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Not very many Filipinos know that Roxas left enduring legacies in public
administration and governance, economic planning, development finance and central
banking, fiscal administration—taxes and other revenues, expenditures and borrowing—
as well as accountability.
Not many Filipinos know either that fifty-eight years ago, our country grappled
with a terrible fiscal crisis in the aftermath of a war which was not of our making, but
which devastated the country’s material and financial resources and infrastructure.
Buildings were not the only edifices which were bombed and shattered; the economy was
in ruins as well. Epidemics—cholera, dysentery, smallpox—swept the country and
famine stalked the land.
How Roxas managed the crisis of 1946 can provide insights as to how we can
deal with the present fiscal crisis of 2004.
After all,
Prof. Jose V. Abueva who conceptualized and inspired the Ating Pamana
series assessing the administrations of Filipino presidents wrote that
“…On the part of the University of the Philippines as a community of
scholars, we are committed to create and disseminate knowledge for its
own sake, and knowledge useful for our people’s understanding and
participation in problem-solving, nation-building, democratic governance,
and national development. We want to help our people and leaders
to have a social memory of our cumulative knowledge, experience
and wisdom. To be a learning society. To strengthen our public
institutions. And to enhance our sense of national community, our
sense of history and a common destiny.”
After several years of denial, no less than the President of the Philippines has
finally admitted that the “we are in the middle of a fiscal crisis.” The consolidated public
sector debt stands at P5.39 trillion as of 2003 (the latest data). Of this ,P4.063 trillion ,
which includes P708.5 billion in contingent liabilities , is accounted for by the national
government
According to the Department of Finance, the national debt stock as of the end of
last year is already 92.4% of the GNP while the Consolidated Public Sector Debt is
161.3% of the GNP.
Allocations for sectoral expenditures have been going down even as the debt
service is rising steadily. For example expenditures for social service were allotted
33.2% of the budget in 1999 As of 2004, its share has gone down to 28.73% On the
other hand, 18.3% of the 1999 budget was allocated for servicing of interest payments
By 2004, it had ballooned to 31.4% of the total budget, making it the highest sectoral
allocation..
For several years now, the annual deficit hovers at the P200 billion level. For
2005, the national government budget deficit is projected at P184.526 billion while the
consolidated public sector deficit is estimated at P253.636 billion.
The president’s admission of the fiscal crisis triggered loud calls for sacrifices and
assorted advice on what to do about it. These have ranged from contribution of jewelry,
cash donations, to revenue bills , abolition of the pork barrel and internal revenue
allotments for local government units, reorganization of the government and even closure
of Congress.
First, the present fiscal crisis is not the very first one for the Republic. The birth of
the Republic itself was attended by multiple crises, not the least of which was fiscal in
nature. The country was engulfed with political, social, and economic threats, including
problems of ethics and accountability. These problems still linger on, even after fifty
years.
Second, the solutions which Pres. Roxas crafted to solve the fiscal crisis might be
instructive for the 2004 crisis. He introduced reforms in the areas of fiscal policy,
revenue administration, expenditure and budget policy, made strong statements on the
issue of borrowing, and improved accountability.
Third, lessons can be drawn from the crisis of that time which can help the present
government choose from the plethora of advice which have emerged since the President
admitted its existence.
After all, it has often been said that those who do not learn from history will be
condemned to repeat it!
“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of
wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief,
it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was
the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter
of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us,
we were all going direct to Heaven, we were all going direct the
other way…”
For purposes of this paper, focus will be on his public life, particularly on public
fiscal administration. Roxas’ career as a public servant spanned a total of 31 years from
1917 to 1948. He started from the lowest rung of the political ladder as councilor and
climbed up to the presidency of the republic by 1946.
Roxas’ public life took place during a tumultuous period in Philippine history.
He was born in 1892 and was six years old when the Philippines declared its
independence from Spain. The brutal Philippine-American war ensued with the
Philippines becoming a commonwealth under the United States.
Thus, his public career was launched during the period of “tutelage” under the
Americans. This was the time when the one-sided economic relations between the
Philippines and the United States were firmly cemented, when political institutions and
the “Philippine-style” democracy flourished, and when socio-cultural bonds were
tightened.
This period was the best of times for the country in that it finally freed itself from
the yoke of Spanish domination, fought valiantly against the Americans, and later on
against the Japanese. It was the best of times in that the Filipino people, having won their
independence from the United States, finally had the opportunity to build an independent
nation.
But this time was the also the worst of times because the Philippines underwent
three brutal wars –the war of independence against Spain, the Philippine-American war,
and the war with the Japanese. These wars not only inflicted massive losses in life,
public infrastructure and property but also weakened the bureaucracy, encouraged
corruption, and made the Philippines vulnerable to political and economic pressure from
the United States.
It was the worst of times because the period of “tutelage” laid the basis for many
of the economic, political, bureaucratic and social features of our country which until
now remain and influence present-day policies and practices.
Nonetheless, it was the best of times for the public career of Roxas. He went
though the classic route aspired for by many ambitious politicians and won the highest
public position within the gift of the Filipino people.
Roxas’ 31-year public career embodied the ideal combination of politics and
administration. He occupied more important positions in the government than any other
official of his time. He started as a politician joined the bureaucracy, then reentered
politics again.
