CORNELL UNIVERSITY

LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES PROGRAM

ANDEAN PAST
Volume 6
2000

ANDEAN PAST
Volume 6 2000
Editors
MONICA BARNES Society of Woman Geographers

and
DANIEL H. SANDWEISS University of Maine

Graphics Editor
DAVID FLEMING

Editorial Advisory Board

RICHARD 1. BURGER Yale University THOMASF. LYNCH Brazos County Museum of Natural History
CRAIG MORRIS American Museum of Natural History

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Copyright @ 2001 by the Cornell University Latin American Studies Program ISSN: 1055,8756
ANDEAN PAST is a peer,reviewed, numbered publication series dedicated to the archaeology and ethnohistory of Western South America. The Cornell University Latin American Studies Program is the publishinginstitution forANDEAN PAST. Orders shouldbe addressedto: Latin American Studies Program, 190 Uris Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14853; telephone (607) 255,3345, fax (607) 255,8919, e,mail mjd9@cornell.edu
Inquiries and manuscripts. submitted for future volumes should be sent to:

Daniel H. Sandweiss, Dept. of Anthropology, S. Stevens Hall, University of Maine, Orono, Maine 04469, 5773; telephone (207) 581,1889, fax (207) 581,1823, e,mail dan_sandweiss@umit.maine.edu or to: Monica Bames, 377 Rector Place, Apartment II,), New York,New York 10280; telephone (212) 945,0535, cell phone (917) 992,5880, e,maill03225.12@compuserve.com
ANDEAN PAST is partially funded through the U.S. Department of Education Title VI Cornell University/ University of Pittsburgh Consortium on Latin American Studies.

ANDEAN PAST

Volume 6 2000
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Editor's Preface by Monica Barnes

LyndaElliot Spickard, July 14, 1944 .. August 10, 1999 by RobinM. Brown
The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northem Peru: Microscopic Use..Wear Analysis

byTom D. Dillehayand JackRossen

ArchaeologicalInvestigationsat the Initial Period Center of Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina, Vini Valley,Peru: The 1994 Field Season byThomasA. Zoubek
Bodiless Human Heads in Paracas Necropolis Textile Iconography ~~~ The Miraflores EI Nino 'Disaster: Convergent Catastrophes and Prehistoric Agrarian Change in Southem Peru by Dennis R. S~tter1ee,Michael E. Moseley, David K. Keefer, and Jorge E. Tapia A. The JeU Phase Complex at La Emerenciana, a Late Valdivia Site in Southem EI Oro Province, Ecuador by John Edward Staller

37
@

95

117

Defining Ceramic Change and Cultural Interaction: Results of Typological, Chronological,and TechnologicalAnalysesof Guangala Phase Ceramics by MariaA. Masucci
The Many Facets of Mullu: More Than Just a Spondylus Shell by David Blower Inca Estates and the Encomienda: Hemando Pizarro's Holdings in Cusco by Catherine Julien Age Estimates for the Petroglyph Sequence of Inca Huasi, Mizque, Bolivia by Robert G. Bednarik The puzolana Obsidian Source: Locating the Geologic Source of Ayacucho Type Obsidian by Richard L. Burger and Michael D. Glascock

175

209

229

277

289

The Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeologyand Ethnohistory: The First EighteenYears by RichardE. Daggett
The Origins and the First 25 Years (1973..1997) ofthe Midwestern Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory

309

by DavidL Browman

347 '

Current Research in Andean Archaeology by Tamara L Bray, Earl H. Lubensky,Ronald D. Lippi, Izumi Shimada, Julie Farnum, Jack Rossen, Daniel H. Sandweiss,Kate Pechenkina; Richard L. Burger, Lucy Salazar,Burger, Robert Benfer, Donald A. Proulx, Francis A. Riddell, Rick Sutter and Christine Hastorf 369 Addresses of Authors Advice to Contributors to Andean Past

397 399

EDITOR'S PREFACE

It is no secret to our authors that we pro~ duce Andean Pastwith a minimumofinfrastruc~ ture and at very low cost. Since the beginning, we have published it under the aegis of the Cornell University Latin American Studies Program which does an exemplaryjob with our printing and distribution. Many thanks are due to Mary Jo Dudley, Associate Director of the Program, for her interest and support. Some of our modest overhead is absorbedbythe Univer sity of Maine, where Dan Sandweissis an Asso~ ciate Professor. Our archives are housed in Maine'sAnthropology Department. The editing and layout of Andean Past takes place at Maine, and in the small New York City apartment which I share with our Graphics Editor, my husband David Fleming. .
~

their own articles appear. As prices rise, librar~ ies are forced to cancel more and more subscrip~ tions. In reaction, new journals are being founded by serious scholars who often work out of their homes or smalloffices,assistedby the revolution in computing which has occurred during the past two decades. One such is Evolutionary Ecology Research, begunby Dr. MichaelRosen~ zweig,the former editor and founder of Evolu~ tionary Ecology, now produced by Wolters Kluwer, a commercial publisher. Sandweiss anticipated this trend more than a decade ago. It is one that I have endorsed since I became an editor in 1992, and one to which we remain dedicated. The continuity engendered by a stable, as opposed to revolving, group of editors and editorial board members allows us to set long~termgoals, develop them, and make modifications as needed. One such is our commitment to publishing data~based articles and interim reports. We can exercisea great deal of flexibility regarding article and volume lengths. We can also publish relatively large numbers of illustrations, acknowledging that graphics are as important to archaeological presentation as text. We often work with young or inexperienced scholars, helping them, through various drafts, to produce papers of a high professionalstandard. Although we are an English,language series, it has alwaysbeen our policy to translate the work of our Spanish~ speaking contributors at no cost to them. We hope to continue to produce high~quality,well~ illustrated, but low~costvolumesfor manyyears. This issue of Andean Past contains twelve articles, a new feature, "Current Research" and,

Virtually all the work that goesinto produc~ ing Andean Past is done on a volunteer basis as a service to the archaeologicalcommunity, and this has always been the case. In 1986, when Dan Sandweiss founded Andean Past he exhib~ ited a great deal of prescience. Then, as now, most peer~reviewed scholarly journals were produced by large learned societies,or by com~ mercial publishing houses. Annual price in~ creases for many such serieshave been between twenty and thirty percent.1 Institutional sub~ scriptions can cost hundreds or even thousands of dollars. By contrast, we were able to sell the 430,page Andean Past 5 for $30 plus shipping. The high costs of academic journals have lead to a crisis of accessibility. Many scholars cannot afford to buy the publications in which
1Carol Kaesuk Yoon, "Soaring Prices Spur a Revolt in Scientific Publishing", The New York Times, December 8,

1998,F2. ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): v,ix.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

~ vi

sadly, one obituary, that of Lynda Elliot Spic~ kard. Many of our readers willrememberLynda as an active participant in the Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory, one of our sponsoringorganiza~ tions. For the background to Andean Past "Current Research", readers should see the "Editors' Note" that precedes that section. It alsogivesinformation for makingfuturesubmis~ sions. Andean Past 5 included an article by Jack Rossen, "Unifaces in Early Andean Culture History: The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru". The present issue continues the analysisof that tradition with a contribution by Tom D. Dillehay and Jack Rossen, "The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru: Microscopic Use~ Wear Analysis"~ The Nan~ choc Tradition is an early unUacial industry dating from about 8500 to 6000 B.P. Use~wear can provide valuable information on the proba~ ble scope of activities performed with tools. It can also cross~check other methods of lithic analysis. Dillehay and Rossen conclude that plant and wood~relatedactivitiesare discernable from the.microscopicwear of the Nanchoc tools examined.

Archeologists are trained to leave some portion of each site for future excavation with more advanced techniques. In addition, what~ ever one's theoretical leanings, it is evident that theory, whether implicit or explicit, informs interpretation. As theory evolves, it is impor~ tant to continue basic archeological field work to avoid data dredging. As time passes, it be,' comes urgent that newly constituted teams return to classic field arenas. Just as a group lead by James Neely has returned to Tehuacan with fresh techniques and insights to expand work begun in the 1960s, Zoubek confronts models derived from prior work in the Viru Valley. Specifically, Zoubek posits that the Guafiape Initial Period occupation of the valley is radically different from that reconstructed by Gordon Willey in his 1953 study published as the SmithsonianInstitution Bureau of American EthnologyBulletin,number 155.

Zoubek concentrates en the Huaca EIGallo/ Huaca La Gallina complex, one of at least three large ceremonial dual pyramid sites in the Vim Valley dating to the Guafiape culture of the Initial Period, or around 1800 B.C. to 900 B.C. In the article published here, Zoubek describes the architecture of the c;omplex, confronts chronology, reconstructs the diet of its users, The editors and editorial board of Andean and interprets the ritual performed at the site. Past advocate the publication of site reports. If Zoubek points out that prior to his project no such a report includessubstantialinterpretation, large Guafiape or other Initial Period settle~ it is all the stronger. One such is."Archaeologi~ ments were known for Viru. Thus his work cal Investigations at the Initial PeriodCenter of forces a fundamental reassessment of the settle~ Huaca EIGallo/ Huaca La Gallina,Vinl Valley: ment and socio,political organization of the the 1994 Field Season" by Thomas A. Zoubek. time. In the work reported here, Zoubekconcentrated on sites in the Huacopongo drainage of Peru's In the Andean region, environmental factors Vinl Valley. Viru has been well known to often present great challenges to human societ, students of American archaeology since the ies. Dennis R. Satterlee, Michael E. Moseley, middle of the twentieth century, when the path~ David K. Keefer, and Jorge E. Tapia A. present breaking Viru Project was in operation. How~ an extreme case in "The Miraflores EI Nifio ever, as at Tehuacan, in Mexico'sPuebla state, Disaster: Convergent Catastrophes and Prehis~ the operation of a large~scale,highly profes~ toric Agrarian Change in Southern Peru". In sional, and well~publishedproject, rather than this article they demonstrate the impact that a serving as the basis for future work, seems, in catastrophic ElNino flood had on the Chiribaya some respects, to have inhibited it. people who occupied portions of the Osmore drainage in southern Peru prior to the disaster,

Barnes: Editor'sPreface which most likelyoccurred between A.D. 1350 and A.D. 1370. Satterlee and his colleagues reconstruct the geological and climatic conditions that led to catastrophic flooding. They document its traces, and explore the implications that severe drought in the sierra, combined with unusual rainfall at lowerelevations and tectonic action, would have for prehistoric agriculture in Peru's coastal valleys. In "BodilessHuman Heads in Paracas Necropolis Textile Iconography" Anne Paul examines representations of disembodiedheads in Paracas textile iconography created between 100 B.C. and 100 A.D. Paul argues that only about twenty-fivepercent of such heads may be literal trophy heads. Others may,in somesense, be "symbols of the intense concentrations of power in heads", or symbolsofa returning spirit. In this study Paul contradicts s'omeof her own earlywor~with an exemplaryacademichonesty. This issue of Andean' Past contains. three articles concentrating on aspectsof Ecuadorian archaeology. In ~'TheJel( Phase Complex at La Emerenciana, a Late Valdivia Site in Southern EIOro Province, Ecuador"John Stallerpresents the la.te Valdivia ceramic sequence as viewed fromhis excavations at the LaEmerencianasite. Basing himself on an attribute analysisof over 30;000 sherds, Staller proposes 15formalclasses for Jel! ceramics and re-evaluates the final phases of the Valdivia sequence which ended in the first half of the second millennium B.C. Staller suggests that rather than being the recipient of technological innovations, the prehispanic cultures of coastal Ecuador introduced innovations to the Andean highlands and to what is now coastal Peru. Maria Masucci also evaluates Ecuadorian pottery in her article, "Defining Ceramic Change and Cultural Interaction: Results of Typological, Chronological, and Technological Analysis of Guangala Phase Ceramics". Masucci considers the time between 500 B.C. and 500 A.D. to have been a period of dramatic societal change in the northern Andes. Increasing complexity,combined with expanding trade and interregional contacts, and florescence in local art stylesmay indicate regional chiefdoms, according to Masucci. Examining Guangala Phase ceramics from survey and excavation in the EIAzl1carValleyof southwest Ecuador,Masucci develops a detailed typologyand chronology, thus adding to our basic knowledge of the

Intermediate Area.

David Bloweralso focuses on Ecuador, but extends his consideration to the Andes as a whole. In "The Many Facets of MuUu: More Than Just aSpondylus Shell",Blower arguesthat the Quechua word muUu, while sometimes taken to mean only the bicolored, rosy-orange to white Andean bivalve and the products made from it, in fact has a much larger semantic field. By combining information from early Spanish chronicles and dictionaries with modem ethriographic practice, iconography, and archaeological evidence, Blower concludes that muUucan refer to a variety of sacred objects, in a range of colors, and with several symbolic association clusters including food, water, and female sexuality.
.

In another paper drawing heavily upon

ethnographic sources, in this case previouslyunpublished documents transcribed here, Catherine Julien explores "Inca Estates and the Encomienda: Hernando Pizarro's Holdings in Cusco". Julien's ultimate purpose is to reconstruct Inca patterns of land tenure and use, looking beyond Spanish arrangements. She focuses on royal coca plantations. The present paper thus makes a set with her work on coca production on the Inca frontier in the yungasof . Chuquioma, published in Andean Past5. During the past decade, propelled in large part by advances, and failures, in geochemical analysis, direct d.ating, recording techniques, and neuropsychology, rock art research has moved to the forefront of archaeological interest. Once mostly the province of enthusiastic amateurs, there are now several international journals devoted to the field. Among these is

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

.. viii

had already begun to consider commissioning such a history when an issue emerged during discussionsat the Seventeenth Conference held in 1998 at The State University of New Yorkat Binghamton. Although the first meetingof this Conference had been held lessthan twodecades previously, memories had already diverged concerning the origin of the annual meetings., The need for a written history, based on docu.. mentary evidence, as well as interviews,became clear to us. Remembering Dick Daggett's In this issue we include "Age Estimates for .reconstructionsof the work ofJulioC. Tello and the PetroglyphSequence ofInca Huasi,Mizque, his circle (Andean Past 1 and 4), Dan and I Bolivia"by Robert Bednarik, himselfthe editor invited Dick to turn his attention to a historyof of the Australian journal, Rock Art Research. the Northeast Conference. As Dick confessed Except for those panels with historicallyspecific to me after delivering a draft of his paper, this is images, such as horses, or Tiwanaku designs, the first time he has written a history involving Andean rock art remains largely undated, or mostly living individuals, with still..activeegos. dated only by very general inferences. As a step I congratulate him on his thoroughness, cour.. towards remedying that situation, Bednarik age, and tact. presents an experimental direct dating tech.. nique that observes micro..erosion. Althqugh One of Dick's future'AndeanPast projectsis Bednarik's results are tentative, they mark an the construction of a bibliography of all pub.. early stage in the development of a sequence of lished papers originally presented at Northeast prehistoric Bolivian rock art. Conferences. Although some of these have appeared in Andean Past and the three volumes Another article that reports the results of of selected papers which preceded this series, geophysical and geochemical analysis is "The others can be found in journals as diverse as the Puzolana Obsidian Source: Locating the Geo.. Latin American Indian LiteraturesJournal and logical Source of Ayacucho..TypeObsidian" by Science. I urge Andean Past readers to inform Richard L. Burger and Michael D. Glascock. Dick, Dan, or me of their published Northeast For many years Burger and his colleagueshave Conference papers so that our finished bibliog.. been matching obsidian artifacts with the raphy can be as complete as possible. sources from which they are ultimatelyderived. In Andean Past we reported the discoveryof the As a companion to Daggett's history of the Aka, Chivay, and ]ampatilla sources. In this Northeast Conference, we are also pleased to volume the Puzolana source isdescribedboth in publish an analytical history of its most direct terms of its location, and in termsofits chemical ancestor, the Midwest Conference. In "The signature. Originsand the First 25 Years (1973..1997) of the Midwestern Conference on Andean and For some time Dan Sandweissand I have Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory" been encouraging archaeologiststo publishtheir David L. Browman explores the course this personal reminiscences. In this issueof Andean important meeting series has taken, from the Past we present the first two of what we hope perspective of a founder and constant partici.. will be a series of such articles. One is Richard pant. As does Daggett, Browman 'providesas E. Daggett's "The Northeast Conference on complete a list as possible of the papers pre.. sented at all the Midwest Conferences fromits Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory: The First Seventeen Years, 1982..1998". Dan and I beginning to 1997. These lists enable us both to Sociedad de Investigaci6n del Arte Rupestre de Bolivia;a group of both professionalsand ama.. teurs dedicated to identifying, preserving, re.. cording, and researching Andean rock art. Most Societyof American ArchaeologyAnnual Meetings now include rock art sessions. Never.. theless, it is still appropriate to publish rock art reports in more general journals, thus integrat.. ing this subfield ~ith archaeologyas a whole.

the South Americanseries,the BoletCn of the

Barnes: Editor's Preface

Each issue of Andean Past requires the collaborative efforts of some eighty individuals. In addition to the authors, editors, and editorial The publication of Browman'shistory also board members,many peer reviewershave given enables us to progress towards one of Andean us the benefit of their insights, and illustrators have added to the attractiveness and informa.. Past's important goals, the transfer of "gray literature" into the realm of citable, peer..re.. tional content of our journal. Production and viewed, regularly distributed professionalpubli.. distribution is ably undertaken by the staffsof cations. "Gray literature" comprises those the Cornell University Latin American Studies sources, often of considerable value, which are Program and the Cornell Print Shop. I thank all frequently cited, but have never been formally these people for their assistance. The photo of published. Included are conference papers, Lynda Elliot Spickard incorporated in her obit.. student course papers, reports of work..in..pro.. uary is courtesy of Broome Community College. gress,field notes, and so on. For example,since Doris Kurella and Elizabeth and John E. Staller presenting his paper to the MidwestConference proofread the German references. Finally,and in Feburary of 1997, Browmanhas been distrib.. most especially, I would like to express my uting copies of this paper himself. As word of appreciation to Jo Spickard (Mrs. Warren B. this work circulated, there was more and more Spickard) for her graciousness and courage at a demand for it and it became important to pub.. time of profound personal sorrow. lish a formal version. Pu};>lication removes the accessiblyof academic work from the sphere of Monica Barnes personal contacts, making work available to all The City of New York who want it. 31 October 2000

discern trends in our discipline and to recon.. struct the careers of individual scholars.

LYNDAEWOT SPICKARD,.]ULY 14, 1944

..

