beachfronts of rio de janeiro I,

The Geographical Review Io: (I): I,,, January :oI:

Copyright :oI: by the American Geographical Society of New York
* The authors thank Vassar Colleges Environmental Research Institute and Ford Scholars program for
funding this collaborative research project. In Rio de Janeiro, the Getlio Vargas Foundation, the Pereira
Passos Institute (iplan/rio), and the National Library assisted our research. We are also grateful for the
generous local help of Gabriel Alvim, Colin Crawford and participants in the Study Space V program, Regina
Gonalves, Jurandyr Florentino Miguez, Sam Thypin-Bermeo, and the residents who agreed to be inter-
viewed for our study. Unless otherwise noted, all translations from the original Portuguese are the authors.
Dr. Godfrey is a professor of geography at Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, New York I:oo-o8:;
[godfrey@vassar.edu]. Ms. Arguinzoni is a Fulbright Scholar at the Instituto de Letras e Lingusticas,
Universidade Federal de Uberlndia, Uberlndia, Minas Gerais, Brazil ,8o8-Ioo; [olivia.arguinzoni
@gmail.com].
REGULATING PUBLIC SPACE ON THE BEACHFRONTS
OF RIO DE JANEIRO*
BRIAN J. GODFREY and OLIVIA M. ARGUINZONI
abstract. Despite the fortication of buildings, streets, and public squares, Rio de Janeiros
beaches remain widely regarded as democratic spaces of social diversity and accessibility. Our
study revisits the question of Rios democratic beachfronts, based on local interviews, eld
observations, ocial reports, and newspaper accounts. We focus on historical and contempo-
rary perceptions of planning, privatization, and public-order programs on the citys southern
seaside. Institutional discourses have justied increasing regulation to combat threats of disor-
der and insecurity. While residents value the relative openness of beachfronts, they also ac-
knowledge issues of safety, social segmentation, and subtle forms of bias. The public generally
applauds recent Shock of Order policing and commercial revitalization, although critics
lament the loss of traditional freedoms for informal beach vendors and casual sports. These
paradoxes highlight enduring tensions between social order and hierarchy on one hand, and
democratic rights and equality on the other. Keywords: Brazil, democracy, public space, Rio de
Janeiro, urbanization.
New Years Eve is one of the biggest celebrations in Rio de Janeiro. Copacabana
Beach, where outdoor stages feature holiday shows, boasts the largest festivities.
Since I,,o, when the Mridien Hotel rst sponsored a beachfront reworks dis-
play, Reveillon has become a major public event in Rio. Once a traditional reli-
gious occasion among Afro-Brazilian Candombl and Umbanda devotees, the
event now attracts some : million people to the beaches. The revelry mounts as
crowds assemble to watch the midnight reworks, while well-to-do groups attend
exclusive parties in high-rise apartment buildings overlooking the beaches. This
juxtaposition of elites and masses symbolizes the sharp social contrasts of Brazil-
ian society. Underneath the outward camaraderie, tensions simmer over status,
access, and safety. Although auent elements prefer private settings for their ex-
clusivity and unobstructed views, widespread fears of crime, violence, and other
dangers also contribute to a retreat from public space. In fact, tragedy has occa-
sionally marred the New Years parties. In I,88/I,8,, a chartered yacht sank while
attempting to sail in rough seas from Botafogo Bay to Copacabana, killing fty-
six people on board. In :ooo/:ooI, a Reveillon reworks explosion hurt fty spec-
tators and killed one tourist on the beach, prompting a relocation of the reworks
I8 the geographical review
to oshore boats in subsequent years. In :oo8/:oo,, Ipanema Beach canceled its
festivities for fear of insucient security. On New Years Eve massive security forces
now mobilize on Rios beaches (Farias :ooo; Valle :oo8).
Stark social contrasts and concerns with public safety are hardly unique to
Brazil. The literature on public space points to common issues of defensive design,
surveillance, and segregation in world cities. Debates have centered on the privati-
zation of public places and struggles for democratic rights to the city (Sorkin I,,:,
Mitchell :oo,; Low and Smith :ooo). Given high levels of income inequality and
social stratication, residents of Brazilian cities have become preoccupied with
issues of security. Teresa Caldeira related contemporary discourses of crime and
fear to the increase in violence, the failure of institutions of order (especially the
police and the justice system), the privatization of security and justice, and the
continuous walling and segregation of cities (:ooo, ,I). Other scholars have also
documented spatial separation by class and race, the retreat of auent groups
from public space, the rise of gated communities and shopping malls, and prob-
lems of policing in the favelas (Telles I,,:, I,,,; Souza :oo,; Vargas :ooo; Chase
:oo8).