After a stint in the bureaucracy as Secretary of Finance, he ran and won a seat in
the Senate. After the war, he was elected as Senate President. He then founded the
Liberal Party and proceeded to win the presidency of the country.
As a politician, Roxas was admired for his brilliance in oratory. He was known
to have personally written his speeches.
One of the least known and appreciated legacies of Roxas is in the field of
economic planning. This is probably because it is common knowledge that his formal
academic training was in law. Likewise, more is known about his brilliant political
career than his record in administration and governance.
Many times, this researcher wondered where and how Roxas the lawyer acquired
his grasp of economics and finance. One of his biographers, E.B. Rodriguez, Director of
the National Library in 1947, gives us the answer: preparedness—
In 1938, Roxas set aside his political career and accepted Quezon’s offer of the
secretaryship of Finance. He then became the trusted adviser and right hand man of the
president. Roxas headed several government corporations as well as the Tax
Commission. His chairmanship of the National Economic Council can be considered as
among his most important positions.
Roxas is quoted as saying, “From now on, I shall devote all my time to economic
problems. You can say that I am a lawyer who has turned economist….I think that we
will have to visualize the Philippines ten or fifteen or twenty years from now …when we
shall be…twenty-five, thirty or forty million people. We shall plan for the Philippines
now …until it reaches that stage of development to provide for the welfare and happiness
of the population, to give work to the people, to promote social services, justice, and to
insure to every man and woman of this country not only social security but an
opportunity to work, to toil, to enjoy, and possess the benefits of the blessings of
enlightened modern civilization.(Villaluz, page 1).
One of the earliest speeches of Roxas reveals his views on the country’s free trade
relationship with the United States and emphasizes the need to plan for the time when the
Philippines would be granted independence after the promised ten-year period.
While sectors who benefited from free trade feared the coming of independence,
Roxas saw it as a challenge to prepare for freedom from economic ties with the United
States. Fears were rampant that the economy would collapse and the country would be
conquered by another foreign power as soon as it gains independence from the United
States. Roxas believed otherwise.
In a landmark speech written both in Spanish and English, he stated that “Just as
a patient may, by judicious living, proper regimen and sheer will power, extricate
himself from the tightening grip of illness, so a nation, by statesmanship, discipline and
will to survive, may free itself from dangers that threaten it to extinction.” (source)
He then concluded that “the logical course for us is to reduce a much as possible
the relative importance in the national economy of the industries depending for their
existence on free trade with America.”
First, curtail the production of articles which must rely on free trade with the
United States or tariff differentials elsewhere. Roxas admitted that the proposal would
entail enormous losses on producers of these goods. However, he argued that precisely
the ten year period was provide to allow gradual readjustment of the national economy
and of the industries concerned.
In other words, Roxas was already batting for greater efficiency in protected
industries even during the pre-independence period. At the same time, he sought to
protect the workers from drastic wage cuts. Even as he presented painful solutions, he
endeavored to shield the common man from harm and showed sensitivity to their plight.
Third, stimulate new industries and the production of articles and crops that may
find a local market or which may compete in the open markets of he world.
To Roxas, this third alternative offered the most promise. He argued that “it does
not require lowering of wages nor restriction of output, much less the scrapping of
existing industries. It responds to the urge of progress.”
Roxas noted that “there are many industries which could be developed in the
Philippines both for our social and economic advantage. We have potential power and
raw materials in abundance. We have a ready and growing market.”
Interestingly, Roxas expressed concern for our natural resources. He cautioned
that “industries which deplete important natural resources should be avoided.”
Thus, the National Economic Council was created to plan for economic
independence from the United States. Not surprisingly, Roxas was chosen by President
Quezon to chair the Council.
Unfortunately for Roxas and the Philippines, two years after he led the crafting of
the country’s economic plans global events intervened and the Philippines was plunged
into war.
The Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office which up to this day performs social
development functions, had Roxas as its first Chairman. In like manner the National
Rice and Corn Administration, forerunner of the present National Food Authority was
chaired by Roxas, as well as the Insular Sugar and Refining Company.
Among the agencies which were created during the Presidency of Roxas were:
Department of Foreign Affairs (EO 18, 16 September 1946); Department of Commerce
and Industry (EO 94, 4 October 1947); Foreign Funds Control Office (RA 7, 9 August
1946); Emergency Currency Board (RA 22, 25 September 1946); Bureau of
Investigation (RA 157, 19 June 1947); Patent Office (RA 165, 20 June 1947);
Commission on Planning, Priorities, and Allocations (AO 2, 15 July 1946); Civil
Aeronautics Commission (AO 7, 28 July 1946); Philippine Port Commission (AO 13, 12
October 1946); Tax Commission (AO 36, 3 June 1946; Board of Surveys (EO 11, 31
July 1946); Philippine Relief and Trade Rehabilitation Administration (EO 90, 10
September 1947); Government Enterprises Council (EO 93, 4 October 1947); and,
Local Government Reform Commission (Congress of the Philippines Joint Resolution
#2, 16 October 1946).
The legacy of Roxas is not limited to the national government. It is not well
known that he pioneered in local government reform. Under the Local Government
Reform Commission, he reorganized the local government system and prescribed
guidelines for local fiscal administration.
