair.
( Tna. (agor, agor; Tgr. (ogar; Amh. agur; Arg. (ogar; Gaf. ogara; Har. (igar are all < Cush.
(cf. C.: Qwara agur, E.: Somali agur, etc., v. LGz 550). No terms in Pho. and Sab.
Common North and West Semitic: *ar(-at)- (#1).
37. HAND
(1) Akk. tu // No Sem. etymology.
( If t- is a fossilized suffix, related to Afras. *aVv/q- claw, fingernail, hand (ADB): Chad.
W.: Mburku avi, Jimbin uqa finger-nail, E.: Ubi |cqa hand, Mokilko |cc|c (redupl.)
claw; E. Cush.: Konso aqaa, Darasa cqa claw, Gawwada qcq-a||c claw, nail, Dobase
qc-a||c finger, Tsamay gc-a||c claw, hoof; perhaps also Egyp. (MK) (upper) arm,
shoulder, elbow without reliable Afras. parallels
10
, implying that Egyp. may be a re-
sult of secondary phonetic processes, considering that the combination * is impossible in
Sem. and unusual for Afras.
(2) Ugr. q!; Hbr. q!; Pho q!; Bib. qa!; Pal. qa, ; Syr i!-, Mnd. (i)!-, Urm. aq!-, Qur. qa!-,
Leb. o!-, Mec. qa!; Mlt. i!cq; Sab. q!; Gez. o!; Tna. i!; Tgr. o!c; Amh. o; Arg. on; Sod.

8
There seem to be a few cases of Dahalo < */ (although mainly < *!), but this correspondence still has to
be investigated.
9
I do not see any reason to separate what Takcs reconstructs as two N. Omot. roots *niiz- cow and
*nin- cattle, for which he admits the possibility of being a palatalized form < *ning- borrowed < Eth.: Amh.
nanga, etc. The change *g > is not characteristic of Omotic in genuine words and is hardly expected in loanwords.
10
The ones suggested in EDE I 332 are all with *|, not *- as in Egyp.)
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
75
a; Har. ii; Wol. on; Cha. a; Hrs. aq!; Mhr. aq!; Jib. c!; Soq. c! // < Sem. *qa!- ~ *i!-
(SED I #291).
( < Afras. *qa/i!- (ADB; scarce attestation): Egyp. !, hieroglyph for hand; E. Chad.: Mawa
|va-qi!a-n (my) hand (cf. |va-|a| bras, |va-|an griffe, etc.).
(3) Gaf. ata // < Sem. *V|(-at)-, a-|a- finger (SED I #256).
( < Afras. *ci|V- finger (ADB): Egyp. (Pyr.) | finger; (?) Brb.: Ghadames ta-au-t fin-
ger-ring
11
; E. Cush.: *Vi|- heel: Somali ci|-, Rendille 4|4| (redupl. with a loss of
initial pharyngeal), Baiso ii|- (*- > 0 in Baiso)
12
.
Common West and South Semitic: *qa!- ~ *i!- (#2).
38. HEAD
(1) Akk. aa!u // < Sem. *a/u!a/u!- skull, head (SED I #159).
( Likely a reduplicated form < Afras. *a!- calabash, vessel (ADB)
13
: Chad. *va!-/*|va-
(with a shift of emphasis): W.: Kirfi |vac, Gera |vaa, Geruma |c!!c calabash, C.: Higi
|va!qa small pot, Logone |!a (< *nV-va!) bottle, E.: Dangla |oa small jug; Cush.
E.: Oromo qc!aa receptacle, S.: Dahalo ccc kind of calabash.
(2) Ugr. ri; Hbr. r(); Pho. r; Bib. r; Pal. r(), rq; Syr. r-, Mnd. ri-, Urm. r-, Qur.
ras-, Leb. rs; Mec. rs; Mlt. rs; Sab. rs
1
; Gez. roos; Tna. roos-i; Tgr. raas; Amh. ras; Har.
urs; Hrs. cri|; Mhr. or|; Jib. rc; Soq. rcq // < Sem. *ra(i)- (SED I #225).
( < Afras. *rais- brains, head (ADB): Egyp. qs (Med.) brain, viscera (of the skull); Chad.
C.: Glavda rura, Nakatsa rora, Mofu nago- brains (on the phenomenon of secon-
dary lateralization in C. Chad. see St. LS), E.: Mawa rosa, Kajakse rcczc brain.
(3) Arg. !ona|; Gaf. !ona; Wol. !uni // See HAIR #4.
(4) Sod. gunnan; Cha. gunar // See HAIR #3.
Common West and South Semitic: *ra(i)- (#2).
39. HEAR
(1) Akk. cn; Ugr. n; Hbr. n; Pho. n; Bib. n; Pal. n; Syr. n; Mnd. na; Urm. n;
Qur. n; Leb. sonoa; Mec. sini; Mlt. sna(g|); Sab. s
1
n; Gez. sn; Tna. sanc; Tgr. sana;
Amh. sanna; Arg. sanna; Gaf. sanna; Sod. sannan; Har. sanaa; Wol. sana; Cha. sanan;
Hrs. |na; Mhr. |na; Jib. ; Soq. |cna // < Sem. *n- .
( < Afras. *sin()- (ADB): Egyp. snt (Pyr.) hear, sn.t ears (NE), sntnt (BD) eavesdrop
14
;
Chad. C. *in- (with secondary lateralization) and E. *sVn- ear (St. 2009 #266).
Proto-Semitic: *n-.

11
Phonetically possible, but semantically problematic; quoted as ta-a-ut finger-ring in EDE I 2567 to-
gether with Ahaggar ta-c|c-t id., which I could not find in available sources.
12
Cf. EDE I 2567, where the E. Cush. forms are not drawn into comparison, while cognation with N. Omot.
Hozo za|a, Sezo z|i finger, made without any reservations, is questionable: there is no *c- > z- shift in Hozo or Sezo
(z can be < *c in non-initial position only in Sezo), according to Benders chart of correspondences (Bnd. Om. 290).
13
A metaphoric semantic shift, attested in various languages.
14
Sem. *, with no traces of it in Egyp., looks like a secondary root extention (see Mil. RE). In EDE I 194 and
262, Sem. *n and the Chad. forms are instead related to Egyp. sn. Though, according to EDE III 609, ...Eg. sn
has been convincingly etymologized from *sn < *sn ~ Sem. *n to hear (see EDE I 262), this is based only on a
bare statement in EDE I 262, with no arguments at all, convincing or not, in favor of this comparison; recognizing
in Sem. * a secondary extention, regardless of whatever reasons may lie behind it, is in better agreement with the
principle of Occams razor than the multiple-stage explanation of incompatible s and in Egyp., with for some
unknown reason changing to (reflecting *g? or one of the emphatic affricates?), the whole process crowned with
metathesis at that!
Alexander Militarev
76
40. HEART
(1) Akk. |i||u; Ugr. ||; Hbr. ||; Pho. ||; Bib. ||; Pal. ||; Syr. |c||-, Mnd. |i|; Urm. |i|-, Sab. |||;
Gez. |o||; Tna. |o||i; Tgr. |o|; Amh. |o||; Arg. |o||; Sod. |o||; Hrs. c|||; Mhr. a|||; Jib. u|;
Soq. i||i| // < Sem. *|i||- (SED I #174).
( < Afras. *(-)|i|(|)- heart (ADB)
15
: Egyp. i| (OK) heart; Chad. C.: (?) Bura |i|u weed with
heart-shaped leaf, Daba |i, Musgoy |i| belly (or < *|a/i|- chest, side of body see
footnote 15), E.: Mokilko u||c heart; Cush. N.: Beja |:v (if < *|i|) pylorus (cf. |cc| belly,
stomach, heart < Eth.?), C. *|a|(|)a|- heart (App. CDA 82 with the comment the suffix
element a|- ... is unexplained), E.: Afar a|i| lung (|u||i heart, soul is < Eth.), Somali
|aa|, Konso |uppccta (unless < *|a/ip, footnote 15) heart (both rather genuine than bor-
rowed, whereas Oromo |u||uu heart, soul, spirit is likely < Amh. and Sidamo |u||c, Burji
|u||cc soul are < Oromo rather than < Amh.), S.: Maa |u|ura spleen (the comparison
with Asa |i|a chest in HRSC 205 implies a suffixed ra in Maa; Asa |i|a chest likely be-
longs to *|a/i|- chest, side of body, footnote 15); Omot. N.: Bworo |i||c heart, S.: Ari
(Ubamer) |ip/a id. (otherwise < Afras. *|a/ip- inner organ, footnote 15).
(2) Qur. a||-, Leb. a|o|; Mec. a||; Mlt. a|p // Most likely, related (with metathesis) to Akk.
a||u middle, center, middle part; hips, loins, waist (CAD 6; cf. also SED I #161).
( < Afras. *a||- *a||- (ADB): Egyp. (MK) | breast (if < *V||; cf. EDE I 314); W. Chad.:
Mburku u|u|c (and Siri |u|u|i with met.?) stomach (E. Cush.: Oromo qa||ii mind must
be an Arabism).
( Har. a||i, isolated in Eth., is rather an Arabism than an inherited term; Wol. vazan is a
loan from Cush. (cf. Kambatta vczana, etc.); Cha. on (together with similar Gurage forms