AUGUST 10, 1999

Robin M. Brown TERC, Cambridge, Massachusetts

Lynda ElliotSpickard, an Andean archaeol.. ogistmuch beloved byher manycolleagues,died on August 10, 1999 after a twenty..yearordeal with cancer. She will be remembered by the Andean archaeological community for her
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 1..5.

devotionto field..work and the prehistory ofthe

Americas, strong interest in the interpretation of monumental Andean architecture, and fascination with the rich cultures of LatinAmer.. ica, both past and present. Lynda will also be

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

remembered as a strong supporter ofher anthro, pologist colleagues and their work. Lynda wasborn in San Franciscoon July 14. 1944. and was raised in Seatde. with three younger brothers and one sister. In the Pacific Northwest she learned to ski as a toddler and began mountain climbing at age four. She vigorously pursued these and other outdoor sports her entire life. followingthe footsteps of her father. Warren B. Spickard. a noted physi, cian and outdoorsman who perishedin a moun, tain climbing accident in 1961. As a teenager, Lynda.sacademicgoalswere inspired by anthropology and archaeology.and she followed these fields of study at Colorado College.receiving a Bachelor ofArts in Anthro, pology in 1966. While an undergraduate she participated in the University ofWashington.s Summer Institute in Linguistics (1965). and undertook archaeologyfield workas a Research Assistant for Colorado College.sArchaeological Surveyof Mesa de Mayo in Colorado (1966). In the years immediately following.Lynda served on several archaeological teams for projects sponsored by Colorado Collegeand the Univer, sity of Colorado (Boulder) at Nunivak Island. Alaska, imd Greeley and Chimney Rock, Colo, rado. Lynda completed her Master of Arts in Anthropology at the University of Colorado (Boulder) in 1971 and enrolled in the Univer, sity.s Ph.D. program. Teaching was one of Lynda.sgreat loves in life. After serving as a teaching assistant at the University of Colorado College (Boulder). she held lecturing positions at ColoradoCollegeand the University of Colorado (ColoradoSprings). Lynda.s affiliation with the now,defunct Wright, Ingraham Institute in ColoradoSprings began in 1972when she joined the faculty. The Wright, Ingraham Institute had beenestablished in March 1970 by a group of scholars and arti, sans to promote. direct. and encourage the conservation, preservation. and use of human and natural resources. By 1971the first project, Running Creek Field Station. Colorado. had

taken shape. Lynda became the Principal Investigator for the archaeologicalsurveythere. She found evidence of Folsom,age occupation. thus pushing back the known use of the area some 8.000 years. Lynda.s unpublished reports from this time are among the papers of the Wright, Ingraham Institute archived at the Heritage Center of the University of Wyoming in Laramie. In 1976. Lynda became Assistant Professor of Anthropology and Museum Director at Central Missouri State University in Warrens, burg. Missouri. Over the next fewyearsshe also served as Principal Investigator for cultural resources surveys in Missouri. She returned to Colorado College as a Visiting Professor in 1978. where she taught at the Educational Summer Institute. Thus. during the 1970s Lynda focused her attention on topics in North American prehis, tory including coastal adaptations, post,Pleisto, cene adjustments. and the evolutionary dynam, ics of nutritional adaptations. particularlyin the context of Pacific Northwest Coast environ, ments. Her dissertation research, in progressat the time of her death. addressed methods for modelingnutritional ecologyand archaeo,zoolo, gical methods of recovering paleo,nutritional information. Lynda.sintroduction to Andean archaeology occurred in 1979. Her first trip to Peru was a turning point in Lynda.s life because it opened the door to a new realm of research that quickly became her life.s passion. In that year Lynda joined the Huari Urban Prehistory Project in Ayacucho as a Research Assistant. The project director. William H. Isbell of the State Univer, sity of New York,Binghamton, encouraged Lynda's burgeoning interest in Andean studies, and in 1980 she returned to Huari as Assistant Director of the SUNY,Binghamton archaeologi, cal Overseas Program in Peru. She alsoservedas Assistant Director of the Huari. projeces Moraduchayuq Temple Excavation, sponsored by the National Geographic Society.

3While continuing to work on her North American dissertation research during the 1980s, Lynda developed a specialization in Andean archaeology as well. Her theoretical interests focused on the development of urbanism and state government, and corresponding architectural forms at Huari. She investigated these topics in a series o{seven papers (19821991) presented at meetings of the Society for American Archaeology, the International CongressofAmericanists, the American Anthropological Association, The Society for Applied Anthropology, and the Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory. Lynda's published works on administrative architecture at Huari appear in Investigations of
the Andean Past, and in DialogoAndino, as well as in a major Dumbarton Oaks volume (Spickard 1983, 1985; Isbell et al. 1991).

Brown:LyndaSpickard
for the Greek Peak Ski Patrol, a force she served

for over 20 years. Lynda also hiked, canoed, and kayaked extensively,particularlyin New YorkState. A well-seasoned and frequent traveler, Lyndaenjoyedvisitingnew placesand cultures around the globe, yet her experiencesas an
archaeologist in Peru were the most exhilarating

and influential in her life. She continued to study Spanish, taking courses and devoting spare time to reading archaeological and literary works until her death. Lynda alwayscarried a deep appreciation for the people ofPeru and the rich landscape that is their home. Bibliography of Lynda Elliot Spickard Publications
Isbell, William H., Christine Brewster-Wray, and Lynda

With the Sendero Luminoso-Tupac Amaru civil war in Peru during the 1980s,archaeological research in the highlands was suspended. Lynda returned to the USA, establishing residence in Binghamton, New York. Lynda held several appointments at SUNY-Binghamtonin the early 1980s,including ResearchAssociate in Anthropology,Assistant ProfessorofCareer and Interdisciplinary Studies, and StaffAssociate of the PublicArchaeologyFacility. Shealso taught anthropology and worked as a grants administrator at Broome Community College before accepting the position of Director of Sponsored Programs at the college, which she held until her death. Lynda's recent years were dedicated to tireless community service projects, which reflect her deep commitments to societyand the protection of the environment, particularly in the Binghamton area and neighboringregionsof upstate NewYork. At her death, she was Secretary of the Board of Governance of the Atlantic

E.Spickard
Architecture and.Spatial Otganization at Huari. In Huari Administrative StTUCture: Prehistoric Monumental Architectureand State Gooemment, edited by William H. Isbell and Gordon F. Mc Ewan, pp. 19-53. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Spickard, Lynda E. 1978 Sites Mum on Area's Past. The BulletinofJohnson County Historical Society, Inc. 14(2):4. Warrensburg, Missouri. 1979 Anthropology and Integration. In Integrative Studies, edited by Daniel Fallon and Catherine Ingraham. Pages 54-61. Proceedings of a seminar held on August 18, 1978 at the WrightIngraham Institute. University of Colorado Publication Office, Boulder. 1983 The Development of Huari Administrative Architecture. In Investigationsof the Andean Past: Papers from the First Annual Northeast
Conference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohis-

1991

1985

Chapter of the Sierra Club, and Chair and

Officer of the Susquehanna Group of the Sierra Club. She also served as Director of Planning for the Binghamton..Borovichi (Russia) Sister Cities organization and was a Senior Patroller

tory, edited by Daniel H. Sandweiss, pp. 136160. Ithaca, New York:Cornell UniversityLatin American Studies Program. El an~lisisformal de la arquitectura de los sitios Huari y Tiwanaku. In La problem~tica Tiwanaku Huari en el contexto panandino del desarrollo cultural, edited by Mario A. Rivera, pp. 73-88. Proceedings of the 45th International Congress of Americanists. DiaIogoAndino 4. Arica, Chile: Universidad de Tarapacl.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) Cultural Resources Surveys

1977 Cultural Resource Survey of Area to be Affected by Waste Water Treatment Line, Warrensburg, Missouri. On file at State Office of Historic Preservation, Jefferson City, Missouri. Cultural Resource Survey of Area to be Affected by Dredging Operations at Mile 22 of Lake of the Ozarks. On file at State Office of Historic Preservation, Jefferson City, Missouri. Cultural Resource Management Survey, 1981 Highway Program. Broome County, PIN 975059, on file at the Public Archaeology Facility, University Center at Binghamton, Binghamton, New York.

Obituaries of Lynda EUiot Spickard Brooks, Debra, editor

1978

1981

Obituaries (LyndaE. Spickard'66). Colorado College Bulletin (on-line edition: http://www. ColoradoCollege.edulpublicationslTheBulletin/ Fe b2000/0bits.html). Megivem, John 2000 In Memoriam (Lynda Spickard). Ski Patrol Maga:tine16(2): 52-3. Schmid, Hermann 1999 Remembering Lynda Spickard, Instrumental in BeC's RussianConnection. The Bridge (The Newsletter of the Binghamton-Borovichi Sister . Cities) 4thQuarter:5. (See also page 2.)
Spickard, Stephen M.

2000

1999 1999 1999

LyndaElliotSpickard. Mercer Island Reporter

(Mercer Island, Washington). August 25, page

A4. LyndaElliotSpickard.BinghamtonPress andSun

Bulletin. August 31:4B. Stouffer, John

In Memoriam(LyndaSpickard). Susquehanna September-October.Page1. Thomas,Donna 1999 Spickard,55, Rememberedfor Dedicationto

Sierran.

Outdoors. Binghamton Press and Sun Bulletin. September 3: page 4B.

Brown: Lynda Spickard

Mount Spickard (marked by arrow;8979 feet; 2737 meterSj 4858'll''N, 12114'21"W) is in the Chilliwack Range of the North Cascades National Park in Washington State. In the background of this photo, taken looking southwest, are Mount Baker (the highest peak, on the right), and Mount Shuksan just in front of it. Silver Lake is in the right foreground. Mt. Spickard is named for Warren B. Spickard, Lynda's father, and stands as a memorial to their entire family.Photo taken in 1963byM. Woodbridge Williams,US Department Park.
of the Interior, National Park Service, Negative #63~ NOCA~ 50~ W. PhotO courtesy of North Cascades National

TIm NANCHOCLmnc
MICROSCOPIC

TRADITION OF NORTHERN PERU:

USE..WEAR ANALYSIS

Tom D. Dillehay
University of Kentucky

arid Jack Rossen

Ithaca College

Introduction The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition (NLT) is a Middle Preceramic Period unifaciallithic indus, try of the upper Zaiia Valley, northern Peru (Figure 1). It is one of several known unifacial lithic industries of northern Peru and Ecuador (Malpass 1983; Stothert 1974, 1985, 1988; Richardson 1969, 1978, 1981). The NLT is associated with the Las Pircas Phase (ca. 8500, 6000 B.P.) Nanchoc Culture, a people who maintained a localized permanence or semi,sedentism at dispersed homesteads in the valleysidecanyons(quebradas) andalluvialfans (Dillehay et al. 1997). The dispersed home, steads contain single quincha (cane) huts, small above,ground stone storage structures, and furrowed areas that may represent garden plots. There are also specialized mortuary sites (Rossen 1991:580,599) and cut,bone burials with evidence of possible cannibalism (Verano 1994). The Nanchoc people practiced a broad, spectrum economy that probably included incipient horticulture (Rossenet al. 1996). The small, disp~rsed habitations were integrated by at least one small public site, the Nanchoc Mounds site, where calcite leaching (perhaps associated with coca use) occurred (Dillehay and Netherly 1983; Dillehay et al. 1989, 1997). The NLT, the lithics of the Nanchoc CuI, ture, have been exhaustively studied and de, scribed from the various perspectives of attribute,variables, stagesofreduction,localand
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 7,35.

exotic material types, edge angles, and tool angles (the tool body angle apart from the edge) (Rossen 1998). Debitage, the waste flake by, products of tool production, was analyzedfor its striking platforms and length,to,width ratios. All these analyses together led to a description of the NLT as a unifacial industry with relative morphologicalstabilityand consistency,particu, lady in terms offormal tool types and attributes, though not standardized in the sense ofcontain, ing extremely exact ieplication of tools and edges (Laville et al. 1980; Rossen 1998). The results of the various lithic analyseswere reported in detail in the previous issue of An, dean Past (Rossen 1998). The NLT contains traits of both expedient and curated lithic industries, including a high percentage of expe, dient briefly,utilized flakes and a series of well, made, curated, heavily,used, non,marginal, edge,trimmed tool types (Table 1, Figure 2). Raw material types indicate that the industry is heavily localized, that is, overwhelmingly (98.9%)based on locallyavailable material types such as basalt, andesite, tuff, rhyolite, and diorite. The small remaining percentage of exotic materials, mostly silexes and crystalline quartz, probably represent sporadic, low,level contacts with coastal and highland regions. One important issue involving the NLT is its comparisonwith other unuacial industriesofthe north,central Andes and Panama. These indus, tries, including Chiriqui (Panama), Las Vegas, Sangay, and CubiM.n(Ecuador), and Siches and

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

~8

Mongoncillo (peru) have been groupedtogether as a single "unUacial complex" of industries (Correal 1989; Linares and Ranere 1980; Malpass 1983;Porras 1988;Ranere 1978;Rich~ ardson 1969; Stothert 1974, 1988). Several of the named industries appear to be associated with preceramic dates ranging from9000~ 5000 B.P. and with woodworkingand diverse,gener~ alized economies. A few are associatedat least pardy with horticultural economies (Pearsall 1994; Piperno 1990; Richardson 1969: 115; Stothert 1988). Table .1:Formal tool typesandfrequencies of the Nanchoc Uthic Tradition
T'Jpe description T:ype

most other umfacial industries OIlthe basisofits well,made formaltool typeswith removeddorsal ridges and non~marginallytrimmed edges (Fig~ ure 2). We concluded that each unifacial industry should be considered independendy for its own attributes, characteristics, and economic associations instead of being lumped together (Rossen 1998; Rossen and Dillehay 1999:126~' 131). Furthermore, we feel that the importance of unifacial industries in cultural evolution and the corresponding development of plant~orien~ ted economies has been underestimated. The specific purpose of this ardcle is to pres~ ent in detail the microscopic use,wear analysis that was conducted on selected lithic artifacts. There are several reasons we choose to publish this specialized analysis. Microscopic use~wear analysiscan provide crucial information on the scope and variety of lithic tool use (Keely 1974, 1980; Odell and Qdell~Vereeken 1980; Semenov 1964; Shea 1987; Sussman 1988; Vaughn 1985). Furthermore, use,wear analysis may be instrumental in cross~checking and reinforcing more traditional modes of lithic analysis. Despite these obvious benefits, very litde detailed use~wear analysis has been con~ ducted on unifacial collections (foran exception seeNieuwenhuis 1998),although work hasbeen published on bifacial industries (Aldenderfer 1998; Lurie 1983; Vaughan 1995). Some im, portant case studies, for various reasons, lack microscopic use~wearstudies. A notable case involves the Paijan lithic studies published on early and middle Preceramic sites from the north coast of Peru (Chauchat 1975, 1978, 1988;Chauchatetal. 1992;Uceda 1986, 1987). Most Paijan lithics, dominated by stemmed points, side and endscrapers, and long bifacial "Chivateros" cores have come from surface collections with poor contexts, which precluded meaningful use,wear studies. The Paijanstud, ies thus were forced to focus solely on a nar, rowly~definedmorphological analysis. Our interest in microscopic use~wear analysis stems from Dillehay's work on the Late Pleisto~ cene bifacialand split pebble lithics fromChile's

Frequency

largequadrilateral mediumquadrilateral smallquadrilateral largesemi-lunar mediumsemi-lunar smallsemi-lunar thicksemi-lunar multi-faceted pointed core tools
non-faceted pointed pentagonal

incurved' utilizedunmodified blocky

elongated rectangUlar large pentagonal

smalltriangular mediumtriangular largetriangular

amorphous 1 amorphous 2
small elongated

1 2 3 4' 5 6 7 8 9 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 25

biface

26 27 Total

25 148 70 28 120 82 57 4 8 8 131 86 1,266 284 28 13 15 31 5 66 10

1.0 5.7 2.7 1.1 4.6 3.2 2.2 .2 .3 .3 5.1 3.3 49.0 11.0 1.1 .5 .6 1.2 .2 2.6

---------------2,582

96 1

.4 3.7 .0

100.0

* Type numbers are not continuous;some typeswere consolidated for purposes of analysis.

Despite the superficial similarities,analysis revealed important differences between the NLT and these industries. These involve stage of reduction, tool morphology (especiallytrim ming and shaping), and relative morphological stability and standardization of the industries. Specifically, the NLT is distinguishable from

Dillehay &.Rossen: Nandwc Lithic Tradition

Monte Verde site. These date to approximately 12,500 B.P. In that study, use,wear analysis revealed an industry that wasremarkablyvaried in use despite its deceptive morphologicalsim, plicity (Dillehay 1997). Microscopic use,wear analysisof the NLT was central to the development of a multi,dimensional approach to analyzing the lithics (sensu Dillehay 1997). Specifically, use,wear analysiscomplemented the reduction sequencing, fornial typology, and contex, . tual,spatial analyses. In this analysis,a sample of .lithics from three interrelated sites in the Quebrada de Las Pircas (CA09,27, CA09,28, CA09,52) is considered (Figure3). We present the details of the use,wear analysiswith three goals. First, we wish to complete the documen, tation of the NLT, which we believe to be a significant Middle Preceramic lithic tradition. Second, we wish to discuss the methodological and conceptual issues surrounding th~ imple, mentation of use,wear analysisand its integra, tion with other. forms of lithic analysis. Third, we hope to encourage a wider implementation of use,wear analysis as a standard part of the documentation of South American lithic tradi, tions.. Readers we11,versed in the methods and results of microscopic use,wear studies on fine,grain chert assemblages, which normally render clearer, diagnostic use traces and pat' teming thap. medium, to, large grain basalt and andesite assemblages, may be disappointed by some of the non,diagnostic and ambiguous results and patterning presented below. Yet, this is the nature of use,wear studies on multi, purpose, expedient tool assemblagesproduced on large grain raw materials. Distinctive use, wear and residues (plant, bone, hide, etc.) were observed on enough lithics in this sample, however, to provide important insightsinto the NLJ'.