An enduring legacy
Considering his short 23 months stay in office as president, Roxas indeed left an
enduring legacy in public administration and governance. Government policies on the
role of government in the economy, long-term economic planning, land reform,
government reorganization, administrative law , local government reform, protection of
the environment and social welfare are among his major contributions to public
administration.
The Tax Commission, which he chaired, was tasked to revise and codify the
country’s tax laws into what was known as the National Internal Revenue Code of 1939.
The Commission, which was created pursuant to EO 160 in 23 August 1938, was
established for the purpose of revising both the national and local tax systems. In
codifying the National Internal Revenue Laws, the Commission used three basic
principles of a sound tax system namely: fiscal adequacy, theoretical justice, and
administrative feasibility. In its report on 25 February 1939, the Commission had
endeavored to carry out the policy of giving greater emphasis to the three taxes which
best typify the ability principle and which had been inadequately utilized. These taxes
are: personal income tax; the estate and inheritance taxes; and excise and percentage
taxes on non-essential goods and services/luxuries (Report of the Tax Commission, 6).
With the National Internal Revenue Code of 1939, the philosophy of progressive
taxation and the ability-to-pay principle was enshrined as a fundamental public policy.
The landmark policy answers the basic question in taxation: who should bear the burden
of taxation? Indeed, equity dictates that those who have the ability to pay , benefit most
from the workings of the economy and earn more in income should contribute more in
terms of taxes .
During the Japanese occupation, the Philippine Assembly of that time once more
approved a bill creating a central bank. Once more, a foreign conqueror opposed it. This
time, it was the Japanese.
By February 1948, the draft bill was submitted to Congress. Roxas made a special
appeal for Congress to enact it immediately. Thus, by June 15, 1948 it was signed into
law. Tragically, Roxas did not live to see his dream come true for he died in April. It
was the new president, Elpidio Quirino who signed it into law. Quirino hailed it as a
“charter of our economic sovereignty.” (Central Bank, 1974)
Thus, Roxas is credited with the creation of the most important monetary
institution in the country.
Between the warring Americans and the Japanese, public infrastructure and
physical facilities were either bombed or razed to the ground. In their campaign to
“liberate” Manila and the rest of the country, the American forces bombed and destroyed
practically all major buildings and installations. As vividly described by Bernstein,
“Manila’s liberation came, early in 1945, amid a holocaust of fire and death.” (Bernstein,
The Philippine Story, p. 217)
For their part, when the Japanese forces retreated and eventually surrendered,
they burned everything in their path.
Thus,
To make the above official description more graphic, Bernstein reports that in
Manila, the only government building still intact was Malacanang. “The business district
of Manila was practically 100 per cent destroyed. Eighty per cent of the south residential
district…lay in rubble. About 70% of the public utilities, and three quarters of the
factories and stores, were ruined. Manila was only the most striking example of country-
wide devastation. Cebu was almost entirely wiped out. Lesser towns were badly hit, and
whole barrios were burnt to the ground.” (Bernstein, p. 217)
The war did not only ravage the Philippines physically. Its moral fiber weakened
under the onslaught of war and the selfish need to survive. Bernstein continues,
What about the bureaucracy? In his classic study, The Bureaucracy in the
Philippines, O. D. Corpuz notes that “The bureaucracy of the immediate postwar period
was characterized mainly by low prestige, incompetence, meager resources, and a
Large measure of cynical corruption. The low prestige was caused, primarily, by sub-
standard salaries and corrupt bureaucratic behavior.” (O.D. Corpuz, p. 222)
The political context of the fiscal crisis was just as threatening. The newly
independent republic was caught between conflicting political and economic interests.
Those who benefited from the pre-war economy wanted a restoration of the old
arrangements, and more. Strong opposition came from the ranks of the organized
peasants of Central Luzon, the workers’ unions and the Hukbalahap armed group. The
latter saw independence as an opportunity to finally chart “a truly independent and self-
reliant course for the nation.”
(Constantino, p. 194)
An economy in ruins
Roxas became the president of a country whose economy was in ruins as a result
of the brutal war. Productive capacity had been destroyed and inflation reared its ugly
head. Roxas himself warned that “The coincidence of easy money and high prices gives
…the false illusion of national prosperity….The prosperity of money and prices is a
hallucination, a nightmarish dream resulting from the scarcity of commodities and the
influx of half a billion dollars of troop money. Soon, very soon, we must awake from
that dream.”
Roxas continued,
“We will find that mere money, bloated by inflation and circulating in
narrow channels, does not bring about prosperity and national well-
being. Everyday, that money is being siphoned from our land by more
and more imports—not productive imports, but imports for
consumption. The well-being of the tradesman alone is not the well-
being of our people.”
“We are faced first of all by the fact that our government is without
financial means to support even its basic functions, not to speak of
the great projects in rehabilitation and economic development which
we contemplate and which are, indeed, vital to our continued existence.
A tentative pared-to-the-bone budget estimate for the next year projects
expenditures of over P250 million. Using the present sources of
government revenue as a basis for estimation of expectable income,
we can count on only about P40 million for the coming fiscal year…”
The state of the export sector, relative to imports partly explained the situation.
