Kubler, 1947, The Neo-Inca State (1537-1572)

The Neo-Inca State (1537-1572) Author(s): George Kubler Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol.
27, No. 2 (May, 1947), pp. 189-203 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2508415 . Accessed: 27/05/2013 10:43
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THE NEO-INCA STATE (1537-1572) The student of colonial culture in LatiniAinerica is repeatedly struck by the disparities between the colonizations of Mexico and Peru.' In these areas the Conquista events were separated by little over a decade, but the work of extensive colonization did not begin in Peru until the 1570's, or more than a generation after the inception of that work in Mexico. On the one hand, Spanish colonial policy underwent significant changes between 1521 and 1533, and the quality of the leadership in the two Conquistas was notoriously unequal. On the other hand, the indigenous forces of resistance to colonization were far better organized in Peru than inl Mexico. The present study is intended as a contribution to this last topic. It is also a continuation of earlier efforts to describe and define initial colonial processes in Peruvian Indian society.2 We shall treat of the organized separatist movement of the disaffected Incas in Peru, a movement to which the name, the Neo-Inca State, seems appropriate. It will be necessary to begin with a discussion of those Indian factions that preferred an alliance with the Spaniards to the doomed resistance initiated by Manco Capac in Vilcabamba province. I of Until the death Manco's younger brother, Paullu, two distinct civil wars were being waged in Peru. At one level there was the conflict between Spanish factions, the first loyal to Pizarro and later to the crown, the second sharing in the aspirations of the two Almagros and later in Gonzalo Pizarro's dream of an independent Peruvian kingdom. At the other level, in Indian life itself, civil war had torn Peru apart in the time of Huascar and Atahualpa; later on, it continued under cover of the Spanish Conquest, in the steady strife between Manco Inca and Paullu. In fact, as long as the separatist Inca movement subsisted, this civil
1 George Kubler, "The Quechua in the Colonial World," in Handbookof South American Indians (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 143, Vols. I-II, Washington, 1946), II, 331-410. 2 Kubler, "The Behavior of Atahualpa, 1531-1533," THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXV (November, 1945), 413-427; idem, "A Peruvian Chief of State: Manco Inca (1515-1545)," THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXIV (May, 1944), 253-276.
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THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
war lasted, and one of its most intense and historical phases may be traced in the career of Paullu. Of the multitude of members of the Inca caste residing in Cuzco and other Spanish settlemenits, none achieved more distinction as a collaborationist than Paullu, the son of Huayna OCapac by the daughter of the lord of Huaylas. His early history is confused. He was evidently born after 1520, for he was still very young at the siege of Cuzco in 1536.3 It is unclear whether he or another man by the same name was implicated in the mnaneuvers of Quizquiz during 1533-1534 to control the Incaship.4 His first certain appearance upon the theatre of neo-Inca society was when, with Manco's permission, he was sent with Almagro to Chile. It may even be that iVlancowas relieved to have a possible rival drawn away from Cuzco; in any case, Francisco Pizarro welcomed the opportunity to divide Indian strength, by sending 12,000 Indian warriors along with Paullu and the Villac Umu.5 That campaign, with its great hardships, was one in which Paullu probably matured, passing from adolescence into the status of a seasoned Indian military commander, guiding Almagro, interceding for him with hostile tribes, and facilitating his quest for and passable roads.6 precious mnetal Paullu's hostility to Manco did not crystallize until after his return from Chile with Almagro's men.7 During that expedition, in fact, he sent information about Almagro's movements to Man3Felipe Huam6n Poma de Ayala, Nueva cor6nica y buen gobierno (codex pgruvien illustr6), (Universit6 de Paris, Institut d'Ethnologie, Travaux et MFmoires, XXIII, Paris Incas peruanos 1936), p. 181; R6mulo Cuneo-Vidal, Historia de las guerras de los fCltimos contrael poderespainol (Barcelona, 1925), pp. 149, 156-175; Antonio de Herrera y TordesiIlas, Historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar ocdano (9 vols. in 5, Madrid, 1726-1730), V, 226; Bernab6 Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Marcos Jim6nez de la Espada, ed., 4 vols., Seville, 1890-1893), III, 203. 4Francisco L6pez de G6mara, Historia de las Indias (Madrid, 1749), p. 116; Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Historia general del PerA ... (Madrid, 1722), libro i, cap. xxxix. My friend Charles Gibson has recently provided proof in his master's thesis that distinct persons are involved (The Concept of Inca Sovereignty, MS, University of Texas, 1947). Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 54. Villac Umu signifies "high priest"; in Inca society he was the main official of the state religion (see John Rowe, "Inca Culture," Handbook of South American Indians, II, 299). 6 Garcilaso, op. cit., libro ii, caps. xx, xii. 7Crist6bal de Molina (of Santiago), "Relaci6n de muchas cosas acaescidas en el Peru, en suma, para entender a la letra la manera que se tuvo en la conquista y poblazon destos reinos," in Horacio H. Urteaga and Carlos A. Romero, eds., Colecci6nde libros y documentos referentesa la historia del Pert, 1st. ser., I (Lima, 1916), 157.