Rio de Janeiro vividly displays these polarizing urban trends. Despite the citys
marked sociospatial divisions, residents still widely regard seaside sidewalks and
beaches as democratic spaces of public accessibility and diversity, where classes
and races mingle freely. Our study examines these claims in terms of urban renewal
and public-order programs on Rios beachfronts. We review relevant debates and
present evidence from local interviews, eld observations, ocial reports, and
newspaper accounts. We argue that beaches highlight tensions between social or-
der, status, and hierarchy on one hand, and democratic rights, social diversity,
and accessibility on the other. These paradoxes of national life and popular cul-
ture, known as the Brazilian Dilemma, can be discerned in the public space of
contemporary Rio.
The Brazilian Dilemma of Public Space
Based on Gunnar Myrdals classic interpretation of problematic U.S. race rela-
tions, An American Dilemma ([I,] I,o:), the anthropologist Roberto DaMatta
similarly used the Brazilian Dilemma to point out the coexistence of contradic-
tory elements in a distinctive national context (I,,I, I,,,). His concept stressed
such dialectical pairings as elites and masses, the house and the street, and personal
relationships and impersonal laws. Such paradoxes, DaMatta suggested, shape
Brazilian culture. For example, whereas the house is associated with comfort,
order, and social control, the street invokes fears of social disorder in a sphere of
punishment, struggle, and work. In general terms, the street incorporates
squares, centers of business, and other places away from the home. DaMatta viewed
this public sphere in Hobbesian terms: it is the way of all against all until some
form of hierarchical principle can surface and establish some kind of order (I,,I,
o,). Contemporary evidence for this view abounds in Brazilian cities. Just as resi-
beachfronts of rio de janeiro I,
dences and apartment buildings frequently secure entrances, fence in adjacent
sidewalks, and even block streets for social status and security, for example, bars
and restaurants commonly expand their seating onto sidewalks or beaches or into
parks for commercial gain. In :oIo, kiosks on Copacabanas beachfront sold tick-
ets to watch the New Years reworks in enclosed areas free of intrusions by the
masses. For the equivalent of about u.s.s:oo, people could enjoy themselves in
fenced-o vip areas on the sand (Malta :oo,).
In this article we reframe the Brazilian Dilemma in terms of debates about
public space. Various scholars have taken public and private spheres as points of
departure for inquiries into such diverse topics as work and public space, class and
race, and gender and sexuality in Brazil (Graham I,88; Needell I,,,; Beattie I,,o).
Some of them have criticized DaMattas framework for emphasizing cultural cat-
egories over political processes and contested sites (Caldeira :ooo, IoI). When
studying public space, we assume that cultural dierences are not statically xed
but uid, relational, and often ambiguous, reecting constellations of social inter-
ests and ideologies. Furthermore, we regard public-private distinctions as contex-
tual rather than clear-cut, for publicly accessible places may be privately owned,
as in shopping malls or corporate plazas; even public parks and beaches may
feature sizable commercial concessions (Kohn :oo; Staeheli and Mitchell :oo8).
Thus, we go beyond simple distinctions between public and private to include
institutional forces at work in shaping public space. As David Harvey notes, It is
the relational connectivity among public, quasipublic, and private spaces that
counts when it comes to politics in the public sphere (:ooo, ,I).
Given their sizable informal sectors, Latin American cities have experienced
debates over the homeless, drug trackers, street vendors, shoeshine boys, prosti-
tutes, self-appointed parking guards, and others in public space (Low :ooo;
Rosenthal :ooo). Studies of Brazilian cities often focus on the history, design, and
use of public squares (Curtis :ooo; Robba and Macedo :oo,; Colchete Filho :oo8).
Due to concerns with public security, many squares are now subject to heightened
forms of enclosure and policing. In Rios seaside districts, authorities have fenced
and regulated squares within blocks of the beach to discourage use by street ven-
dors and the homeless. In contrast, nearby beachfronts have remained civic sym-
bols of social interaction, particularly with the friendly attitudes associated with
leisure time (DaMatta :ooo). On the other hand, critics argue that ones social
status does not disappear by trading street clothes for a bathing suit on the sand.
For example, the popular documentary lm Faixa de Areia (Strip of Sand) con-
rms popular images of Rios beaches as places of diversity while acknowledging
issues of social distance, stereotype, and inequality (Lins e Silva and Kallman :oo,).
Scholarly critiques have focused on the exclusionary forces of social class and
race on the beachfronts. James Freeman has asserted that the myth of Rios demo-
cratic beach-like familiar national myths of the congenial man and racial
democracy-serves to defuse social conict by obscuring the chasm between rich
and poor (:oo:, :oo8). Patricia Farias focuses on how persistent systems of racial
:o the geographical review
classication aect the status of Rios beaches (:ooo). Although she argues that
beaches are recreational and not political, this point depends on how one denes
political. The beachfront is a site of many rallies, parades, and celebrations,
albeit it generally not in the form of overt protests. The infamous beach riot of
I,,: called attention to issues of racial inequality, as we shall show. Exuberant
carnival groups frequently invoke political themes on the beach, and an annual
gay parade occurs on Copacabanas Avenida Atlntica. Such events are political in
latent and ritualistic terms, even if not overtly manifest forms (Low :ooo,
I8,). Indeed, we argue that public policy and land-use regulation broadly set the
parameters of social interaction and help explain contemporary perceptions of
democratic beaches.