15
In almost all of the sources (Dolg. 1973 1634, EDE I 878, App. CDA 82 et al.), several roots are confused
part of them have presumably been variant roots as early as in Proto-Afras.; I hold it methodically correct to treat
them separately. Besides *(-)|i|(|)- heart, they are (ADB):
(1) *|a/i|- upper torso: Sem. *|a||(at)- neck with chest; back and flank: Akk. |a|nu tendon of the neck;
neck, Arb. |u||-at- le haut de la poitrine qui touche la clavicule, |a|a|- le haut de la poitrine ou de poitrail do
descend un collier ou autre parure du cou, |a|n- poitrine, surtout la partie entre les mamelles, poitrail (de tout
animal sabot), Tgr. |a||at place of the fillet steak on the back of animals; midst, side, Jib. |:| side, etc. (cf. SED I
#173); Chad. W.: Guus |aai corpse, C.: Mada |ant4 side; Cush. N.: Beja |ccn (< *|V|-?) side, C.: Aungi qc|i|
womans breast, E.: Afar |a|- side of the body (cf. |a||a scapula, back of shoulder), Saho id., Somali |aa| chest,
sternum, thorax, Burji |ap-cc side (or < Oromo |appcc breast?), S.: Asa |i|a breast, chest.
(2) *|a/ip- inner organ; chest and belly with interior: Egyp. np (CT) guts (if < *|Vp); W. Chad.: Sura, An-
gas |ap spleen, Bokos na-|aj liver; Cush. E.: Afar a|ccju spleen, Oromo |appcc heart, breast (Gr. 262; unless <
*|a||, but, in any case, hardly < Amh. |o||). S.: Dahalo |aji lungs; N. Omot.: Basketo |ippc, Galila |i/pa belly (oth-
erwise *|i|(|)- heart). Here, perhaps, also Sem. *|i/api- adipose, fleshy tissue, fat; marrow, pith (cf. SED #180).
(3) *na/i|- heart: Chad. C.: Daba nt heart, not stomach, chest, Musgoy not heart, stomach (perhaps also
W.: Zar nai left with a meaning shift from heart); C. Cush.: Bilin na|a|a, Kemant na|aq middle (acc. to CDA 82,
variant forms of *|V|); N. Omot.: Yemsa ni|aa, Kafa ni||cc, Bworo nii|a, Hozo ni||a, Sezo ni||a heart (it is
highly unlikely that in all these forms *|- evolved into n- in various Afras. branches in!cpcn!cnt|q from one an-
other, especially in view of the fact that the forms in | and n- coexist in some of the languages; Benders assump-
tion in Bnd. Om. 167 & 274 that Omot. forms in n might be loans from Amh. |i||- is untenable).
(4) *anVq|(in)- heart; belly: Brb.: Siwa u|i, Ayr, E. Tawllemmet ono|, Ahaggar u|, Kel-Ui u|on (note n!),
Taneslemt u||, etc. heart (in my opinion, cases of the much-discussed correspondence Tuareg | ~ Ghadames and
Audjila ~ other Brb. 0 can reflect Afras. *| only if there is a laryngeal or pharyngeal in the reconstructed Afras.
root; in the present case, the absence of either corresponding forms with in Ghadames and Audjila or traces of a
laryngeal or pharyngeal consonant in Afras. *|i|(|)- gives no grounds to relate the above Brb. forms to the latter);
(?) W. Chad.: Jimbin |na|a|a intestines; E. Cush.: Saho u|u- belly (with metathesis), Somali a|c| belly; Omot.
N.: Welaitta u|una belly (metathesis), S.: Hamar nooq|in heart (note n!), perhaps Ongota |oota id.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
77
in LGur 372) is tentatively regarded by Leslau as a loan from Oromo cnn heart, which
is not very convincing, but I could not find an alternative etymology (possibly < Sem.
*ga/in(a)n- viscera; heart SED I #83?). No term in Gaf.
Proto-Semitic: *|i||- (#1).
41. HORN
(1) Akk. arnu; Ugr. rn; Hbr. aran; Pho. rn; Pal. rn; Syr. arn-, Mnd. arn; Urm. a(r)n-, Qur.
arn-, Leb. aran; Mec. arn; Mlt. rn; Gez. arn; Tna. arn-i; Tgr. ar; Amh. an!; Arg.
orara, an!; Gaf. an!a; Sod. ar; Har. ar; Wol. ar; Cha. an; Hrs. n; Mhr. n; Jib. u|n;
Soq. an // < Sem. *ar-n- (cf. SED I #168).
( < Afras. *ar(n)- (ADB): Omot. N.: Yemsa |a|a, Kafa arcc, Mocha 4rc, Anfillo arcc,
Bworo a||a, Sezo 4|i, Hozo ara horn
16
, S.: Ari ari tusk.
( No term in Bib. and Sab.
Proto-Semitic: *ar-n-.
42. I
(1) Akk. an|u; Ugr. an, an|; Hbr. n, n|; Pho. n|; Bib. n; Pal. n; Syr. cn; Mnd.
ana; Urm. n; Qur. an; Leb. ani; Mec. ana; Mlt. qn; Sab. n; Gez. ana; Tna. anc; Tgr.
ana; Amh. onc; Arg. an, aq; Gaf. anat; Har. n; Cha. oqa // < Sem. *an(a|V).
( < Afras. *a-na(|/tV) (ADB): Egyp. in|; Brb. *na/i||: Ahaggar nc|, Zenaga ni|-an, Qabyle
no||, etc.; Chad. W.: Hausa ninaa, Bolewa ina, Dera naani, Sura an, Fyer qin, etc., C.: Tera
a, Margi naqu, Musgu ta-nu, Bachama na, Masa nan, etc., E.: Migama n4, n4ata, Jegu n,
Mokilko nu, nuunc, Tumak no, etc.; Cush. N: Beja ani, anc, C.: Bilin an, Khamta n,
Kemant, Aungi an, E.: Afar anu, Somali aniga (< *a-ni-|a), Boni, Rendille, Oromo ani,
Konso anti, Sidamo, Hadiya, Burji ani, Gawwada anc, Tsamay nc, S.: Iraqw an/ani, Maa
ani, Dahalo ana / ai; Omot. N.: Anfillo tc-cni, Hozo na-ga (< *na-|a?), Nayi na, Sheko nta,
Dizi inu (cf. metathetic forms tana, tani in Ometo, Chara, Bworo, etc.).
(2) Sod. a!i // An enigmatic pronoun with no Sem. parallels (cf. various suggestions quoted in
LGur 13, none of which is convincing); cf., however, C. Chad.: Buduma n-!au, !au, Logone
n-!au I (independent form).
(3) Wol. i|c // In spite of formal affinity with (4), more likely < *i|- (cf. LGur Vol. I XXXVII-
VIII and LXIV) to be tentatively related to the *|- element in Sem., Egyp., Brb. 1st person
sing. pronoun, Chad. C.: Glavda |aqa, Daba |ata, Cinene |4a, |a, Guduf |a; (?) E. Cush.:
Yaaku iic (< *i|-?); S. Omot.: Ongota |ata.
(4) Hrs. |c|; Mhr. |c|; Jib. |c, |c; Soq. |c // Certainly a separate root, not distorted forms of
*an-
17
.
Proto-Semitic: *an(a|V) (#1).

16
Yemsa |a|a and Sezo 4|i can be < *ar, according to the correspondence charts in Bnd. Om. 184 and 290; as
for Bworo, *r > r and r|. There is little doubt, however, that the Omot. proto-form is *ar, perfectly matching
Sem. *ar-n-. Since the Omot. forms can hardly be regarded as borrowed from Tgr. or S. Eth. forms lacking n, or
from Gez. arn, or from Amh. an!, the root should be considered Common Afras. which is decisive in the old dis-
pute about broader connections of Sem. *arn- with its Indo-European and Kartvelian counterparts: they could be
either borrowed jrcn the former or go back to the common Nostratic-Afrasian proto-form, while borrowing intc
Sem. is unlikely.
17
The | element occurs in this personal pronoun in other Afras. languages as well, although rarely cf.
C. Chad.: Mofu qa| (and, perhaps, forms like Bura qa, Malgwa iqqa, Podoko naqa, Gisiga iqa, etc. in which *| may
yield or 0); E. Cush.: Arbore qc|c(|c), etc. One wonders whether it may eventually be traced back to the | element
in deictic pronouns.
Alexander Militarev
78
43. KILL
(1) Akk. !|u (!u|u) // also !a||u to crush (CAD ! 34, lex.), apparently from Sem. biconso-
nantal base *!| to crush, pound: Hbr. !| (pi.), !|q to crush, !v| to pound, Arb. !||,
etc. (HALOT 216, 221).
( Related to Chad. W.: Hausa !4|a, Bolewa !a|- to pound (HSED #633), C.: Bura !i|a to
pound with a club, Mbara !a| to strike (ADB). However, Akk. !|u/ !u|u to kill also
has direct parallels with the meaning to kill in Chad. W.: Karekare !u|va, Bolewa !uvi
(< *!u|), Ngamo !u|c, Kirfi !u|-/!u, Sha !u| (also to beat) and C.: Logone !u|u
(ADB); the question is whether the presence of two different forms in Akk. and Bolewa
forms speaks against uniting the Sem. and Chad. forms meaning to pound, beat and to
kill within one root (although their eventual kinship on the Proto-Afras. level is evident),
or the semantic shift took place independently in both languages.
(2) Akk. nru (syn.) // Likely related to Arb. nr causer quelquun une lsion la clavicule;
gorger (surtout un chameau) (BK 2 121112)
18
.
(3) Ugr. n
19
// < Sem. *n: Akk. nau to strike, Hbr. n to smash, etc. (HALOT 571).
No reliable Afras. parallels.
(4) Hbr. Sab. |rg // < Sem. *|rg: Moabite, Old Aram., Arb. to slaughter (HALOT 255). No
Afras. parallels.
(5) Bib. Pal. Syr. |; Mnd. g|/gca|; Urm. Qur. t|; Leb. oto|; Mec. ata|; Mlt. tc|; Sab. t| (syn.);
Gez. t|; Tna. ata|a; Tgr. at|a; Wol. ata|a; Cha. aaran // < Sem. *t|: Akk. at|u to kill,
slaughter (CAD q 162), Hbr. | to kill (a rare term, considered an Arameism, see
HALOT 1092
20
).
( Perhaps a form with fossilized | (see Mil. RE), derived from Afras. *V/t- strike, kill
(ADB): Sem.: Arb. v/qt beat (so.); Chad. C.: Podoko |oa, Ouldeme |a, Gisiga |a kill,
Mofu |o- strike, kill, etc., E.: Migama |c to strike (according to O. Stolbova, Chad.
reflects Afras. *! adjacent to a laryngeal, but not *; there are, however, quite a few cases
worth further research where Chad. seems to continue Afras. *); N. Cush.: Beja |aav
to strike.
(6) Amh. ga!!a|a; Arg. ga!!a|a; Sod. ga!!a|an; Har. ga!a|a // < Sem. (Arb.-Eth.): Gez. ga!a|a to
strive, Tgr. taga!a|a, Amh. taga!a|a to fight (in LGz 182 related to Sem. *g!| be big, grow
big and strong, which is semantically hard to prove), Arb. !| jeter, renverser par terre, II
id. (dun coup de lance), III se quereller, se disputer avec quelquun (BK 1 2656). No
Afras. parallels.
(7) Hrs. |ct; Mhr. |ut, Jib. |cto, Soq. |ata // < Sem. (Arb.-MSA; less likely an Arabism in
MSA with a shift from one of the many synonyms meaning to strike, hit in Arb. to the
main term for to kill): Arb. |t frapper; piquer (BK 2 964), cf. |! piquer (du scorpion)
(ibid. 983). No Afras. parallels.
(8) Jib. cnusun (syn.) // < Sem. *nn to breathe (see DIE #6). No Afras. parallels.
( No term in Pho. and Gaf.
Proto-West Semitic: t| (#5).