THE NEO-INCA STATE
191
co, and misinformed the Spaniard by overestimating the peril in which Cuzco was held by the siege.,8 He is even reported to have taken part in the planning of the rebellion with Manco Cipac and the Villac Umu.9 Like Manco, then, Paullu's filiation lay with Almagro rather than with Pizarro, but he secretly desired the downfall of both factions. His loyalties were radically altered, however, when, in.1537, Almagro invested Cuzco. At that moment, Almagro appeared to be master of Peru, and Paullu's personal problem became more complex. If he were to retain power. under Almagro, he must keep Manco from joining forces with the Spaniard.10 In effect, when Almagro invited Manco to. come to him at Cuzco in peace, the message was conveyed by Paullu,11 who, instead of fulfilling his mission, is represented as working to prevent the juncture, in order to maintain his own position.12 Later, in July, 1537, Paullu assisted Almagro in defeating the Pizarrist force under Alonso de Alvarado.-3 When. Paullu captured a booty amounting to ten thousand pesos from the Pizarrist fugitives, Almagro elevated Paullu to the Incaship,'4 investing him with a llautu, as Pizarro had invested Manco in 1534 when he was nmasterof Peru. Paullu, who had taken the name of Paullu Tu'pac, then arranged to secure for Almagro the allegiance of those Indian forces which had fought for Alvarado at the Apurimac bridge, and his own Indians guarded the.passes to prevent communication with the Pizarrists in Lima. Meanwhile, Manco had withdrawn from Ollantaytambo into Vilcabamba, and hoping to recruit new forces, he sent messages to Paullu urging him to join the rebels.15 Paullu countered by offering to renounce the Incaship if Manco would join Almagro.16 Paullu later fought with six thousand Indians in 1538 for Almagro
8 Gonzalo Fern6ndez de Oviedo y Valdds, IIistoria generaly natural de las Indias, islas y tierra-firmedel mar ocdano. . . (4 vols., Madrid, 1851-1855), IV, 282-283. Garcilaso, op. cit., libro ii, cap. xxii; Bishop Valverde, "Relaci6n del sitio del Cuzco .," in Varias relaciones del Per4i y Chile ... (Colecci6n de libros espanioles raros y muy curiosos, XIII, Madrid, 1879), p. 7. 15 L6pez de G6mara, op. cit., p. 135. 11Valverde, op. cit., p. 115. 12 Pedro de Cieza de Le6n, The War of Las Salinas (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd. series, LIV, London, 1923), p. 60. 13 Valverde, op. cit., pp. 123-124. 14 Ibid., p. 124; Oviedo, op. cit., IV, 193. Cieza de Le6n (op. cit., p. 86 ff.) holds that Manco fabricated the story that Almagro had created Paullu Sapa Inca. Contrast Cobo, op. cit., III, 209; Molina (of Santiago), op. cit., p. 184. 15 Cieza de Le6n, op. cit., p. 86 if. 16Herrera, op. cit., VI, 42.