In this study we examine contemporary and historical planning, policing, and
privatization of Rios beachfronts. We particularly focus on discourses about the
beaches as public space-the narratives by which people and institutions under-
stand such places as problems. According to Michel Foucault (I,8o, I,,,), dis-
course is the lens through which people understand situations, and as such it
produces knowledge and provides a foundation for power. Although individuals
constantly circulate narratives, institutions-governmental, corporate, media, and
so on-have greater structural power to shape discourse by determining how is-
sues are posed and spoken of. The workings of a discourse typically disguise-or
occlude, in Foucaults terminology-the identity of agents, thereby discourag-
Fic. I-Beachfront districts of Rio de Janeiro, :oI:. (Cartography by the author and Zachary
Zeilman)
beachfronts of rio de janeiro :I
ing potential avenues of dissent. In his work on prisons, mental hospitals, and
other institutions, Foucault suggested that the study of discourse must recognize
the structures that create such epistemological exclusions. In this sense, urban
planning can be viewed as a way to control and regulate the city. Joel Outtes traced
the rise of city planning in Brazil and Argentina to the early twentieth century: In
just a few years the concept of planning expanded from isolated interventions in
specic parts of the urban territory to the planning of the city as a whole and the
control of urban growth (:oo,, I,8). Similarly, we can trace the evolution of
urban planning and policy on Rios southern beachfronts.
The Rise of Rios Southern Beachfronts
Rio de Janeiros long history, status as the former national capital, and continuing
international prominence make it a showcase for urban trends in Brazil. The city
began on the western side of Guanabara Bay, where the Portuguese founded So
Sebastio do Rio de Janeiro in I,o,. As Rio grew beyond this historic core during
the late nineteenth century, a socioeconomic chasm arose between northern work-
ing-class districts-the Zona Norte-close to the port and industry, and the more
auent and scenic southern beachfront areas-the Zona Sul (Figure I). The citys
dramatic physical geography intensied this north-south division, given steep to-
pographic barriers, but political factors were primarily to blame. Armed with n-
de-sicle discourses of hygiene, sanitation, and above all civilization, the mu-
nicipal administration of Francisco Pereira Passos embarked on major urban
reforms from I,o: to I,oo. Authorities demolished central working-class tene-
ments, carved a boulevard through the citys core, transferred the port to new
facilities on Guanabara Bay, and began construction of a seaside boulevard to the
southern districts. Despite occasional protests, such as the violent Revolt of the
Vaccine in November I,o, when crowds enraged by a mandatory yellow fever
vaccination program battled police and destroyed property downtown, urban
planners continued to reshape and regulate the city during the twentieth century
(Meade I,,,). Subsequent urban renewal programs accelerated the movement of
auent classes to successive beachfronts of the Zona Sul, among them Leme,
Copacabana, Ipanema, and Leblon (Abreu I,8,; Godfrey I,,I, I,,,).
Once a remote shing village, isolated by coastal mountains from the urban
core, Copacabana remained scantily populated until the opening of the Tnel
Velho (Old Tunnel) in I8,: and the Tnel Novo (New Tunnel) in I,oo. The exten-
sion of streetcar lines stimulated real estate development and rapid urbanization
at the turn of the twentieth century (Boone I,,,; S. Pereira I,,,). Conceived as the
citys rst Atlantic beachfront, Copacabana represented cultural change and mo-
dernity: In spite of the rigid laws concerning timetables for sea and sunbath-
ing, established by the municipality to preserve the local moral values, the beach
became a habit at once (C. Pereira :oo,, ,). In I,:, the Copacabana Palace Hotel
opened as a luxury resort, and the district became world famous for its glamorous
nightlife and casinos. Avenida Atlnticas black-and-white, wave-patterned side-
:: the geographical review
walk became a civic symbol. Between I,,o and I,oo, Copacabanas population
grew to :oo,ooo, as zoning laws of I,,, allowed high-rise buildings up to twelve
stories. According to Joaquim Ferreira dos Santos (I,,,), Copacabana had its
heyday in I,,8, as the Princesinha do Mar (Princess of the Sea) became the citys
cultural epicenter. The beachfront became the citys preferred residential address,
a status symbol of tropical living. The growing popularity of the seaside prom-
enade changed the citys social geography, and the southern zone assumed a posi-
tion at the center of the citys maps (Carvalho :oo,, ,:,).