18
Compared in St. 2005 #569 with E. Chad.: Dangla :rir: schneiden, Mokilko nqcrirc tailler.
19
Suggested by L. Kogan instead of |rg, which has very scarce attestation.
20
In Mil. 2008, instead of in Heb. an Arm. loanword, I have miscopied in Heb. an! Arm. loanword from
HALOT, taking it for an assertion that implies borrowing into both from Akkadian, and, ridiculously, gave my
objections.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
79
44. KNEE
(1) Akk. |ir|u; Ugr. |r|, |ir|u; Hbr. |ara|; Bib. *|ora|; Pal. |r|; Syr. |ur|-, Mnd. |ur|-, Urm.
|ir|-, Gez. |or|; Tna. |or|i; Tgr. |oro|; Wol. |or|; Hrs. |ar|; Mhr. |ara|; Jib. |:r|; Soq. |cr| // <
Sem. *|i/ar|- (SED I #39).
( Cf., on one hand, C. Chad. forms in p- (a triconsonantal variant root with partial redupli-
cation?): Gisiga pcpcrc| knee, Matakam p4pora|v paw and obscure E. Cush.: Yaaku
|cipcrc|ui knee (unless a borrowing from a non-Afras. language, composed of |ci-
pcrc|ui < *pcrc|u|i < *|crc|- with |ci of unknown meaning?) and, on the other hand,
Chad. forms meaning knee like W.: Ngamo |uru, Maha |urun, Galambu |u|ur, Paa
|urni, Guruntum taran, etc. (and such forms as Sura |o-jurun, Tangale purun, Warji
vurnu-n4, Kir |aa-jurun, etc., in which, according to Stolbova, the modification of the
initial consonant is due to the body part prefix *|V- < *|V head), C.: Padoko |or-na knee,
Gude |ura elbow, Zime-Bata uru to kneel, to crawl, E.: Mokilko c||ira to kneel on
river shore to drink (all ADB; the latter comparison is valid only if we presuppose a fos-
silized | in Sem.; note the | element in body parts in some of the Cush. languages quoted
above, like Agaw *|a|(|)a|- heart and Saho-Afar |a||a shoulder; see also Mil RE).
(2) Bib. *ar|u||; Qur. ru||at-, Leb. ri||i; Mec. ru||a; Mlt. or|cppa // < Sem. (a-)ra|u|(at)- knee
(cf. SED I #232); should be scored differently from *|i/ar|-. A clearly secondary metathetic vari-
ant of the latter, derivable from it on the Common WSem. level: cf. Bib. |ir|| and ar|u||t|
(both dual) knee, Jud. |ir| id. and ro||, ro||t, ar||t part of the leg and Arb. |ari|at-
genou, |r| sagenouiller, with both variant roots coexisting in the same languages.
( Amh. gu||at; Arg. gu||at, gu|ct; Gaf. gu||at; Sod. gu||at; Har. go|i|; Cha. gor|at are from
Cush., more likely from HEC (cf. Kambatta gu|u|i-ta, Darasa gu|u|c) than from LEC,
where the pertinent terms have *- as the first radical (Oromo i||a, Somali i|i|), whereas
similar forms in Agaw, with the exception of Dembea gu|ti:, have r- as the second radi-
cal; Saho and Afar fit in phonetically (both have gu|u|), but can hardly be the source of a
loanword that is so widespread in the S. Eth. area. No term in Pho. and Sab.
Proto-Semitic: *|i/ar|- (#1).
45. KNOW
(1) Akk. i!; Ugr. q!; Hbr. q!; Pho. q!; Bib. q!; Pal. q!; Syr. q!; Mnd. q!a; Urm. !q (met.);
Sab. !v (met.); Hrs. q!a // < Sem. *q!.
( < Afras. *qa!a- ~ *!aqa- know (ADB): C. Chad.: Mandara !iqa, Malgwa !iqa know;
Cush. E.: Saho !a/i- (also a/i), Afar !a- (also a-) know, be able, Somali (Isaq) !a-
understand, Oromo qaa!a think, qaa!a-a remember, Sidamo qaa!- think (likely <
Oromo), S.: Iraqw !a-ati witchcraft (acc. to HRSC 224, < *!"a), !a-ari (acc. to KM 78,
< *!a- burn, which is less probable), Alagwa !an!a-as to treat injury, wound, Asa !a-
aru| doctor-diviner; (?) N.Omot.: Bworo !aan know (if < *!a-an).
(2) Pal. |n (syn.) // < Sem. *|n to know, be wise (HALOT 31314). No reliable Afras. parallels.
(3) Qur. a|ina // other meanings are savoir distinguer une chose de lautre; apprendre
quelque chose and (a|ana) marquer, distinguer par une marque (BK 2 349) < Sem. *|n,
something like make/discern hidden signs: Ugr. |n be hidden, unknown, go unnoticed
(DUL 158), Hbr. |n (nif.) to be concealed (HALOT 834), Gez. taa|na to be hidden, dis-
appear from sight, Amh. a||ana to disappear from sight (LGz 61), Mhr. |n to brand
(with a rag), to make a mark (JM 22), etc.
21

21
For possible Afras. parallels cf. Chad. W. *|Vn- to hide, to disappear and, perhaps, E.: Mafa |cn- think
(ADB).
Alexander Militarev
80
(4) Leb. aroj; Mec. irij // Class. Arb. rj id. No parallels in other Sem. or Afras. that I could find.
(5) Mlt. |in qaj // qaj < *qaj related to Class. Arb. vj connatre, dviner ltat intrieur dune
chose laide des signes extrieurs (BK 2 835). No parallels in other Sem. or Afras. that I
could find.
(6) Gez. anara; Tgr. annara // < Eth. *nr to show, indicate: Gez. annara, Tna. annara,
Amh. annara < Sem. *nr to see: Akk. anru, Pho. nr id., Ugr. anr to look at (DUL
71), Sab. nr sign, omen, oracle (SD 6).
( < Afras. *(V)nVr- to see, look, show, search for (ADB)
22
: Egyp. n (OK) see, look (if
< *nrr), nr.t eye, nr supervisor; Chad. W.: Ankwe ncr spy on, look for, C.: Lamang
nar, Mandara nara, Malgwa n4ra to show, Glavda nar- show, make known, E.: Bidiya
ncr look, peer, Kera |o-naar4 soothsayer; Cush. N.: Beja nir see, attend to; find, C. (re-
dupl.): Khamir nirnir, Kemant naranar, Aungi narnara-o examine, search for, E.:
Oromo (Waata) nar-aa look for, search for, Rendille ncr-c soothsayer, star-gazer, who
sees visions; (?) N. Omot.: Mocha nara ra(qc) to dream (cf. EDE III 3033, 3536).
(7) Tna. ja|aa // Eth. *j| to separate, split: Gez. ja|aa to separate, split, discern, know, etc.,
Amh. ja||aa id. < Sem. (Eth.-ESA) *j| to split, separate: Sab. j| to assign land (SD 44);
probably related to Sem. *p| to save (cf. LGz 161). No Afras. parallels.
(8) Gaf. a|a; Sod. a|a; Wol. a|a; Cha. aran // < Sem. *||| to be able (LGz 277). No Afras.
parallels.
(9) Hrs. cr| (syn.); Mhr. cr|; Jib. arc|; Soq. crc| // The only solution, though debatable,
that I can suggest is to trace these forms back to Sem. *ar|- sunset, west with a peculiar
semantic shift to come to know/learn < to go to an unknown place < to go west (e. g. Mhr.
or|t strange place, unknown place, abroad JM 140, Jib. ccr| to go west JJ 88, Akk. crc|-
(cr|) setting of the sun, west CAD c 258, Arb. ar|- coucher (du soleil) BK 2 450, etc.)
23
.
( Amh. avvaa; Arg. vna, na; Har. a < C. Cush.: Aungi aq, Damot q-a, Qwara ax,
etc. to know.
Proto-Semitic: *q! (#1).
46. LEAF
(1) Akk. aru, cru frond, leaf of the date palm OB on (CAD a2 311), artu (and atu) foliage
Y/NB (ibid.)
24
// < Sem. *ar-: Arb. r- feuilles de la vigne; espce darbre qui produit une
rsine (BK 2 516), perhaps also Hbr. rt (pl.) reeds (on the Nile) (HALOT 882; hapax)
unless < Egyp. (Pyr.) r Binse; Pflanze; Schreibfeder (EG I 208, VI 28, 136), which, if r re-
flects *r (otherwise see #2 below), may be related to Sem. *ar.
( For non-Sem. parallels cf. Cush. N.: Beja rat, rt, crat leaf (unless the same as |at, though
registered by several authors on a par with |at).
(2) Akk. (syn.) aru // v. footnote 24.

22
Often merged, as in EDE III 3033, 3536, with Sem. *VnVr- < Afras. *nVr- to say, order; I prefer to treat
the two as homonymous roots on the Proto-Afras. level.
23
The only, though interesting, parallel outside Sem. is in S. Omot.: Ongota giri|- become night, if Ong g
may render Afras. *.
24
Also aru id., cf. ar young shoot of the date-palm SB (CAD 117), artu NB branch of the date palm
(ibid. 121), referred to as an Arm. lw.; cf. HJ 404 with no indication of language: rnt = branch of date palm > Ak-
kad., referring to AHw 329 asserting the same borrowing < Arm.). Perhaps two variant roots (with semantic con-
tamination in Akk.?): (1) c/aru / artu foliage, leaf < *ar, (2) aru frond, leaf, branch, shoot of the date palm
< Afras. *aruq- ~ *uraq- leaf, palm leaf, palm: Egyp. (Med.) .n (if < *r-n) leaves (also * leaf (and stalk) of
lotus, an hieroglyph); C. Chad.: Musgu urai, crai Deleb palm (cf. also Zime |rq, plant Grcnia tcnusta whose
leaves are used for making sauces); S. Cush: Iraqw uraq- Borassus palm (HRSC 260). Cf. EDE I 160 and ADB.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
81
(3) Hbr. | // No straight parallels in Sem.
25
( < Afras. *a|q/v- ~ *va|- ~ |av-: Chad. W.: Pero 4|au, Jimbin a|u|u, Polchi v4|, Zul va|i,
etc. leaf, (?) C.: Chad. c|iqa liane; Cush. N.: Beja |t leaf (< *|a-at-? Cf. also rt id.
above), E.: Somali 4|ccn, pl. 4|ccnc id., S.: Iraqw |cc; N. Omot. Mao vaa|c, Kafa vc||c, etc.
id. (ADB)
26
.
(4) Pal. rp, r|; Syr. arp-, Mnd. a-irp-, Urm. arp- // < Sem.: Hbr. rp fresh twig, shoot
(HALOT 380), Arb. arjat- espce de tamarise (BK 2 73; cf. also irj- plante qui nest pas
encore panouie, perhaps to be connected with irj- nouveau ibid.), Akk. arpau ein
Tamariskenart (AHw 1382; compared with Arb. arj- tamarisk)
27
.
(5) Qur. vara-at-, Leb. varaa; Mec. varaga; Mlt. vcra // < Sem. *vara- green, yellow (see
GREEN #1).
(6) Gez. ao|; Tna. a|-i; Amh. oa|; Arg. oa|, |ata|; Gaf. oa|a; Sod. oa|; Har. ui; Wol.
ua|; Cha. oar // See GREEN #5.
(7) Tgr. ajat // < Sem. *p to pluck (leaves, fruit): Akk. atpu to cut off, pluck off, Hbr. p
to pluck off, Gez. aaja to pick, cut (flowers, leaves), pluck, snap, Amh. aaja to pick
flowers, etc. (LGz 453). No reliable cognates outside Sem.
(8) Cha. onzor (syn.) // < ear, with a common semantic shift < Sem. *u(V)n- ear (see EAR #1).
(9) Mhr. c(|)jt; Jib. cijct; Soq. a|cj // No direct parallels. Cf. Arb. j IV . en feuilles (se
dit des crales, quand elles nont que des feuilles) (BK 2 272). Compared in LS 3545
with Hbr. sop, sarap branche, Syr. sarcp former des branches, Arb. saj- rameaux ou
feuilles de palmier sec with the improbable comment le emphatique est amen par la
prsence de .
( No term in Ugr., Pho., Bib., Sab. and Hrs. (the two Akk. terms should rather remain un-
scored).
No common Sem.
47. LIE
(1) Akk. a||u // to lie/fall asleep, be at rest; remain inactive; sleep with a woman (CAD
67). Likely from Sem. *|| to fall/lie/go/stay down: Hbr. || to sink (HALOT 1027; hapax),
Syr. || se inclinavit, inclinatus est, se demisit; flexit, disposuit; insidiatus est (Brock. 628),
Arb. || surprendre quelquun, tomber inopinement sur quelquun (se dit dun malheur),
a||- pluie abondante; pluie lgre qui tombe et l comme une rose (BK 1 1355), Gez.
a|(|)a|a to float upon, come to the surface, swim, Tna. a|a|a to float, Amh. (a||a|a
spread (intr.) over a surface (butter or oil) (LGz 555)
28
.
(2) Akk. n|u, ni|u, i/ut|u (syn.) // < *nq|, likely related (with metathesis) to Ugr. |n sleep,
stay the night (DUL 500), Hbr. |qn to spend the night, stay overnight, etc. (HALOT 529),
(?) Arb. |aqnat- coussinet (BK 2 1051; unless from |qn . tendre, mou). No visible Afras.
parallels.