192
at the disastrous battle of Salinas, under Rodrigo Org6flez' command.'7 There his orders were to slaughter all Spaniards-the Almagrists if retreating, and the Pizarrists under all circumstances.18 When defeat was evident, Paullu fled from the battlefield, only to be recaptured by Hernando Pizarro's men.19 He now became the ally of the Pizarrists, who found him too valuable to discard, for fear that he might join Manco with his remaining effectives.20 In 1539, he was accepted by the pacified Indians of Cuzco as their Inca.21 He wore a Spanish sword and pretended to maintain the traditional state of his rank in the palace which had belonged to Huayna Capac.22 He also participated with the victorious Pizarrists in the subjugation of the revolt in the Collao.23 The Spaniards were in hopes that Paullu, in defense of his position, might eventually undertake to crush Manco in Vilcabamba, and in 1539, plans were afoot for such an expedition under the command of Hernando Pizarro.24 Paullu's status seemed more secure than that of most Spaniards at this moment, for in 1540, the king ordered the newly appointed governor, Vaca de Castro, to pay special attention to the.good treatment of Paullu.25 Yet in 1542, upon the occasion of the rebellion staged by Almagro's son, the mestizo youth from Panama, Paullu reverted to his old loyalty to the Almagrist cause, in the campaign against royal authority. He sent Indian spies to Huaraz to report upon the strength of Governor Vaca de Castro's force,26and he himself fought in the terrible battle at Chupas, in which the Almagrist faction was finally crushed.27 Once again, the victorious Spanish party found it expedient to maintain Paullu as its partisan, and Vaca de Castro, mindful of a royal in his holdings. In 1543, then, Paullu acorder, reinstated hinm
Cieza de Le6n, op. cit., p. 195. Herrera, op. cit., VI, 96. 19 Valverde, op. cit., p. 168. 20 Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 159. 21Bishop Valverde, "Carta del obispo del Cuzco al emperador ... [1539]," in Colecci6n de documentosineditos ... de Indias (42 vols., Madrid, 1864-1884), III, p. 115. 22 Herrera, op. cit., VI, 20. 2"TValverde, "Relaci6n del sitio del Cuzco .. .," loc. cit., p. 187; Fernando Montesinos, Anales del Perul (2 vols., Madrid, 1906), I, 114. 24 Valverde, "Relaci6n del sitio del Cuzco ... .," loc. cit., p. 194. 25 Herrera, op. cit., VIII, 107; Cobo, op. cit., III, 209. 26 Cieza de Le6n, The War of Chupas (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd. series, XLII, London, 1918), pp. 211; 282, n. 2. 27 L6pez de G6mara, op. cit., p. 135.
18 17
THE NEO-INCA
STATE
193
cepted baptism in Cuzco, taking the name Crist6bal in honor of his protector, Governor Vaca de Castro. His status as Inca was confirmed by the crown, together with the grant of a coat of arms in 1544.28 He held important encomiendas near Arequipa and at Hatun Cana; he married a descendant of the Inca Roca,29 and his son Melchor Carlos Inca grew up as a gentleman, in a position to maintain stables, with Spanish and Negro servants. Paullu died about 1550, and the Indians of Cuzco, following the ancient custom, made a statue of him, and adorned it with his hair and fingernails.30 This image was secretly adored by the Indians, as were those of other Incas in Cuzco and Vilcabamba. Paullu's other remains were buried in a small private chapel he had caused to be built in his Cuzco residence.3 II The rule of Sayri Tupac (born ca. 1534) in Vilcabamba lacks the impress of a firm historical personality such as that of Manco Cdpac or Atahualpa. He was designated as Manco's heir in preference to a slightly older son, Titu Cusi Yupanqui, who later usurped the control of Viticos in 1558. Sayri Tiupac's residence in Vilcabamba was governed by a regent, whose name and character are poorly preserved. Cobo calls him Atoc Supa;32 Gasca referred to him as Pomisopa,33 while C(ineo-Vidal confuses the regent with a collaborationist uncle of Cuzco named Cayao Tudpac.34 In any case, Titu Cusi was appointed as high priest of the cult of the sun. Being but a year or two older than the Inca, Titu probably had no share in the regency. The regent himself, during the three or four years after Manco's death, continued the policy of guerrilla raids against the Spaniards and against pacified Indian settlements.35 This activity was dropped after the opening of the negotiations in 1548 for Sayri Tui'pac's conversion to Spanish life.36 The course of these negotiations was interrupted by the grave civil disorders that'marred Spanish life in Peru between 1546 and
Cobo, op. cit., III, 209; C(ineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 173. Contrast Poma de Ayala, op. cit., p. 181. 30 Cobo, op. cit., III, 210; cf. Pedro Pizarro, Relation of the Discovery and Conquestof the Kingdoms of Peru (Philip Ainsworth Means, tr. and ed., The Cortes Society, Documents and Narratives . . ., No. 4, 2 vols., New York, 1921), I, 203-205; 251. 31Molina (of Santiago), op. cit., pp. 158-159; Herrera, op. cit., VI, 20. 32 Cobo, op. cit., III, 209. 33Roberto Levillier, ed., Gobernantes del Perib,cartas y papeles, siglo XVI; documentosdel Archivo de Indias (14 vols., Madrid, 1921-1926), I, 117. 34 Cdneo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 191. 35Ibid., p. 198. 36 Levillier, op. cit., I, 116-117.