Public and private investments valorized the Zona Sul. While auent resi-
dents migrated to the fashionable southern beachfronts, governments mounted
large-scale planning initiatives to beautify and provide infrastructures for the fa-
vored districts. Demolition of hills downtown provided room for new skyscrap-
ers, along with landll for expressways and recreational facilities of Flamengo
Beach, designed by the Brazilian landscape architect Roberto Burle Marx and
completed in I,oo. Subsequent governmental eorts focused on widening the con-
gested beachfronts of Copacabana, Ipanema, and Leblon. The inadequate sanita-
tion and recreational facilities were also problematic. A massive state engineering
project, completed in I,,o, widened Copacabana and Leme beaches, installed new
drainage and sewerage, expanded sidewalks, and created divided roadways. Burle
Marx replicated the original wave-patterned sidewalks on the new beachfront
sidewalks and designed a novel pattern for the landward side (Figure :).
If the I,,os were Copacabanas golden years, the I,oos belonged to Ipanema.
During the late nineteenth century Jos Antnio Moreira Filho-popularly known
as the Baron of Ipanema-owned what had long been an isolated rural area, but
urbanization began in the early twentieth century. After the Jardim Botnico Com-
pany extended an electric streetcar line from Copacabana in I,oI, real estate devel-
opment by the Vila Ipanema Company, owned by the baron, quickly followed
(Abreu I,8,, 8-,; Boone I,,,, ,,I-,,:). In the early I,oos, the composers Anto-
nio Carlos Tom Jobim and Vincius de Mores popularized the district with
their famous bossa nova anthem, The Girl from Ipanema. With events such as
the appearance of the very pregnant actress Leila Diniz in a tiny bikini, or the ex-
guerrilla-and current Green Party politician-Fernando Gabeira in scandalous
thong swimwear, Ipanema beachgoers gained a reputation as bohemian trend-
setters. On Sundays a popular craft market known as the Hippie Fair now
thrives on General Osrio Square, and thoroughfares generally are full of popu-
lar bars and clubs, restaurants, and cafs. The seafront boulevard, Avenida Vieira
Souto, serves as the districts preferred address and one of Rios most expensive.
Casual visitors may regard the beach as an undierentiated human mass, but
local residents classify the seaside according to prevalent social groups. In a diverse
city like Rio, where beaches are important places for meeting and recreation,
stretches of the shoreline are popularly identied with their groups. Cariocas-
native residents of Rio-relate these social identities to the lifeguard posts, num-
bered consecutively from I to o on the Leme and Copacabana beaches and from
beachfronts of rio de janeiro :,
, to I: on the Ipanema and Leblon beaches. These reputations become self-rein-
forcing and aect beach status and personality.
Copacabana is a heterogeneous beach of auent residents, foreign and na-
tional tourists, and local service employees, favelados, and other people of modest
means. Along with smaller Leme Beach at the northeastern end, Copacabanas
shoreline forms a graceful :.o-mile, half-moon curve, dramatically framed by the
summit of Sugar Loaf and other coastal hills, peaks, and mountains. Near Post I in
Leme, the beachfront attracts auent tourists and local residents, along with those
from the Babilnia and Chapeu Mangueira favelas on the hills above. Posts : and
,, close to the exclusive Copacabana Hotel, have long been upscale areas. Farther
along the shore, residents often associate Post with prostitution, due to the nearby
nightclubs. Approaching Fort Copacabana, Posts , and o now comprise the districts
most desirable residential beachfronts, despite their proximity to the hillside favelas
of Cantagalo, Pavo, and Pavozinho, where in December :oo, security forces
installed a Unidade de Polcia Pacicadora as part of a citywide campaign (upp
:oII).
Patterns of social segmentation become even more pronounced in Ipanema,
which, together with neighboring Leblon Beach, stretches :.o miles below the
Fic. :-Avenida Atlntica, the beachfront promenade for Copacabana, showing the widened
trac artery and expanded sidewalks built during the late I,oos. (Photograph by Brian Godfrey, July
:oIo)
: the geographical review
towering twin peaks of Dois Irmos (Two Brothers) to the southwest. Close to
Copacabana and the Arpoador Point, Post , is known for its surfers in search of
good waves, marijuana smokers who hide amid the rocks and palm trees, and
favelados who live on the nearby hills. A daily newspaper recently commented,
The marijuana crowd in Ipanema, which previously whistled to warn of police
arrival, has changed its tactic again. Since booing the police may put people in jail
for disrespect, the stoners gathered in the coconut grove now stand to applaud
when announcing the arrival of the brave men of law (Santos :oIo). The gay
beach at Post 8 is obvious from the rainbow ags, but this area is also home to
another social group: young, apparently unemployed men who spend their time
on the beach practicing Brazilian jujitsu, working out, and starting unprovoked
ghts. Post , has become more than a place: It is now a way of life dened by
wealth, intellectuality, and good looks-where the most auent, educated, and
beautiful young Cariocas lie on the sand. Frequenters of Ipanema have continued
to foster a culture of rened dierence, often subdivided into specic identity
groups. Increased access to Ipanema by bus and subway appears to have intensi-
ed this special neighborhood sensibility.