Roxas pointed out that while annual exports before the war amounted to P240 million a
year, “we may, with good fortune, expect to export P30 million worth of goods this year.
On the other hands, expected imports “will exceed P30 million several times. The savings
Of our people an the windfall of money brought us by the liberation forces are rapidly
disappearing.” (Roxas)
The budget of the republic for the first fiscal year therefore had revenues of P40
million comprising 16% of expenditures for bare essentials of P250 million. It was
clear that 84% of the proposed appropriation had to be raised either from increased
revenues or massive borrowing!
Besides, no less than President Roxas himself informed the public of the situation
in the same manner that President Arroyo herself announced the fiscal crisis of 2004.
During the early years of the republic, the fiscal year started from July 1 and
ended on June 30. Since the republic was formally inaugurated on July 4, 1946, it did not
have an official budget yet since this had to be submitted. What Roxas did was to reenact
the budget under the Commonwealth until such time when the budget of the republic
would be approved.
Thus, the Commonwealth budget under CA 723 was in effect from July 1, 1946
to October 22, 1946 when the first budget of the republic for 1946-47 was approved
under Republic Act 80. The budget for 1947-48 under Republic Act No. 156 was
approved on June 18, 1947. The Roxas presidential years therefore covered three
budgets over a span of two years: the Commonwealth budget up to October 22, 1946,
and the republic’s budgets for 1946-47 and 1947-48.
The breakdown of general appropriations for the two fiscal years are as follows.
Details of the commonwealth budget could not yet be obtained as of this writing.
It is said that budgets reflect the priorities and the commitments of government
more than speeches. It is interesting to note that unlike the usual trend of budgets to
increase each year, Roxas’ budget for the second year is lower than that of the first year.
It probably reflects his efforts to curtail expenditures to the bone. Total general
appropriations for 1946-47 is P248,685,783. The following year, general appropriations
for 1947-48 went down
by ----% to P225,644,306.00.
Not surprisingly, considering the volatile situation at that time, national defense
got a lion’s share of the budget—31.28 % during the first year and 34.10% during the
second year, or slightly more than a third of total appropriations. Actually, the absolute
amount of appropriations for defense went down from P77.7 million to 76.9 million.
It is interesting to note that 15.88% of the first year budget was allotted to
contingent funds and 15.95% during the next year. Fourth in priority was finance,
followed by health and public welfare, agriculture and commerce, justice, public works
and communications, and foreign affairs.
The office of the president was10th in the order of priority with over 2% share of
the budget. It is also interesting to note that the University of the Philippines had a higher
budget than the Senate, Departments of Interior, Labor, the General Auditing Office and
the Supreme Court, the Commission on Appointments, COMELEC, and the Vice-
President!
While examining the general appropriations, this researcher was wondering why
actual expenditures as reported by both the Budget Commission and the General Auditing
Office were much larger than the amounts provided for in the General Appropriations
Act.
Roxas changed the budget format by integrating all other expenditures of the
government in his budget message. As can be seen later in the section on deficits, Ro-
xas’ calculation of the deficit is larger than those reported by the Budget Commission and
the General Auditing Office.
During the two years of Roxas’ presidency general appropriations and other
committed expenditures are as follows:
TOTAL APPROPRIATIONS
FY 1946-47 FY 1947-48
General Appropriations 248,695,783 227,397,283
Public Works 20,000,000
Special Purpose 90,315,000 7,000,000
Receipts Automatically
Appropriated 1,795,710 1,766,450
Fixed Expenditures 12,804,685 14,308,255
Outstanding Obligations 20,812,164.35
TOTAL 374,432,342.35 270,471,980
And so, it came to pass that the first president of the Philippine republic had to
manage a budget of which only 16% was covered by a revenue source during his first
year!
The matter of fiscal deficits is considered so technical that only experts claim to
understand them. Even then, experts don’t agree all the time. What appears as a deficit to
one expert can be considered a surplus by another, depending on his or her interpretation
of accounting rules and regulations as well as accounting practices. A crucial factor is the
definition of terms.
It is not surprising, therefore that the fiscal deficits are calculated in different
ways. Documents which this researcher examined revealed four versions of the fiscal
deficit during the Roxas administration. One version is the deficit as reported by
President Roxas himself in his State-of-the-Nation addresses and budget messages.
Another version is the deficit or surplus as the case may be, as reported by the
Commissioner of the Budget Pio Pedrosa. The third version is the deficit or surplus as
reported by the General Auditing Office. The fourth version is reported by the Bell
Commission which assessed the state of the Philippines during the 1950’s
DEFICITS
FY 1946-1947 FY 1947-1948
As reported by Roxas (246,439,125.34) (139,000,000)
As reported by Pedrosa 64,472,742.96 surplus 8,160,223.10 surplus
As reported by Bell Commission (117.2 million) 3.1 surplus
As reported by GAO 49,258,725.55 surplus (13,507,721.16)
Sources: Roxas Version, Budget Message
Pedrosa Version, Budget Commission Report
GAO Version, GAO Report
Bell Commission, GAO Report
The first thing that the reader notices about the four sets of figures is that each set
varies widely from the three other sets.