28 29
194
1556. The Spaniards were far less concerned with the affairs of Viticos than in Manco's day, and it was only during periods of respite from civil war, in 1548-1549, and again in 1556, that any action was taken to settle the question of Inca separatism.37 Thus the initiative passed into Spanish hands, for lack of appropriate Indian force and adequate direction to replace Manco's direction of harrassing warfare. In 1548, after the president of the audiencia, Pedro de la Gasca, had crushed the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro which was provoked by the New Laws regarding encomienda tenure,38overtures were made to Sayri Tu'pac'sregent.39 Gasca's purpose was to persuade Sayri Tupac's uncle, inducing him to send two of his servants to Viticos bearing this invitation with assurances that the young Inca would be handsomely treated.40 In July, the messengers re turned, accompanied by six emissaries from the Inca bearing gifts of rare birds and puma cubs. Their object was to discover whether Paullu's messengers had come in good faith and with the knowledge of Gasca himself. Gasca replied affirmatively, sending return gifts of preserves and wines, with a Hispanicized Indian named Martin, who was to offer Sayri the choice of surrendering peacefully or of being driven out of Viticos by force. The men of Viticos temporized, replying that they could not emerge until summer, since winter was approaching. Paullu died shortly thereafter, and as the negotiations were in his hands, the matter was dropped. Meanwhile, fresh disorders had arisen in the civil government of the colony, culminating in the rebellion of Francisco Hernandez Gir6n, which was not broken until 1555.41 But President Gasca, mindful of the moral effect upon Viticos, was at great pains to be partial in 1549 to Paullu's heir in the question of the great inheritance involved.42 Thus an example was created for the purpose of indicating to the Inca that it would be possible for him to enter colonial society at a high level of rank and income. The Spanish plan was no longer to tolerate the concept of Inca rule.43 To the Indian mind, the problem was converted from one of resis37Cobo, op. cit., III, 210.
Philip Ainsworth Means, Fall of the Inca Empire and the Spanish Rutlein Peru, 15301780 (New York, 1932), pp. 93-97. " Levillier, op. cit., I, 116-117. 40 Cobo, op. cit., III, 210; Levillier, op. cit., I, 117. 41 Means, op. cit., pp. 99-100. 42 CGneo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 177. . [15391," in loc. cit., p. 115. 43 Valverde, "Carta del obispo del Cuzco al emnerador .
38
THE NEO-INCA STATE
195
tance to one of mercantile character, in. which. the residual forces of separatism had a market. value. In 1556, the negotiations were reopened. Although many Spanish rebels of Hernandez Gir6n's party had taken refuge in Vilcabamba, where they assisted the Indian raids,44the actual cash value of the Incaship had deteriorated, given the fresh advances made by the crown in the consolidation of the rule of Peru. The Indian raids were no longer highly de-. structive: a major attack upon the Apurimac bridge was repulsed about this time by the militia of Huamanga alone.45 As in 1548, the civil.government approached the mien of Viticos via Indian intermediaries.46 Viceroy Hurtado de Mendoza (1555-1561) wrote to Beatriz Coya in Cuzco, asking her. to communicate to Sayri T?pac the advantageous terms that, might be composed. Beatriz Coya was Huayna Capac's daughter; in Spanish-Indian society she enjoyed preeminent rank and authority. Beatriz agreed to the undertaking, and sent an uncle of Sayri's named Tarisca to Vilcabamba. After great difficulty with broken bridges and obstructed roads, the envoy discovered that Sayri had not yet assumed the llautu, being still regarded as a minor, although he was now at least twenty-two years old. His guardians were suspicious of the envoy sent by Beatriz: detaining him, they; sent a counter-embassy to Cuzco to confirm the messages and to request an envoy of their own choosing. Finally, after prolonged delays staged by the regents, who displayed an almost pathological distrust of Spanish intentions, indicative of the weakness of their position and of the disintegration of their powers for action, an acceptable embassy was received at Viticos. Sayri himself was glad to treat with the envoys, but the decision as to his entry into Spanish life was reserved by his tutors. After consulting auguries, sacrificing animals, and examining the sun, the guardians were of divided opinion as to whether he should leave Vilcabamba. The final decision to allow him to emerge was taken in September, 1557; on that day all fasted, no fires were lit, and the Indians ascended a peak where the Sun, the earth, and the huacas yielded affirmative
44Montesinos, op. cit., I, 242.
46 46
Ibid.
Diego (El Palentino) Fernindez, Primera, y segunda parte, de la historia del Perft (2 vols., Lima, 1876-1877) II, 343-349; Garcilaso, op. cit., libro viii, caps. viii-xi; Antonio de la Calancha, Coronica moralizada del orden de San Augustin en el Peru, con sucesos egenplares en esta monarquia (Barcelona, 1638), xxix; Jos6 Eusebio Llano y Zapata, Memorias hist6rico-ffsicas-apolog6ticas de la Am&rica Meridional (Lima, 1904), pp. 193-195.