Microscopic use..wear analysis The analysistechniques of use,wear traces on stone tools adapted for this study are essentially those developed and described byKeeley(1980; Odell 1981). This section brieflydescribes the method of specimen preparation and micros, copy. This is followed by the first author's experimentally produced collection used for comparative purposes in identification of wear polishes on the archeological specimens exam, ined. (For a more detailed and comprehensive assessment of the methods employedin this type of use,wear, see Dillehay 1997.) The reader should also consult Richard's (1988) stUdyof microwearpatterns on experimental basalt tools, . because it was very similar in techniques and results to the experimental tests that Dillehay conducted on basalts and andesites sites from Peru and Chile.
Preparationof specimens and microscopy

Edge damage, linear striations and polish are features intrinsic to the utilized area of the implement. It is critically important to remove organic and inorganic residues from the imple, ment prior to microwear analysis,because these residues may be confused with use,wear, or may obscure use,wear traces. Obviously, this must be done with caution because residues resulting from implement use may still adhere to the surface of the specimen and these may provide valuable data on utilization. Distinguishing cultural from natural residues usually is an easy task. The former are often embedded in micro, cracks and fissures and are exotic plants and materials. Cultural residues are often recovered only on the worked or used edge whilenaturally adhering residues usually occur on all areas of the stone in question (Dillehay 1997). Thus, it is important to inspect each artifact carefully prior to chemical and other cleaning. After this inspection, the followingprocedures were used to clean the artifacts.
Artifact edges first were inspected under both high and low,power microscopes to detect

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..10
Thecomparative collection Initially, hand..held flakes of local basalt, andesite and chert were used to scrape, cut, adze,gouge, and drill wood,bone, leather, meat, and antler, in several operations (for 25, 50, 100, 150 strokes, and so on). These and other specimenswere used as training aids for the lead author. Later, a more extensive comparative collection was prepared by the authors using different lithic raw materials on fresh cowbone, including scraping sueded cow hide leather, cutting and adzing soft and dry wood, and working a wide variety of plant material. In this way,a widerange ofactivities and material types was replicated while at the same time, certain variables such as angle of work, stroke length, speed, and pressure were controlled. In all, 75 experimental specimens made of local basalts, andesites, and other stone types from the north coast of Peru were prepared. Microwear analysis skillstest In order to provide an assessmentofthe ability to correctly interpret work action and material worked and to clarifylimitations in the abilityto interpret use..wear,a blind skillstest wasdevel.. oped by Michael B. Collins and taken by the first author. The tools (n=35) were made from local lithic raw materials that occur in the study area. The specimens were used in a variety of ways (i.e., whittling, cutting, scraping, digging, etc.) on a variety of materials. The tools were then cleaned as specified above. After characteristics of edge damage and polish were recorded for each specimen, the area(s) utilized, the.work action indicated, and the work material interpreted were then usedto construct an overall assessmentof tool use. The results of the blind skills test were compared to the actual description of use prepared byCollins and to published skillstest results (Keeley1980; Odell and Odell..Verreken 1980; Richards 1988). The results are shown in Table 2:

potential residue areas. Artifacts 'exhibiting such areas were subjected to a special residue extraction method (Barton etai. 1998;Dillehay 1997; Fullagar et al. 1996). Artifacts were then very lightly scrubbed with a fine,hair brush in diluted ammonia,based cleaner. In this case, Top Job brand liquid cleaner was used. This removed most of the grease that had accumu.. lated on specimens as a result ofhandling. The artifact was dried and once againexamined for traces of residues. The artifact was then sub, jected to a 15 minute bath in 15%hydrochloric acid (HCI) to remove inorganic residues. After removal from the bath, the specimenwas thor, oughlywashed in warm water. A second bath of similar duration in 15% potassium hydroxide (KOH) solution wasfollowedbya light washing in warm water. Once the specimens were thoroughly dried, microscopic. examination continued. All specimens were examined under a stereoscopic microscopic at 15,30 magnifica.. tions and general note of edge damage charac.. teristics were made. Jhen the edges were scanned under the light microscopeat 50, 100, 200, and 400 magriifications.Most polishwhich is substantial enough for interpretation was revealed as bright spots at magnificationsless than 15x. However, resolution of particular characteristics of polish and linear features was usually only possible at higher magnifications, often using a scanning electron microscope. The microscopesused in this study were the SwiftStereo zoomstereomicroscope,the Olym.. pus BM1, and a Hitachi scanning electron scope. The Olympus is equipped with incident light for viewingopaque materials.This attach.. ment is critical in order to sufficientlyilluminate the specimen for study. Identifications of use.. wear traces observed during microscopy were compared with experimentally produced pol.. ishesof known originon materialssimilarto the archeological specimens under investigation. For comparative analyses, local basalts, tonali.. ties, andesites, and cherts were used to prepare a comparative collection. Additional experi.. ence with basalts, andesites, and granites from southern Chile was also incorporated.

11.. Table 2: Resultsof blind skills test

AnaL,st Dillehay (n=35) Keeley (n= 16) Odell (n=46) Richards (n=30) Used part Work action 63.8% 75.0% 67.7% 90.0% Material worked 51.2% 62.5% 39.1% 40.0%

Dillehay& Rossen: Nanchoc LithicTradition which maybe correlated with the specificactiv.. ity such as butchering. Soft vegetal materials did not produce pronounced polish, presumably as a result oflow silicacontent in temperate and arid zone plants. While numerous clues to the specificuse of a specimen are provided through physicallyob.. servable phenomena, interpretation is a matter of assembling these into logical framework. Committing to an interpretation of one edge can produce mistakes on another work area of the same tool. This problem was obvious in several examples of the skills test in which an intentionally crumbled edge was interpreted as use damaged and minor damage on the opposing edge was therefore interpreted as the result of prehension when, in fact, it had also resulted from use.

of tool
88.5% 87.5% 82.6% 95.0%

The used portion of a tool wasusuallyeasily identifiedassuggestedbyDillehay'sscore aswell as by the other skills tests. Mistakes usually result from poorly formed evidence for use, either through use on very softmaterialsor very short duration of use. Work action may be inferred with more confidence by each analyst than can worked material. This is particularly evident in the tests reported by.Keeley (1980), Odelland Odell..V ereeken( 1980),and Richards (1988). The score by the first author may be at leastpartiallyattributed to qualityofthe materi.. als from which specimens were made. Many specimens analyzed were made from andesites and basalts witli la.rge..to..medium grain size. These stones do not "behave" as predictably under work stress conditions as would be de..

sired. .Edgesoften tend to erode and crumble

rather than flake as may be expected in cherts with finer texture. Because much of the infer.. ence of work action is based on patterns ob.. servedin microscarring, this factor accounts for someof the mistakes. Specificwork material wasthe most difficult attribute to identify. When the polish is exten.. sive and well..formed, the difficulties are de.. creasedconsiderably. However,asnoted above, certain polishesare quite similarto one another. Boneand antler polish were not distinguishable fromeach other by the first author. Bone..antler polish may look very much like wood polish, unless the wood polish is well..formed. Meat and fresh hide polish are very difficultto distin.. guish from one another and are both almost impossibleto recognizein lieu ofother polishes,

Space does not allow for a detail discussionof the results of the skills test. Several major con.. cerns were derived, however. First, bone and antler polish appear so similar on experimental stone artifacts examined that no distinction was made between the two. Second, bone..antler and wood polishes were hard to distinguish in the incipient stages of polish formation, at least on the lithic materials used in this study. Third, while some clear distinctions between soil and dry hide polishes were evident in the experi.. mental specimens, the distinctions were much less clear in the archeological specimens. Fourth, many polishes are difficult to detect in the absence of other indications of butchering such as bone polish or edge damage. Analysis description and parameters Microscopic use..wear examination involves the recording of a variety of attributes, which may then in combination be judged to generally fit into a particular material use (that is, usedon soft, medium, or hard material) and action (scraping,slicing,chopping, etc.) . To summarize the analysis (Table 3), first the curve of the tool edge was coded into one of nine classes,from incurvate to straight to excurvate. Edge dam..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

age was estimated as the type and degree of crushing, smoothing and abrasion present on the edge. Crystal location wasestimated as the provenience of prominent crystalsasopposed to aggregates of less prominent crystalsalong the. edge. Estimating crystal location involves the determination of whether crystals are found isolated, clustered, flattened, rounded and/or elevated in various possible combinations.Scar type and scar distribution are the two primary attributes of low magnification edge damage. Scar type codes scars in terms ofvarioustypesof scalar, step, and half~moonedgefractures. Scar distribution documents how even, sporadic,and closely or widely spaced the scars are. Linear features and linear direction are the two pri~ mary attributes ofstriations. The linear features category documents whether' striae and scratches are found in conjunction with abra~ sion tracks and/or polish. Linear direction documents whether striae are perpendicular or parallel to the use~edge,or whether there is a

Striae type, whether short or long, narrow or wide, or oblique, and striae number were also documented when striations were present. Striae may be caused by either cultural use or natural processes. Evaluation of striae thus depends heavily on their association with edge
.

damage, polish or residues.

'

randompattern. .

The two attributes ofhigh~magnification analysis are polish location and polish type. Polish location documents how broadlydistrib~ uted along the edge and how far from the edge into the tool interior the polish extends. Polish type documents whether the polish is smeared or pitted, homogeneous or uneven, and bright or dull. The last two attributes, estimated material worked and action, are based on a combination of all previously~listed observa~ tions. Estimated material use documents whether the edge dama8e, linear features, and polish, consideringnot only typesofeach attrib~ ute but combined presence/ absence of all attributes, can be placed into a general use~wear category of hard, medium, or soft material.

Table 3: . Attributes and observedfeaturesof microscopic use~weaT analysis

Obsenled feature(s)

1 Curve 2 Edgerounding 3 Crystallocation 4 Scartype 5 Scardistribution 6 Linearfeatures 7 Lineardirection 8 Striaetype 9 Striaenumber 10 Polishlocation 11 Polishtype

Use edge configuration Crushing, smoothing, abrasion Prominence and aggregation of crystals Shape and size of low-magnification fractures Distribution of low-magnification fractures Conjunction of striae with abrasion tracks, polish Relation of striae to edge-use directionality Length, width, and obliqueness of striae

Concentration and distribution of polish Relative brightness and homogeneity, amount of pitting present

Summaryattributes:

12 Estimatedmaterial Tool used on hard. medium or soft material; sometimes more specific assessment use possible 13 Action Type of work and/or working motion employed with tool

Sometimes the evidence is convincing enough to discern specific material use, as on bone, hide, or soft plant tissue. Action is an estimation of the type of work performedwith a

tool, such as slicing,cutting, scraping,boring or chopping. Finally, 24 of 91 (26.4%) edges contained actual residues on their edges, en~

Dilleha.,& Rossen: Nanchoc Uthic Tradition hancing interpretations based on edge damage, striations, and polish. A total of 78 lithic specimens with a total of 91 use aspects were selected for micro~wear analysis.A summary of the microscopicanalysis of each stone appears in Table 4.

Table 4: Summary of the microscopic use~wear anal.,sis

SiteNo.
CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA0927CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27-

IitJUc No.
16 57 68 79 137 189 221 460 482 490 569 593

Material type

Tool T,pe 14 13 lZ 6 3 12 26 15 10 16 15 12

ObsetVations

tuff rhyolite crystalline quartz basalt diorite tuff andesite tuff granite tuff baSalt basalt

CA09-27CA09-27-

741 rhyolite
744 basalt

15 19

CA09-27-

828

basalt

CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-27CA09-Z7CA09-27-

901 tuff 1031 silex-coffee 1048 rhyolite 1054 basalt 1171 tuff 1179 basalt 1222 basalt 1231 1303 1309 1320
1393 1394

7 21 6

Edge-crushing; plant fibers.white, red residue. Elongated nicking. step and deep scalar fractures; very bright diffuse flattened domed unpitted polish; burned and unburned plant fibers. Edge crushing, nicking; wide perpendicular striations; scraping hide. No use evident. Dull, flat, heavily smeared polish with micropits; dirty hide or dry bone; black fibrous residue. Elongated step fractures; pit-like diffuse polish; fresh hide. No use evident. Sharp edges; high ridges with bright polish; plant scraping. Smeared. homogeneous bright polish; oxidation rubbed off; step fracturcs and crushing; many burned plant fibers; slicing, cutting. chopping. Edge nicking. step and half-moon fractures; nondescript polish; plant fibers. 2 use-edges;both long half-moons; homogeneous bright flattened polish; meat/hide. 3 use-edges; 2 with step. scalar, half-moon fractures; transverse striae; smooth bright polish; soft woodj 1 with semi-bright pitted even polish; meat/hide. No use evident. 2 use edges; 1 with sub-parallel striae; homogeneous bright flattened polish; medium-to-hard; haft, 1 with step. scalar. half-moon fracturesj sub-parallel abrasions; pitted irregular polish; indeterminate use and action. White residue; no use evident. No use evident.

Semi-bright, flattened.smeared.unpittedpolish;perpendicular + . longthin diagonalsttiae;soft-to-medium material,freshhide? 17 Large,deep,half-moonfractures;verydull.heavilyflattened pittedpolish;parallelsttiae;cuttingburnedbone. 10 Use on 6 edges of 2 types; 1: extensive grain loss;long scalar
fractures; plant fibers; scraping plants; 2: many step fractures;

7 21

whiteresidue.choppinghard-to-medium material.
Long uneven half-moon fractures; extensive edge rounding; slight polish; plant fibers; slicing. 2 edges. both grain loss; non-descript polish; indeterminate action

and use. 14 Semi-bright pitted even polish; burned plant fibers; soft wood
slicing/cutting.

basalt basalt diorite basalt

diorite rhyolite

12 Sporadicgrainloss;bright,pitted,evenpolish;cuttingmeat/hide. 2 No use evident. 14 Diffuse semi-bright polish; dried soft plants.

25

Large. stepped. half-moon fractures; hard scraping. Long deep step fracturcs; very bright, even. domed polish; sawing bone. 2 use-edgcs; 1: scalar and step fractures; non-descript polish; plant fibersj slicing soft material; 2: heavy crushing on tip; punching medium-to-hard material.

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000) Table 4 (continued):Summary of

Site No.
CA09.27. CA09.27. CA09.27. CA09.27. CA09.27. CA09.27. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA0928. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28.. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28.

,14 microscopic use,wearanalysis

Tool Observations type

Lithic No. Materialt,ype

1447 silex.grey 1467 tUff 1533 tuff 1535 andesite 1575 silex.black 1649 tuff 133 basalt 237 rhyolite

4 10 21 2

No use evident. Edge crushing; small,deep, scalar fractures; plant fibers; chopping

soft.medium material

No use evident. Long scalar and step fractures; non.descript polish; burned and unburned plant fibers; slicing/cutting soft plants.

Crushingon point;non.descriptpolish;perforating.
Light. diffuse polish; plant fibers; indeterminate use and action. Slight grain loss; non.descript polish; burned and unburned plant

14 6 7 1 6 16 6 17

fibers;slicingsoftplants.

259 rhyolite 273 basalt

Long step and shallow half.moon fractures; non.descript polish; plant fibers; soft material. Elongated scalar fractUres;elevated crystals; spotty. flattened, micropitted polish; burned plant fibers; sawingsoft plants.

Smallscalarand half.moonfractures;It
slicing/cutting soft plants.

hummocked polish;

289 rhyolite 298 andesite 318 428 .464 548 554 584 diorite andesite basalt tUff basalt tUff basalt diorite rhyolite rhyolite basalt andesite

Sharpedge;red residue;indeterminateaction.
2 use-edges; 1: step fractUres;slicing medium.to-hard material; 2:

semi.bright pittedevenpolish;indeterminate__
No use evident.

Shortnarrowsquare.comerscalarfracturesitoo muchoxidation

on edge to read. 14 Bright flat polish; soft plants. 14. No use evident. 7 Large scalar and step fractures; high points crushed; non.descript

589. . basalt
612 634 650 651 680 687

polish;indeterminate. 13 Unableto readdue to sun.bleachedoxidation.

15 16 15 13 4 9 4

No use evident. Use.edge broken off. Bright polish; burned plant fibers; soft material. No use evident. Abrasion tracks, probably trampled; no use evident.

Fewhalf.moonfractures;redresidue;unkriownmaterial.
2 use.edges; 1: bright, flattened. homogeneous polish; cutting fresh bonej 2: semi.bright, pitted, even polish; hafting. 2 use.edges; 1: step and half.moon fractures; edge crushing; frac. ture cleavages; perpendicular and diagonal striae transverse to edge; heavily pitted bright flattened polish; 2: same without striae or polish; sawing hard.med (hide or wood?). Sporadic grain loss;bright, irregular, uneven, pitted polish; scrap. ing soft plants. 3 use.edges; 1: scalar and step fractUres;short, oblique, wide striae; smeared, homogeneous, bright polish; hafting; 2: small flattened grainswithcrossing s9iae; woodhafting;3: brightpitteduneven polish; slicing plants. No use evident. Shallow half.moon fractures; small scalar and step fractUres;non. descript polish; slicing/cutting (light chopping) soft plants. Crushed crystals, trampled, no use evident. Diffusepolish; indeterminate. No use evident.

735 tUff

CA09.28. CA09.28.

786 805

basalt basalt

7 17

CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28. CA09.28.

826 863 870 878 890

rhyolite basalt diorite rhyolite basalt

12 17 2 12 12

15..

Dillehay & Rossen: Nanchoc Uthic Tradition

Table 4 (continued): Summary of the microscopic use..wear analysis SiteNo.

Uthic No. Materialc,pe 16 tuff

26
80 249 250 322 334 395 420 426 439 555 quartz crystal basalt diorite basalt sUex-coffee tuff basalt tuff tuff basalt silex-black

Tool Obsenxuions c,pe

CA09-52CA09-52CA09-52CA09-52CA09-52CA09-52CA09-52CA09-52CA09-52. CA09-S2-

13 14 14 26 16 15 14 15 15 13

CA09-52CA09-S2-

Slight grain loss; no use evident. Rounded tip on faceted quarts crystal: long deep rounded scalar fractures; hard boring. Slight grain loss;non-descript polish: burned and unburned plant, fibers; slicing soft plants. Long, shallow, scalar and step fractures: semi-bright, flattened, nondescript polish; black residue: very soft material. Abrasion tracks within flattened, pitted polish: slicing/cutting hard-med material; non-plant. Deep scalar fractures; dull, pitted polish with irregular bright spots; soft-to-medium; hide scraper. Step fractures; heavy, bright, domed, smooth, homogeneous, unpitted polish on dorsal side; plant fibers; slicing soft plants. 2 use-edges; 1: long scalar and step fractures: nondescript polish; soft material: plants? 2: long, narrow, square-comer, scalar fractures; semi-bright, pitted, even polish: cutting fresh, greasy meat. Edge rounded, nicked; sporadic grain loss; nondescript polish; indeterminate. Scraped, crushed, flattened high spots; trampled; no use evident. Few half-moon and step fractures; indeterminate. 2 use-edges; 1: sporadic grain loss: semi-bright. clean polish; slicing soft plants; 2: deep scalar fractures; some polish: heavy sawing:soft

CA09-52CA09-S2CA09-52CA09-52-

608 quartzite 727 748

1075

tuff
tuff basalt

plants. . . 14 Sharp, jagged edges; edge crushing; too much reflection offedge to read;indeterminate. 12 Elongated scalar fractures: longitudinal striae sub-parallel to edge:
14 9 semi-bright, pitted, even polish: slicing medium-to-hard material. Unable to read due to bright water sheen and heavy oxidation; indeterminate. 2 use-edges: 1: bright, flattened, homogeneous polish: hide/meat; 2: shon striae: even polish: hafting.