25
HALOT 830 quotes Jud. a|q id., which is more likely a Hebraism. Cf. also Syr. a|naq, c|naq, Gez. a|n,
a|an, etc. aloe, considered a loan from Greek a|c of Sanskrit origin (LGz 63); I wonder whether aloe could, on
the contrary, be equated to leaf and treated as a genuine Sem. (and Afras.) word meaning leaf.
26
Cf. EDE I 94, where the Hbr., Syr. (quoted as leaf, not aloe), part of W. Chad., Somali (with reservations)
and S. Cush. (Iraqw |a|ni, Alagwa c|cni; hardly related to the present root, since Afras. * yields Iraqw , not |)
forms are compared to Egyp. r Binse; Pflanze; Schreibfeder (see #1), unquestionably interpreted as reflecting *|.
27
Cf. E. Chad.: Bidiya tirip k. of tree (ADB).
28
Perhaps related to Chad. W.: Hausa c4|aa|aa pour out a large quantity of fluid, C.: Gude co|4 dripping,
Logone i|i-nun to drip; according to St. 2009 #735, < *cV|- to drip including other parallels meaning rinse, soak
and be liquid, watery which, if related, make the comparison with the Sem. root unlikely.
Alexander Militarev
82
(3) Ugr. ||; Hbr. ||; Pho. ||; Gez. sa|a|a // < Sem. *|| (HALOT 14867); cf. Akk. sa|pu to lie
down, lie still (rare) with irregular s- (< *s, not *) and -p (< *p, not *|). No Afras. parallels.
(4) Pal. Urm. !n| // Common Arm.: Syr. !n| dormivit (Brock. 157), etc. (v. DRS 272); no
other Sem. or Afras. parallels (if not for unexplainable -|, cf. Afras. *!a/in- dwell, stay
incl. Egyp. !n lie).
(5) Pal. r| (syn.), Mnd. r|a; Wol. (syn.) rc|ata // The Arm. and Wol. forms are related, if the
former reflect *r| (they may alternatively go back to *r|s) < Sem. *r|: Hbr. r| to lie in po-
sition, recline; to copulate
29
, Arb. r| se tenir debout; atteindre (with a comment: driv
probablement des quatre pieds des quadrupdes); rester, V sasseoir, . assis les jambes
croises, la turque (BK 1 808), Wol. (above), Selti r|ata to lie down to sleep (LGur 521).
( An interesting if controversial, parallel is found in E. Cush.: Elmolo rap- to sleep (*| yields
Elmolo p), Tsamai ra|c lie, sleep (SLLE; , however, is expected to be preserved in
Tsamai) which seem to imply *ra|. Though Elmolo rap- is included by Sasse (PEC 22) into
common E. Cush. *raj- to sleep (a variant root of *ra|-?), *j yields in Elmolo j, not p.
(6) Syr. gon (syn.); Mnd. gna (syn.) // < Sem. *gnq/ bend down, lie down: Arb. n bend
over smth., Gez. ganaqa bow down, prostrate oneself, etc., Soq. ignin bend, bow down
(LGz 200).
( < Afras. *gina- lie/fall/bend down (ADB): Brb. (alternatively can go back to *()in- in foot-
note 30, as Afras. * yields Brb. *g): Ayr, E. Tawllemmet ogon saccroupir, descendre, faire
halte, Izdeg gon dormir, Qabyle on dormir, . couch; Chad. W.: Bolewa gan-! lay down,
Buli gin-!4 fall down, Ngizim gina to sleep, C.: Zime-Batna gon4 la bas, E.: Migama gcnc
bottom, Bidiyo ganq be on the bottom; (?) E. Cush. *giin- stay in place (only the recon-
structed form, enigmatically adduced in Ehr. #124); Omot.: Male gon, Ari gin- to sleep
30
.
(7) Leb. | // < *|, same as Class. Arb. | jeter, lancer, VIII . jet par terre (BK 2 101213),
perhaps related to Sem. *| to take, lend (see in LGz 317), though a semantic connection
is far from evident. No Afras. parallels.
(8) Mec. tana!!a!; Mlt. |in nin!u! // < Sem. *n!! to stretch, spread: Hbr. n!! (hitpo.)
to stretch out upon, Arb. n!!, Gez. na!a!a, Tgr. na!!a to spread, Mhr. no!, Soq. nc!
to stretch, etc. (v. LGz 329).
( < Afras. *ni!!- (ADB; cf. EDE III 791): Brb.: Mzab on!i tendre (un pige); Cush. N.: Beja
ni!i to stretch out, E.: Hadiya ni!i! to stretch (body), perhaps also Egyp. n!! somno-
ler (late, its determinative depicting a man sinking to ground from fatigue), compared in
EDE III 130 as very uncertain with W. Chad: Zeem (taaru) naai, Tule (!ar) noo to
sleep; Oromo (Borana) nu!!a feel sleepy (quite tenable, for my money).
(9) Mlt. intt (syn.) // < Sem. *ntt/q to stretch, spread: Hbr. ntq to spread, stretch out
(HALOT 654), Arb. ntt tendre quelque chose en long (BK 2 1055), etc.
31

29
Treated in HALOT 1180, after Wagner, as a loan from Arm. *r|, considered a reflex of *r|s: Hbr. r| to lie
down, rest (ibid. 1181), Arb. r| . couch les jambes ployes (BK 1 805), etc. Since there are apparently no other
arguments for interpreting Hbr. r| as an Arm. loanword (the Hbr. term is attested in Ps. and Lv.), the whole idea
looks ungrounded, since Hbr. r| has direct cognates pointing to Sem. *r|.
30
Compared in EDE I 164 with Egyp. (Pyr.) nq to rest, confusing three different Afras. roots: (1) *gina-
lie/fall/bend down, (2) *()in- rest, lie down: Egyp. nq, C. Chad.: Gaanda una, Hwona na, Fali-Kiria anu,
etc. (several other forms are adduced in ADB and reconstructed by O. Stolbova as *|nVn, compared with Arb.
|nn to fall asleep; I would rather reconstruct the quoted C. Chad. forms as *nVn), likely related (with metathe-
sis) to Sem. *nn- be extended, stretched out, repose and S. Omot.: Dime na(a)t- to sleep, (3) *|VnVn- sit, lie:
Sem. *|nn be firmly established (> be); E. Chad.: Kera 4n |in to sleep, Mokilko |cn- sit; N. Omot.: Yemsa |una
lie, etc. (cf. Bla. Om., comment to #47 lie, where several unrelated roots are also confused in one entry).
31
See Sem. variant roots and some suggested Afras. parallels in EDE III 700.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
83
(10) Tna. ta-ga!ana; Amh. ta-ga!!ana // Mod. Eth. only
32
.
(11) Tgr. o|rur |a||a // < Sem. *|rr: Akk. |arru to put an object in place, set, lay (a foundation),
throw, cast (CAD | 207), Gez. |rr to fall, Amh. (tan)|arrara to lie on ones back (LGz
294). No Afras. parallels that I could find.
(12) Amh. ag a|a (syn.); Har. zag |qa // Mod. Eth. only: Tna. zag |a|a to fall down heavily
(LHar 164)
33
.
(13) Arg. (|)angcrru t-ca; Sod. oan; Har. a (syn.); Wol. oc // < Eth. *n|q (Gez. no|qa
to repose, recover, be quiet LGz 394). Within Sem., the Eth. forms can be compared (with
metathesis) to Arb. |vn se reposer, se calmer, sendormir (BK 2 1460).
( < Afras. *na|q- (ADB): Chad. W.: Dera nvc to rest, Daffo-Butura nqa|, Kulere, Sha nqa
to sleep, C.: (?) Mofu n- se coucher, passer la nuit, durer; N. Cush.: Beja naq to sleep,
rest (LGz 304). Cf. what seems like variant roots (ADB): (1) *nunq-: Egyp. nnq (MK) be
tired; Chad. W.: Dera ncn to sleep, E.: Somrai nunii, Tumak nun sleep (n.), Ndam o4
nn to sleep; (2) *vnq ~ *nvq be tired: Sem.: Arab vnq to be weak, tired; Egyp. nv
(MK) weak; Chad. W.: Ankwe nc tiredness, Warji, Kariya nuv- be tired, E.: Dangla
naviqc rest but not relax.
(14) Gaf. (ta)ga!!a|a; Cha. (ta)gataran // Related to Arb. !| jeter, renverser par terre (BK 1
265), perhaps to be analyzed as *g!-|, with the extension |, eventually related to Cush.
*gV!- (see footnote 32).
(15) Hrs. cn|c|4; Mhr. on|a|o; Jib. |oa, on|o|4 // < Sem. *|(|): Hbr. | to fall on the
ground (HALOT 120), Arb. | renverser, faire tomber quelquun la face contre terre, VII
stendre (BK 1 135), || (and ||!) . couch terre et sy coller (ibid. 159, 161), Soq.
|, || to lie
34
. In DRS 59 compared with Tgr. |a |c|a, Tna |a |a|a . couch de tout son
long, which is phonetically questionable. No Afras. parallels.
(16) Hrs. cngcr! (syn.) // agcr! to lay down < Sem. *gr! to fall down, be ruined: Ugr. gr!
be undermined, ruined (DUL 307), Syr. gar!c erosit, (etpa.) fractus, laceratus est
(Brock. 132), Jib. ong:r!c fall down, etc. No Afras. parallels.
(17) Mhr. o-v|j (syn.) // Related to Arb. v|j . inclin, pench, va|j- tapis ou peau qui lon
etend par terre pour sy asseoir (BK 1 1598)
35
, likely related, assuming the extension v-, to
Sem. *|pp: Akk. |appu to bend, Hbr. |pp to bend, bow down, Arb. |jj X to curl up
(HALOT 497), likely also Tgr. |aj |c|a (LH 425), Tna. |cj |a|a to sit and, perhaps, with a
further semantic shift, Jib. scj to sleep (JJ 267; related if s in this root is derived from
palatalized *|; unrelated if it goes back to *, cf. below Soq. ooj to lie, sleep together
ibid.)
36
.