196
omens. In accepting the omens, Sayri, who had at last received the llautu, made a speech, in which he rationalized the decision in terms of divine will and of their common nostalgia for the land of Cuzco. A fast of eight days preceded the actual departure from Viticos, and Sayri arrived in Lima on January 5, 1558, accompanied by a party of three hundred Indians. There he was received by the viceroy and was granted his awards.47 They consisted of encomiendas expropriated from Francisco Herna6ndez Gir6n, to the value of eleven thousand castellanos per annumnin the Valley of Cuzco, two houses in Cuzco which had belonged to Huayna Capac, and the title of adelantado (lord lieutenant or commander).48 Sayri had demanded all Vilcabamba as well; this was not granted in the final price. The Inca Sayri Tipac died in 1560 at Yucay, and his great estate passed to his small daughter Beatriz Clara. This estate later figured largely in the negotiations with Titu Cusi Yupanqui, Sayri's successor in Vilcabamba. III Titu Cusi, the eldest but illegitimate son of Manco left behind in Viticos, had no intention of fulfilling the contract paid for by the Spaniards. Instead of dissolving the government of Vilcabamba, he usurped it and had himself made Inca in 1560.49 In Titu Cusi, a powerful personality took charge of Indian affairs once again. Like his father, Titu Cusi had little direct contact with Spanish life, but his existence was governed by the will to resist Spanish dominion. His program was facilitated by the presence in Peru of an impressionable and hesitant governor, Lope Garcia de Castro, of whose weaknesses Titu Cusi took full advantage. Part of the new Inca's childhood had been spent in Cuzco, after he was captured by Spanish raiders in Vilcabamba about 1537.50 In Cuzco he was kept in the household of Fernando de Ofiate, where he was well treated, receiving baptism as Diego.5
Cobo, op. cit., III, 212. Levillier, op. cit., III, 81; Cuineo-Vidal, op. cit., pp. 199-200. 49 Juan de Matienzo, ed., "Gobierno del Peru. Obra escrita en el siglo XVI por el licenciado don Juan Matienzo oidor de la Real Audiencia de Chareas," Publicaciones de la Secci6n de Historia de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras (Buenos Aires, 1910), p. 193. 50 Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, "Relaci6n de la conquista del Peru y hechos del Inca Manco II .. ,"in Horacio H. Urteaga, ed., Colecci6nde libros y documentosreferentes a la historia del Peru, 1st. ser., II (Lima, 1916), p. 82. Hereinafter cited as "Relacion." 51 Ibid., p. 83; Cuineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 226; Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa, Narrative ... the War of Quito (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, XXXI, London, 1913), p. 192.
47 48
THE NEO-INCA STATE 197 As an adult, however, he was unable to recall the name he had been given at this ceremony. In 1541, his father, Manco C.pac, arranged for him to be repatriated to Viticos.52 Thus Titu's life among Europeans was limited to three or four years as a small child between five and eight years of age. During this period he may have learned the rudiments of reading and writing. He also surely became acquainted with Christianity, with a money economy, and with the Spanish concepts of rank and status. As a young boy in 1545, Titu Cusi witnessed the assassination of his father, receiving a wound in the scuffle.53 In his biography of Manco, composed and dictated as one of the pices justificatives in his difficult dealings with the brilliant and skeptical Viceroy Toledo,54Titu revealed a deep admiration for his father. He portrays him as a man of high moral integrity, gifted with idealism, and hesitant in action. Titu, moved by his father's example, attempted to continue a campaign of resistance; the obejetive, however, was different, and the effort itself was made difficult by the dwindling forces available in Vilcabamba, and by Titu's own limited comprehension of Spanish culture. He fought against Spain, but he was no longer animated by the vain hope of expelling or exterminating or destroying Spain in Peru. Thus, if Manco began his career in negotiation and ended in rebellion, his son Titu reversed the process, offering resistance which gradually was metamorphosed into a technique of diplomatic bargaining. One of Titu Cusi's immediate objectives was to arrange the marriage of his eldest son, Quispe Titu (born 1550), with the boy's double first cousin, the daughter and heir of Sayri Tuipac.55 If this marriage with Beatriz Clara (born 1556) could be arranged, Quispe Titu would then be sure to enter Spanish society at a high economic level. In 1565, her holdings were already considerable, and Titu communicated with Governor Garcia de Castro to the effect that he would cease resistance providing (a) the marriage were arranged, (b) the encomiendas concerned were granted in perpetuity, and (c) an income were provided for his younger brother, Tupac Amaru. He also indicated that he was a poor man himself, and that he could not afford to travel or maintain an establishment in Cuzco. As these negotiations languished, Titu redoubled the violence Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," loc. cit., p. 91. Cieza de Le6n, The War of Quito (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, XXXI, London, 1913), p. 165. 54 Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," loc. cit. 55 Levllier, op. cit., III, 82-83; CGneo-Vidal, op. cit., p, 226.