Contemporary Planning and Policy on Rios Beachfronts
After the ambitious programs of the I,oos and early I,,os-including the widen-
ing of trac corridors, the expansion of parks and beachfronts, and the construc-
tion of sewage infrastructures-urban planning in Rio remained relatively quiet
until the I,,os. Scholars have gone so far as to argue: In terms of urban design,
nothing worthy of note happened in Rios waterfront during the seventies and
eighties (Iwata and del Rio :oo, I,8). Indeed, civic decline marked this period,
following the citys loss of the national capital to Braslia, along with its loss of
demographic primacy and economic leadership to So Paulo. In addition, Rios
political leadership was at odds with the federal government under the military
regime of I,oI,8,. With democratization in the late I,8os, Rio de Janeiro began
a notable if uneven urban renaissance. Innovative city planners promoted historic
preservation and commercial revitalization in the downtown Cultural Corri-
dor, campaigns of infrastructure development and community policing in favelas,
and massive new expressways and other infrastructure to accommodate major
international events, beginning with the I,,: United Nations Conference on Envi-
ronment and Development (del Rio and Alcntara :oo,; Ganey :oIo).
Urban renewal and transportation programs have had somewhat contradic-
tory results: While promoting spatial mobility, they have also provoked commu-
nity displacement and intensied social conicts. For example, a I,, governmental
commission even proposed returning favela residents to their states of origin,
committing favela residents over the age of oo to State Institutions, and expelling
from the favela all families whose income exceeded a minimum (quoted in Perlman
I,,o, :oo). Although a shortage of resources prevented such draconian measures,
the military coup dtat of I,o provided the central authority required for a
beachfronts of rio de janeiro :,
massive program of favela removal: Between I,o: and I,,, governmental agen-
cies displaced an estimated I,,,:I8 residents from 8o favelas, largely from valuable
real estate in Rios southern zone (Gay I,,, I,).
Subsequently, elites resisted extension of bus and subway lines to the southern
districts, even though employees who live on the periphery must travel to the
Zona Sul for work. Restrictions on public transit maintained southern exclusivity.
When Governor Leonel Brizola inaugurated new oI express buses from a north-
ern train station to Ipanema, the privileged classes were outraged in I,8. His
successor, Governor Wellington Moreira Franco, stopped the oI bus service
soon after he took oce in I,8,, to the applause of many elites. After he took oce
again in I,,I, Brizola reinstated the bus route, and it continues to run today. The
construction of both the Linha Vermelha (Red Line) expressway, which connects
the Zona Norte to downtown, and the Linha Amarela (Yellow Line), which links
the Zona Norte with beachside areas of the western zone, have been criticized on
similar social grounds (Freeman :oo:, :oo8). The opening of several local subway
stations-three in Copacabana since I,,8 and the rst in Ipanema during :oo,-has
made the southern beaches more accessible and democratic but also has intensi-
ed popular stereotypes and resistance in the Zona Sul.
In preparation for the I,,: U.N. Earth Summit in Rio, another major plan-
ning initiative reshaped the southern shoreline. The Rio-Orla seaside beautica-
tion program of the early I,,os standardized contemporary streetscape design,
regulated commerce, and facilitated transit along the southern beaches. Most no-
tably, the program paved a bicycle path beside the beachfront sidewalk, limited
vehicular parking, and replaced informal trailers selling food and drink with uni-
form commercial kiosks along the seashore (iplan/rio I,,o; Veja I,,o). New rules
prohibited the selling of glass bottles and fried foods; drinks sold in plastic cups
and natural sandwiches became the norm. Initial eorts to curtail the activities of
informal beach vendors proved unsuccessful and were abandoned (fsp I,,I). Al-
though Burle Marx vocally opposed the bicycle path and parking restrictions,
surveys indicated that most city residents approved these measures and regarded
the kiosks as aesthetic and sanitary improvements (jb I,,Ib, I,,Id). Nonetheless,
the beachfront plans provoked lawsuits by aected businesses and protests by
neighborhood associations. In response, a leading newspaper solemnly editorial-
ized that democracy is good, but not the perversion of democratic practice (jb
I,,Ia). Given project delays, most of the planned kiosks were not ready for the
I,,: U.N. Conference; while awaiting commercial operations, several of them
were damaged or occupied, reportedly by homeless and unemployed street people
(Globo I,,:b, I,,:c; jb I,,:b, I,,:c).