32
Inseparable from C. Cush: Xamtanga go!on q- to lie down (in App. CDA 92 considered an Amharism),
Khamir gi!cn- ausgestreckt liegen (also from Amharic, according to RCham 359); cf., however (ADB): Cush. N:
Beja ga! to stop, stand, stand still, wait, E.: Arbore gaa!- to stalk, ambush (i. e. lie in wait). If the Agaw forms,
with a suffixed n, go back to common Cush. *gV!-, the isolated Eth. forms may, on the contrary, represent loans
from C. Cush.
33
The only remote parallel that I could find is in C. Chad.: Guduf nog-ana sit!, Dghwede noginogc to sit
(reconstructed in Tak. 2001 6 as *n[a]g).
34
Not mentioned as the main term (which is ccj) in Kogans list.
35
Perhaps cognate to Sem. terms for saddle or to the Akk. term (if other Sem. parallels are a chain of loan-
words, eventually from Akk.): Akk. u|pu Packsattel (AHw 1405), Syr. a||p- sedulus (Brock. 19), Arb. ni/u|j,
i|j- bt (dun ne ou dun mulet) (BK 2 1598), etc.
36
The N. Eth. forms are inseparable from C. Cush.: Bilin |aj q sit (App. CDA 124), which would undoubt-
edly qualify as a loan from N. Eth. (apparently having cognates in other Sem.), if not for E. Cush.: Yaaku |cp:|n
(< *|cp-) id. perhaps implying common Cush. *|aj.
Alexander Militarev
84
(18) Jib. atcc| (syn.) // Likely < Sem. *| to turn, bend: Ugr. |tn winding (DUL 177), Hbr.
a||tn writhing (snake), a|a||t twisting (road), Syr. u|- winding track, Arb.
| to turn, bend (HALOT 874). No Afras. parallels.
(19) Soq ccj // As to its problematic affinity with Jib. scj, see #17; Leslau (LSoq 409) quotes
Bittners comparison with Hbr p to gasp (HALOT 1375 also quotes Jud. p gasp for
air, pant and Arb. s|j gasp, thirst, whereas BK 1 1156 translates s|j as sagiter dans des
convulsions, avoir les derniers mouvements de lagonie and prouver une soif violente),
which is not quite convincing. I failed to find any Sem. or Afras. cognate.
( No term in Bib., Qur. and Sab.
Proto-West Semitic: *||- (#3).
48. LIVER
(1) Akk. antu // < Sem. *naaq/v(-at)-: Hbr. naqin (pl.) entrails, intestines, Arb. naq- in-
testins, etc. (v. in SED I #185).
( < Afras. *naaq- liver, entrails (ADB): (?) E. Chad.: Gadang nuqc liver (quoted in EDE
III 161; an isolated form, but hardly coincidental); Cush. E.: Bussa naq liver (according
to EDE III 160, may be a borrowing from N. Omot., which is quite plausible; cf., however,
Oromo ncc loins, back, which could also belong here with a shift of meaning), (?) S.:
Gorowa nc|cnc second stomach, Maa nncnc navel (HRSC 157); N. Omot. *naaq-:
Zaysse, Gidicho, Ganjule, Koyra naaqqc, Zergulla nac, Haruro-Kachama naaqqc (in an-
other source, nac is attested), Chara naqqa, Sezo n:i, She nai liver, Bench naq heart
37
.
(2) Ugr. ||!; Hbr. ||!; Pal. ||!; Syr. Mnd. Urm. |a|!-, Qur. |a|i!-, Leb. |o|!i; Mec. |a|c!; Gez.
|a|o!; Tna. |a|!i; Tgr. |a|!at; Har. |!; Wol. |a|!; Cha. apt; Hrs. c|!t; Mhr. o|!t; Jib.
su|!ct; Soq. i|!c| // < Sem. *|a|(i)!- liver; stomach, entrails (SED I #141), perhaps derived
from Sem. *||! be heavy through a semantic shift that has certain typological parallels
(see references ibid). No Afras. parallels.
(3) Amh. gu||at; Sod. go||ct // Presumably not the same as *|a|(i)!; more likely < Sem.
*ga(n)|- side of body: Arb. an|- ct (BK 1 334), Gez. ga|c side, flank, rib, loins (LGz
176), etc. (cf. SED I #85); cf. also Akk. ga||u part of the human or animal body (...an inter-
nal part of the animal body) (CAD g 5) and Arb. a|a|- estomac du chameau farci de vi-
ande hache (BK 247).
( If the meaning shift side of body > liver holds water, < Afras. *ga|- side (ADB): Egyp.
(Westcar) g| side of a room; Chad. W.: Hausa ga|a across, on the other side of, Dwat
goop side, C.: Higi-Bana gc|ic, Musgu gu||i, gc|i, Masa gc| nearby; Cush. N.: Beja ga|
side, C.: Bilin ga|a side (of body), Khamir go|a side, E.: Afar ga||c side (of back),
Konso, Dirasha |apa (|- < *g, p < *|) beside, near, Burji g4|a side, Harso |apa (|- < *g,
p < *|) id. (cf. EDE I 223).
(4) Arg. anjo|a // Regardless of the form being interpreted as derived from a triconsonantal root
*np//| or *np//|, or from biconsonantal *p//|, it has no fitting etymology whatsoever.
( Mlt. juict; borrowed from a Romance language. No term in Pho., Bib., Sab. and Gaf.
Common West and South Semitic: *|a|(i)!- (#2).

37
EDE III 159 asserts that South-East Omot. *naqq- is regularly < *naqz-. However tempting it is to equate the
two forms, in Bla. Om., where correspondence tables by Lamberti-Sottile, Bender, Hayward and Ehret are quoted,
the shift *z/ > q is postulated only for Kafa-Mocha; Benders way of solving this problem by reconstructing (in
Bend. Om. 118) N.-W. Omot. *naq+z does not help, since it implies an unproved suffix *z. Anyway, the develop-
ment *z/ > q, possible in theory, of course, requires proof; until it is presented, I prefer to regard N. Omot. *naaq-
and *naqz- (undoubtedly cognate with Egyp. (Pyr.) nqz.t liver) as separate roots, both with sound Afras. ety-
mologies at that.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
85
49. LONG
(1) Akk. ar|u; Ugr. r| (verb); Hbr. r|; Pho. r|; Pal. rq|; Syr. arr|-, Mnd. aru|-, Urm. qar|-
// < Sem. *arV|- long.
38
(2) Qur. av|-, Leb. avi|; Mec. aviq|; Mlt. tv| // < Sem.: Hbr. v| (hif) to throw far (HALOT
373; Tgr. avva|a, quoted ibid. as to extend, implying cognation, is actually to lengthen
in LH 618, likely derived from ovi| long, an obvious Arabism), Sab. |-n length, v| to
extend, stretch (SD 154), etc.; cf. the Eth. root augmented with : Gez. anc|oa, Tgr.
(an)c|a spread, stretch out LGz 590).
( Perhaps < Afras. *av|- be long, stretch (ADB)
39
: (?) Egyp. !vn (Pyr.) to stretch out (if < *!v|
< *v|); C. Chad.: Ouldem ta|, Mofu to|- extend (a hand), Mada 4t|a extend, reach (toward).
(3) Gez. navi; Tna. navvi // < Sem. *nv be extended, stretched out, repose: Gez. nv to
be long, tall, extended, stretched out, repose, etc., Akk. nu to be slow, still; rest, etc.
(CAD n 143), Ugr. n to rest (DUL 629), Hbr. nv to settle down, rest, repose, Arb.
nqiat- tendue de terre, pays qui stend au loin (BK 2 1364)
40
.
(4) Tgr. raqin; Jib. ri|n; Soq. ri|cn // < Sem. *rqn to be high, long: Ugr. rn high, Hbr.
rv/qn, Syr. rqn to be high, Arb. rqn II to exceed, Sab rqn-n height, Gez. raqqana be
high, long, etc.
( < Afras. (ADB): Egyp. vrn.t (Pyr.) Dach (bekrnung eines Gebaudes), vrn (late) ho-
chragende Figur; W. Chad.: Hausa rini stand (on hind legs) (semantically debatable); S.
Cush.: Dahalo run-ac long, tall (for other possible parallels cf. EDE III 368).
(5) Amh. rain; Arg. rain // Amh. razzana to be long (Gez. razana to become long, be tall,
heavy, rozun tall, long, etc. are marked in LGz 479 as borrowed from Amh., which re-
quires argumentation); cf. also Tgr. torazzana to be heavy, intense, narazzan strong, in-
tense, steady (compared with Amh. razzana in LH 160; the semantic connection is far
from evident). The only non-Eth. parallel, though also debatable semantically, that I could
find is Arb. rzn II rester longtemps chez soi, la maison (BK 1 856; cf. also nirznat- qui
fait de grandes enjambes (chamelle) ibid. 857). No Afras. parallels.
(6) Arg. gu!cr (syn.); Gaf. ga!!arna; Har. gu!r; Wol. gu!ar (the three latter forms also mean-
ing big) // < *g!r to grow, grow big: Wol. Zway ga!ara to grow up (child), be big, Amh.
(ta)ga!!ara to germinate (that is, grow LGur 264 where the Gur. and Amh. verbs are
compared with hesitation, but quite reasonably), Arb. !r slever au-dessus du sol (se dit
des plantes); se former (se dit des certain fruits) (BK 1 263). The Eth.-Arb. *g!r presuma-
bly goes back, with the extension *r, to Sem *gV!(!)-: Arb. i!!- beaucoup, extrmement
(BK 1 260), Sab. g!! great (SD 49), Tgr. ga!!a to be bigger, surpass (LH 602); see Afras.
etymology in BIG #8.
(7) Sod. ga||oj; Cha. gcj // quoted as tall in LGur 272, but as tall, long in LGur., I 56 and 1066.
The Gur. verb *g|j is identified in LGur 272 either with Oromo gc|jcja to be tall and lazy