The second noticeable thing is that while two versions reported deficits during the
first year, the other two reported surpluses. Consequently, two versions reported
surpluses during the second year, the other two versions reported deficits.
Thus, Roxas reported huge deficits in two years, characterized by a dramatic drop
in the second year. Pedrosa, on the other hand, reported surpluses during the same two
years, with a sharp drop from P64 million to P 8 million during the second year. For its
part, the General Auditing Office reported an excess of income over expenditures during
the first year and a sharp drop to a deficit during the second year. The deficit version of
the Bell Commission reported a deficit during the first year and a surplus during the
second year!
Unfortunately, it will take some time to untangle the different versions and
reconcile their differences. Not all the accounting details are available. However, one
source of the variation is in the way income is defined. During Roxas’ time and even up
to the eighties, proceeds from loans where considered as part of income. Thus, the
income of government is classified into ordinary income from taxes, licenses and fees;
and extraordinary income from loans and other sources.
In all his major speeches, especially his budget messages, Roxas DID NOT
include loans as income in the calculation of the deficit. He consistently referred to
these as “the actual deficit.” The Budget Commission and the GAO considered loans as
part of income. This explains why Roxas’ deficit figures are extremely large even as
Budget Commission reported comfortable surpluses.
This researcher’s personal view is that in times of great fiscal difficulty it is more
prudent to integrate all possible income, but not include loans, and all possible
expenditures even if they are not in the general appropriations act. In this manner, the
chief executive has a comprehensive picture of all incomes and expenditures. He has a
clear idea of the expected budgetary shortfall for a particular year.
It is easy to fall into the trap of assuming that a deficit is smaller than feared
because loans are treated as income and expenditures are limited only to those in the
general appropriations act.
Let us allow Roxas to explain it himself when he presented the budget message
for fiscal year 1947-48:
“This budget includes all the information needed to describe and forecast
the condition of the national treasury—the resources and the obligations of
the government during the current and the incoming fiscal years….
The enormous magnitude of the cash requirements for his administration and his
own calculation of the “actual deficit” gave him that sense of crisis, that sense of
urgency, and that sense of fiscal danger which impelled him to undertake sweeping
reforms in fiscal administration.
For twenty-three months, Roxas and his valiant team struggled mightily with the
fiscal deficit. At the same time he had to resolve political issues which were inextricably
linked to the deficit.
1946-47
Roxas’ first target was the income tax. During his first state of the nation address
on June 6, 1946, he bluntly observed that
Time after time, in his pronouncements about taxation, Roxas always emphasized
that he was for progressive taxation.
In one year’s time, no less than twelve tax measures were passed by
Congress under Roxas’ tireless prodding. According to an account on the fiscal history
of the Philippines,
Not everyone suffered during the war period. As in any war, profiteers and
buccaneers emerged, accumulating wealth during and after the war. Roxas declared that
“Some individuals have accumulated through the war years considerable fortunes, while
others of our countrymen were offering their lives on the altar of freedom. As a measure
to effect social justice as well as to obtain desperately needed revenue, I propose the
imposition of a war profits tax based on taxable income and the increase in capital assets
from1941 to 1945.” (Roxas, Sona, 1946)
Roxas also urged the readjustment of taxes to inflation. Thus, “Taxes must be
realistically readjusted to the inflation which holds us in its grip. Taxes in a sense
represent forced savings. Under present circumstances, increased taxes are a type of
blood-letting which will do much to cure the high blood pressure of the current inflation.”
(Roxas, SONA, l946)
Reduction of expenditures
The usual reaction to a large fiscal deficit is to cut expenditures. This is also what
Roxas endeavored to do. He required departments, bureaus ad offices to effect savings in
appropriations for salaries and wages according to the following schedule: for the first
P100,000, 5%; for amounts in excess of P100,000 but not exceeding P500,000, 7%; for
amounts in excess of P500,000 but not exceeding P1,000,000, 9% and, for amounts in
excess of P1,000,000, 10%.”(Roxas, Budget Message for 1946-47)
Furthermore, Roxas made sure that “the mot urgent and vital needs of the
country” were provided for. Thus, provision was made for economic planning and
scientific research; for the intensification of the food production campaign to avoid
impending hunger and starvation; for more teachers and schoolrooms; for better
protection of pubic health; for more effective control of prices; and for the employment
of those out of work.
One major expenditure cut which Roxas implemented was the reduction of aid to
provinces, cities, municipalities an municipal districts to help them meet their operating
expenses for essential ordinary services by early 50%. Roxas declared,
Roxas’ instruction was to grant the full allocation for the first quarter; reduce it to
75% by the second quarter; then to 50% by the third quarter, and finally to 75% by the
fourth quarter of the year.
Only the share of local governments from internal revenue allotments was
retained since this is mandated by law.
Still another strategy which Roxas adopted was the postponement of salary
increases for officials and employees of the government. However, he provided for a
cost of living differential for low-salaried employees.
A final expenditure cut was the suspension of P71 million out of the total
authorized P474.2 million.
Borrowings
It is obvious from his public pronouncements that Roxas was a most reluctant
borrower. Yet, he knew that even the maximum level of taxes which he could squeeze
from the economy would not be enough to finance even the minimum expenditures of the
country. He therefore sought authority from Congress to negotiate for a loan of P800
million pesos in five yearly installments. He proposed that the first installment be in the
amount of P200 million.