52 $3
198
of the daily raids upon Jauja and Huamanga,56 and by inciting other revolts in Chile and Tucuman,57made it impossible for any economic activity to flourish in those areas. In these operations, Titu confined his attacks to the Indian populations alone. He never caused Spaniards to be killed, nor did he burn or desecrate churches, because of his ultimate desire for Spanish recognition of his sovereignty in Vilcabamba.58 Meanwhile, Beatriz Clara, who, with her widowed mother, had been placed with a family in Cuzco named Maldonado, in order that the little girl mighit more rapidly be Hispanicized, became the object of a strange intrigue.59 At the age of eight she was raped by a relative of the head of the household, with the latter's connivance, so that Beatriz might be forced to marry her attacker and thus keep her fortune in the Maldonado family.60 Upon learning the situation, Titu Cusi repeated his earlier demands, requesting an annulment of this union, and a papal dispensation for the marriage of the two children, since both of them issued from parents who were brothers and sisters of the same father, Manco Caipac.6' Governor Castro obliged as soon as possible,62and continued the negotiations, regardless of the increasingly presumptuous demands made by Titu, in the belief that appeasement And negotiation cost nothing, but that a military campaign at that moment might involve expenses of forty thousand pesos or more.63 At this time, late in the decade of the 1560's, Titu Cusi did enjoy a certain power. He dominated not only Vilcabamba itself, a rich province capable of economic independence, but also the territories of the "Manaries, Sinyane, Chucumachai, niguas, Opatare, Pancormayo, Pilcomu, to Ynparupa, guarampu, Peati, chirinapa, ponaba," receiving tribute from them all.64 To the southeast, his dominion possessed definite natural boundaries at the Urubamba and Apurimac rivers; between them lay Vilcabamba itself, bounded on the east by "Curamba, Pingos, Marcaguasi, and Mollepanta."65 To the north and west lay a vast, unexplored hinterland as far as
op. cit., III, 98-100. 17 Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 231. 59 Levillier, op. cit., III, 263. Matienzo, op. cit., p. 193. 60 Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., pp. 210-215. 61Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," loc. cit., p. 102; Levillier, op. cit., III, 265. 62 Matienzo, op. cit., pp. 196-197. 63 Levillier, op. cit., III, 265. 64Antonio VAzquez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Indies (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 102, Washington, 1942) p. 552. 65 Tristin Sinchez, "Virey D. Francisco de Toledo," in Colecci6nde documentosinhditos ... de Indias, VIII, 270.
58
56 Levillier,
THE NEO-INCA
STATE
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Hiuanuco province, within which Titu Cusi was the effective ruler.66 All surrounding pacified Indians lived in terror. In sudden raids upon their lands, his men destroyed crops and carried off the population. Within Vilcabamba, Titu maintained an elaborate guard. All entrances to the area were manned and fortified by patrols, communicating with Titu by means of a system of runners, like the chasquis of the pre-conquest era. The Inca's person was surrounded by a bodyguard of cannibal Antisuyu archers, and he consorted with a dwarf and a mestizo secretary named Martin Pando. In 1565 he was visited by Governor Castro's envoy, Rodriguez de Figueroa, who wrote a circumstantial account of the life of the Inca at that time.67 His commanders wore face-masks and plumed diadems, and were armed with lances. Many of them were renegade Christians who remembered their given names. Other Indians seemed unfamiliar with Spanish swords and daggers. In Viticos, the severed heads of Manco's murderers were still exposed to public view, and Titu flared angrily when Rodriguez first mentioned Christianity. Titu received the envoy only after long delays, and not at Viticos, but near Bambacona, where the Indians prepared a fortified hilltop house for his use, and a kind of theater surfaced with red clay. At the meeting, Titu wore only the traditional Indian garments, and all his followers ceremonially saluted the Sun before the beginning of the conversations. Titu offered Rodriguez a cup of chicha, while joking with Pando about the consecrated wine of Jesus; and at the feast eaten later, the diet consisted of maize, potatoes, beans, boiled and roasted venison, fowl, macaw, and monkey meat. All ate on the ground, excepting T;tu, who took his food from silver vessels set out on green rushes. Rodriguez noted his age as near forty (actually he was but thirty-two in 1565), and observed that his face was pitted by smallpox. Later on, the negotiations were conducted in an alcoholic haze, and the Indians, including Titu, indulged in bravura expressions of hatred for the Spaniards. At the same time, lavish exchanges of gifts marked the proceedings, interrupted by spear-dances and fulminations against the bastard descendants of Atahualpa. Next day, in a more sober mood, Titu displayed his arsenial,consisting of twenty-five arquebuses, and he explained to Rodriguez that he was a poor man, incapable of assuming any decent status in
66Rodriguez de Figueroa, op. cit.
67Ibid.