In considering Table 4, it is important to remember that it merely depicts a partial sum.. mary of fractures, polish, residue, etc. observed on each specimen edge. As such, the table is useful to illustrate (1) the variety of use..wear attribute combinations present in the collection, and (2) the complexity of determining or leav.. ing undetermined estimated material use and action. According to Dillehay and others such as Vaughn (1985), there are no shortcuts in this type of time..consuminganalysisand it is hoped that Table 4 adequately illustrates this point. Figures 4 to 9 depict examples of edge damage, polish, and residues, photographed at relatively low magnifications of 30 to 4Ox.These photos are only meant to illustrate a few cases of the attributes that were microscopicallyexamined, because diagnosis of polish and edge damage often involve their examination under much

higher magnifications (from 400Xto 2000X). For the purposesof this discussion, the summary attributes of estimated material use and action will be discussed in conjunction with tool type, raw material type, and residues. The small sample represents only 3.2% of all tools and utilized flakes from the three eXCava.. tion sites. Specimens for analysiswere selected unsystematicallyduring the process of typological analysis. An effort was made to proportion.. ally represent the three sites and most of the formal tool types in the sample. Because the highest frequency of formal edge..trimmedtools was recovered from site CA09..27, 45.1% of the examined specimen edges were from that site. Similarly, fewer edges (20.9%) were examined from site CA09..52 because that site was domi.. nated by Type 14 unmodified utilized flakes. In

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-16
Limestone was excluded because use-wear is extremely difficult to read on the often chalky, exfoliated surfaces of this material. A fewsilex and quartz specimens were examined to estimate the use of special, exotic materials.

terms of raw material types,the use-wearsample is generally representative of both major and minor types in the lithic assemblage (fables 5 and 6). For example, the percentage of basalt edges selected (44.0%) is quite similar to the percentage present in the entire assemblage (46.5%). Rhyolite is slightlyover-representedin this sample, while rhyolite diorite and andesite are under-represented.

Table 5: Raw material types and frequencies of the Nanchoc Lithic Tradition)
Material Color

Mat. Code' 1 2 3

Fr 16,520 353 2,658

Percent 46.5 1.0 7.5

. silex . silex . silex . limestone silex

. quartz .
rhyolite quartz
"

silex

basalt quartzite andesite

banded cream
coffee

black violet gray

4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11
'

41 25 13

.1 .1 .2

.0
7.8 .0 6.5 .2

darkgreen' . off.white genetal banded milky

crystalline
crystal

12
13

70 2,788 3 2,298 88 2

50

.1
.0

quartz

. silex . silex
.

quartz chalcedony

white
gray

variouslycolored

black

14 15

16
17 18 19

67
1 104 4,572

48 24

.2
.0 .3 12.9

.1 .1

black with coffee gray,veined black with red

granite tuff

. .
. .

jasper

silex diorite granite basalt silex copperore jasper

20
21 22 23 24 26 28

33

.1
.1 15.7 .0 .0

gray
cream, off.white

green
black, white flecks

quartz

amber

35 5,576 1 7

25 29 30

3
11 126

.0
.0

gray, red streaks

darkgreen
cream, blackand red

. silex .
. silex . silex
mica

silver maroon

darkpink,violet

16 1

31 32
33 Total

1 3
35,537

.0 .0
100.0

.4 .0 .0

black and yellow

type considered exotic

1 .---------------------- .0

denotes material

, Material codes are not continuous; Type 27, "unworked petrified wood [1]"
Note that thist4blesupersedapr~iousversions.

was not included

in the analysis.

17~ Table6: Rawmaterialtypesof thelithic tool sample anal,:tedfor microscopic use~wear Material basalt quartzite andesite
silex-coffee

Dilleha, & Rossen: Nanchoc LithicTradition presence of grinding stones at these sites (Rossen 1991), and (3) the typologicalobserva~ tions of other researchers who have discussed unifaciallithic industries (Malpass1983;Ranere 1978; Richardson 1969; Stothert 1974). Simul~ taneously, Table 7demonstrates that despitethe dominance of plant and wood oriented activj~ ties, a broad spectrum of other activities is aJso represented. Table 7: Determinationsof estimated materialuse
.

Code 1 2 3 6 10 12 13 16 18 19 21 22

FT

Percent

rhyolite silex-black granite tUff silex-gJ;ay diorite

quartz crystal. quartz crystal

.-------------------91

40 1 3 2 12 1 1 3 1 19 1 7

44.0 1.1 3.3 2.2 .13.2 1.1 1.1 3.3 1.1 20.9 1.1 7.7

from theuse~wear anal,sis

Site softplant medium-to-hard soft soft-to-medium meat/hide softwood soil bone freshmeat hard unlcnown substance indeterminatel not used CA 09-27 8 6 2 3 2 3 0 CA 09-28 5 2 3 1 1 CA 09-52 2 4 3 1 1 0 1 0 1 0
Toral

Toeal Material use,action,and residues .

100.0

As a total assemblage, estimated material 2 1 i use for microscopically analyzedlithics shows 0 o the dominance of tools used on vegetal materi~ 1 o als, probably wood and soft plants (Table 7). 0 1 2 The specific "soft plant" and lessspecific "soft" category (that may also include very soft hide) 15 6 13 4 togethc,=:r comprise 25.3% (n=23) of the edges. 91 31 19 Total 41 Only the "medium~to~hard" category, most likely representing woodworking, has a fre~ In terms of action, the dominance of plant~ quency representation close to the soft catego~ ries, with 13.2% (n= 12). The remaining speci~ oriented activities is again evident in the rela~ men edges are split between lowfrequencies of tively high frequency of cutting specimens, "soft~to~medium" (n=5), meat/hide (n=4) , soft which constitute 22.6% (n=21) ofthe specimen wood (n=3), soil (n=3), bone (n=3), fresh edges (Table 8). meat (n=l), "hard" (representing bone or hard Plant cutting may refer to a variety of activi~ wood) (n=l) , and "unknown substance" (n=2). More than a third of the edges (n=34) were ties ranging from wild plant exploitation and categorized as indeterminate or without use~ processing to garden plot clearing, plant har~ wear. This last reflects several conditions, vesting, and production of wooden tools. Other including (1) the complexity of use,wear analy~ harder materials such as hard wood and bone sis, (2) the special conditions required to pro~ may also have been cut. Second in terms of duce use~wear, (3) the probable existence of percentage and frequency is scraping, which multi~functionaltoolsin the sample,and (4) the may represent various materials, with 12.1% loss of use~wear through edge breakage and (n = 11) of edge specimens. Lowfrequencies of retouch. Despite these problems, the predomi~ sawing (n=4), boring (n=3), chopping (n=2) nance of estimated plant and wooduse~wearon hafting (n=2), and scoring (n=2) again display these edges is in agreement with (1) the typo~ the variety of activities represented in the logical analysisof the NLT, (2) the substantial assemblage.

IS 12 8 5 4 3 3 3 1 1

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) Table 8: Determinations of action from the use#

wear anal'Ysis

18

Site slicing/cutting scraping sawing boring chopping hafting scoring indetenninate!not used Total

CA CA CA Cf)-27 Cf).28 Cf).52 9 8 1 2 2 1 2 16 41 6 2 2 0 0 1 0 20 31 6 1 1 1 0 0 0 10 19

Total 21 11 4 3 2 2 2 46 91

The third general microscopic category is residues. Archaeological residues were found only on edges prior to cleaning, with 27.5% (n=25) of the specimen edges having observ# able residues as possibledirect evidenceof their use (Table 9). Residues were located in fissures and cleavages and not on open surfaces, and thus fortuitous associations are highly unlikely. Plant/wood fiberswere present, either alone, or in combination with another residue, on 19 edges (Figures8 and 9). At high magnifications of 400x to 2000x the plant cellswereobservable on several of these specimens. Reconfirmed is the importance of plant and wood#related activities at these sites. In addition, other substances were found on use#edges in low frequencies. A white substance, probably cal# cite, was present on five edges, and four of the fivespecimens came from site CA09#27. These specimens fizzedalong their edgeswhen placed in acid baths, a chemical reaction typical of calcite. The importance of specializedcalcite processingat the Nanchoc Moundssite (CA09# 04) has been previouslydiscussed(Dillehayand Netherly 1983; Netherly and Dillehay 1985; Dillehay et al. 1989). In contrast to the large chunks of calcite recovered at site CA09#04, only a few tiny fragments of calcite were recov# ered from sites CA09#27 and CA09#28. Thus, though only present in relatively miniscule amounts at these sites, the possiblepresence of calcite on a small number of use#edgessuggests that the material may have alsobeen utilized in

less specialized residential contexts, possiblyas either a nutritional supplement (Antunez de Mayolo 1981:87#88;Baker and Mazess 1963)or as an additive for chewing coca leaf. The pres# ence of calcite further relates these sites and the Nanchoc Mounds together into the same cul# tural tradition. A bright red substance was found on three edges. Two of these specimens were recovered from site CA09#28, where, red#stained ground stone was also recovered. This material is possiblyred ochre, although no chemical tests could confirm this. A black substance that may be tar was present on two use#edges including one hafted edge. One obvious use of tar would be in hafting tools to wooden handles, and the presence of hafting polish on two specimens indicates that at least a few unifacial tools were hafted.
Table 9: Fibers and residues from litlUc tool edges
Site
plant fibers

CA CA 09-27 . 09-28 8 2 0 1 1 1 1 27 41 4 1 2 0 0 0 0 24 31

CA Cf).52 3 0 0 1 0 0 0 15 19

Total 15 3 2 2

plant fibers+
white substance red substance

(ochre?)
black substance

(tar?)
white substance

(calcite?) white + red

substances

1 1 66 91

plant fibers+ no residue

possiblesilica

Toted

TypologicaVmicroscopic attribute cross#tabulations Crosstabulations between microscopic use# wear attributes and typological attributes were useful in relating microscopic data to the typo# logical analysis (Tables 10 to 14). The formal tool typologyhas been published in detail else# where (Rossen 1998). The crosstabulations demonstrate that there is no simple formulafor understanding tools and tasks, but instead tool

Dillehay & Rossen: NanchocUthic Tradition

semilunar) tools appear to be specialized in estimated material use, but generalizedin terms of action. All three Type 7 specimens with worked. Because of the many tool types present determined use~edgesdisplayed some evidence in the NL T, the microscopic analysis could only of plant polish, and two specimens had plant fiber residues, while a third had the white sub~ include a few specimens of each type. The sample was further diminished by the fact that stance on its edge. However, action of these if an attribute was not recorded for a specimen, same specimens varied, with one each showing it was dropped from the crosstabulation. Even signs of sawing, scraping, and cutting. Con~ when crosstabulations involvedfewercategories versely,Type 12 (pentagonal) tools appear to be and greater frequencies, as with raw material generalized in estimated material use but spe~ type, the overall small sampleofmicroscopically. cialized in action. The five Type 12 specimens examined edges allows some tentative conclu~ for which action could be determined were sions. Despite the limitations, someinteresting placed into only two categories, cutting (n=3) patterns are worth discussing and suggestions and scraping (n=2), but action for this type maybe made concerning the complexinterplay varied from medium~to..hard (n=2) to meat! of various tool use factors. hide (n=l) and soft wood (n=l). Larger pentagonal forms, Type 17, followthe action and estimated material use suggeststhat same general pattern as their smaller counter~ there existed certain material preferences for parts, with two of .three determined action particular actions but not for use on particular specimens having been used for cutting (an materials (Tables 10 and 11) Common basalt additional edge on one was used for scoring). Estimated material uses for Type 17 tools vary appears to have been heavilyfavoredfor cutting action, as indicated by the presence of 12 such greatly, with bone en=l) , soil (n=2), soft en=l) specimens in the microscopically..analyzed and soft~to~medium (n=l), all represented. sample. In terms of estimated material use, Type 16elongated rectangular formsare similar however, basalt was used on the entire range of in microscopic pattern to pentagonal forms. All materials. Conversely, finer~grainedmaterials three specimens from which action could be such as local rhyolite and exotic silex (or chert) determined were for cutting or scraping, while werepreferred forboring and sawingtasks, again material use was extremely variable, with soft on a wide range of materials. . plant (n=l), meat/hide (n=l) , fresh meat (n=l) soft en=l), and hard~medium en=l) repre~ sented. Crosstabulations of tool type with action, estimated material use, and residue indicate that, from strictly typologicaldata, qoth special~ The above examples serve to illustrate some ized and generalized tools are present in the problems in categorizinga tool type asexpedient NLT (Tables 12 to 14). Type 14 unmodified or curated, generalized or specialized, or in flakes are associated with four different actions utilizingany conceptual dichotomy at all. Tools' and five different estimated material uses (ex~ may fit one descriptive category for one area of cluding the indeterminate and unknowncatego~ analysis and another category for other attrib.. ries). This suggests the wide variety of uses utes. In the case of the NLT, it is possible, these untrimmed flakeshad, and reinforcestheir though far fromconclusivelydemonstrated, that previous categorization as expedient. semilunar forms were designed primarily for a variety of activities involving plants, while Specific edge~trimmed tool types may be pentagonal and rectangular formsweredesigned identified as either generalizedor specializedin specificallyfor scraping and cutting on a variety of materials. terms of microscopic use~wear. Type 7 (thick
.
.

use involved a complex combination of consid~ erations including tool type, edge angle, raw material type, action, and material being

Cross~tabulation of raw materialtypewith

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) Table 10: Cross-tabulation of raw material type and action

..20

ACTION
sawing
MATERIAL

boring 3

chopping 4

SCTapinf 5

-1

slidng/ cutting 6

hafting 8

UMe!. 9 13 1

basalt

l_ _ -1._ _ _1_ .2'~ _ ~.3

quartzite
.

2I
3 6

U
I

- -- - ----2

Row %Total

12

42.9 _ 2'~ _ ~.~ _ .2'~

I
2

.28 43.8 1 1.6 J 4.7

2 J.l

1I
1

l_ _ -1.___1_ _ _1__.J. _ _.J. _ _.J. _ ~.~ _ _.J

andesite

l-_~___1__.J
silex-coffee

I I

J._~~__.J._~~__.J
2

I I

rhyolite

l _ _ ~ .-._ _1_ _ .J. _ ~.~ _ _ .J. _ _ ~ _ _ _1 : _ .J 101 11 11 I 11 II I 31 II l_ E'~ _ E':..L _ _ .J._ E'~ _ E'~ _ _ -1._ 2.?'~_ E'~
12 1
13 I 1 I 1 I 1 1 I 1

8 12.5 I 1.6 1 1.6 3 4.7 1 1.6 11 17.2 5 7.8 64 100.0

quartz-cryst..

. l_ _ _L__-1_ _.J. _ ~.~ _ _.J. _ __1__ _1__.J

quartz crystal
1 1

l--_L_~~__.J
I I I
1

1 .1 1

silex-black

16 18 19

I I
1

1~__L___1___1__.J
I
1 1

1
I

I
I

I
I

I
1

l_ 2!':J._ 2!':.t _ _ .J. _ _ .J. _ ~.~ _ _ .J. _ __.J. _ _ .J

granite

I I
I

I
2

L--.J

l_ -.?~ _ _ -L _ -?~ _ ~':J._ ~.~ _ _ ~ _ E'~ _ _.J

diorite

1___1___1_~~__.J
I
I

J
I
I
3

J
I
I
2 3.1

..

I
I

221
Column % Total

L-~~__-L__~_~~___1__.J._~~__.J
4 6.35 3 4.7 2 3.1 11 17.2 21 32.8 2 3.1 19 29.7

11

11

31

Note: Significant values are marked by a box.

21.. Table 11: Cross-tabulation

Dillehay

& Rossen: Nanc1wcUthic Tradition

of raw material type and estimated material use

MATERIAL USE

- - -- - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - -Basalt

Bone Soft plant

Soft wood

Soil MtiUI hide

Frah meat

Soft

Soft Med

Hard Mtd.

Hard.

Indcc.

Not known

Row %Total 33 48.5%

, 1 1.5%

I
L

11

61

31

31

31

11

31

11

51

11

51

1.1

_3~
I
1

..!8:.J. _9~ _9:!l_9:!l_3~

1 I I
I

_9:.1_3~ ..!5:.J. _3~ ..!5:1._3~

I
I

Quanzite

21
L

_ -L _ -1_-L_-1_-1_-L _ -1_ -1_ -1_ -1~~_..J

II I. 11 I 1 11 I I

11

I
I

AndesIte 31
L

Silexcoffee Rhyolite

6I
10

_ -L .23::1 _ ..1_ -1 .23::1 _ -L _ -1 _ -1 .23::1 _ -1 _ -1. _ ..J

I I I I I I I 21
1 I
1

3 4.4% 2 2.9% 8 11.8% 1 1.5% 1 1.5% 3 4.4% 1 1.5% 11 16.2%

L_-L_ -1_..1_ -1_ -1':'"-L_-1~~_

I I
I
2I

-1 _ -1_ -1._..J
1I 1I I 1 21 1

I
I

1 I

I 1

1 I

I I

2I I

.
tryst. Quam crystal Silexblack

L,22::.125~ _ ..1_ -1 _ -1 _ -L 25~ _ -1 ..!2~_ -1 25~ _ ..J

L

Quanz. 12 1
13 I

_ -L _ -1_ ..1_-1_ -1_ -L _ -1_ -1 ~~ _ -1_ -1._ ..J

I I 1 I 1 1 1 1 11 1 I I I

L_-L_-1_ -1_-1 _-1_-L _-1_ --L ~~ _ -1_-1

1 I'
1I

J
I

16 1

.1

21

11

Granite 18.I
L

L_-L _ -1 _-1_ -1_ -1_ -L ~~.23~ _-1 _ -1_ -1_..J

- -L_1000 ~_ -1_ -1_ -1_ -L_ -1_ --L _..1_ -1_ -1_..J
I __
[
..

1 I

I I

Tuff Diorite

19 1
L

1
I

1
1

1
1

I
11

11
I

3I
1

2I
1 1

1I
1

22
Column %Total

-L .26!.L _ -1_ -1 _ -1 _ -L _ -1 _9~ 27::1 _ -1 .28:1. _9~

I
1I
1 1

25~
3 M%

25~
IS 22.1%

_-1 --1_ -1_ -L 25~ _-1_-1 _ -125~ _..J

3, 3 M% M% .. 5.9% 1 1.5% 8 11.8% 5 12 7.+% 17.6% 1 11 1.5% 16.2% 2 2.9%
68 100.0%

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

22

Table12: Cross-tabulation of fonnal tool typesand action

ACfION
TOOLTIPE large quadrilateral medium quadrilateral small quadrilateral large semilunar medium semilunar small semilunar thick semilunar multi-point point coretool pentagonal Incurved unmodified blocky elongated rectangular large pentagon medium triangular
amorphous 1 amorphous2

-- 11
2

sawin(
.

boring

chopping

- I

SCTaping

slicing! cutting

hafting

undet.