Roxas also sought authority to borrow a separate P500 million from the United
States Export-Import Bank to finance rehabilitation and reconstruction.
With his usual candor, Roxas did not promise a balanced budget in the very near
future. He said it would take at least five years to balance the budget
The General Auditing Office reports that in 1946-47, only P120 million was
received a budgetary loan from the Rehabilitation and Finance Corporation of the United
States. .
As early as his inaugural speech, Roxas already called for a reorganization of the
government. He directed a detailed review of the functions of government departments
and the percentage efficiency of the departments, as well as their personnel.
1947-48
In his second SONA, President Roxas reported that government revenues, which
was five times what was estimated for FY 1946-47, although far from sufficient, had
reached a total which could compare favorably with pre-war government income. The
Government revenues, however, were only 1/3 of the authorized expenditures.
To make a study on the fiscal situation of the Philippines and to make
recommendations on fiscal measures, the President appointed a joint Philippine-
American financial commission, created under the terms of an agreement between
President Truman of the United States and President Roxas. The objective of the
Commission was to obtain the maximum amount of revenue, utilizing every available tax
expedient and every available method of collection while at the same time refraining
from undertaking fiscal measures which would seriously interfere with the rehabilitation
and economic development program (Budget Message, FY 1947-1948).
According to the account, five tax measures were legislated in response to the
commission report. This makes a total of 17 tax measures in two years! It was also
reported that “the many post-war tax rates being introduced created an uproar from
various affected groups, but the taxation machinery rolled on.”
Expenditures
Roxas consistently stressed the need for transparency and a full explanation of the
proposed expenditures of government. In all his budget messages, he went into
excruciating details on the budget, practically explaining each item and justifying each
expenditure. According to him,
“In the light of the current deficit, and the deficit which we face
next year, there must be a full and satisfactory explanation of
our future commitments. “
With regard to the aid given by the National Government to the provinces, cities,
municipalities, and municipal districts, the appropriation was reduced by fifty per
centum, as proposed by the President during his message on the national budget for fiscal
year 1947. This aid was gradually reduced and was eventually stopped altogether on the
assumption that these units had already put in place their revenue services.
Roxas established the policy that local governments should adopt a graduated
program of diminishing reliance from the National Government for ordinary operating
needs.
a. Out of the sum of Php385.33 million appropriated for the fiscal year,
Php40 million was suspended and Php8.2 million was not released by the
President (GAR, 1947-1948)
Borrowings
Roxas felt he had to explain why a deficit was projected inspite of the
dramatic increase in revenues,
“The public must be told why we must borrow money, money which
must surely be repaid. The nation must be assured that the responsible
heads of government envision a point at which the budget will be
balanced…”
“I do see such a point. All my thinking and all the plans of government
are directed toward the achievement of that point…I cannot see tht
point reached until 1951” (Roxas, 1947)
One unusual act which Roxas did in relation to borrow was the loan from the
U.S. RFC. He was actually granted a loan of P140 million. However, when he saw a
sharp upward trend in revenue collections, he paid back P20 million.
Reorganization
President also urged the Congress to practice the severest economy in the
approval of appropriations. He enjoined the Congress to adopt a firm determination
to raise the general fund revenues to around Php272 million and to confine the overall
expenditures chargeable to that fund strictly within that amount (SONA 3, 588).
While making long strides towards fiscal rehabilitation, the government was
rapidly paying in full treasury vouchers issued and contractual commitments made
before the war.
b. A law granting the President, under such conditions as the Congress may
impose, authority to control imports and to increase or decrease from time to
time the sales tax in luxuries, semi-luxuries and non-essential commodities
up to 100% of the present rates, but in no case to be less than the rates now
imposed. This measure is intended to raise revenue, conserve dollar
exchange resources, and to channel surplus purchasing power towards
productive investments.
c. A law amending the Administrative Code to grant more autonomy to, and
enlarge the power of taxation of provinces and municipalities.
g. A law amending the NIRC by increasing the present tax rates on alcoholic
beverages, beer, soft drinks, cigarettes and other tobacco products.
President Roxas asked the Congress to give preferential attention to the creation
of the Central Bank. This measure would strengthen the banking system and provide
resiliency to the monetry system without in any way affecting its stability. With the
reform contemplated in the monetary system, as a result of the creation of the Central
Bank, President Roxas expected that funds would become available to finance the
industrial program, the construction of irrigation systems and other aids to agriculture and
industry which were urgently needed to accelerate the economic development of the
country.
In Summary
Roxas also passed a war profits tax which levied on those who profited much
from the war as well as its aftermath.
While he zeroed in on tax revenues, Roxas was careful to protect the low income
groups. He hewed faithfully to the ability to pay principle and a progressive system of
taxation.
On the matter of expenditures, Roxas was similarly focused on drastic, and even
brutal cuts in expenditures. Nevertheless, he argued for increased allocations for
scientific research, nutrition, education, health, and maternal care.
Even as he strongly supported fiscal autonomy for local governments, Roxas did
not spare the lgus. He drastically reduced national government support for lgus
drastically,leaving only the internal revenue allocations.
