Proceedings of the URECA@NTU 2010-11

Imaging Cities: Art and Urban Culture

Jeanette Hong May Hurn School of Chemical and Biomedical Engineering
Abstract - This project focuses on how the act of busking exists within an urban setting, specifically in the context of Singaporean society. The purpose of the project was to turn the spotlight on the little-esteemed street performances we pass by each day and glean from them useful perspectives that are essential in constructing a holistic view of society. To achieve this end, a series of photographs was compiled to form a visual representation of local buskers. Basic photography techniques were introduced followed by interview-cum-photography sessions with three different buskers in Singapore. The results were presented in the form of graphics and reflective writing focused on the personal life-stories of individual buskers, issues uniquely related to busking as a profession and the potential of busking as a platform to encourage the emergence of young artistic talent. Keywords - busking, Singapore, photography, social

Asst Prof Michael Thaddeus Tan Koon Boon School of Art, Design and Media

1.1 THE SINGAPORE CONTEXT:

Busking in Singapore has seen its fair share of ups and downs. Initially introduced in 1992, busking was eventually banned in 1994 due to the non-compliance of buskers to the regulations concerning designated busking locations and handling of donations as stipulated by the National Arts Council (NAC). However, busking was brought back in 1997 through the establishment of the prevailing Busking Scheme in a bid to promote tourism and art in the public sphere [3]. Most notably, the image of busking has been elevated through the annually held Singapore River Buskers Festival from 1997-2004. The event made a comeback recently as the inaugural Sentosa Buskers Festival 2010). [2, 4, 9, 10] For this project, the local context was of crucial importance as inseparable from the circumstances dictating the development of busking in Singapore. The specificity of these surroundings gave rise to an added dimension of stringent government control and underlying political ideology, the knowledge of which was essential in understanding the activity of local buskers. The scope of this project serves only to examine how individual buskers operate within the regulatory framework presented to them and to classify, if present, any tension generated between these regulations and an activity that is fundamentally a form of free expression.

1 INTRODUCTION
The approach taken in analyzing urban culture for this project was largely stimulated by readings of The Metropolis and Mental Health by Georg Simmel, in which he stated concerning the dominance of money economy and constrained patterns of time in cities: Punctuality, calculability, exactness are forced upon life by the complexity and extension of metropolitan existence and are not only most intimately connected with its money economy and intellectualistic character. These traits must also colour the contents of life and favour exclusion of those irrational, instinctive, sovereign traits and impulses which aim at determining the mode of life from within, instead of receiving the general and precisely schematized form of life from without. Even though sovereign types of personality, characterized by irrational impulses, are by no means impossible in the city, they are, nevertheless, opposed to typical city life. [14] The act of busking was given attention in this project because it epitomized a form of counter-culture and resistance towards mainstream work culture and the definition of proper work as most commonly seen. Through the process of physical immersion in the shared public space where the buskers performed and interviews conducted with them, attempts were made to clarify their motives as street performers, difficulties and constraints they faced, as well as the general social perception towards buskers.

2 AIMS / OBJECTIVES
The aim of the project was to explore the activity of busking in Singapore and its role in urban culture. The project was focused on the visual representation of local buskers in the form of photographs supplemented by commentary derived from interviews conducted with the buskers.

3 LITERATURE REVIEW / BACKGROUND

Several important concepts regarding urban culture formed the basis on which this study was undertaken. Firstly, we assumed that the general population in cities is characterized by a blas attitude that is, indifference towards most external stimuli (such as a street performance) with emphasis placed on money as the common denominator to which all qualitative aspects are reduced [14]. Hence, the act of busking is viewed as unconventional as it is little appreciated (being equated to begging at times) and gives no guarantee of a steady income.