Row

- - - -- -I I I
1

l__~__~__~__~__~_~~__~__~ I I I I I I I I I L__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~ I I I I I I I I I l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~ ill I I I I I I 1I I l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~ I 11 I I I I I I I l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~ I I I I I I I I I l__j__~__~__~__~__~__~__~ 11 11 I I 11 11 I 11 I

1

1I

3
..

9 ~
10

~--~--~--~--~~-~--~--~--~ 8 ~ _ _--t--~---t- - --t-- --t-- -1--- ~ - - ~ _ _ -+ _ -J. - - -4- - --J. - - ~ - - ~ - '- ~ - - ~

~

~_ _ ~ _ _ -J.- - ~ - - --I--2-J.- - -I-- - ~ - - ~ n ~:... _ -+_ _ -J._ _ -+_ _ ~ _ _ -+ _ _ ~ _ _ ~

13
14
15

z
6 3
9
.. 5

l- - --t--~ _ --t --~

I I I

~__-I +__-+__~__-+__~__~
1

16 I

l_ _ :..L _ _ ~ _ _ ~ _ _ :..L _ _ ~ _ _ -1_ _'~ _ _ ~

I
2

- - -+- - ~-- ~
I
2

171
19

L__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~ I I I I 21 I 11 11 l__~__~__~__~__~__~__~__~ I I I I I I I I I ~---I +--~---+---+---+--~--~

1

..

21 ~ long handled

8~__~__-+__~__-J.__~__-I-__~__~
26 Column % Total. .. 7.1% 2 3.6% 1 1.8% 9 16.1% 20 35.7% 2 3.6% 16 28.6%

_ _ -I-- - -J._ _ -t - - -I-- - ~ - - -+ - - ~ - - ~

2 56
100.0%

L__ -1_ _.J. _ _ -1 _ _ -1__ ~ _ _ ~ _ _ ~ _ _.J

1 3.6%

No~: This table supersedespretJioos versions. Significant values are marked by boxes.

23..

Dillehay& Rossen: NanchocUthic Tradition

Table 13: CroSH;abulation of formal tool types and estimated material use
ESTIMATED MATERIAL USE TOOL 1YPE
httge
quadrila. 1

BoneSoftplant
1

r-T-~-T-T-T-T-T-T-I-T-J
1 I I I I I I I I I I I

Soft wood

Soil

MtatJ hidt

fresh meat

Soft Soft,med

H4rd,

lndet.

Not

Row

rrIld

lcnown

Total
1

~ medium quadrila. ~
large semilunar medium semilunar small semilunar thick semilunar

~-+-+-+~+-+-+-+-+-+-+-~ L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~
1
I I I I I I I I I 1

41

61

71

L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~ 5 L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~ L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~ ~-+-+-+-+-+~+-+-+-~-+-~

I 11 I I I I I I I I I

.1

21

11

11

11

11

31.

11

..

multipoint point

8.

~_+ _+ _-+_+ _+ _-+_+ _2..J_~ _+ _~

~-2..J-~ -I--+ --2..J--2..J_ -+_-+_-+'- ~ _+-~
..

~~
pencagonal

Wh--I--4--I-_-I-_-+_-+_-+_+_~_~_~
.12 J-.;.:

3
6

-+ _ -+ _ 4- _ -I- _ 2..J_ -+ _ -+ _ -+ _ ~ _ .:t-_ ~

~~
unmodified

U~_-+_4_~_-+_-I-_-+_-+_-+_~_~_~
14
16

bloclcy
elongated

~L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~
I I

~--+-4--4---+--+--+-4-2..J--~-~-~
1
I I I

9
..

~
httge pentagonal
17

L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~
1 I I I I I I

1
11

6
6

medtriang
amor. phousl amor. phous2 long handled

19

+ - -+- + - -+- -+- -+- -+- ~ - + - ~ L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_!.l_~_~

I I I I

21

11

11

~ ---I21 2S 26
I I

L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~ L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~ L_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~_~

I 1 I I 1 I I I 11

11

21

Column
% Total

3
5.0%

14
23.3%

2
3.3%

3
5.0%

3
5.0%

1
1.7%

8
U.3%

5
8.3%

10
16.7%

9
15.0%

2
3.3%

60
100.0%

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Table 14: Cross,tabulationof formaltool typesand residues

RESIDUE
.

TOOL TIPE

I I
L

plantfibers

whitt material

white + red

material

red

material

black

fibers + white

fibers + silica

Row %Total
1 4.2% 1 4.2% 1 4.2% 2 8.3%

_ _ _ J.calcite~ ___
1

J.och~7~ _ (tarl~ _ _ _
I I I I
1

__
I I

medium quadrilateral small quadrilateral large quadrilateral small semilunar thick semilunar coretools incurved unmodified blocky elongated rectangular large pentagonal.
amorphous2

2 3

I I

I I

I I I
I

I I

L _ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J... _ _ .J..._ _ L

4
6

_ _.J...__.J
_ _.J
I

_-L __ -L _ _.J..._ _ -L__

_ -L _ _ -L _ _.J..._ _.J... __
I' 1I I I
1

L
I
L
7
10 13

_.J

11

_ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ -L _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _

2
2

I 1 I 1 I I I I I L _ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ -L _ _ .J..._ _ .J... _ _

3 12.5% 3 12.5% 3 12.5% 3 12.5% 1 4.2%

L
I

I . I I I 1 I I L _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ -L _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ 14 I 2 I I 1 I I I I

_ _.J...__.J... _ _.J...__-L__ _ _ .J
1
"

-1. _ _.J...__

L
15

_ .J..._ _ -L _ _ .J..._ _ -L _ _ -L _ _
I
.

L _ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J..._ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ 16 I . 2 I I I I I I

L _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ ...L _ _ .J... _ _
17 IS

2 8.3% I 4.2% 1 4.2% 2 8.3% 24 100.0%

I I I I I 1 I L _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ .J... _ _ I 1 I I I I I I,

L
long handled

26
Column %Total

_ _.J...
2 15 62.5%

L _ _.J... _
1 4.2%

L _ _.J..._
I I
1 4.2%

L _ _.J
I
2 8.3%

L _ _.J... _ _ -L _ _.J... _ _.J... __

2 8.3% 2 8.3%

_-1. __
I

1 4.2%

lnter,analysis results

A comparison of microscopicuse,wear data (including estimated material use, action, and residue evidence together) with typologicaldata and characterizations highlights areas of agree, ment and disagreement between differentforms of analysis. The reason for makingthis compari, son, summarized in Table 15, is not to decide whether one form of analysis is superior to another or whether mistakes were made in analysis.Rather, this comparisonallowscertain research assumptions to be examined, and

brings forward areas of greater and lesser cer, tainty and ambiguitywithin the data. It isworth repeating that these different analysisformsare here considered complementary, in that they together form a more effective, multi,dimen, sional approach than either approach can offer alone. Agreement between typological and microscopicanalysiswasclassifiedin Table 15as good, fair, or poor. Good agreement means that the two forms of analysisleave little doubt as to the function(s) of the tool type in question (Dillehay 1997). Fair agreement means that relatively minor disagreements are the product

25..

Dillehay& Rossen:Nanchoc lithic Tradition This systemwasmodified from a similaranaly.. sis comparison developed by Dillehay for use with the Monte Verde lithic collections from southern Chile.

of differing terminology and, despite this, the tool iswell..understoodin terms offunction and use. Poor agreement means that substantial
differences were found in the results of the two analyses, and the meaning of these differences will be discussed below.

Table 15: Summary of imeranalysis agreement of tool /unctions

Tool Form type typo

Action
micro slice/cut slice/cut indeterminate sawing sawing scraping various boring slice/cut various

Material

use

Agreement

micro

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

largequadrilateral mediumquadrilateral smallquadrilateral largesemi-lunar mediumsemi-lunar smallsemi-lunar thicksemi-lunar burinmulti burinsimple largecore

12 pentagonal 13 incurved 14 unmodified util 15 blocky

1"6 thick rectangular

slice/cut slice/cut slice/cut slice/cut slice/cut slice/cut cutting boring boring scraping! planing, hoeing slice/c~t
planing slice/cut scraping! planing cutting cutting slice/cut slice/cut slice/cut

softplant softplant med.-to-hard bone soft,soft-med. softplant soft'to-med. various softplant various wood wood wood softplan~ various. various various various

good good fair fair poor poor good poor good good fair fair good good

slice/cut, scraping slice/cut, scraping various various slice/cut, scraping slice/cut (hafted) indeterminate slice/cut slice/cut

17 18 19 20 21 25 26

thickpentagonal smalltriangular mediumtriangular largetriangular amorphous1 amorphous2 largehandled

scraping! planing

wood

indeterminate soft softwood

fair

In considering the ramificationsofT able 15, it is important to remember the smallsample of microscopic analysis specimens, with tools characterized for the sake of general discussion based on only one to five specimens per type. With this major caveat, it is thus encouraging that seven tool types were classified. as having good agreement, six as having fair agreement, and only three as having poor agreement be.. ~een the two formsof analysis.In severalcases,

the microscopic use..wear analysis confirmed the

categorizations made from typological data. Quadrilateral forms with low edge angles, such as Types 1 and 2, were confirmed as plant cutters. The Type 8 faceted burin..likepointed form was indeed used for boring. The characterizations of Types 12 and 17,both pentagonal forms with medium edge angle modes and trends, as general purpose plant cutters were well..establishedby analysis agreement.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

In examining tools with fair agreement between analyses,some differencesin terminol~ ogy may be discussed that do not represent substantial differencesin analysisresults. Types 4 and 5, both semilunar forms with medium edge angles, were characterized as cutting through typology, and sawing through micro~ scopic analysis. It is easy to see that a cutting motion with these long concave use-edges would easily grade into a sawing motion, and larger specimens, in particular, wouldtend to be used for heavier jobs employingmore of a sawing action. Type 13 incurved edge tools were characterized as planers through typology,and cutting and scraping tools through microscopic analysis. In this case, the terminologyused in

why these tools were concentrated at a site (CA09-52)without evidenceof a dwellingor substantialartifactconcentrations.
Two of the three cases of poor interanalysis agreement were the result of a faulty assumption within the typological analysis. It was typologically assumed that Type 9 unfaceted pointe4. tools and Type 14 unmodified utilized flakes could be placed within specific action types. Type 9 specimensare sometimescalled denticulates in other South American unifacial indus.

tries (Richardson1969),and in the NLT were

considered less formal versions of the Type 8 faceted, pointed form. Instead, the pointed edges were unused, while other long straight edges exhibited evidence of use-wear. This pinpoints another important differencebetween the NLT and other unifacial industries such as Siches where pointed tools are considered extremely important, or it suggests that the importance of denticulli!teforms in other unifacial industries has been overemphasized or mistaken outright.

microscopicanalysis is more logical,in that

.

these relatively small, incurved or notched use-edges would not be used p~r se for heavy wood planing of a flat surface, but more for shaving smaller pieces such as shafts, involving a motion closer,to scraping. Also in the Type 13case, the differencebetween woodversussoft plant material use is considered minor, as soft wood carving could produce exactly the type of polish found on these specimens. Last in the category of fair agreement is Type 26, the long- handled, short use-edgetools that were specificallyrelated to siteCA09-52 by spatial analysis. Again, disagreement is minor because both analyses agree that these were woodworkingtools.Type 26 toolsweretypologicallyclassifiedasscrapers and planersbecauseof their relatively high edge angles.However, the microscopic observation that these tools were used in cutting despite the high anglesisacceptable because heavy cutting of plants fits well with the garden plot interpretation of site CA09~52 where these specimenswereprimarily recovered. That is, plant cutting in a garden context would be expected to involve heavier tools with higher edge angles than plant manipulation associated with food preparation in a domestic context involving smaller tools with lower edge angles. Again, these higher edgeangle tools may have alternativelybeen used for cutting wild plants, but this wouldnot explain

In the case of the large Type 14 category of unmodified flakes, the typological assumption that these were light cutters was based on their relatively small sizes and very low edge angles. It appears, instead, that these expedient flakes were utilized for a wide spectrum of purposes when well-made non~marginal edge-trimmed tools were unavailable or not worth the effortto produce. In the case of Type 14, the disagreement between analyses does not change but clarifiesone aspect of the dichotomy of expedient and curated tools in the NLT. The third case ofpoor interanalysis agreement is that of Type 7 thick semi-lunar forms. Type 7 specimens were typologically classified as cutting toolsbecause of the combination oftheir relatively large size and very low edge~angle mode and trend. Their distinctiveness in terms of relative standardization and easy recognition also fostered the idea that these tools had a relatively specific function. However, micro~ scopicanalysissuggestedthat these assumptions

27were false, and that, though specificto plants, the Type 7 tool was utilized in a variety of actions. As mentioned above, this tool type in finalconsideration cannot be classifiedas either generalizedor specialized. Its classificationas a curated tool type, however, appears to be correct, based on the heavy use-wearfound on 3 of 4 microscopicallyanalyzed specimens. Conclusions The microscopicuse-wearstudyofthe NLT, despite being conducted on a small sample of. the totallithics assemblage,achieved its goals. The analysiscrosschecked the typologicaldata, finding many points of agreement and allowing clarifications to be made where there were interanalysis disagreements. The polish and residue evidence provided invaluable direct evidence of tool use and reemphasized the primacy of plant and wood- related activities. The variability present within the NLTwas

Dillehay& Rossen:Nanchoc Uthic Tradition intensification depends on the foundation of a complete and multidimensional lithic analysis. Acknowledgements Analysis of the Nanchoc lithics was supported by the National Science Foundation and the University of Kentucky Center for Computational Science. Our understanding of this lithic industry was enhanced by discussions with William Y. Adams, Duccio Bonavia, Peter Kaulicke, and Ramiro Matos. The lithics were illustrated by Jimmy A. Railey. We gratefully acknowledge the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima, for the export permit that allowed this special study to be conducted. References Cited
Aldenderfer, Mark S. 1998 MontaneForagers:Asana and the South,Central AndeanArchak. .IowaCity: Universityof Iowa Press. Antunez de Mayolo Rynning, Santiago Erik 1981 LAnutrici6n enel antiguo PerULima:BancoCentral de Reserva del Peru. Baker, Paul T. and Richard B. Mazess 1963 Calcium: Unusual Sources in the Highland Peru, vian Diet. Science 142(no. 3598):1466,1467. Barton, H., R. Torrence, and R. Fullagar 1998 Clues to Stone Tool Function Reexamined: Com, paring Starch Grain Frequencies on Used and UnusedObsidianArtefacts.]oumalofArchaeologi, calScience 25:1231,1238. Chauchat, Claude 1975 The PaijlinComplex, Pampa de Cupisnique,Peru. Nawpa Pacha 13:85,96. 1978 AdditionalObservationson the PaijlinComplex. Nawpa Pacha 16:51,65. 1988 EarlyHunter,Gathererson the PeruvianCoast. In Peruvian Prehistory, edited by RichardW. Keatinge, pp. 41,65. Cambridge, England: Cambridge Uni, versity Press. Chauchat, Qaude, Elisabeth Wing, Jean,Paul Lacombe, Pierre,Yves Demars, Santiago Uceda, and Carlos Deza 1992 Prehistoire de la c6tenorddu P&ou:Le Paijanien de Cupisnique.Cahiers du Quaternaire 18. Centre Natonal de la Recherche ScientiAque. Centre Regional de Publication de Bordeaux.

further underscored by' the variety Qf both

.

generalized and specialized tools present, and even the presence of certain tool typesthat were generalized in one-category and specializedin another (i.e., action versus estimated material use). Lastly, the microscopic analysis added further detail to the intersite activityqifferences that have been repeatedly observed thus far. The limitation of the study wasthe small sizeof the sample (91 use edges), which only alloweda few examples of each tool type to be examined. In its entirety, the multidimensional lithics analysisprovided a complete documentation of the NLT which could not have been achieved from anyone perspective (such as morphological analysis) alone. As the most numerous artifact assemblage in the Nanchoc sites, a complete lithic analysis including use-wear analysisis essential for providing a basic framework of site activities, against which site structures, features, and a variety of smaller nonlithic assemblages were juxtaposed and compared (Dillehay et al. 1997j Rossen 1991). The ultimate definition of the Middle Preceramic Nanchoc Culture as a locallypermanent, plantoriented society in the early stages of cultural

Correal, Gonzalo
1989 ~:

':J plantadores enel altiplanicie de la cordillera oriental.

eWlencias de ~eHecolectores

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
Bogot:4: Fundaci6n de InvestigacionesArqueol6gicas Nacionales, Banco de la Republica. Dillehay,Tom D. 1997 Micro.Use.Wear and Spatial Analyses of the lithic Assemblage. In MonteVerde:A Late Pleistocene Settlementin Chile,Volume 2: The Archaeological Context and Interpretation,edited by Tom D. Dillehay, pp. 507.648. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Dillehay,Tom D. and Patricia J. Netherly 1983 Exploring the Upper Zana Valley in Peru: A
U'ilique Tropical Forest. Setting Offers Insights

..28
Fiftieth Annual Meeting, Society for American Archaeology, Denver, Colorado. Nieuwenhuis, Channah Jos~ 1998 Unattractive but Effective: Unretouched Pointed Flakes as Projectile Points? A Closer Look at the Abriense and TequendamienseArtifacts. In Explorations in American Archaeology: Essa,sin Honorof Wesley R. Hurt, editedbyMarkG. Plew, pages 133.163. Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America. Odell, George H. 1981 The Mechanics of Use.Breakage of Stone Tools: SomeTestableHypotheses. JournalofFieldArchae. ology8:197.240. Odell, George H. and F. OdellNereeken 1980 Verifyingthe Reliabilityof Lithic Use.Wear Assess. ments by "BlindTests": The LowPowerApproach. Journalof FieldArchaeology 7: 87.120. Pearsall, Deborah M. 1994 Issues in the Analysis and Interpretation of Ar. chaeological MaizeinSouthAmerica.In Comand Culture in the Prehistoric New World, edited by Sissel Johannessen and Christine A. Hastorf, pp.
_

into the Andean Past.

Archaeology

36(4):22.30.

Dillehay, Tom D., PatriciaJ. Netherly, and Jack Rossen 1989 Middle Preceramic Public and Residential Sites on the Forested Slope of the Western Andes, Northern Peru. American Antiquity 54(4):733.

759.

Dillehay, Tom D., Jack Rossen, and PatriciaJ. Netherly

]997

The Nanchoc Tradition: The Beginningsof

Andean Civilization.

46.55.