200
Cuzco. Some in-terest was displayed in the possibility that the Indians might make money through the sale of coca and wood. When Rodriguez insisted that Titu leave Vilcabamba to settle in Cuzco, the Inca finally refused all offers, broke off the discussion, and withdrew from the meeting to Viticos, forty leagues distant. Rodriguez' account suggests that Titu was willing to be at peace with the Spaniards, but that he wished to be left to his own devices in Vilcabamba, free from governmental supervision. The shadow of his father's intransigeance was still with him; there was also the prospect of being able to create an Indian economy through the exploitation of the rich silver mines of Vilcabamba.68 It is therefore understandable that Titu did not at this moment accept the extraordinarily advantageous terms offered by Governor Castro and ratified by the king. He did not relish the prospect of a servile and monogamous existence in Cuzco, and he hesitated to relinquish the Incaship to the incompetent Tuipac Amaru. His real objective was to secure recognition of his sovereign rights in his own territory, and to have Vilcabamba placed in the status of an Indian state independent from the surrounding Spanish colony. Had some more conciliating colonial administrator than Viceroy Toledo arrived upon the scene, Titu Cusi's dream of state would have been realized. Viceroy Toledo was far more hard-headed and far less impressed by Titu's Incaic pretensions than Governor Castro.69 Toledo found Castro's negotiations ludicrous and confused, and he repudiated all his predecessor's commitments. Toledo believed that Titu's army consisted of some five hundred Indians, and that his only fortification was the favoring topography of Vilcabamba.70 He saw no serious danger in the occasional terror which Titu inspired in the pacified Indians of Cuzco and Huamanga, nor was he impressed by Titu's transparent professions of interest in Christianity. With remarkable candor, Toledo even berated the king for admitting the possibility of an independent Indian state under Titu's direction. Thus the new viceroy rated Titu's resistance at the same level with other revolts of little real consequence, such as that of the Chiriguana Indians near Chuquisaca,7"or among the Chunchos, and in Chachapoyas, where similiar phenomena of dispersal had impeded colonization for some time.72
88 70
CGneo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 249. Ibid., III, 452-453. 72 Ibid., III, 455.
69 Levillier, op. cit., III, 449, 530.

71
Ibid., III, 451.
THE NEO-INCA STATE
201
The last years of Titu Cusi's life are recorded in some detail.73 Shortly after the failure of Castro's negotiations with the Inca, an Augustinian friar named Marcos Garcia was permitted to enter Vilcabamba and to undertake evangelization in 1568. Titu Cusi tolerated his presence, allowing him to build a church at Puquiura, and to teach the children of the neighborhood in letters, singing, and urban living. The Indians soon reacted in a massive return to idolatry, centering about the cult of the oracular Yumac Rumi at Chuquipalpa near Viticos, and assuming the form of widespread public intoxication and visits to secret places of ritual. Fray Marcos, however, was reinforced by another Augustinian, Diego Ortiz, whom Titu Cusi permitted to found a church at Huarancalla, two or three days' journey from Puquiura. The work of the two friars ended in 1570-1571, when Marcos Garcia was expelled from the province, and Ortiz was martyred for his connection with the death of Titu Cusi. The Inca had become dependent upon the friar for medical advice in cases of illness resulting from climatic displacement, such as were common among the Manaries and the Pilcosones in his service. Thus Fray Diego was kept near the Inca. One day, after having wept long before the remains of Manco Catpac,Titu exercised too vigorously while fencing with Martin Pando, his mestizo secretary. He was a fat man, and the violent exercise, combined with much drinking, brought him down with a chill, from which he died a few days later. Diego Ortiz was accused of poisoning him, and therefore met a violent death at about the time the young Tuipac Amaru was made Inca in 1571. By March, 1572, little or no activity had been noted at Vilcabamba for some time ;74 Toledo was unaware of Titu Cusi's death, and of the presence of the new Inca. Tupac Amaru, however, was Titu Cusi's brother, Manco Catpac'syoungest legitimate son. 7 He was born in Vilcabamba, but his early history is vague. Sarmiento says of him that he was impotent,76 and the other sources agree that Titu Cusi had usurped the rule from him, and
73Calancha, op. cit., pp. 787 ff; C. A. Mackehennie, "Apuntes sobre don Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui Inca," Revista hist6rica de Lima, III (1909), 371-390; V (1913), 6-14; also Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," Appendix E, loc. cit., pp. 135-137. 74Levillier, op cit., IV, 294-295. 71 SAnchez, op. cit., pp. 263 ff. 76 Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Geschichtedes Inkareiches (Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Gesellschaftder Wissenschaften zu Gbttingen,Philologisch-historischeKMasse)(Berlin, 1906), IV, p. 38.