This specter of public disorder intensied with a highly publicized riot-nick-
named an arrasto (dragnet or sweep)-on crowded Ipanema Beach as summer
approached on Sunday, I8 October. What apparently began as a gang ght among
teenagers from Rios working-class suburbs quickly provoked a panic among other
beachgoers; in the resulting stampede, groups of teenagers stole valuables that had
:o the geographical review
been left behind, mugged local residents, vandalized property, and looted busi-
nesses. Even the Hippie Fair suered an arrasto later in the day. The rampage
reportedly continued in waves all afternoon along Ipanema and Copacabana
beaches. Although isolated incidents had occurred previously, this arrasto re-
ceived widespread attention in the local and national press, which provoked fears
of social disorder and class warfare on the beach. To elites of the Zona Sul, it
seemed that poor people of color from the northern suburbs had not only invaded
their fashionable beachfront but had also wreaked havoc along it (Freeman :oo:,
:oo8). In response, a heightened police presence sought to prevent a recurrence of
such disturbing events. Christened Operao Anti-Arrasto, public-safety eorts
featured patrols by municipal guards and military police to secure the beaches and
adjacent streets (Globo I,,:a; jb I,,:a, I,,:d). This security campaign and the
Rio-Orla program jointly represented an assertion of governmental control over
public space: The black-and-white stone sidewalks, uniform kiosks, and intensied
policing branded the southern beachfronts as legible landscapes.
Also controversial has been the privatization of beachfronts. The fate of Copaca-
bana Fort, built in I,o8I,I to protect the Brazilian capital, has long been subject
to debates. As the fort lost its military importance, schemes to build a ve-star
hotel on the spectacular oceanfront property sparked widespread local opposi-
tion. After the Brazilian Army decided to create a visitor center and museum open
to the public in I,8o, the State Institute of Cultural Heritage landmarked Copa-
Fic. ,-The Copacabana beachfront sidewalk, showing the commercial kiosks along Avenida
Atlntica, along with the tents for the sale of drinks and the rental of umbrellas and beach chairs.
(Photograph by Brian Godfrey, July :oIo)
beachfronts of rio de janeiro :,
cabana Fort in I,,o, only to have the designation partially removed in I,,I to
allow for construction of new facilities (jb I,,Ic). In I,, the site became part of an
Environmental Protection Area, and in I,,o:ooo, the fort inaugurated exhibi-
tion spaces and commercial partnerships-cafs, restaurants, and shops-that are
open to the public for a small fee.
Another public-private partnership has involved the construction of new com-
mercial kiosks on the sidewalks of Leme and Copacabana beaches, originally
planned to coincide with the :oo, Pan American Games (Figure ,). Gone are the
cramped, rustic kiosks installed in the early I,,os, replaced by megakiosks that
boast a curved, transparent design to highlight the scenic seaside setting. Pre-
sented as environmentally sensitive, the redesign features wood-paneled seating
areas over the sand and occupies less space on the sidewalk. The new kiosks also
include such new amenities as subterranean bathrooms, kitchens, and garbage
areas to maintain the seaside views. Built by the rio-tur agency and leased to
corporate chains rather than independent operators, the new operations often
feature specic themes-such as Bahian northeastern Brazilian, Arab, or sea-
food cuisines-and are more formal and expensive than their predecessors, mak-
ing low-income residents less likely to patronize them and threatening the
livelihood of the current employees. Asked what would happen to him with
installation of the new, sleek model, one kiosk owner simply answered: Unem-
ployed.
The newest policy innovation has been the Choque de Ordem (Shock of Or-
der) program, created by the citys Secretary of Public Order (seop) (Figure ).
Identifying itself as a regulator and inspector of economic activity and municipal
areas, seop claims that social disorder causes public insecurity and facilitates
crime (:oIo). The Shock of Order program monitors events, regulates economic
activities, and enforces rules on the beach, sidewalks, and other public spaces.
Implementation began in Ipanema and Leblon during December :oo,, and it
continued on Leme and Copacabana beaches in March :oIo (Bastos :oIo). The
program includes eighty municipal guards, who patrol the shoreline daily, regu-
late the playing of beach games, and enforce prohibitions on the sale of informally
prepared food. The Shock of Order also monitors activities of the venerable beach
tents set up on the sand to sell drinks and rent beach umbrellas and chairs. Au-
thorities have replaced the older informal structures with I,, standardized mod-
els, each licensed and numbered at a fee for specic locations (Globo :oIo).