38
For odd external parallels cf. (with metathesis) W.Chad.: Miya |oro|oro long; C. Cush.: Kemant |aar-t be
far, distant, Qwara |aar- be long, distant < *|a()ar- (though Dolg. 202 relates these forms with E. Cush. *Vr);
one wonders whether Yaaku ctira| long since could be explained as having a prefix t- and thus related (it is
tempting to compare E. Cush.: Bayso |acri long, high as in Dolg. 202, but |a- is a prefix of adjectives in Bayso).
39
Cf EDE I 247, comparing Egyp. !nn with the Hbr. and Arb. verbs and E. Cush. *
1
|- (referring to Sasse
PEC 27, where Gidole (aa|- be better, welthier, taller, Konso aa| exceed, be bigger, longer and Oromo (aa|- ex-
ceed are quoted, clearly pointing to the initial affricate, and not to *- < *-) that yields Lowland E. Cush. *|- be
long with no specific forms adduced, which I could not find (there is what may be a variant root of *an|, namely
E. Cush *i/cr- long: Saho cc, Afar ccri, Somali ccr, Dasenech ir, etc. related in Dolg. 1267 with Sem. *rr
be high).
40
To be compared with isolated S. Omot.: Dime na(a)t- to sleep; for parallels (with metathesis) see fn. 30.
Alexander Militarev
86
(in this case, a loanword) or with Amh. (tan)gaja||a|a (with metathesis) to be long (of
hair); in favor of the latter assumption cf. Arb. |ij- longue mche de cheveux qui de-
scend sur les tempes and a|j robe manches longues (BK 1 317). No Afras. parallels.
( Hrs. cv| and Mhr. ov| are almost certainly Arabisms. No term in Bib. and Sab.
Common North and West Semitic: *arV|- (#1).
50. LOUSE
(1) Akk. up|u // < Sem. *pV|(q)-: Arb. j|q, Mhr. jo| to delouse, etc. (SED II #175).
( < Afras. *(V)pi|- (ADB; cf. EDE II 393): Egyp. pq (Med.) flea (if < *pV|); Chad. W.: Sura
npi|-vus Glhwrmchen (vus fire), C.: Bura na-ji|-|vi flea, Hildi na-j| spider, Mada
cjjc| tique (du chien, des vaches), Matakam -jo|iq4 k. of ant; Cush. C.: Qwara pc|iqa,
Kemant ja|c flea, E.: Dirasha ji||ct, Sidamo pi||c, Harso ji||4qqc, Gollango ji||4qc id., S.:
Qwadza paa|-i|c flying termite; N. Omot.: Kafa pi|| (perhaps < E. Cush.).
(2) Akk. |a|natu (syn.); Pal. ||n| // Presumably < Sem. *|a|-n-: Akk. |u||u dragonfly (CAD
| 503), Gez. |o||o|(t) kind of black ant (LGz 283). See discussion in SED II #130.
( < Afras. *|()a/i|(n)- a biting insect (ADB): S. Brb.: Ayr, E.Tawllemmet |||t . pouil-
leux; Cush. E. |i|n-: Saho, Afar |i|in tick, Somali i|in, pl. i|n-c, Boni i|n-i, Rendille
i|in, Oromo i|n-a id. (Sas. Bur. 173).
(3) Syr. a|not-, Urm. a|n-, Qur. an|-; Leb. ano|; Mec. gani|; Mlt. nc|; Gez. ona|; Tna.
ona|; Tgr. ona|; Amh. ona|; Arg. ona|; Sod. ona|; Har. unq; Wol. una|; Cha. onar
// < Sem. ()an|-/un|- ~ a|n- (SED II #130).
( With a few parallels in Chad. (?) W.: Hausa un flea (of rats, dogs) (with a loss of final |?
or < Arb. an|- ?), Mupun |una id. (< Hausa?), C.: Buduma |cn|i ant (ADB).
(4) Gez. oni (syn.) // < Sem. VVn-: Syr. cn cimex (Brock. 659), Arb. tn IV tuer la
teigne (BK 1 675), see SED II #141.
( < Afras. *VVn/n- (ADB): Chad. (?) W.: Hausa varvat, va||vat (< *vatvata?)
louse, Karekare |ut|uun, |u|utun (< *|u |utun ?) fowl lice, etc., C.: Cuvok na-|ot`-
|ot` an insect with a pointed head; E. Cush.: Dasenech |uuin worm, Darasa ccaanc
ant; cf. what may be a variant root *gVVn/n- in HEC: Sidamo gccaanc, and N. Omot.:
Wolaitta guun-iqa, Gamu gucunc, Malo guinc, Dae, Zaisse gucunc worm.
(5) Hrs. |cncnt; Mhr. |cnnt; Jib. sinit; Soq. |cncn // < Sem. |i/ann(-Vn)- a harmful insect:
Hbr. |n gnat, |innn gnats, pB. |inn vermin, louse, |oninn vermin, moth, etc.
(SED II #116).
( Cf. scattered parallels in E. Chad.: Migama |4||un4 louse (< *|an|un-?) and N. Omot.:
Hozo |cnni louse (ADB).
( No term in Ugr., Hbr., Pho. Bib., Mnd., Sab. and Gaf.
Common North and West Semitic: ()an|- ~ a|n- (#3).
51. MAN
(1) Akk. zi/a|aru, Hbr. z|r // < Sem. *a|ar-: man, male (HALOT 270, DUL 269)
41
.
(2) Ugr. nt // also individual and husband (DUL 598; the meaning man debatable, proba-
bly husband v. Kog. Ug.) < Sem. *nVt-: Akk. nutu husband; man, warrior (CAD n
313), Hbr. notn (pl.) men, people (HALOT 653), Gez. not husband (LGz 371).
( < Afras. *nVt- man, husband (ADB): Egyp. (Pyr.) nt man; Brb.: Ghadames to-ncttaq-n
peuples, Ahaggar ta-nottc, pl. ti-nottiv-in ensemble de population trs considerable,

41
The only distant non-Sem. parallel that comes to mind is in N. Brb.: *a-rgaz man with metathesis, although
g- does not correspond to Sem. |. A mere chance resemblance?
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87
tous les peuples du monde, etc.; Chad. W.: Hausa nut-n person, E.: Dangla niti-|c
man, nita husband, Jegu nitc man, Sokoro n4tii man, husband, etc.; (?) E. Cush.:
Oromo naatii family (cf. also N. Omot.: Welaitta attuna man < *a-tun- with metathe-
sis?). Perhaps eventually related to Afras. *nvt die, implying the primary notion of hu-
man being as mortal.
(3) Pho. ; Hbr. man (syn.; also husband; human being); Sab. qs
1
// < Sem. *i- man:
Arm. (Old, Palm., etc.) q (HALOT 43).
( < Afras. *(i-)vas- (ADB) man, person, male relative; female; daughter: Brb.: Siwa t-oiv-
in (pl.), Ahaggar o, Nefusa issi, Mzab issis, etc. daughter; Chad. W.: Siri vui, Geji qasi
brother, Bokkos v father-in-law, Daffo-Butura va uncle, C.: Mbara vus, us, Musgu
(v)us man, Glavda us woman; Cush. C.: Xamtanga as-av male (human)
42
, vas-raq, Bi-
lin us-ari, Kemant qus-aq female, E.: Somali vas- to copulate (with a woman), Sidamo
cscc, Hadiya ccs-ic boy, Kambatta (v)cscc child; N. Omot.: Wolaitta as, Male asi,
Koyra aci, Ganjule aci, Chara as, 4ca, Mocha ac, Mao (Bambeshi) ::ss:, Ganza asi man,
person, Hozo cc, Sezo aaq, Ganza saa (< *sa(a)q with met.?) woman, wife.
(4) Bib. go|ar; Pal. gar; Syr. ga|r-, Mnd. ga|r- // < Sem. *ga|r- ~ *ga||r- (Kog. DD) strong
man, hero
43
: Hbr. gi||r manly, vigorous; hero, go|r strength (HALOT 172), Jud. gi|-
|r- strong, hero, giant, go|urt- superiority, strength, might (Ja. 234), Arb. a||r- fort,
grand et robuste; puissant; homme violent, tyran (BK 1 248).
(5) Urm. n-, Sab. ns
1
(syn.); Tgr. onas (less likely to be reinterpreted as sing. < Arb. coll.
pl.) // < Sem. *(i-)na- man(kind): Akk. ni mankind, people, Ugr. in people, Hbr.
an man, Syr. n, ()na, Arb. ins-n, ns- (coll.), etc. (cf. HALOT 70).
( < Afras. *(i-)nas- human being, male, male relative (ADB): Egyp. (MK) nsvq.v servants;
Brb.: Ahaggar a-qnos jeune homme; W. Chad.: Bokkos nus, Daffo-Butura nis brother;
Cush. C.: Bilin nas-a, Kemant nasoqa, Qwara nasa male, S.: Maa nascta (with the fem.
suffix t) woman; Omot. N.: Gimira (Bench) nas, (She) qonos person, man, Nao nuuc
husband, S.: Ari ins-c boy, nas-i son, Hamar nas child
44
.
(6) Qur. rau|-, Leb. ra|; Mec. ri|; Mlt. ra| // with a semantic shift foot > pedestrian,
foot-soldier < Sem. *rig|- foot (SED I #228; see FOOT #3); cf. Hbr. raga| foot, leg; one who
goes by foot, pedestrian, Pho. nrg|, Jud. rig|a footman (HALOT 11846, Tomb. 198).
( < Afras. *riga/u|- limb, leg (ADB): Brb.: Zenaga to-rgo|, Ghadames ta-ra/c|-t plume, t-
rog|-a gros pdoncule du rgime de dattes, Ayr a-rgu| penis, Ahaggar -ra| queue;
Chad. W.: Angas tu-rgu| ankle, ankle bone, Tangale argi| inner side of upper thigh, (?)
E.: Mawa !orgo|, Sokoro !crgc|, !cr|o| knee (if < *!V-rgV|-). Cf. also Egyp. (Pyr.) g.t hoof
(of cow and ass) (< *|g dissimilated < *|g < *r|g < *rg|?), (NK) g.t (< *rg|?) claw (of lion
and bird) (cf. footnote 54).

42
Comparing this form with Kemant nasoqa male, D. Appleyard (App. CDA 96) states: the Xam.[tanga]
form is surely related, but the absence of the initial nasal is difficult to explain. Perhaps *nasa- > *ansa- > asa. In
fact, it is easy to explain as reflexes of two different Afras. roots: (i-)nas- and *(i-)nas- (see #5).
43
With a couple of surprising parallels in C. Chad.: Ouldem gar homme, mari, adulte (an Arabism?), Ba-
chama g|cara person (ADB) and S. Brb.: Ahaggar a-a||ar homme gant de lpoque prhistorique (Fouc. 709),
E Tawllemmet oc||ar id. ( < *g is possible; one wonders if this could be an Arabism, which would be somewhat
strange from the historical point of view, or a loan from Punic), ||r . adulte (Aloj. 83).
44
Cf. Bnd. Om. 206, where the quoted Ari and Hamar forms are united with Galila qin and Dime nic, nit"
child. However natural such an agglomeration of similarly looking terms with the same meaning may seem,
I prefer to relate the Galila and Dime forms to a different Omot. root *in, also including Ongota inta, |inta and
N. Omot.: Mao ntc / nc man (quoted by Fleming), to be related, for phonetic reasons (Omot. reflexes of Afras. *
are still not clear), with Sem. *an-at- woman, reconstructing Afras. *a/in- man, woman, child (ADB).
Alexander Militarev
88
(7) Gez. |oos-i // also male, husband, someone, |oosit woman, Tgr. |oos husband (LGz
83). No Sem. cognates.
( < Afras. *|VVs- son, boy, coeval (ADB): Chad. W.: Siri |csi son, boy, C.: Tera |osc|a
(< *|csc-n-|?) boys; Cush. C.: Kemant |aas beget, become father, S.: Qwadza |ccs-i|c
friend (HRSC 138), Dahalo cscc (met.) friend of same age, coeval; N. Omot.: Dawro
|ia brother, Malo |ia child, Yemsa |usa (pl.) boys, Kafa |u boy, son, Mocha |u(c)
child, Bworo (Shinasha) |ucc son.
(8) Gez. o! (syn.) // also male, husband, pl. o!av, ao!v men, people (LGz 56). Likely <
Sem. *i/a!!- assembly, gathering of people, community: Ugr. !t assembly (DUL 151
2), Hbr. ! assembly; gang; national, legal and cultic communities (HALOT 78990),
Arb. i!!- grand nombre, foule, grand quantit; ami, camarade; pareil, gal (BK 2 187),
Tgr. a! tribe (i.e. the own tribe), family, people, village, country, Tna. a!!i country,
village; people (LGz 56; contra Dolg. 148, the Eth. forms are not Cushitisms).
( < Afras. *V(n)!- community, tribe, (member of) clan, person (ADB): Brb. *qu!av-
(gathering of) people; companions, relatives: Nefusa q-u!-n, Sokna u!-n, Iznassen i-u-
an, etc. people, Zenaga c!!iqa famille, parents, Ayr, E. Tawllemmet i!av faire compag-
nie (avec); aller ensemble; se runir, i!avt rassemblement de pers., a-n-i!i compagnon,
ami; C. Chad.: Gude n!a, Tera n!i-jqa, Musgu !i-j, pl. !ai, Gidar !o-j, pl. !i person (acc. to
O. Stolbova, j in Musgu and Gidar is a suffix of singularity; cf. also Mbara u!a nomadic
Fulani keeping sheep); Cush. N.: Beja c-an!ca clan, tribe, village, ccn!a people (C.: Bi-
lin a! tribe is likely < N. Eth.), E.: Saho cn!aa clan, tribe, family, Somali i! people,
community, tribe, family (less likely < Eth.), (?) Oromo !aa!cc cooperative work, Arbore
c!an people, Sidamo aq!!c family; S.: Asa i!c-| man (unless < *|i/u!); Omot. N.:
Malo a!!c, Koyra a!c, etc. man, male, Yemsa a!, Mao (Diddesa) cn!u family, Gofa in!c,
Gamo in!c, etc. woman, female, Oyda, Male in!c, etc. mother, S.: Ari cc!, Hamer cc!i
person, Dime in!i! wife (cf. Bla. Om. comparing aslo W. Rift *|c!- person and
C. Chad. forms in |- more likely constituting another root, *|i/u!).
(9) Tna. sa|aq; Amh. sa|, savu, Arg. su, savy; Gaf. savva; Har. usu (< *su|); Wol. sa|; Cha.
sa| // < Eth. *sa|-: Gez. sa| persons, men, people, mankind (LGz 482), Tgr. sa| (sa|o-
when with suffixes) men, people (LH 182). Likely connected (borrowed from? or into?)
with the ethnonym Saba: Akk. (Ass.) Sa|aqa (HALOT 1381 after S.Parpola), Hbr. o|, a
people and a kingdom in South Arabia (ibid.), o|-n Sabaeans (ibid. 1382), Arb. sa|
nom dun peuple du Ymen (BK 1 1049; note the absence of ); cf. also Mhr. |a| peo-
ple (possibly < *a|V; quoted in Gz 482 with reference to Bittner who expresses doubts
concerning this comparison; absent in JM)
45
.
( There are parallels, perhaps haphazard, in Chad. W.: Siri su|uni person, C.: Jimijimen
sc|agi (gi suffix?) friend, Daba so|an parente, clan, la race (ADB).
(10) Amh. van! (syn.) // < Sem. *va|!- child (v. Kog. DD), *v|! to bear, give birth to
(LGz 613).
( < Afras. *va|a!- ~ *va!a|- ~ *!ava|- child; young (ADB): Chad. W.: Dera !va| small, Tan-
gale !c|c a younger brother, sister, C.: Dghwede !ova|c new, Malgwa !4va|c young,
Glavda !4|4 new, young, E.: Mokilko !4a|a new, Mawa !va| young girl; E. Cush.:

45
Cf. Arb. su|at- long voyage (BK 1 1040; unless < Sab.), Sab. s
1
|-t expedition, undertaking, journey (same
in Qatabanian), s
1
| militant, s
1
|q-n warrior (?), ts
1
|t participants (in a military expedition) (SD 122) and, per-
haps, Mhr. s4t|u (of a tired and thirsty desert traveller) to move a little and then rest (JM 341); it is unclear if these
forms allow a reconstruction of *V|, meaning something like traveller, member of a (military) expedition,
which may be also compared with the present root.
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89
Bayso vo!a|a young man, Sidamo vc!c|-iccc young (of animals), vc!c||a young man,
young woman, Kambatta va!a|-iccu young man, etc.
(11) Sod. noss (syn.) // Arg. nis husband, Har. ni fellow, etc. No Sem. cognates that I could find.
( < Afras. *nVs- male, husband (ADB): Brb.: Zenaga c-nasson mle (animal, plante);
Chad. W.: Angas nu/is male, husband, Sura ni, Mupun, Ankwe nis man, husband,
Chip nis man, Galambu ni nui, pl. noona man, husband, Guruntum noi (suppletive
plural of nar man), Boghom nccs person, man, W. Bade nson, Ngizim noso| husband,
etc., C.: Muyang ni person, male, Kotoko naso husband
46
; cf. N. Omot.: Chara nan4,
Yemsa n4-|-asu woman (interpreted in Bnd. Om. 177 as female |- person), Anfillo
tcnicn, Bworo nia sister, Nao nc|n woman.
(12) Hrs. aqg; Mhr. aqg; Jib. cg; Soq. aqg // Cf. Mhr. iggn boy, oggt big girl (JM 147)
derived from the same root
47
. For highly tentative connections outside MSA, cf. a proper
name in Hbr. g Og, Amorite king of Bn, Pho. g (in |g... |!r the powerful Og), a
god of the underworld (?), etc. (compared with the MSA terms in HALOT 794; add Arb.
- Oudj, fils dOuk, n. pr. dun homme dune taille gigantesque, qui, dit-on, a vcu
depuis Adam jusqu Moise BK 2 399).
(13) Soq. cri (syn.) // Composed from cr black and rc head (LS 193), according to Mller,
who refers to a similar word combination in Akk. sa|nat aa!i men (black-headed).
An alternative etymology is < Sem. *ar(a)- wise, skillful person; craftsman: Akk. cru
wise (CAD c 314), Ugr. r craftsman, manual worker (DUL 370), Hbr. r, Pho. r
craftsman (HALOT 358).
Common West Semitic: *(i)na- (#5).
52. MANY
(1) Akk. n!u; Ugr. nu!, na!u // < Sem. *nVa!- many, much: Hbr. no! very (HALOT
538).
( < Afras. *nVV!- big, many, entire, all (ADB)
48
: (?) Copt. *nitq.at (EDE III 708 after Vy-
cichl; if < a hypothetical Egyp. *n!.t); Brb. *i-n!u/aH- be complete, whole: Ghadames
in!a all, on!u, Ahaggar on!u . entier, etc.; Chad. C.: Daba n!aq big, large, E.: Fianga
nc!c big, Mokilko ncc!4 big (fem.) and hundred, Kajakse :na!i many (and very
likely Somrai, Gabri, Dormo nci! ten); E. Cush.: Afar na!c be full, Darasa na!a!i-n|c
all; Omot. N.: Dizi na!- very, S.: Ari n!a all.

46
Cf. EDE III 61317, where the above forms are quoted indiscriminately under Afras. *n-S- (with a question
mark) together with Chad. forms in z/ (Taccs wonders if they reflect a hypothetical Afras. *), and all of them
are tentatively compared to Egyp. n (OK) Heer, Truppen (with reflecting the Afras. lateral sibilant). Though
the latter comparison is quite plausible semantically, it is not proper from the phonetic side, since the Chad. forms
with voiceless sibilants are not lateral (cf. St. 2007); as for such Chad. forms as *ni/-, they should be treated sepa-
rately together with Omot. N.: Sezo na man (EDE III 616) and S.: Dime anz woman (Bnd. Om. 220).
47
For possible Afras. parallels, cf. W. Chad. reconstructed by O. Stolbova in ADB as *nV-gan- (one wonders if
it can be reconstructed as *gan, - reflecting *- or *-): Sura jgo man, Angas gc, Karaekare g4, Ngamo gc per-
son; S. Omot.: Hamar ag, Ari agi, a, ang, etc. man (ADB). Since Chad., Cush. and Omot. reflexes of Afras. *
are some of the weakest points of comparative Afrasian phonology, it is unclear if Afras. *aqg- can be recon-
structed on such evidence.
48
See the entire spectrum of etymological opportunities in EDE III 70810; what I cannot agree with is the re-
construction by Takcs of such an Afras. proto-form as *n-t n-! many: separating such roots as distinctly as
possible (marking, of course, all cases of the rcgu|ar shift *! > t or *t > !, if any) and only thereafter making a cross-
reference to variant roots is methodologically the only correct way to treat such an entangled and evasive phe-
nomenon as root variation.
Alexander Militarev
90
(2) Hbr. ra|; Pho. r|; Urm. r|- // < Sem. *ra||- big, see BIG #1.
( There are scattered but unequivocal Afras. parallels (ADB): Chad. W.: Hausa rii|a, ru|a
multiply, exceed (cf. also r444 in large quantity), C.: Bura ri|ri|u many; S. Omot.:
Ongota ar|a big.
(3) Bib. agg; Pal. sagg; Syr. sagg // < Sem. *g to be numerous, large (with an interesting
reduplication of the second radical in Arm. and esp. Arb.: possibly conveying the seman-
tics of plurality or largeness?): Hbr. g to grow (HALOT 1305), gq to increase, become
large (ibid. 1306), Arb. aav- trs grand, trs haut (BK 1 1196)
49
.
(4) Mnd. nap- // No suggestions other than a non-trivial development from other meanings
of the same word soul, personality, self (DM 285) < Sem. *nap(i)- soul, person, etc.
< *np to breathe (SED I Verb #46).
( < Afras. nVjVs- breathing: Brb.: Ahaggar unjas breath, Izayan unjus id., nojjos breathe;
Chad. W.: Hausa nunjas (and |unjas with dissimilation? Cf. also Sha |ujvcs breathe)
breathe; rest, Daffo-Butura najcs breathe (in principle, the Brb. and W. Chad. terms can
be Arabisms, but this seems less likely to me), C. (met.): Mofu sojn, Musgu sunja id., etc.;
E. Cush.: Saho najsc breathing (more likely < Eth.), Boni nccjsc breathe, Rendille ncjsi
breath, ncjsc, ncjs-4a breathe (not necessarily < Eth.).
(5) Qur. |ar-, Leb. |tir; Mec. |aiqr // Most likely < Sem. *|r fit, achieve, be optimal, plenti-
ful, etc. (cf. also Kog. DD): Akk. |aru (1) to repair (ruined or damaged walls, buildings,
etc.), (2) to succeed, achieve, (3) to replace, compensate (CAD | 2845, given as three un-
related roots), Ugr. |r skillful and vigour, good health (DUL 471, two different entries;
cf. also |rt, goddesses who preside over childbirth, ibid. 472; could this be goddesses of
fertility or abundance?), Hbr. |r to be proper, |irn skill, success, profit, advantage
HALOT503), etc.
( < Afras.? Perhaps related to Egyp. (OK) t (< *|r? Eg. renders |i/u, and t can be < )
Eigenschaft von der Macht des Knigs (EG V 411; compared with Sem. in EDE I 317).
One wonders if the Arb. term (or all of the abovelisted forms if they do indeed reflect the
same root; if so, with the primary meaning be many, plentiful) is derived, with the ex-
tension r of unclear function (see, however, Mil RE 1224), from Afras. *(i-)|a- (ADB):
Sem.: Akk. |au be massive; C. Chad.: Mbara |cc many, much; Cush. N.: Beja |ass
all (or assim. < |ars, |aris id., which, in turn, can be a metathesis < *|ar-?), C.: Khamta c|-
sat many, E.: Harso i|ia many.
(6) Mlt. ajna // < Sem. *Vpn- hollow of the hand, handful; fist: Hbr. cpnaqin (dual) the
hollow of both hands, etc. (SED I #125). No reliable Afras. cognates.
(7) Sab. nq // The only parallel that I could find is Arb. nq IV pondre, dposer une grande
quantit doeufs (se dit des sauterelles); av. une vgtation trs-riche (se dit dun pr) (BK
1 643). No Afras. parallels
50
.
(8) Gez. |ozu; Tna. |ozu; Tgr. |ozu; Amh. |ozu; Har. |a; Wol. |oi; Cha. |oza // Related to
Arb. |az- abondance (de biens) (LGz 117, DRS 54)
51
.
(9) Arg. no||ur // < Sem. *n|r to elevate, raise, place atop
52
: Amh. anna|a||ara to heap, pile
up (LArg 215), Gez. na|ara to sit, stay, live, etc. (with a semantic shift that is somewhat