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Secondly, we acknowledged the presence of class distinctions in Singaporean society, commonly referred to as Heartlanders and Cosmopolitans. Heartlanders are categorized as Mandarin or dialect speakers with local interests as compared to English-speaking Cosmopolitans who possess an international outlook [6, 7, 17]. These two categories are not seen to be completely accurate in typifying the whole spectrum of Singaporean society, but provide the backdrop of public discourse against which social perception towards buskers is examined. The aims of busking in Singapore as outlined in the NAC Busking Scheme are to create a vibrant city life by providing an opportunity for Singaporeans to exhibit their artistic talents, and to make the arts more accessible to the public. On the website provided, it is clearly stated that busking is not to be seen as a source of income [3]. This aspect is one of interest as it raises the question of whether buskers themselves view their activity as a hobby or a job. Furthermore, there is seemingly contradictory treatment of foreign buskers brought in for the annual Buskers Festival as they are fully paid for by the organizers [4]. The task of photographing individual buskers was approached delicately in emulation of Henri CartierBressons words: The picture-story involves a joint operation of the brain, the eye, and the heart. The objective of this joint operation is to depict the content of some event which is in the process of unfolding, and to communicate impressions. [5] Much of Cartier-Bressons philosophy concerning photography and the decisive moment were adopted, especially with regard to a photographers respect towards the subject of interest, which in this case were buskers in Singapore. In such light, the entire process became one that was highly personal, as it was necessary to actively participate in the scene not just as a passive observer but by being on relational terms with the people involved in order to capture an accurate expression of the moment.

for the actual photography and informal interview to be conducted. Five of the best photographs were selected for each of the buskers. The photographs were taken with a Nikon D70 camera and developed by a commercial photograph shop. They were then arranged in sequence in a handmade book.

5 RESULTS 5.1 PHOTO ASSIGNMENTS

Prior to the sessions with buskers, several excursions were undertaken with the aim of developing basic photography skills. i) Location: Lakeside - Chinese Garden Date: 8 October 2010 Description: Emphasis on symmetry and geometrical shapes, experimental typography where random objects were framed to form letters of the alphabet.

5.1-1 Lotus flower at Chinese Garden

5.1-2 Y, experimental typography

ii)

Location: Bras Basah - Dhoby Ghaut Date: 24 October 2010 Description: Urban landscapes

4 METHODOLOGY
The medium of photography was explored through a series of photo assignments in order to gain a better grasp of camera handling and photo composition. The details of each assignment are described in the results section. In addition, photographs from various sources were studied to gain a better understanding of the different aspects in photography such as angle, composition, photo-editing techniques and photographic opportunities [1, 8, 12, 13]. Contact with local buskers was made by directly approaching them in person during their performances in public spaces. Several buskers who were willing to be interviewed and photographed were identified. As most encounters were unplanned, a later date was set

5.1-3 Crossroads

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iii)

Location: Nanyang Technological University Date: 6 November 2010 Description: Portraiture photographs

5.2-1 Xiao Luo at Boon Keng

ii)
5.1-4 Crystal Joyee Lee

Name: Daniel Ng Ah Hock Location: NUS Open House and Ang Mo Kio Hub Date: 13 March and 26 May 2011

iv)

Location: Little India Date: 13 January 2011 Description: Interviewing and portraiture

Description: Daniel has been singing and playing the guitar in public since 2000. He was invited to perform at NUS Open House under a student project Busk Like Us aimed at integrating young talents with experienced street performers. On a cloudy Thursday afternoon, he entertained passersby with a lovely acoustic version of Dick Lees Home.

5.1-5 Brisk business at the multicoloured public toilet opposite Kerbau Hotel, complete with blaring music.

5.2-2 Daniel performing at the square in between Ang Mo Kio Hub and S11 Coffeeshop.