Although the local press and public generally regard the Shock of Order pro-
gram as a positive force for organization, uniformity, and general well-being on
Rios beaches, critics see it as an authoritarian measure to appropriate and control
public space. Since the programs inception, some residents lament the enforcement
of new rules, such as specic hours for the playing of soccer, volleyball, and other
activities. The program also has removed I:, homeless people, by ocial count,
from city streets and placed them in city shelters (Globo :oIo). Sale of home-pre-
pared foods is now prohibited, and vendors selling souvenirs must be authorized.
:8 the geographical review
Such regulations may eliminate a source of income for many. Shock of Order raises
important questions about how truly public the beachfronts should be.
Contemporary Uses and Perceptions of Rios Beachfronts
To gain insights into peoples attitudes toward and uses of Rios beaches, we inter-
viewed a total of forty-seven residents of diverse ages, neighborhoods, races, and
social classes in July :oIo and January :oII. We began our interviews among friends
and associates who lived in the Copacabana and Ipanema districts, using a snow-
ball method of social networking to select about half of the initial thirty respon-
dents. For the other half we approached people at random on the seaside boule-
vards and beaches of these districts to ensure a wide diversity of backgrounds.
Respondents ranged from fteen to eighty years old, with a median age of thirty-
ve. About half lived in auent southern districts, while the others were generally
of modest means and lived in local favelas, the northern districts, or other parts of
the metropolitan area. Half of those interviewed considered themselves people of
color; the rest, as white. This method ensured a broad cross-section of Carioca
residents, workers, and visitors to the beaches of the Zona Sul.
During this rst phase of eldwork we asked questions about security in public
space, the role of the beach in urban life, whether people attended public events
there, recent beachfront planning and security initiatives, whether the beaches
were democratic by welcoming all types of people, and suggestions for improv-
ing the city beaches. Several patterns quickly became apparent. When queried
about favorite public places, the vast majority of respondents mentioned the
beaches and seaside avenues. Reasons given for this strong beach preference in-
cluded the opportunity to stroll and exercise, sunbathe or enjoy the views, swim,
and relax outdoors. Most respondents occasionally attended public events on the
beach, such as New Years Eve or carnival celebrations, musical shows, and cultural
events. Frequently the exuberance for which Cariocas are known became appar-
ent. One sixty-year-old domestic worker, a married mother-and grandmother-
particularly enjoyed attending the annual gay parade on Avenida Atlntica, which
she felt showed such marvelous style. Another nding of note was that those
study participants whom we interviewed on the beach tended not to live nearby.
Local residents use the beachfront selectively, often avoiding holidays and other
times when crowds gather there. Auent residents have more options, including
various types of commercial venues, about where to spend their leisure time.
The people we interviewed heartily agreed that the beach was important for
the citys social life. In addition to acknowledging its importance for general en-
joyment and tourism, many of them felt that the beach was an excellent place to
meet friends without necessarily having to spend any money. When asked whether
the beach was a welcoming place for everyone, virtually everyone concurred and
acknowledged an enjoyment of watching people from diverse backgrounds. Refer-
ring to this social diversity and apparent freedom, one man excitedly exclaimed:
You cant own a beach in Brazil! With some further questioning, some of those
beachfronts of rio de janeiro :,
interviewed conceded that dierent types of people remained largely separate and
did not interact signicantly. A young man argued that there are many separa-
tions on the beach: Gays are separate from heterosexuals and old are separate
from young. A middle-aged Afro-Brazilian man, who worked as a security guard
nearby but lived in the Zona Norte, declared that all of the citys racism and
classism is present on the beach. Still, the vast majority of the initial thirty inter-
views maintained that the beaches were democratic and accessible to all residents
and visitors.
Appreciation for social diversity is mixed with concern over public security
and wariness over potential danger. Most respondents admitted that they did not
feel entirely safe on the beach, and this concern mounted with age. One older
resident recalled that she used to enjoy evenings on the beach with friends and
family but that for many years she had not dared to stay out past sundown. An
auent local physician, whose apartment had recently been burglarized, said that,
although the beach remained a place of enjoyment, he was constantly on the alert
for danger. People commonly felt a lack of police protection on the beach. They
held city and state governments largely responsible for not taking preventive mea-
sures to ensure public safety. On the other hand, an Afro-Brazilian interviewee,
Fic. -Ipanema Beach near Lifeguard Post 8, showing the presence of the Shock of Order
program of the Rio de Janeiro Municipal Guard to regulate beachfront public space. (Photograph by
Brian Godfrey, July :oIo)
the geographical review
who worked as a doorman in the Zona Sul but lived in a working-class suburb,
said he felt unsafe because of widespread class and racial intolerance.
With regard to the new kiosks on Copacabana Beach, almost everyone liked
them. Many interviewees considered the new structures more attractive than the
old ones; others found them modern and hygienic, presumably due to the
addition of public restrooms. Still, several people did question the formality and
expense of the new businesses. Two young women from a nearby favela complained
that the new establishments were too expensive. The doorman who claimed that
the beach was unsafe because of intolerance also did not like the new kiosks because
they were elitist and took away from the natural beauty of the beach. This topic
revealed some underlying issues of social class: Less auent residents and local
service employees disliked the higher prices of the food and drinks, which catered
to a more restricted clientele than before and created a greater sense of beachfront
exclusivity.