Reorganization was another strategy. One account reports that over 1,100
positions were abolished during his time.
The tentacles of corruption held government in its grip, leading to wastage and
leakage of government resources. Roxas waged a war against corruption and issued
specific instructions for the investigation and removal of erring officials. It is admitted
by writers who researched on the Roxas administration admitted that he himself was
scrupulously honest and died a poor man.
“There was a king with a large jaw and a queen with a plain face,
on the throne of England; there was a king with a large jaw and
a queen with a fair face, on the throne of France.”
It is obvious that the situation of 1946 and 2004 are very different from each
other. One common thread, however, is that both periods had to contend with fiscal
crises. It is interesting to note that some of the solutions are similar. Roxas utilized
practically the same tools now being used: increasing revenue, and cutting expenditure to
reduce the deficit. Yet some of the things that Roxas did were different and very
interesting.
When should President inform the people that the government is in a fiscal
crisis? To what extent should details be given? These are the difficult questions
which several Filipino presidents grappled with, and are struggling with. For
example, President Marcos did not admit the crisis until, the government literally
could not pay the debt. By then, it was too late and the creditors quickly moved in to
oversee the management of the debt crisis themselves.
For Roxas, the fiscal crisis was the very first thing he reported to his people.
When he delivered his inaugural speech as last president of the
commonwealth, he described in vivid terms the extent of the crisis and the factors which
triggered it. At that time, Manila was wallowing in a lot of money—money spent by the
U.S. military immediately after the war. Prices were skyrocketing. He knew, however,
that U.S. spending would not last and that the government would need to generate its own
resources sooner than later. He then announced in great detail his policy initiatives,
personally managed the implementation of these policies, and never stopped exhorting
the people about the seriousness of the problem.
Innaugural addresses and state of the nation addresses are occasions to bring good
news and cheer to the people. Roxas used these occasion to warn the people about
the serious problems which were threatening the survival of the country.
2. Overwhelming drive
Roxas’ energy and drive during the campaign were overwhelming. He was
consistent in all his policy decisions and never wavered. The sense of urgency pervades
all his major and even minor pronouncements. One inaugural address, three state of the
nation addresses, three budget messages and countless speeches revolved on the need to
increase revenues, reduce expenditures and manage borrowing. Within a year tax
collections increased fivefold. He even returned part of what he borrowed during the
first year.
Still, he never wavered in his campaign on the deficit. He continually warned the
people that the fiscal crisis was not yet resolved inspite of impressive victories. He won
battles but knew that the war still had to be won.
His words leap from yellowed pages and grip the reader with a strong sense of
danger which must be averted at all costs. Several writers ( Romulo, Malcolm, Bernstein)
noted that his obsessive work habits exacerbated his already fragile physical health and
literally broke his heart.
3. Absolute honesty
Roxas was absolutely honest with the people on the extent of the fiscal crisis. He
did not attempt to gloss over the extent of the financial challenges confronting the
government. The extent of detail which he reported to the people in numerous speeches
is impressive.
In times of tremendous fiscal stress, it is very useful to have the total picture so
that financial requirements can be fairly projected. Information on total cash
requirements are very important especially in a time crisis.
Other progressive taxes which Roxas initiated were directed towards real
property. Even consumption taxes had obvious progressive features, like the drastic
increase in taxes on luxury goods, and the increased rates on beer, cigarettes and
alcoholic drinks. Roxas also went for indexation of these sin taxes. So what is new?
Roxas further imposed war profits taxes on carpetbaggers who built fortunes from
the ravages of war.
.
It is not therefore surprising to note the General Auditing Office’s report that in
1946-47 revenue from taxation stood at P186,683,567.58 comprising 50% of total
income. This indeed is a far, far cry from the original estimates! By 1947-48, revenue
from taxation further rose to P267,201,177.06 accounting for 74% of total income.
4. suspension of expenditures
5. rescission of appropriations
Roxas was not contented with suspension of expenditures. During the second
year of his administration, he went one step further. He submitted a rescission bill to
cancel authorized appropriations amounting to P120 million.
This researcher does not recall any other instance of a president proposing
cancellation of authorized expenditures. Obviously, he utilized the vast powers
of the presidency to rein in the deficit. The rescission of appropriations might explain
the big drop in the 1946-47 appropriations of P374,432,342.35 to P270,471,980 by 1947-
1948.
During the period immediately after the war, local governments were fully
financed by the national government. They had to be assisted because of the near total
destruction of productive capacity, infrastructure and local government facilities. As
described in the earlier part of the paper, Roxas proposed and implemented the phasing
out of aid to local government units, except internal revenue allotments.
Inspite of the fact that he himself was a former local government official, he
pointedly stated that “it is high time that provinces and municipalities realize that they
should have the power to control the financial life of their respective communities.”
(Roxas 1946). He believed that local governments should be given more power to tax in
order to gradually eliminate their dependency on national government.
As noted earlier, Roxas was a reluctant borrower. In resolving the fiscal crisis of
his time, he expressly stated his preference for increasing tax revenue and control of
expenditures. The best indicator of this is when he returned part of the money he
borrowed from the United States when tax revenue increased a year after.