American Scientist 85(1):

Fullagar, Richard, Judith Furby, and BruceHardy 1996 Residueson Stone Artifacts: State of a Scientific . Art. Antiquity 709(no. 270):740.745. Keely,Lawrence H. 1974 Technique and Methodology in. Microwear Studies. A CriticalReview.World Archaeology 5:323. 336. 1980 ExperimentalI)etennination of StoneToolUses: A MicrowearAnalysis. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Laville, Henri, Jean.Philippe Rigaud, and James D. Sackett 1980 RockShelters of thePerigord: Geological Stratigra. phy and Archaeological Succession. New York: Academic Press.
Linares, Olga and Anthony

245.272. Boulder,Colorado:Westview Press.

Piperno, Dolores 1990 Aboriginal Agriculture and Land Usage in the Amazon Basin, Ecuad9r. Journal of Archaeological Science17:665.677.

Porras,PedroI. 1988 Investigaciones arqueolOgicas a lasfaMas delSangay:

tradiciOn Upano.Quito: Centro de Investigaciones Arqueol6gicas,Pontificia Universidad Cat6licadel Ecuador. Ranere, Anthony J. 1978 Toolmaking and Tool Use Among the Preceramic Peoples of Panama. In Advances in AndeanArcMe' ology, edited by David L Browman,pp. 1.34. The
Hague: Mouton. Richards, Thomas H.

J.Ranere

1980

AdaptiveRadiations in Prehistoric Panama.Pea.

body Museum Monographs 5 (Cambridge,Mas. sachusetts). Lurie, Rochelle 1983 A Preliminary Study of Use.Wear of the Arti. facts from some PreceramicComponents. In Prehistory of theAyacucho Basin,Peru:Volume
Four, The Preceramic Way of Ufe, by

1988 MicrowearPatternson Experimental BasaltTools. BARs, International Series 460. Oxford, England. Richardson, James B., III 1969 The PreceramicSequence and Pleistocene and Post. Pleistocene Climatic Changein Northwestern
Peru.

Ph.D. dissertation,Universityof lUinois,

RichardS.

MacNeish, Robert K.Vierra,Antoinette Nelkin. Terner, R. Lurie, and Angel Garcia Cook, pp. 22.47. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Malpass, Michael A. 1983 The Preceramic Occupations of theCasma Valley, Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, UniversityofWiscon. sin, Madison. Netherly, Patricia J. and Tom D. Dillehay 1985 Domestic and Public Contexts at the Cemente. rio de Nanchoc Site: RefiningPreceramicPublic and Domestic Production. Paper presented at

Urbana. 1978 Early Man on the Peruvian North Coast, Early Maritime Exploitation and the Pleistocene and Holocene Environment. In Earlv Man in America from a Circum.Pacific Perspective, editedbyAlan Bryan,pp. 274.289. Department ofAnthropology, Occasional Papers No. 1. University of Alberta, Edmonton.
1981 Modeling the Development of Sedentary Maritime Economies on the Coast of Peru: A Preliminary Statement. AnnalsofCamegieMuseum50(5): 139.

150.

29.. Rossen, Jack 1991 Ecotonesand Low~RiskIntensification: The Middle Preceramic HabitationojNanchoc,Northern Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kentucky, Lexington. 1998 Unifaces in EarlyAndean Culture History: The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru. Andean Past 5:241~300. Rossen,Jack and Tom D. Dillehay 1999 La colonizaci6n y asentamiento del norte del Peru: innovaci6n, tecnolog{ay adaptaci6n en el

Dillehay & Rossen: Nanchoc Uthic Tradition

Sussman, Carole 1988 A Microscopic Analysis of Use..Wear and Polish Formation on Experimental Quartz Tools. Oxford, England: BAR, International Series395. Uceda, Santiago 1986 LePaijanien defarigiondeCasma (Pbou): Industrie lithiqueet relations aveclesautTes industries prktra~ miques. Ph.D. dissertation, L'Universit~ de Bor~ deaux, France. 1987 El Paijanense enfa regi6n deCasma.Trujillo,Peru: Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Vaughn, Patrick 1985 Vse~Wear Anal:ysis of Flaked Scone Tools. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 1995 Analyse tra~ologique. InTe1armacha:y: ~es :ypastoTes prehist6ricos delosAndes,byDani~leLa~ vall~e,MichelJulien, Jane Wheeler, and C. Karlin, pp.387410. Lima: Instituto Franc~s de Estudios Andinos. Verano, John 1994 Commingled Human Remains fromMiddle Prece~ ramie Residential Sites in the Upper Zafia River Valley, Northern Peru. Unpublished manuscript
on file in the archives of Andean Past, Department

valle de Zafia. In El periodo arc:aico en el Pen1:

Hacia una definici6nde los origenes,edited by Peter Kaulicke, pp. 121~139. Boletfn de ArqueologfaPUCP 3. Lima:PontificiaUniversi~ dad Cat6lica del Peru. Rossen,Jack, Tom D. Dillehay, and Donald Ugent 1996 Ancient Cultigens or Modem Intrusions?:Evalu~ ating Botanical Remains in an Andean Case Study.Journal of Archaeological Science23:391~ 407. Semenov, Sergei A. 1964 Prehistoric Technology.Bath,England:Adams and Dart.

Shea;J.
On Accuracy and Relevance inlithic Use~ Wear Analysis. LithicTechnology16:44~50. . Stothert, Karen E. 1914 UthicTechnology of the SantaElenaPeninsula. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University. 1985 The Preceramic Las Vegas Culture of Coastal Ecuador. American Antiquit) 50(3): 613~637. 1988 La prehistoriatempranade fa peninsulade Santa Elena, Ecuador:cuUuraLas Vegas. Miscel~nea Antropol6gica Ecuatoriana, Serie MonogrMica 10. Guayaquil: Museos del Banco Central del Ecuador. 1987

of Anthropology, University of Maine, Orono.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

~30

Figure 1.

Location of the ~pper ZafiaValley, northern Peru (from Rossen 199.8:figure 1).

31..

Dillehay & Rossen: NanchocLithic Tradition

(,

Figure 2.

Representative formalsecondaryflaketool typesof the Nanchoc Lithic tradition: A, Type 1 large quadrilateral tools; B,Type 4 large semi..lunartools; C, Type 7 thick semi..lunartools; D, Type 8 multifaceted pointed tools; E, F, Type 12 pentagonal tools; 0, Type 13 incurved or notched tools; H Type 18 small triangular tools (actual size). IUustrationsbyJimmy A.Railey after Rossen 1998:figures 9, 10,figure11,figure14,figure15.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..32

100m

co. conqu!s

Figure 3.

Locations of excavated Middle Preceramic sites in the Quebrada de Las Pircas, near Nanchoc, Peru (fromRossen 1998:figure5).

33..

Di1.lehay & Rossen: Nanc1wc LithicTradition

Figure 4.Plant polish on tool edge (40X).

Figure5.

Bone polishontooledge (40X). Note the pitted rough edgewith grain loss and edgeattrition.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Figure 6. Scalar and half, moon fractureson tqol edge, along with polish streaks (40X).

Figure 7. Crushing and polishing on point of tool (40X).

35..

Dillehay& Rossen: NanchocLithic Tradition .

Figure8.

Plant fibersassociatedwith semi..brightsheen and smooth grainy plant polish. From Rossenand Dille~y 1999:131 (40X).

Figure 9. Plant fibers and dull, flat, pitted, smeared hide polish (40X).

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

INVESTIGATIONS

AT THE INITIAL PERIOD CENTER OF HUACA

EL GALLO/

HUACA LA GALLINA,Vmu VALLEY,PERU: nm

1994 FIELDSEASON

Thomas A. Zoubek SUNY,New PaZtz Introduction Archaeological work in the Vim Valley has a long and distinguished place in the field of Andean studies. Research began with the first reconnaissance and excavation in the valley by Kroeber (1930) and Bennett (1939). The seminalVim ValleyProject of the 1940shelped pioneer many of the 'methods stillin use today, especially in the realm of setdement pattern studies. Yet, after this auspicious beginning work in VirUlanguished for the next fiftyyears. In the meantime, people continued to use the Virudata to construct modelsofsocialcomplex' ity (Carneiro 1970j Conrad 1977j Canziani 1989) despite the fact that the participants of the Virti Project !:ladwarned that their findings were by no means complete (Ford 1952; Ford and Willey 1949; Willey 1953; 1996). Recent workin the Vin1Valleyhas shown the Guafiape Initial "Period occupation of the valley to be radically different from that first proposed by Willey in his original study. This work forces a reconsideration of the d~velopmentof complex forms of social organization during Guafiape times. The author directed excavations at Huaca EI Gallo/LaGallinaduring 1994and again in 1995 with the goals of better defining the Guafiapeculture in the Huacapongodrainage of the Vim Valley and revealing the nature of a major Guafiape public center. The 1994 exca, vations, reported here, focused on public archi, tecture on both sides of the site: the eastern sunken circular plaza and adjacent circular structures near La Gallina, and the EI Gallo
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 37,68.

pyramid, secondary mound, and a spiral,shaped enclosure just north of the pyramid. The spi, ral,shaped structure proved to have been erec, ted directly over the elaborate tomb of a reli,
.

giousspecialistwho wasburiedwith a polished

stone mortar and pestle as well as a sculpture which has been reported elsewhere (Zoubek 1998a, 1998b, 1998d). The 1995 season concentrated on excavat, ing the terraplein between the EI Gallo and secondary mound on which the spiral,shaped structure had been located. A number of addi, tional circular structures were located, all of which had been located directly over burials. This pattern led to the hypothesis that these structures may have served as ancestor shrines, which has been presented elsewhere (Zoubek 1998c, 1998d). Over 200 m2 were excavated and six additional circular structures were noted. Further work was carried out in 1998in the little,known Susanga region of .the Upper Huacapongo. Willey had mentioned that here a large number of pyramid,platforms were located, but he had only reported a few in any detail. The author of the present article excava, ted a number of sites identified by Willey, including V,198 and V,230, in addition to mounds hitherto unreported. The mounds were initiallyconstructed during the Middle Guafiape Phase and only lightly used thereafter, primarily as sites for tombs during the Puerto Moorin and ultimate Chirnu Phases. The discoveryof Mid, dIe Guafiape sites in Susanga proves that by this

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

38

levels. Middle Guanape ceramics are charac~ terized by their friable paste, brownish~redcolor (generally Munsell 2.5YR 4/4), large quartz The site of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina, inclusions, and evidence of poor control over VirU Valley, Peru firing. Decorated sherds are characterized, generally, by horizontal applique ribs decorated Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is one of with finger~pressingsor incisions. The Anc6n~ at least three large ceremonial dual pyramid style decorated sherds originally thought by sites in the Vim Valley of the Peruvian north Strong and Evans to characterize the Middle coast dating to the Initial Period (ca.1800~900 Guanape Phase have been shown, through excavations at Huaca Verde V~37, Huaca EI B.C.j Figure 1). The most prominent structures at the site are the pyramid~platformscalled EI . Gallo/La Gallina V 149/148, and V 198, to date Gallo and La Gallina which are both aligned to to the Late Guanape Phase. Radiocarbon dates the NE at E lOoN and E 12oNmagneticrespec~ are not yet availablej however, given similarities tively (Figure 2 a, b, Figure4). The site has two in the architecture and ceramics from this site alluvium~filledsunken circular plazas that are with others from the middle to late Initial Pe~ also visible on the surface, although the west riod, the assignment of the site to this period is court (on the west side of the La Gallina secure. mound) is completely filled (Figure 2 c, g). Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is on an Other small structures appear on the surface as half~buriedwall footings. The core area of the alluvial terrace at the .mouth of Quebrada EI site measure&480 m (E~ W) x 260 m (N~S)and Nino. The site is divided in two by a 4..5m deep is delimited from the interior of the quebrada and 60 m wide natural ravine into which the (ravine) by a large double~facedwall of stone west face of the EI Gallo pyramid is currently masonry over 1 m high in places (Figure 2 e). eroding (Figure 2 f). The EI Gallo side of the No domestic architecture dating to the site's site is protected by a hill spur (Figure2 h) such that surface architecture and artifacts have not primary construction phase was found by the project. been washed awayas much as on the La Gallina side of the site, which is open to the quebrada First noted by Willey in the Vim Valley interior. During torrential rains (EI Nino 284~ ProjectSettlementSurvey(1953:210~213, events) the quebrada acts like a funnel which 286), Huaca EI Gallo/La Gallina was described collects rain from the surrounding hillsidesand as two sites and attributed to the later Gallinazo directs it toward the La Gallina core area. Such and Moche Cultures. Although T. Pozorski waters carry a large burden of mud .andboulders proposed an early date for the site (l976:223~ that cover the entire surface of the inner que.. 235), it was only after the excavation of the site brada. The most visibleartifact of these events that diagnostic ceramic evidence revealed the is the natural ravine. These events may explain site's Guanape (Initial Period) cultural affilia~ the construction, by the site inhabitants, of the tion. Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina repre~ large double..facedwall across the mouth of the sents the best~documented Guanape Phase site quebrada (Figure 2 e). This wall served to to. date (Zoubek 1997j 1998aj 1998bj 1998cj protect the La Gallina site from the destruction 1998dj 1999). posed by the rains. The overburden on both sides of the site is shallow. The cultUral levels The site was established during the Middle overlay a subsoil of gravel, boulders, and silt Guanape Phase. This dating is based on the eroded from the surrounding hills by torrential discovery of diagnostic Middle Guafiape ceram~ EINino rains. The soilsof the site area are poor, ics and artifactual material (stone vessels, mor~ being both thin and rocky.
~ ~

time Guafiape people were making full use of the entire valley.

tars, bone tools) in burials and architectural

39..

Zoubek:Huaca El GaUo/lA Gallina

Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is less adobes and rushes for the weaving of mats and than 300 m from the VirU River in an area of for shelter roofs. The riverine environment also fertile floodplain at 240 meters above sea..level supported wild game that would have supple.. (masl).It is likely that during the occupation of mented the diet of the site's occupants. the site surrounding arable lands were watered bygravitycanals fromintakes locatedupstream. Guafiape Diet One such canal is still visible today at the base of a hill spur directly north of the EI Gallo The Guaiiape diet also included marine foods. Even though Huaca EIGallo/ La Gallina pyramid (Figure 2 i). It winds its wayalong the slopes toward cultivated fields lower in the . lies approximately 24 km from the Pacific valley and in heavy rain seasons continues to Ocean, fish bones and shellfish remains were carrywater. The discoveryof a largenumber of recovered during excavation (Vasquez et al. furrowsand small canals to the north of the core 1995). If data from neighboring Huaca Los area of the site (Figure2 j) suggeststhat at some Reyes and Gramalote in the Moche Valleyare period this area of the Niiio Quebrada was also comparable, then it is likelythat the majorityof irrigated, perhaps from a spring located in the the meat protein at the site was made up of interior of the quebrada. Although the canals marine resources, and the remainder was com.. and furrows cannot be dated to the Initial posed of deer and small mammals (S. Pozorski 1983; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987; 1991: 352.. Period with confidence, recourse to irrigation agriculture would have been necessary to sup.. 354; 1992: 859). port populations sufficientlylarge to have built The economy of 'Initial Period Huaca EI this and other centers in the valley (Burg~rand Salazar..Burger1991:275). Gallo/Huaca La Gallina, however, was essen.. tiallyagricultural. The majorityofthe foodstuffs The site's location presents difficulties for consumed were likely to have come from crops irrigation, because it sits several meters above grown in the surrounding fields,but the diet was the surrounding floodplain. The poor quality of supplemented with wild plants. A great variety the soil and the location awayfromeasy access of cultigens have been recovered at contempo.. to irrigation canals may have influenced its raneous and slightly earlier sites on the coast placement on the alluvial terrace. There is no (e.g., Huaca Prieta in Chicama, Gramalote in Moche, and Huaca Negra in Viru) (Bird et al. evidence of Initial Period irrigation in any part of the site's core. The site's location may also 1985; S. Pozorski 1983; Strong and Evans 1952). Because these sites do not have any have been selected because of the proximity of building material. Most of the footings of the arable farmland nearby, it is likely that such structures at EI GallolLa Gallina are formed of produce was obtained by way of exchange with large boulders, and the pyramids themselves coastal sites providing marine resources and have heartings and facings of stone. in..valley sites supplying agricultural goods (S. Pozorski 1983). Huaca EI Gallo/ La Gallina is At the innermost area of the quebrada, likelyto have partaken in such a trade netWork. about 1.5km from the site, is a springwhich still Unfortunately, preservation of perishable plant flowsand supports vegetation, as well as large foodstuffs at the site is not good, so indirect colonies of land snails. The discovery of land evidence must be used to reconstruct the roleof snails in virtually every excavation unit argues agriculture in the diet. for this resource's importance to the diet of the site's inhabitants. The spring may also have Contrary to those who credit maize as an providedpotable water. The site'slocation close early staple of the Initial Period (Corbett 1953; to the river would also have ensured the avail.. Strong and Evans 1952: 23, 45, 206..207,247; a};ility of fresh water as well as material to make Willey 1953:30:Wilson 1981), no evidence has

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

yet been recovered at the site to suggest that maize was an integral component of the diet of the inhabitants. This absence is common to many coastal Initial Period sites (Burger1985). Only a small number of squash seeds were recovered, suggestingthe presenceofthis widely used cultigen (Vasquez et al. 1995). Thus, at this point there is no evidence that anyone staple crop supported Guafiape Phase popula~ tions.