5.2 MEETING THE BUSKERS

i) Name: Low Geok Lan (Xiao Luo) Location: Bendemeer Market and Food Centre, Boon Keng Date: 19 February 2011 Details: Xiao Luo plays the harmonica in its various forms and has been busking for a living since 2003. She performed songs taken from the popular Korean serial Da Chang Jin and also a rendition of Mouse Love Rice. Her autobiography entitled I Have Never Regretted Not Being Beautiful was published in 2004 [16].

iii)

Names: Leticia Habon Caya Qamaruddin Mohd Amin (Qamal) Location: In front of ION Takashimaya, Orchard Road Date: 30 April and 26 May 2011

(Catho) Orchard

and and

Description: This husband and wife duo form the group D Highlights with Catho on lead vocals and percussion, supported by Qamal with backup singing and keyboard accompaniment. The couple can really work a crowd with a medley of songs such as Blue Suede Shoes, Rock Around The Clock and Burung Kakak Tua. Previously, many Filipino maids took to dancing on the street to

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their lively music until recent opposition put an end to their activities [11].

performances at private functions and other events. The defining factor between a busker and a beggar would be the desire in a busker to produce and share a valuable experience, which necessitates constant improvement in skills and engagement with the audience, as compared to motivation solely for monetary gain. The involvement of buskers in collaborations with youth such as in the project Busk Like Us[15] highlights the fact that Singaporean society has gradually become more appreciative of busking and receptive to it as a platform for artistic exposure.

6.3 BUSKING AS A JOB?

5.2-3 D Highlights belting out oldies but goldies along Orchard Road.

The full commentary and photographs are presented in a separate book.

6 DISCUSSION 6.1 LOOKING THROUGH THE LENS

As a person with no prior experience to photography, this project was an opportunity to experiment with and learn a new skill. The ability to freeze a moment in time and space allows the eye to re-examine, over and over again, details that would otherwise escape a passing glance. The boundaries of a cameras viewfinder introduce a focus and a frame, through which a whole range of different meanings may be conveyed. Hence, the camera becomes a sharing tool, capturing images that tell the truth without words. The topic of this project required much interaction with strangers, forcing me out of my comfort zone in order to meet different people. The experience yielded many unexpected encounters and left a lasting impression on me personally.

The presence of a licence establishes the legitimacy of busking as an occupation. At street level, most people respect and perceive licensed buskers as earning a living even though the actual context of the scheme does not support busking as a source of income. It is noted that all three buskers selected for interviews including the majority of other buskers approached or observed on the streets were above 50 years of age. Hence, while reception towards busking has changed from indifference or even outright rejection to appreciation, it is still far from being taken up as a career by young working adults in Singapore. Busking is seen to have commercial value in the case of professional buskers from other countries that were invited to perform during the recent Sentosa Buskers Festival 2010. The line-up of performers was comprised wholly of foreign nationals [2]. When asked to comment on this fact, Xiao Luo admitted that foreign buskers had better quality and more diverse performances, whereas Daniel attributed it largely to the need to create a bigger draw for crowds that favour foreign talent over local shows. Insufficient information is available to form a conclusive statement regarding social perception towards foreign versus local buskers, but the debate is clearly one that stems from the heart of national policy that has not left even street performances untouched.

6.2 BUSKING AS PUBLIC ART?

Through direct engagement in public spaces and interviews with the buskers, I observed that busking in Singapore is much more accepted as a significant art form than previously thought, even though it has not completely shed the stigma of it being a glorified form of begging, limited to the elderly or the handicapped. This has greatly to do with the form of licensing present under the NAC Busking Scheme that ensures the quality of public performances [3]. Over the course of this study, the disparity between the motivations and quality of licensed and unlicensed buskers became apparent, though the latter group may not rightly be considered buskers as their efforts do not usually amount to a noteworthy performance. All the buskers recorded in this project were licensed. Two of them (Xiao Luo and Daniel Ng) considered busking to be a lifestyle choice whereas Catho and Qamal saw busking as an extension to their regular

6.4 SOCIAL DIVISIONS

It is interesting to note that even within the same sphere of activity, namely busking, distinctions were drawn between different buskers upon hearing that I interviewed a Mandarin speaking busker in Boon Keng, Chato commented that she must have been a Heartlander. Due to its very nature, busking is inherently linked to individuals who are part of a social structure which in this context is defined mainly as Cosmopolitan and Heartlander [6, 7, 17]. Based on the three interviews conducted, the essence of the buskers performances and opinions were seen to be coloured by their personal background. Xiao Luo conversed solely in Mandarin and the songs she performed were extracted from Chinese language media. Daniel, Catho and Qamal conversed in English and their choice of songs reflected

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the cultural influences of their era and medium of communication. Even the locations chosen for busking reflected certain preferences, as Xiao Luo and Daniel frequent hawker centres and markets close to residential areas whereas D Highlights stay exclusively on Orchard Road. In reality, other aspects of the buskers interviewed do not fall into either defined category but somehow the notion of a divide persists in a form of collective consciousness. This would exemplify the pervasiveness of political ideology in urban culture.