202
had consigned him to a nunnery to render him politically ineffective.77 During Tuipac Amaru's brief career, all Spanish efforts to communicate with Vilcabamba were repulsed with bloodshed.78 When a distinguished citizen of Cuzco, Atilano de Anaya, who was sent as envoy, was murdered at the Chuquichaca bridge, Viceroy Toledo's patience broke. War was declared against the rebel Inca as an apostate, homicide, and tyrant.79 The entire able-bodied citizenry of Cuzco participated in the campaign, under the direction of Martin de Arbieto, setting forth from the capital early in May, 1572.80 According to Calancha, who had access to excellent monastic records, Vilcabamba had recently been devastated by plague and famine.8" Entering swiftly, the Spaniards, who were assisted as usual by Cafiari Indians, found the borders less carefully guarded than usual, and the roads and bridges in passable condition. Herds of cattle were found near Tuipac Amaru's retreat,82 and along the way, substantial groups of Indians willingly surrendered to the Spaniards. 83 Tuipac Amaru himself, upon being surrounded, fled in disorder, but the pursuers finally overtook him in the Valley of Momori, beyond the province of the Manaries.84 After the capture, the Inca was brought in chains to Cuzco, and presented, wearing the mascapaycha and the llautu of his office, to Viceroy Toledo.85 Shortly afterwards, he received baptism and was beheaded in the public square, in the presence of a Cafiari guard, among the laments of a large crowd of Quechua Indians. His head was displayed for some time upon a pike, but since it became an object of adoration to Indians, Viceroy Toledo had it removed from sight. Among the trophies brought from Viticos to Cuzco was the embalmed body of Manco,86 and a golden image of the sun, called Punchao, containing the ashes of the hearts of dead Incas. 87 In Vilcabamba, the Indian towns were sacked by the invading
77 History of the Incas, by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa,and the Execution of the Inca Tupac Amaru, by ... Baltasar de Ocampo (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd. series, XXII, Cambridge, 1907), p. 213. 71 Cobo, op. cit., III, 214-215. 79 SAnchez, op. cit., p. 271. 81Calancha, op. cit., p. 801. 80 Montesinos, op. cit., II, 44. 82 Ocampo, op. cit., p. 222. 83 Sanchez, op. cit., p. 276. 84 Juicio de limites entre el Peru y Bolivia, Vilcabamba (12 vols., Barcelona, 1906), VII, 3-11; Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., pp. 280-282. 85 Ocampo, op. cit., p. 224. 86 Sanchez, op. cit., p. 277. 87 Cobo, op. cit., III, 325; Pizarro, op. cit., p. 252; Levillier, op. cit., IV, 501-512.
THE NEO-INCA
STATE
203
soldiers; many Indians were killed, and various small remnants withdrew to even more inaccessible retreats.88 Nothing remained about which to reconstruct the idea of an Inca state. The rebel dynasty was extinct, its cult objects were in Spanish hands, and near Vilcabamba village itself, a Spanish town was founded, called San Francisco de Victoria.89 In the last analysis, the separatist Inca state died of inanition. Its capacity for survival was weakened not only by a retrograde technology, but by Indian defections, and by the willingness of the majority of Indians to enjoy the limited benefits of Spanish colonial society. With this attitude of surrender, the Indian peoples of Peru, for better or for worse, slipped out of history into the passive anonymity and depression of colonial servitude, ceasing to display social volition. But the separatist movement itself was marked by the ample, rounded plans of action conceived by its leaders, especially Manco Capac and Titu Cusi. Both these men possessed a vivid, detailed concept of the future on many levels of happening; they sensed the tension between past and present, and their thought possessed directional quality. These patterns of historical sensibility were more pronounced in Manco's case than in Titu Cusi's; yet their presence removed the events associated with their lives from the level of mere Indian dispersals to the mountains, of the kind which was so frequent all during the colonial era. It is far from frivolous to reflect, that had Manco timed the outbreak of the rebellion a shade more closely, or had Viceroy Toledo not appeared upon the scene, the residual separatist state of the Incas in the sixteenth century might have continued as a formal entity in the colonial and modern history of South America.
GEORGE KUBLER.
Yale University.
88 Calancha, op.
cit., pp. 835-836.
89 Ocampo, op.
cit., p. 222.

Kubler, 1947, The Neo-Inca State (1537-1572)

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The Neo-Inca State (1537-1572) Author(s): George Kubler Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol.

THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE NEO-INCA STATE

THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE NEO-INCA STATE

THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

69 Levillier, op. cit., III, 449, 530.

Ibid., III, 451.

THE NEO-INCA STATE

THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

cit., pp. 835-836.

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