The dentition of many of the burials pro~ vides indirect evidence of a varied diet and argues against reliance on a staple. John Verano (1996) noted that there were fewdental caries in the sample of individuals examined. Such caries are generally associated with diets based on single staples, such as maize, and become especiallyprevalent in later coastalpopulations, such as the Moche and Chimu. Their absence here suggests that the occupants were making Gallo pyramid. . use of a wide variety of foodstuffs. The analysis of the teeth also suggested that much of this The Huaca EIGallo pyramid material was ground on stone mortars. Many of One of the goalsof the 1994fieldseasonwas the teeth were extremely worn, suggesting consumption of a gritty diet. In summary, it is to make an accurate map of the site. Duringthe likelythat the Guaiiape Phase population of the course of the mapping, the decision wasmade to upper valley was made up of farmerswho grew clear the middle of the eastern face of the EI the majorityof their necessitiesand accessedthe Gallo pyramid of accumulated rubble that had rest through valley'wide trade in foodstUffs. resulted from the collapse of the tiers of the However, until site occupations can be corre~ pyramid and massive looter activity on the lated with agricultural works and domestic summit. The reason for clarifying this area of refuse, the evidence for this interpretation is public architecture was to facilitate better largely indirect. comparisons between this site and that of the presumably contemporary Huaca Los Reyesin Chronology the Moche Valley. Both sites are located in comparable areas in up,valley quebradas. The ceramic material recovered indicates that Huaca EI Gallo/La Gallina is a Middle The EIGallo pyramid measures 68 m (N,S) Guafiape site and dates to the Initial Period. x 95 m (E,W) and is the largest mound in the There is no evidence of Chavin~influenced Huacapongo Basin (Figure 2 a, Figure 4). Like iconography. Artifacts diagno~ticof the Early many Initial Period pyramids, EIGallo facesthe Horizon, such as stone blades and panpipes, are upstream source of water, the Huacapongo absent. The pottery assemblage is made up River. The mound lies230 m east of La Gallina. primarilyof poorlyfirednecklessollas(pots) and straight~sided bowls, often marked with fire, Like EI Gallo, the La Gallina pyramidis clouds. The clay is highly porous and friable stone~coveredand rectangular, measuring38 m arid has large inclusions. Decoration is limited wide (E~W)and 61 m long (N~S),but it differs

to finger,pressed and incised applique ribs generally attached horizontally at the vessel shoulder (Figure3 a, b). No instance of vertical ribs was found at the site. The decorated sherds recovered conform to the Guaiiape Finger~ pressed and Guaiiape Incised Rib varieties identified by the original Viru Valley Project from their collections at Huaca Negra. A sIIiall number of modeled, Guafiape Punctate, and Zoned,Punctate sherds were alsorecovered,and their quantity as well as diversity of decoration increase with time (Figure3 c, d; c.f. Strong and Evans 1952:207). Anc6n decorated sherds (Fine and Broad,Line Incised) were only recov~ ered frompost~occupational contexts, generally looted graves. Other diagnostic Guaiiape arti~ facts recovered included the stone mortar and pesde from a burial (Zoubek 1998a; 1998b; 1998c; 1998d), stone spindle whorls, and a jet niliror fragment recovered by looters fromthe EI

41..
both in orientation at E lOoN and in layout.
The entire mound is bisected by a trench into separate north and south platforms. Whether this trench is the product of intense looting activity, an artifact of the originalconstruction layout as proposed by Willey (1953:284), or a combination of the two, isunclear. These north and south levels cover roughly the same area, but the south platform is 3 m taller than that to th~ north. The southern terrace of La Gallina rises4..5m above the slopingplain to the south, whilethe north terrace is only about 2 m higher than the facing enclosed area north of the mound. A 3 m deep and 2..3 m wide pit has been dug at the NE comer of the southern platform, roughly where an atrium would have been located if any ever existed. The pit reveals an interior construction of boulders and small rocks set in mud mortar and gravel. The EI Gallo pyramid is U..shaped-as are manyInitial Period mounds (Williams1985). It maybe divided into two architectural sub..units: the main mass of the platform mound to the west, and a facing plaza and north and south arms to the east (Figure 2 a, k). The western mound's base measures 48 m (E.. W) by 68 m (N..S),including the lower terrace annex on its north side, and rises 4..5m abovethe surround.. ing plain. It takes advantage of the natural topography of the landscape so that when viewed from the fields to the east and south, it appears more massive. In this respect it is very like other platform mounds of the Initial Period

Zoubek: HuacaEl Gallo/IAGallina face, although it is possible that such compart.. ments exist. The entire west face ofEI Gallo has eroded into the ravine and only vestigesof the SW comer remain intact. All these basal walls are preserved to heights of, generally,less than 1 m. These foundation walls project east from the main mound on the north and south side forming the outer enclosing walls of the arms of the sunken square plaza.

The rectangular summit of the pyramid

currendy measures 45 m (N..S)by 37 m (E..W). Willey (1953:212) gives an E..W measurement of 41 m and cites the existence of an 85 cm wide,well..defined,double:'facedenclosingouter wall, with rounded boulders set in mud mortar, on the summit. The erosion and collapseof the west face of the mound account for the discrep.. ancy of 4 m of summit extension. While see.. tions of this summit wall still exist, in most places it has been cfestroyed by looting and erosion. This activity has also destroyed all remains ofrectangular summit roomsmentioned by Willey. The majority of the mound is a mass of disorder caused by extensive looting of the mound summit and by erosion, and its sidesare covered by numerous boulders. The pyramid'sfinal construction appears to have consisted primarilyof a boulder and gravel fill retained by walls of irregular stones set in mud mortar. There appear to have been at least three terraced levels faced by',stone retaining walls which sloped inward to increase stability. The stones were likely collected from the quebrada interior, and some may have been quarried from the surrounding hills. Some relatively intact walls are still visible on El Gallo's south and east sides. When Willeyfirst examined the mound he noted the absence of adobes anywhere (1953:211); however, during the 50..yearinterval since Willey's visit, the site has experienced a great deal of damage, result.. ing in the collapseof the outermost facingofthe western side of the EIGallo mound revealingan inner wall constructed of conical adobes.

and Early Horizon, such as those of Caballo Muerto in Moche, which also make use of naturalhigh terracesto increasetheir apparent heightand size(T. Pozorski1976).
Stone walls 85 em wide delimit the north and 'south annexes of the pyramidand mayhave served as encircling walls (Figure2 1). On the north and south sides, the areas enclosed be.. tween the collapsed north and south facesof the pyramid and these walls are 4..5m wide. Rem.. nant walls running N..S appear to divide these extensions into rooms. Becauseof rubble over.. burden, no such wallsare visiblealongthe south

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..42
any other walls present have been obscured by this activity. Because the eaStface is fronted by a sunken square plaza, it was assumed that the .principal stairway would be located in the center of the east face. Prior to investigation a linear align.. ment oflarge boulders appeared to delineate th~ right (north) side of the stairway. Clearing revealed this right stairwaywallwasconstructed of large rectangular stones laid in mud mortar. Excavation then proceeded from the north side wall to the south along the east face for 3.5 m without discovering the south side walldelimit.. ing the south edge of the stairway. It is likely that this wallhad been destroyed by the collapse

The projecting armsof the EIGalloplatform mound enclose a sunken square plaza to the east, giving the entire mound complex a U.. shape (Figure2 k). In this respect it iscompara.. ble to the much larger site of Huaca LosReyes in Moche (T. Pozorski 1976, 1983; Conklin 1985). The facing plaza and arms together measure 68 m long (N..S)by 47 m wide (E.. W). The sunken square plaza is currently 2 m below the surrounding arms which also causes the platform to seem more imposingwhen viewed from the plaza. The north..projectingarm of the U is 15m wide (N-S) and 1-2mhigherthan the south arm which is 19 m wide (N..S). These measurements of width were taken from the inner face of the second terrace in the interior plaza area to the outer wall. Alongthe east face another raised embankment runs N-S and joins the north and southarmsofthe Uto completely enclose a square plaza approximately33 m x 33 m. The east face is in a state of collapse, par.. tiallyeroding down the slope.,thus obscuringthe true configuration of this face. The current surface of the plaza lies above the level of the plain to the south: outside the structure. The depth of the final plaza floor is unknown. On the La Gallina side of the site the floor of the western plaza lay under 20 cm of alluvium. More may have accumulated in the closedplaza area at El Gallo.

of the pyramid.

The interior of the plaza is bordered by

terraced embankments of twolevelson allsides, and a possible third step..like bench is visible along the east face of the El GalloPyramid. The retaining walls of these terraces or benches are made of stones one course wide and deep set in mud mortar, and most of these benches survive intact. The terraced embankments on the north and south are flat..topped. The high step-like bench measures 3 m wide, while the lower terrace has an average width of 1 m and risesonly 20 cm above the current plazasurface. Willey mentions that a number ofdividingwalls were visible on the south flankingarm summit, and in 1994 one such wall was located; how.. ever, the bulk of the south arm and terraces have been severely looted since the 1940s and

The stairs were found to be at the center of the"eastface, and they determined the main axis of the El Gallo pyramid complex. It is unclear whether another stairwaywas built on the west face. The clearing of the base of the stairs revealed that the three benches or terraces that surrounded the interior sides of the sunken square plaza were also present along the east face of the pyramid (Figure5). The floor at the base of the pyramid stairs was compact and had sherds imbedded in it. On the surface of this floor were traces ofbuming and some ash. The east side of the floor had been ruptured. The presence of many huaquero (IQOter)pits along the east face of the pyramid combined with scattered human remains and cultural material from later periods, principally Chimu (ca. 11001460 A.D.), illustrates the pyramid's later reuse as a cemetery, a practice common in the valley (Willey 1953). The final stairway was composed of eight stairs with a landing between steps 4 and 5 and a second landing at the top (Figure 5). Each step's risingface was constructed of a singlerow of square or rectangular stones laid in mud mortar. Each step was about 20 cm high, 25..30 cm deep and had a plastered upper surface of compact white clay most of which was intact. On the landing some of this plastering wasalso

43.. preserved. From the floor of the plaza to the upper landing the stairway rises approximately 2.5m.

Zoubek: Huaca El GalIolLa Gallina

were small..scalein nature. The bulk of the pyramid appears to correlate with the massive Construction Phase 2 at which time an esti.. mated 80% of the final mound height was On the final landing another intrusive attained. It was also during this phase that all Chimu tomb was close to the surface. It had architecture from earlier phases was entombe~ suffered some damage from the erosion and beneath fill. While the hearting of the pyramid collapseof material from the summit. The tomb is composed mostly of boulders and rubble, wasexcavated while clearing the upper landing along the eroding west face of the pyramid a in order to clarifythe construction sequence.in wall of conical adobes is visible. It is possible this area of the pyramid. A large, deep, intru.. . that at the end of the second construction phase sivelooter pit in the summit wasalsocleaned to the pyramid was faced with plastered conical observe the sequence of construction. The. pit adobe walls. Ultimately, the pyramid receiveda was almost 3 m deep. The earliest phases of stone facingof rectangular and square stonesset construction of the EI Gallo pyramidcould not in mud mortar. Along the west pyramid face be documented because they laybelowthe final this outer stone facing has collapsed revealing the earlier conical adobe inner wall. This se.. . depthreachedin this pit. quence of conical adobes followed by stone At least four construction phasesexist at the facing has also been documented at the Initial EIGallo pyramid (Figure 6). The first is repre.. Period site ofSechln Alto in the Casma Valley, sented by Floor 4, found at the base of the' hua.. and the use of conical adobes suggests the queropit,and the associatedWall1 (Figure6 a, contemporaneity of these two centers (Pozorski b). Whether WalII. was a retaining wall for a and Pozorski 1987). small truncated platform mound or some other enclosure could not be established. Phase 2 No atrium walls were encountered during began with the filling in of the area with rubble clearing of the landings. It is likely that such and large rocks (Figure 6 c). A second fill of walls, if they survive, are buried under the lighterconsistencywaslater addedand then the rubble covering the pyramid summit. Further entire area was sealed by Floor3 (Figure6 d, e). work willbe necessary to clarify the structure of While it is possible that a floor once existed this pyramid and identify those activities that between the two different layersoffill,evidence may have taken place upon it. waslacking. The third and fourth construction phases appear to have been minor remodelings, Huaca La Gallina: the eastern sunken as is clear from the thinness of the layers sepa.. plaza and associatedcircular structures rating Floors 2, 3 and 4 from each other com.. Work at Huaca La Gallina initially focused pared with the thickness of the fill separating floors 1 and 2 (Figure 6 f, g). A thick layer of on the remains of several wall footingsalongthe north side of the eastern sunken circular plaza disturbed rubble sealed the deposit (Figure6 h). Although it is impossible to correlate directly (Figure 2 c). At least four whole and partial building phases identified at the pyramid with circular wallfootings were visibleon the surface those suggested for other areas of the EI Gallo prior to excavation. They were located adjacent site, it is interesting to note that three main to the north side of the perimetric wall sur.. construction phases were identified in Unit 1 rounding the eastern sunken circular plaza on immediately north of the pyramid (Zoubek the La Gallina side of the site. Two were exca.. 1997; 1998d). vated entirely, and cuts were made on the south exterior of each structure in order to clarifytheir Although the earliest construction phases of form, determine their function, define their the pyramid remain buried, it is likelythat they stratigraphy, and establish the correlation

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

~44

among them and between them and the sunken circular plaza. Four 10 x 10 m units were laid out, and an area of 85 m2was excavated that included both circular wall footingsand parts of

the interior of the sunken circularplaza. A

number of floors were encountered which were physically linked with one another and clarified the relation of the structures.
Strncture 1

of domestic artifacts, despite fine screening, its suggestsritual cleanliness, a concept welldocu~ mented in the Andes (Burger and Salazar~ Burger 1985:1l5~ 116;1986). This finding supports a ceremonial function for this struc~ ture. Structure2

Structure 2 spanned the SE comer ofUnit 1 and the SW comer of adjacent Unit 2 (Figure 10). This circular wall footing had an external The westernmost structure (Structure 1) was in the center of Unit I (Figure7 a). It was . diameter of 3.7 m and was composed of a 50 cm a circular wall footing 3.4 m in external diame~ wide wall of stone masonry of one course set in ter formed by a 50 em wide wall of stone ma~ mud mortar with gravel. Other features were sonry in mud mortar one course wide. There attached to this outer wall. Two parallel wall wasa probable entrance 90 cmwideon the NW segments extend out from the east exterior wall side (Figure 7 b). At 50 cm belowthe surface a face, projecting approximately 80 cm to the east . (Figure 10 a). They may have defined an en, prepared yellow~beige clay (Mun,se1l10YR 8/6) floor (hereafter Floor A) was encountered trance. Arc,shaped walls were located parallel to the NW and SW external sides of the sti'uc~ (Figure7 c). The fragmentaryfloorhadsuffered ture (Figure 10 c, d). .In addition, one linear erosional damage. A second floor,gray~beige in color (Munse1l2.5Y7/2; hereafter Floor B) was alignment of stones oriented SW~NEwasfound encountered 25 em below the first (Figure 7d, in the interior of the structure on the NW side (Figure 10 b). 8a). This floor ave.rlay the sterile quebrada subsoil. A burial had been placed in the fill Excavation revealed a concentration ofeight between Floors A and B (Figure 8 b). The burial postdates Floor B, but it is unclear Choromytilus valves 15 cm below the surface whether the burial was intrusive into Floor A between the two east projecting wall segments. due to the eroded condition of this floor. A fragmented, thin~walled,hemisphericalbowl, together with additional Choromytilus valves The burial pit was oriented E~ Wand was were found between the SW arc~shaped wall located in the central part of the structure and the structure's SWexterior (Figure 10 d). (Figure 7 a, 9). The pit was circular with a Although these artifacts were not associated diameter of about 1.10 m and was about 1 m with any prepared floor, it is possible that the deep. It was slightlyelongated toward the west final floor of this structure (and also that of side. This burial contained a flexed female Structure 1) had eroded awaycompletely. The skeleton oriented NE that appeared to have presence of the various offerings noted at a been forced into the pit. Small compact cakes consistent depth supports the assertion that of mud and medium~sizedto large~sizedrocks they had rested on a floor. The soil below this were associated with, and encrusted on, various level also differsfrom the proposed floorlevelin parts of the skeleton. Animal bones, charcoal, that it contained a greater number of larger a quartz crystal, and two smallblue~greensoap~ rocks and compact clods of clay. stone beads were collected from the matrix surrounding the interment. The burial may The first prepared floor of Structure 2 was have been dedicatory because its position and encountered 25~ 30 cm below the surface (Figure tomb construction differed markedly from 11b). Associated with the floorwasa U~shaped others at the site (Zouhek 1997). The absence alignment of stones in the center of the struc~

45
ture and an arc,shaped stone alignment located on the structure's south interior (Figure 12). Although initially the U,shaped structure
looked like-a hearth, no ash or other evidence of

Zoubek:Huaca El GaUo/La Gallina

outer face of the perimetric wall had originally been plastered. Following the dismantling of the wall, an intrusive pit containing the burial of an old woman was discovered (Figures 14 d, 15, 16). The burial pit was aligned along a SW,NE axis and was delimited by medium, sized rocks. It had an elongated plan measuring 1.7 ' IIi (SW,NE) by 80 cm (SE,NW) and was 40 cm deep with respect to its matrix. The womanwas interred in a fetal position with the head located to the NW and facing slightly NE. Seven red, dish,gray agates were found located on the north side of the tomb near the hand (Figure16 a) andremainsofChoromytilus shellswereat the south side. The agates showed no sign of having been worked. The use of red stone beads has been noted in tombs of the preceding Late Preceramic Period, for example at Asperoj and it is possible that the agates fulfilleda function similar to that of the peads in the Aspero tomb (Feldman 1985j Quilter 1991). Belowthe burial further excavation revealed Floor B, which continued below the wall and formed the uppermost floor surface of the ter, raced benches lining the interior of the sunken circular plaza (Figure 14.b). A fourth and final floor, (FloorC) wasexposed slightlybelowFloor B (Figure 14 c). This floor was grayish,yellow (Munsell 2.5Y 7/4) and corresponded stratigraphically with Floor C fromBtructure 2 (see above) which pre,dated the construction of that structure.
The eastern sunken circular plaza

burning was found nor were any ventilation shaftsdiscovered. The floor on which these
featureswerelocated correspondedstratigraphi, cally to Floor A. Floor B was encountered 15 cmbelowFloorA buried by an intervening layer of fill (Figure 11 c, d). Areas of this floor had red,orange coloration indicating. abuming episode. This layer was associated with the

initial constructionof the structuresince the

wallfooting reached to this depth. A third floor (Floor C) was encountered some 10 cm below Floor 2 (Figure 11 e). It predated the construc, tion ofStructure 2 and passedbeneath the stone wallfootingswhileoverlayingthe sterilequebra, da subsoil. In order to explore further the relationship between the external circt,llar structures and the sunken circular plaza, a 2 x 4 m area in the SE corner of Unit 2 was excavated (Figure13, 14). The sunken cireula,rplaza was surrounded by a double,faced perimetric stone wall 1.2 m thick with a gravel, earth, and sand core. The maxi, mum-external diameter of the sunken circular plaza was 16.5 m and its internal diameter was 14.8 m. The plaza had been affected by allu, vium, wind erosion, and looter activity. This had destroyed a large part of the architecture and had disrupted the stratigraphy. Floor A was found 25 cm belowthe surface along the exterior face of the perimetric wall. About 15 cm below Floor A, a second floor (Floor 2) was revealed that was whitish,yellow in color (Munsell 5Y 812) and was greatly e, roded. It is possible that this floor was aSsoci, ated with the construction of the sunken plaza's perimetric wall since the base of the wall ap' peared to rest on this same level, however, no plaster bonding between the wall and floor was in evidence (Figure 14 a). Plaster fragments were recovered in the intervening fill between the first and second floors, suggestingthat the

An L,shaped trench was excavatedalong

the west side of Unit 3 to expose the basal floor

of the sunken plaza (Figure 14). Excavation within the sunken circular plaza revealed the continuationofthe gray,beige FloorB from the preceding excavation and below it grayish, yellow Floor C as the final and. penultimate floors surfacing the upper surfaces of the benches that descended along the plaza's inte, rior to the plaza floor (Figure 14 b, c).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..46
and 8) notes two late Guafiape domestic sites, V..83and V..84. Although the refuse waslight, the domestic zones he discusses did yield CIa significant number of potsherds." House foun.. darions at the sites were characterized by "walls . . . of double..face type with a narrow fill of smaller stones. . . masonry was cyclopean and the stones had been set in mud mortar" (Willey Ibid.:48). Willeyisolated a total of25..30houses consisting of some 70 rooms in total. As Willey summarizes, "Each house is composed of from one to six rooms with the average about two rooms. Most buildings and rooms are more or lessrectangular although there issome tendency for many of the houses to have rounded cor.. ners" (Ibid.:51). In 1998, excavations directed by the author in the Susanga area of the Upper HtIacapongo drainage included the clearing of a Middle Guafiape domestic structure. Like the Late Guafiape structures identified by Willey, the Middle Guafiape example was formed by two rooms, each roughly rectangular in shape, but with rounded comers. There was abundant refuse associated with this structure, including largenumbers ofpotsherds, manyheavilysooted from use. Faunal remains included many marine shells, most notably purple mussels, as well as fish bones. The wall footings indicated that the two excavated structures at La Gallina originallyhad perishable superstructures which have since disappeared. No evidence of post..holes or hearths was recovered. Neither structure had been ritually interred after the final period of use. Rather, it appears both were simplyaban.. doned at the end of the site's occupation. However, one must consider that the heavy erosion noted in this area of the site may have washed away significant amounts of material that could have once interred the structures. Wall footings of at least two other structures, with estimated external diameters of 3.4 m and 3.Sm, were found to the east of Structures 1 and 2.