[5] Cartier-Bresson, Henri, The Mind's Eye: Writings on Photography and Photographers, 1st ed. New York: Aperture, 2006. [6] Chan, Brenda. (2009). Gender and class in the Singaporean film 881. Jump Cut: A Review of Contemporary Media. Available: http://www.ejumpcut.org/archive/jc51.2009/881/i ndex.html [7] Goh, Chok Tong, "Prime Minister's National Day Rally Speech: First-World Economy, World Class Home," ed. Singapore: Singapore Government Press Release, 1999. [8] Kwon, Sue, Street Level: New York Photographs 1987-2007. New York: Testify Books, 2009. [9] Lee, Valerie, "9.30 p.m. Television Corporation of Singapore English News," in Television Corporation Of Singapore News And Current Affairs Series, ed. Singapore, 1999. [10] Leong, James, "7.00 pm Television Corporation of Singapore English News," in Television Corporation Of Singapore News And Current Affairs Series, ed. Singapore, 1997. [11] Lim, Joyce, "Amusement or a nuisance?," in The New Paper, ed. Singapore, 2011. [12] Merrill, Larry, Pedestrian Photographs. New York: University of Rochester Press, 2008. [13] Ng, Deanna. Deanna Ng Photography. Available: http://www.deannang.com/ [14] Simmel, Georg, The Metropolis and Mental Life. New York: Free Press, 1903. [15] Surendran, Krishanthan and et. al. (2011). Busk Like Us. Available: http://www.facebook.com/#!/Busk.Like.Us.sg [16] Tom, Kristina, "Cabbies reading between the lanes," in The Star Online, ed. Singapore, 2005. [17] Yeoh, Brenda S. A. and Tan Serene, "Negotiating cosmopolitanism in Singapore's fictional landscape," in Cosmopolitan urbanism, J. H. Jon Binnie, Steve Millington, Craig Young, Ed., ed. New York: Routledge, 2006.

7 CONCLUSION
This project has shown that busking in Singapore is being increasingly accepted as an art form that has potential to be harnessed as a means to develop young talent. However, busking as a career option is still sidelined in the local context. The form of busking is dictated by class distinctions and government policy both of which are well-entrenched in Singaporean society. Further studies may be conducted to examine the social effects of busking such as the gathering of people to dance in public spaces and the benefits of creating an atmosphere of open engagement. The factors involved in the opposition towards such gatherings in public should also be taken into consideration. Another topic that may be explored is the contribution of busking to the formation of national identity through the expression of various art forms with local origins.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to appreciate Professor Michael Tan for his guidance throughout this project. Special thanks to Josephine Tan Siok Im and Tan Zhi Howe for lending me their cameras, Crystal Joyee Lee for assistance in the portraiture assignment, and Wilson Kok Ziliang for transport and contacts. We wish to acknowledge the funding support for this project from Nanyang Technological University under the Undergraduate Research Experience on Campus (URECA) programme.

REFERENCES
[1] (1999-2011). TIME Photoessays. Available: http://www.time.com/time/photoessays [2] (2010). Sentosa Buskers Festival Available: http://buskers.sentosa.com.sg/ [3] (NAC), National Arts Council. (2005). National Arts Council (NAC) Busking Scheme. Available: http://www.nac.gov.sg/eve/eve09.asp [4] Ahmad, Nureza. (2004). Singapore River Buskers' Festival. Available: http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/SIP_445_2005-0105.html