49
Obviously related to C. Cush.: Bilin iig q- and Khamir cag- be plenty (Dolg. 120 reconstructs *V[n]g,
comparing these Agaw forms with unrelated Beja an- and some Omot. words, but, for some reason, overlooking
the comparison with Sem. *g-).
50
Cf. what may be a variant Afras. root *in-: Egyp. (Gr.) n grow and E. Chad.: Lele |in- increase (ADB).
51
The only similar-looking forms (perhaps look-alikes) that I could unearth are in E. Chad.: Kabalai pca,
Nanchere |oa many.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
91
strange for the main verbal stem), tan|ara to be placed (one thing upon another), nan|ar
seat, chair, high place, pulpit, throne (LGz 3834), Arb. n|r lever, exhausser (une
chose); grandir, av. grandi (se dit dun petit garon), nin|ar- estrade, place un peu leve
au dssus du sol; chaire, prne o se place limam ou un khatib pour rciter la prire ou
haranguer le peuple (BK 2 1183), Hbr. pB, Jud. n|r (of the swine) to turn the ground up
with the snout (Ja. 870), Syr. n|r excitavit (terram) (Brock. 412), perhaps also Akk. n|cru
ferry, ford, crossing; ferryboat (CAD n2 145). No Afras. parallels.
(10) Gaf. ta||a, ta|a // also . abondant (LGaf 240), presumably a non-trivial semantic shift
< Eth. *t| to be courageous: Gez. ta|a to be brave, courageous, manly, strong, etc. (LGz
56970), Tgr. ta|a, Tna. ta|c, Amh. Gur. ta||a to be courageous. Perhaps related to Akk.
tc| aufstehen, sich ergeben, etc., t| Insurgent (AHw 1342). No Afras. parallels.
(11) Sod. qa!on // Probably for qa!on, jussive of !annaa to be beautiful, pretty (LGur
680); if true, < Sem. !n (ibid. 209). No Afras. parallels.
(12) Hrs. nc|cn; Mhr. n|cn; Jib. n:|on // < *nc-|cn, cf. Soq. |oon, |oq|on id. (related to the Mhr.
and Jib. forms in JM 264; not on Kogans list). Likely related to Arb. |n . fort; devenir
fort et gros (BK 2 850)
53
.
(13) Soq. !i-|a // Related to Eth.: Gez. |o|oa grow (cf. |i, Tgr., Tna, Amh. |i chief), Amh.
|aa grow, to||o big (< *to-||o?), Gurage *|aa be superior, grow, etc. (LGur 381). No
Afras. parallels.
Common North and West Semitic: *nVa!- (#1).
53. MEAT
(1) Akk. ru; Pho. r // both also flesh < Sem. *ir- flesh (SED I #238).
( < Afras. *sVur- (ADB): Chad. W.: Ngizim s4ur| long stripes of dried meat, pl. saurarin
(< *savr), C.: Kulung as4ra meat, flesh, E.: Kera |u-sur body; E. Cush.: Arbore scra
meat.
(2) Ugr. |r; Hbr. |r; Bib. |oar; Pal. |ar; Syr. |csr-, Mnd. |isr-, Urm. |isr-, Gaf. |asara; Sod.
|asar; Har. |asar; Wol. |asar; Cha. |asar // < Sem. *|ir- ~ *|aar- flesh, (human) body; skin
(SED I #41).
( The only etymological guess I can make is that the meaning skin, attested in Arb. and
MSA, is the primary one here, so the root can be compared, assuming the extension r,
with such forms as Sem.: Arb. (Syrian) |aa couper menu (viande, etc.); Brb.: Ghadames
zor to be peeled (note preservation of r); (?) E. Chad.: W. Dangla |ccsc faire une cou-
pure de la peau au couteau, E. Dangla |csc scarifier, faire une entaille dans la chair
(if Afras. * can yield Dangla s in non-initial position; acc. to St. 2007 8, Afras. *- in the
initial position yields Dangla -); Cush. C.: Khamir |as- to make an incision in the skin,
tattoo, (?) E.: Somali |u-c chaff, S.: Maa |uc skin, all < Afras. *|a(Vr)- skin; to (cut)
skin (ADB).
(3) Qur. |an-, Leb. |an; Mec. |aan; Mlt. |an- // < Sem. *|an- food: Ugr. |n to eat,
grain, bread; food, meat, Hbr. |aan, Syr. |an- bread, etc. (v. in DUL 495, 497; HALOT
500).
( Cf. tenable parallels in Chad. W.: Hausa |anan k of gruel, |anai tuwo, Mburku |aanu,
Guruntum |a4n meat, E.: Bidiya |a-|4anc meat-lover (ADB).
(4) Hrs. tcvi; Mhr. tvi; Jib. tc; Soq. tc // < Sem. *tv/q to eat (see EAT #5).

52
Perhaps with a fossilized n-prefix < Afras. *|Vr- big (see a variety of derived terms in EDE II 910).
53
Note E. Cush.: Oromo i||aan, Dirasha |aan- big, unless a chance coincidence, implying Afras. *|an-
many, big.
Alexander Militarev
92
( < Afras. *tiav- eat: Egyp. t (Pyr.) bread; Brb. *tott eat (habitative); Chad. W.: Hausa
tuv tuwo, i, Bolewa ti-, Dera tvi/a, Geruma tii-, Jimbin ti, taa, Tule i/i, Daffo-Butura
u|, Ngizim t4 eat (soft food), C.: Lame ti, Masa t, etc. eat, E.: Dangla t, Migama ti-
q4v, Birgit tuva, tiqa eat (soft food); N. Cush.: Beja tiqu eat; N. Omot.: Yemsa ta- eat
(pl.), Gimira (Bench) tqa- eat (of carnivores).
( Gez. og; Tna. soga; Tgr. soga; Amh. soga < C. Cush. (see in LGz 526). The only tenable ex-
planation for Arg. av, having no parallels in Sem., is a loan from C. Cush., in spite of
phonetic differences, cf. Khamir ziqaa, Qwara zcqaa meat, etc. No term in Sab.
Common North and West Semitic: *ir- (#1).
Common West Semitic: *|ir- ~ *|aar- (#2).
54. MOON
(1) Akk. varu; Ugr. qr; Hbr. qr; Pho. qr; Gez. var; Tna. var-i; Tgr. varo; Har. vari;
Wol. vari // < Sem. *var- moon
54
.
(2) Pal. s|r; Syr. sa|r-, Mnd. sir-, Urm. sa|r- // < Sem. *a|r- new moon: Arb. a|r, Gez. a|r,
Jib. c|or, etc. (v. LGz 528).
( < Afras. *a/i|ar- night celestial body: moon, star (ADB): Chad. *VHVr- star: W.: Ankwe
sun-ar (sun is sky), Boot aar, Guus qaar, Kulere sisiri, C.: Mbara ni-cr (St. 2007 #289).
There is also S. Cush. *a/i|- moon: Iraqw a|a, pl. a|ccri, Alagwa, Burunge c|c,
Qwadza a|a-qi|c, Maa ni|c, but *- in W. Rift languages, where Afras. * usually yields
* and Afras. * yields *, is unusual. Even if the S. Cush. root is related, the question re-
mains whether it has lost its final *r or it actually represents the original root without the
secondary extension.
(3) Pal. z|ar (syn.) // < Sem. *z|r to shine (HALOT 265).
( < Afras. *a/i|r- night celestial body: moon, star (a variant root of Afras. *a/i|ar) to-
gether with Brb. *zir- moon (ADB): Siwa, Mzab ta-ziri, Qabyle i-ziri, etc., unless the lat-
ter continues *a/i|ar, a problem doomed to remain unsettled, since both Afras. * and *
yield Brb. *z.
(4) Qur. anar-, Leb. anar-, Mec. ganar; Mlt. nar // The exact meaning in Class. Arb. is lune,
surtout depuis la troisime jusqu la vingt-sixime nuit du mois lunaire (BK 2 811). Ei-
ther derived from the verb nr . blanc ou blanchtre, briller (BK 2 811) or constitutes a
primary noun; in the latter case, there are two etymological opportunities, both debatable:
(1) < Sem. *anar arch (implying the association of the crescent moon with an arch): Hbr.
pB. nr to bend, arch over, Jud. nr to bend (Ja. 1387), Gez. anara to build an arch,
round off, etc., anar vault, arch, firmament, Tna. anara to build an arch; (2) related to
Gez. anar moon (LGz 432), if it is nct an Arabism (contra Leslau), to be further com-
pared to Gez. annara to count, compute, etc., Tna. anara to compute, reckon by the
calendar, Amh. annara id. commented upon ibid. as the verb is perhaps a denomina-
tive from anar moon... which serves in the computation (ibid.). No Afras. parallels in
either case.

54
With no other parallels outside Sem., the only well-known unsophisticated comparison, proposed by vari-
ous authors and justly doubted by Takcs (in EDE I 280), is to Egyp. i moon. However, it may eventually prove
to be acceptable; possible proof, the way I see it, should involve painstaking research on positional changes in
Egyptian due to full and/or partial consonantal incompatibility (requiring detailed and exact calculations like the
ones made by J. Greenberg in his pioneering study on Arabic triconsonantal verbal roots, see Green.) and, in this
particular case, in connection with what I suspect to be rhotal R in Egyptian conveyed by and causing certain
positional changes a hypothesis I am working on.
A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 3554
93
(5) Amh. (araa; Arg. (araa; Gaf. araa; Sod. !arraa // No etymology proposed in LGur. 632,
except for a mention of Cerullis opinion that the Eth. term is a loan from Beja tcrig id.
55
Clearly related to Arb. ri- toile du matin, the primary meaning being a night lumi-
nary (r venir de nuit; faire une sortie de nuit, etc., urat- tnbres BK 2 75). No Sem.
or Afras. parallels for this Eth.-Arb. root.
(6) Cha. |ana // No parallels outside Gur. According to LGur. 146, it is tempting to identify it
with S[elti] and W[olane] vari with the alternance r.n. and with v becoming |, but this
etymology, first suggested by Ullendorf (with reservations ibid.), is out of the question.
(7) Hrs. rt; Mhr. rt; Jib. :rot; Soq. crc // < MSA *arq- moon. Probably related to Sem.:
Akk. urru (heller) Tag (AHw. 1433), Hbr. r brightness, daylight; light; dawn (HALOT
24), Soq. crir allumer (LS 75), etc. (v. DRS 13, where Sem. . allum, briller (lumire,
feu) is not compared with MSA *ar- moon)
56
.
( No term in Bib. and Sab.
Common North and West Semitic: *var- (#1).
Li t erat ure
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55
Also tcri| (RBe 231), which is most likely an Arabism, despite the difference in meaning.
56
Cf., however, a direct parallel in Brb.: Ahaggar c5r, Zenaga cir, Semlal a-qqr, etc. moon (ADB) which,
together with Sem. *nr ~ *rr be light and MSA *arq moon, should apparently imply Afras. *aq/nr- ~ *arq-
light (of sun or moon).
Alexander Militarev
94
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,
( -
). -
, -
.
. , , , -
.