What Roxas did is without precedent in the Philippines. The researcher is not
aware of any other president who made a similar decision.
It can probably be stated that Roxas did all that should have been done by a
competent president and fiscal administrator in managing the crisis of his time. It can
also be stated that most of the things that are being done at present were done by him,
including increasing the rates of sin taxes! At the same time he implemented other
strategies which might be of interest to 2004.
Inspite of the wide variation in actual numbers, three of the four sets of deficit
reports cited earlier in this paper actually showed dramatic reductions in deficits. As
reported by Roxas, the first year of the republic had a deficit of P246 million. By the
second year, this went dramatically down to P139 million. The Pedrosa report reflected
surpluses for the two years of the Roxas years, P64 million and P8.1 million. The Bell
Report on the other hand reflected a deficit during the first year of P117.2 million which
changed into a P3.1 million surplus by the second year of the Roxas administration.
These figures show very sharp improvement of the fiscal picture.
Fiscal policy and administration cannot be separated from the domestic and
external political environment. It would not be an exaggeration to state that the political
environment of Roxas time was tumultuous. The Philippines was just a small pawn in the
bitter battle between two superpowers. It was also caught between the dominant political
ideology and an alternative ideology.
Was tax and other revenue enough to solve the fiscal crisis? There are perhaps
two possible reasons which help explain why tax revenue was not enough during the
Roxas period. First is the need for rehabilitation and reconstruction of the economy from
the ravages of war. The second is the financial requirements for the development of a
free and independent economy.
However, the War Damage Act provide only for a total outlay of $620 million,
including services and surplus war goods and cash payments. To add insult to injury,
actual release of funds came in trickles. Bernstein reported that actual payment was
made only after three years. This is confirmed by the General Auditing Reports which
do not show any inflow for war damage during the Roxas presidency. He raged, “In
other words, the war-torn islands have been forced to live in a state of shock for at least
three years since they were freed.”
What actually happened is that the country was forced to finance its own
rehabilitation for three years before relief finally came! No wonder tax revenues were
not enough.
Because the war damage payments were slow in coming, Roxas was forced to
borrow. Unfortunately, even the loan which the United States granted him was not
enough.
Students of history will recall that the Bell Trade Act which tied our economy to
that of the United States for twenty-eight years, was a conditionality for the signing of the
War Damage Act. The Military Bases Agreement completed the triumvirate of
agreements which not only triggered the longest running rebellion but also shaped the
character of our economy for thirty years, and probably beyond.
The problem of the fiscal deficit cannot be separated or delinked from the bigger
problems of politics and the economy. The domestic cannot be separated from the
regional and the global. During the Summit on Financing for Development, the matter of
the debt problems of developing countries was the subject of vigorous discussion and
debate. It was agreed that trade is a very important factor in the management of the
foreign debt of developing countries. Earnings from trade is the best source of foreign
exchange for the payment of debts, not more borrowing. On the other hand, trade deficits
only serve to exacerbate the debt problems of developing countries.
In the case of the Philippines, the economy was tied to “so-called free trade” with
the United States even after independence. Chronic trade deficits compelled the
government to borrow from the external market to finance its foreign exchange
requirements.
True, there are many reasons for the persistence of fiscal deficits even after
Roxas. Definitely, the inability of the economy to generate sufficient foreign exchange
from trade is one of them. Efforts at resolving the fiscal deficit should not be limited
only to fiscal strategies on taxes and other revenue, expenditures and borrowing. The
pervasive and intrusive external environment must be confronted and resolved as well.
This is a very important insight for 2004.
What if….
Historians and political analysts cannot agree whether Roxas had a choice at all
when he decided to campaign for parity rights or free trade as a conditionality for the
payment of war damage claims which the country desperately needed.
Did Roxas have options other than relying on the United States and resorting to
borrowing? At that time, Europe was in shambles and Japan was blown to smithereens.
The United States stood out as the lone superpower after the war.
And what if Roxas did not die so soon? It is likely that the fiscal reforms which
he started would probably have continued. He was barely two years in office when
death struck him down at the height of his powers and the increasing momentum of
reform. Perhaps the tale of the fiscal crises of 1946 could have been different.
“It was the destiny of Manuel Roxas to govern during the most
difficult era of our country’s history. The problems created by the war and
enemy occupation could not yield to immediate and simultaneous
solutions. Considering the number and magnitude of these problems, the
poor and inadequate means at his command for their remedy, and the
extreme brevity of the time fate was to allot to him, no other ruler without
his talent and industry could have achieved as much as he.”
Recto argued that “the achievements of Manuel Roxas must be judged as a whole
rather than as isolated fragments or disjointed episodes if we are to determine their
significance in history.”
Roxas died 56 years ago. His times and our times are very different in the same
manner that Paris and London were very different at the time of the French Revolution.
And yet, as Charles Dickens hints, they were also similar. Roxas continues to speak to us
in 2004 in the institutions he built and strengthened, and in the fiscal policies he pursued
with relentless dedication.
“Like those stars whose light still reaches us through infinite space
although themselves died out thousands of years ago, the splendor of your
genius will continue to illumine the firmament of our nation, in order that
this generation of Filipinos and the generations still to come may point out
to the world and with just pride declare: he was one of the greatest men of
his generation…”