Our second round of interviews, during January , probed more deeply
into whether residents considered the beaches to be welcoming and accessible to
all types of people. Among the seventeen additional respondents, we selected four-
teen randomly on Ipanema Beach and included several observant lifeguards, mu-
nicipal guards, and barraqueiro tent vendors. Interviews generally took about ten
minutes and focused on whether issues of social class and race served as barriers to
enjoyment of the beach. Nearly all of the respondents agreed that the beach consti-
tuted a democratic space; and the one interviewee who did not merely said more
or less, implying ambivalence on the issue. Words used when answering this ques-
tion included certainly, very much so, and totally. When asked if social class
biases existed on the beach, most people disagreed. Although ve people admitted
that class prejudice was present, four of these nonetheless felt that the beach was a
democratic space. For example, one person said he believed that the beach was a
democratic space but that of course the beach is classist. People who live in the
Zona Sul dont want others here. They would prefer the beach to be private.
Likewise, a municipal guard noted that beachgoers were aware of those with high
status and those without it. Both respondents agreed that the beach was demo-
cratic, despite the evidence of class bias.
We also broached sensitive issues of race relations on the beach. Most inter-
viewees said that racism, like classism, was not evident. Of the minority who noted
the presence of racial bias, most claimed it was of a subtle nature, describing it as
benign, disguised, inexplicit, and indirect. Perceptions of subtle racism t
into Rios easygoing beach culture and general ideology of the racial democracy.
For example, occasional claims by respondents that sections of the beach with
large proportions of people of color were somehow ugly or dangerous sup-
ported common stereotypes about social status, criminality, and race. Similarly,
preferred etiquette about how to act on Ipanema Beachsuch as bringing only a
few essential personal possessions, renting beach chairs and umbrellas, and buying
food and drinks from local vendors rather than transporting a picnic prepared at
beachfronts of rio de janeiro
homereects class biases that often intersect racial lines. Such subtle racism al-
lows people to agree with the notion of a democratic beach while adhering to
established social structures and biases. In fact, people were more reluctant to talk
about race than about social class or subcultural groupings. Despite occasional
reports of bias on the beach, our respondents overwhelmingly regarded social
diversity in positive terms.
Revisiting Rios Democratic Beaches
Beaches are complicated public spaces in Rio de Janeiro, as elsewhere in the world.
At the seashore, egalitarian aspirations confront social privileges. Still, Rios resi-
dents overwhelmingly consider their beaches to be democratic: Overall, per-
cent of the Cariocas we interviewed agreed with this assertion, often emphasizing
public accessibility and social diversity. In a city stratied by class and race, where
widespread fears of urban crime prompt increasing fortication of places, Cario-
cas are struck by the relative freedom of the beachfronts. On the other hand,
residents readily admit to the prevalence of social groups and social segmentation,
to class consciousness, and occasionally even to subtle racism on the beach. Al-
though the press and the public generally embrace contemporary governmental
discourses of beachfront planning, regulation, and policing, critics lament the
erosion of traditional freedoms for informal vendors and casual sports. In this
sense, debates over Rios beaches echo concerns in other global cities, where au-
thorities have emphasized public order, community policing, and the removal of
informal activities.
Historically, Rios southern beaches have displayed a complex relationship
between public and private spheres, mediated by institutional forces of govern-
mental policy, urban planning, policing, and commercial activity. Public invest-
ments in transportation, recreation, and urban services favored the rise of auent
beachfronts in the Zona Sul, although, paradoxically, these programs also made
Copacabana and Ipanema accessible to the masses. Streetcar lines promoted the
early urbanization, and, more recently, subway lines valorized real estate in the
districts; extension of relatively inexpensive bus service has met the most resistance
from local elites. Modern urban renewal included the widened beaches, improved
sewerage systems, and new boulevards of the late s. A new phase of public
investment and regulation began with the approach of the Earth Summit.
Despite political controversy, the Rio-Orla program of the early s standard-
ized the beachfront kiosks and strengthened state authority on the southern shore-
line. More recently, the public-private ventures of Fort Copacabana and the sleek
new megakiosks suggest a shift to a neoliberal style of commercial revitalization.
Coupled with the current Shock of Order campaign, urban planning and public
policy are now preparing for the fifa World Cup and the Summer
Olympic Games. Our study suggests that a major policy goal should be to ensure
public security on Rios beautiful beachfronts while maintaining the social diver-
sity and accessibility implicit in democratic ideals.
,: the geographical review
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