Thus, the plaza and its three..tieredring of benches was built prior to the construction of the outer perimetric wall. Floor C was corre.. lated with the floor underlying Structure 2, and clearlypre..dates the construction of that struc.. ture, indicating that the sunken circular plaza had initially stood alone and that the small circular structures were added later as part of a
general refurbishment. . The final refurbishment

took place at the same time as the construction of the surrounding circular structures, based on the correlation of the final plazasurface (Floor B) with Floor B of Structures 1 and 2, because this floor was associated with the construction of these wall footings (Figure 17). The peri.. metric wall was the final addition, perhaps built to better separate the ceremonial spaces occu.. pied by the sunken plaza and the surrounding secondary structures. The discovery of a reconstructable bowl of Guafiape cultutal affiliation in the SW ex~erior corner of Structure 2 supports the dating of the structures and sunken plaza to no later than the Middle Guafiape Phase. The discovery,under the perimetric wall and in Structure 1, of two flexed female burials facing toward the NE repeats:several of the Guafiape burial canons at other areas of this site and at contemporarysites from the neighboring valleysof Moche, Chica.. ma, and Santa (Donnan and Mackey 1978; Larco 1941, 1945; Cesar Lecca, personal com.. munication). Both of the burialsappear to have been dedicatory in nature, perhaps made to insure the success of rituals takingplace within the structures. This, along with the absence of any associateddomestic refuse,and the presence of items posited to have had a ritual function elsewhere around the foundations and on the floors of these shrines, supports the interpreta.. tion of the sunken circular plaza and adjoining circular structures as ceremonial in function. The assertion that the circular structures had a ritual function is also supported by their sizes and configurations,which differ markedly from. Guafiape domestic structures identified elsewhere. Willey (1953:46, 48..51, figures 7

47.. It is likely that all had functions similar to those of Structures 1 and 2, servingas settings formore intimate rituals forsmalleraudiencesas has been suggested for small ventilated hearth structures found in Casma with similar dimen.. sions and for the larger sunken circular courts found on the wings of Initial Period Cardal in LUrln(Pozorskiand Pozorski1996jBurger 1987: 369..370jBurger and SalazarBurger1991:291).. The structures at the Casma Valley sites were dated by radiocarbon and by ceramic associa.. tions and, with the exception of Huaynumi, were all clearly Initial Period in date (pozorski. and Pozorski 1996:343, table 1). Although dates are so far lacking from Huaca El GallolLa Gallina,ceramicassociationsclearlyindicate the contemporaneity of the structures with those of Casma.
The Huaca El GaUo/lA Gallina circular ~tnlCtUres compared with thoseof Casma

Zoubek:Huaca El Gallo/lA Gallina

sunken plaza at Huaca La Gallina, the range in diameter was 3.4 m to 3.7 m with an averageof 3.5 m. An El Gallo example may have served a different function from those at La Gallina, especiallygivenits location directly over a tomb, but it, too, was constructed in the Samemanner and associated with the foundations of other, mostly buried, circular wall footings (Zoubek 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 1998d). Each of the Casma structures wassmalland composed of stone wall footings of irregular boulders set in mud mortar like the La Gallina structures. In most cases, the wall footings survived to less than 1 m. Each was posited to have had a perishable superstructure and in some cases direct evidence was present. At the site of T aukacki Konkan one circular structure contained material believed to have made up the roof including "numerous curved twigsand sooty twigand cane..impressedplaster fragments . found on the floor" (Pozorskiand Pozorski1996: 345). At Bahia Seta another structure that lacked a stone footing had a superstructure apparently supported by 5..8cm diameter posts set in a stone..lined trench. In addition, this structure yielded totora reed mats and junco rope chat likelycomposed the superstructure of the building which is hypothesized to have had a dome shape (Ibid.:346).Additionaljunco rope and cane were recovered in other structures at Pampa de LasLlamas..Moxeke,and curvedvines and sticks and fragments of silty clay plaster bearing impressions of sticks were found in a Taukacki Konkan structure (Ibid.:347..348). It ishypothesized on the basis of indirect evidence that the Huaca La Gallina structures and the one excavated at Huaca El Gallo (Zoubek 1998a, 1998b)had superstructures similarto the Casma examples. Unlike the Casma examples, the Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina structures did not rest on any raised platform or dais, but were built directly
upon finished plaster plaza floors (Zoubek 1997 j

The circular structures identified at Huaca La Gallina have a great deal in common with sttuctures identified by the Pozorskis in the Casma Valley at -the Initial Period sites of Pampa de Las Llamas..Moxeke,Taukachi Kon.. kan, and Bahfa Seca and the Preceramic site of HuaYnuna (Pozorskiand Pozorski1996). These structures were notable for the presence of a ventilated hearth at the center of each. Of eight structures, five were round with internal diameters from 3.2..4.32 m and averaging 3.6m (pozorski and Pozorski Ibid.:343, table 1). In addition, tworectangular structures werenoted. One at the Preceramic site of Huaynuna mea.. sured 3.0 x 2.5 m while the second at Pampa de LasLlamas..Moxekemeasured 2.55x 2.45 m. A final square structure 7 x 7 m in area was 10" cated in an administrative mound complex and was a reutilization of a square room unit not originallycontaining a hearth (Ibid.:349). The dimensions of the circular structures and internal areas encompassed by the rectan... gular structures are similar to those of the circu..

lar structures found at Huaca La Gallina. Of the circular structures associated with the

1998a; 1998b).The Virustructuresdifferfrom those of Casma in their lack of hearths and ventilation shafts. Although one structure

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..48
Huaca HI Gallo/La Gallina contrasted with other known Guaftape sites

Prior to this project no large Initial Period settlements of this period were known to existin Viru, nor was the Guafiape Culture believed to have constructed sites of this magnitude. Early Guaiiape was limited to one site (V..71), and only two Middle Guafiape Phase sites were In contrast to the Casma ventilated hearth known, V..71 and V..100, 1.5 km inland from structures which were built isolated from one V..71. The type site for the Guafiape Culture another, at Huaca El GallolLa Gallina circular had been Huaca Negra which lies within a ritual structures were constructed in groups. No kilometer of the Pacific Ocean (Strong and material indicative of domestic use is found in Evans 1952; Willey 1953). The most notable either set of structures nor in their vicinity. public architecture at this site is the Temple of Other than some sherds and small pieces of the Llamas, a rectangular structure measuring quartz czystaland shell, the El Gallo/LaGallina only 15.75 m (N..S) x 19.35 m (E..W) and structures are devoid of artifacts. Interestingly, accessed by a three..step stairway (Strong and many of these same artifacts were recovered in Evans 1952:28, figure 5). Like the El Gallo and highland ventilated hearth structures such as at La Gallina pyramids, it faces to the NE, nearly Huaricoto; however, there they were generally sharing the same orientation at E 7ONmagnetic. recovered burnt from the central hearths. (Bur.. It is also built on a natural rise. Its walls are ger and Salazar..Burger1980:28,1985;1986). constructed from irregular rock boulders set in mud mortar and vary from 65..80 cm thick with That these structures were important to cm (Ibid.:28; Willey a preserved height of 75..80 ritual and yet not the centers for primazyrituals 1953:55..57, figure9). The east stairwaysteps in Vim is shown by their location next to, but were 25 cm, 35 em, and 65 cm deep respectively and each was 90 cm wide and rose 20..25em. not upon, the largepyramidalmoundstructures. In Casma, the hearth structures were found Strong and Evans noted the use of conical both on and next to the pyramids suggesting adobes to close the east entrance. It is unclear that they played a slightly different role in whether the temple was entombed or reutilized ceremony. Evidence is so far lacking as to after the closure. Like El Gallo, it appears that whether Viru circular structures were built on the exterior walls of the Llama Temple were the pyramids. However, the public nature of plastered (Strong and Evans 1952:31). The the impressive pyramid..platformmounds and many shared traits between the Llama Temple associated plazas underscores the difference and EIGallo, as well as the material assemblage between Initial Period rituals in the smallstruc.. leave no doubt as to their contemporaneity. tures and the public architecture. Such a con.. Conical adobes like those found at V..71 arealso trast also characterizes the difference between present at El Gallo as well as a number of other Initial Period coastal and highland ceremony sites in the valley, including Huaca San Juan I with the former overwhelminglypublicin nature and II (V..77 and V..103), V..126, V..127, V.. 149, V..198,and V..206. and the latter restricted to small interpersonal rituals from Preceramic times into the Early Other circular stone foundations like those Horizon. The smallcircular structures'presence on the coast may represent the integration of of El GallolLa Gallina have only been found at these highland rituals as secondaryceremonies V..140 and possibly at V..512 of the Chavimo.. into the wider ceremonial practice (see also chic survey (Uceda et al. 1990),both sitesin the P6zorski and Pozorski 1996:350..352). upper Huacapongo. Given that in Viru these

appeared to contain some sort of interior struc.. ture (Figures 10 b, 12), no ash was found nor did any of the structures manifest evidence of interior firing. Rather, many of the structures contained burials. Their smallsizesuggeststhat only a small group could have taken part in ceremonies at once, perhaps individualsrelated by blood or fictively.

49..
structures have wall footings that survive to less than 1 m in heightJ many may be bUriedJso the full distribution of these structures is unknown. Their association with a sunken circular plaza at Huaca La GallinamayJ likewise, argue for the interrelations of rituals and ceremonies carried out in the two areas.

Zoubek:Huaca EI Gallo/IA Gallina

the Initial Period setdement pattern of the Vir6. Valley is still unclearJ the work at EI Gallo/La Gallina suggests that it will resemble those patterns of other north coast valleys.
The circular, non-domestic structUre seems

to be a diagnostic aspect of GuafiaperitUal

architecture. The Pozorskisnote the similarities between highland ventilated hearth structures of the Kotosh Religious Tradition and those they excavated in Casma, and hypothesize a highland origin for the structures which were gradually adopted but reinterpreted within a coastal framework. They suggestLa Galgadaas a transitional site of adoption (Pozorski and Pozorski 1996:350-351). It is unclear whether the Virt1structures represent a further divergence of the circular ritUalstructUre from those of the highlands, wherein the ritual meaning of the structure was transformed and the omnipresent hearth was eliminated. The similar ritual context and content of the structures in Viru and Casma may b"ecoincidental. Another suggestionisthat the Viru structUresmayderive from earlier Preceramic house forms. As demonstrated by Malpass and Stothert (1992), during the Preceramic much domestic housing was circular. With time and increasing complexity a square room form was adopted. The circular form characterizes egalitarian social formations (Kent 1990). It is possible that in the Viru cases the circular form was retained because of its earlier associations with egalitarianism which stressed the unity of community and equal access to resources. In this instance conservatismmayhave characterized this aspect of religious architecture. Such overtones may have been essential given the characterizationof Initial Period society by many as reciprocal and lacking status classes (Burger 1992). This archaic form was contrasted with the temple mounds themselves which, though the result of community labor,may have symbolizeddifferent power relations.

The absence of ventilated hearths in the VirUcasesJdespite their other manysimilarities with the Casma structures, suggestseither an in sitUceremonial development or a further trans.. formation of highland canons. The presence of yet another circular ventilated hearth structure at Montegrande in the ]equetepeque Valley (Pozorskiand Pozorski 1996:343, table 1,350; Tellenbach 1986:250..254J plates 103, 104J105J 144J 145), 300 km north of Casma, becomes problematic because it is unclear whether this represents a case of independent development or an alternate route of coast..highland ex.. change of religious practices. At this point no coastwiseproliferation of the ventilated hearth structures that characterized the highland Koto~h Religious Tradition may be posited. Only with further surveyand excavationcan the nature and extent of the Vir6.type struc.. tures be known.
.

Conclusions

It is now clear that V-71 and the Llama Temple were marginal sites duringthe Guafiape Phase. As opposed to the earlier setdement pattern identified for this culture which showed a concentration along the shore and in the lower valley (Willey 1953), the data from EI Gallorelocate the center of the Guafiapeoccupation to the upper valley and, specmcallYJ to the Huacapongo Drainage. The EI Gallo site shows that, despite'earlier hypotheses, Middle Guafiapedoes represent the culmination or full development of the Guafiape Culture in VirU (Strongand Evans 1952:209; Willey 1996). To view the Guafiape culture from the vantage point of V- 71 as the type site is to grossly under.. estimate the Guafiape phase technology and occupation and use of the entire valley. While

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Acknowledgments This project was supported by grants from The National Science Foundation and Yale University. Pedro lberico and Cesar Lecca supervised portions of the excavation and Alfredo Mely drew the site map. Ceramic illustrations were done by Aidan Zoubek. Students from the UniversityofTrujillo partici~ pated in the fieldwork. Permission for the investigation was granted by the lnstituto Nacional de Cultura. Ana Maria Hoyle and Cesar Galvez Mora of the Regional INC in Trujillo were especially helpful. I would also like to thank the people of El Nino, especially Segundo Rios, Julio Arriaga, and Vicente and Eduardo Castro. References Cited
1991

Angeles, California: University of California Institute of Archaeology Monograph 27.

The SecondSeasonofInvestigation at theInitial ofField PeriodCenter of Cardal, Peru. Journal Archaeology 18:275-297.

Canziani A, Jos~ 1989 Asentamientoshumarws, formaciones sociales enLa costa norredelantiguo PerU (delpaleolitico aMoche V). Lima: Instituto Andino de EstUdios Arqueol6gicos (lNDEA). Carneiro, Robert 1970 A Theoryon the Originof the State.Science 169:733-738. Conklin, William 1985 The ArchitectureofHmi.caLosReyes.In Earl, Ceremonial Architecture in theAndes, edited by Christopher B. Donnan, pp. 139-164.Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Conrad, Geoffrey

1977
.

Modelsof Compromisein SettlementPattern

Studies: An Example from Coastal Peru. World Archaeology 9(3):281298. Corbett, John M. Bennett, Wendell 1953 Review of Cultural Stratigraphy in the VirU 1939 Archaeology of the North .Coast of Peru. An Valley, Northern Peru: The Formative and Account of Exploration and Excavation in Vim Florescent Epochs.AmericanAntiquity 19:86-87. andLambayeque Valleys. Anthropological Papers Donnan, Christopher B. and Carol Mackey of theAmerican MuseumofNatUral History 37(1). 1978 AncientBurialPatterns of theMoche Valley, Peru. Bird,Junius B., John Hyslop;and MilicaD. Skinner Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. 1985 The Preceramic Excavations at the Huaca Feldman,Robert Prieta, Chicama Valley, Peru. Anthropological 1985 Preceramic Corporate Architecture: Evidence of theAmericanMuseumofNatUral History Papers for the Development of Non-Egalitarian Social 62(1). Systems inPeru.In Earl, CeremonialArchirectUre Burger,Richard L. in theAndes,edited by Christopher B. Donnan, 1985 ConcludingRemarks:EarlyPeruvianCivilization pp. 71-92. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. and its Relation to the Chav{nHorizon.In Earl, Ford, James A Ceremonial ArchirectUre of theAndes,editedby Christopher B. Donnan, pp. 269-289.Washing1952 Reply to "The Virll Valley Sequence: A Critical ton, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library Review." American Antiquiry 17:250. and Collection. Ford, James A. and Gordon R. Willey 1987 The U-shaped Pyramid Complex,Cardal, Peru. 1949 Surface Survey of the VirUValley, Peru. AnthroNationalGeographic Research 3(3):363-375. pological Papers of theAmerican Museum ofNatu1992 Chavmand the Origins of Andean Civilization. ral History43(1). London and New York: Thames and Hudson. Kent, Susan Burger,Richard L. and Lucy Salazar-Burger 1990 A Cross-Cultural Study of Segmentation, Archi1980 Ritual and Religionat Huaricoto.Archaeology tecture, and the Use ofSpace. Domestic Architec33(6):26-32. tUreand the Use of Space,edited by Susan Kent, 1985 The EarlyCeremonialCenterof Huaricoto.In pp. 127-152. London and New York: CamEarlyCeremonial ArchirectUre oftheAndes, edited bridge University Press. Kroeber, Alfred L. by Christopher B.Donnan, pp. Ill- 138. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton OaksResearchLibrary 1930 Archaeological Explorations in Peru Part II. The and Collection. Northern Coast. Field Museum of Natural History 1986 Early Organizational Diversityin the Peruvian AnthropologicalMemoirs 2(2). Highlands: Huaricoto and Kotosh. In Andean Larco Hoyle, Rafael Archaeology: Papers in Memory ofCliffordEvans, 1941 Los Cupisniques.Lima: Casa Editora La Cr6nica edited by Ramiro Matos Mendieta, Solveig A y Variedades S.A Turpin, and Herben H. ElingJr.,pp. 65-82. Los

Zoubek: HuacaEl Gallo/LaGallina

Los Cupisniques. BuenosAires:SociedadGeogra, fica Americana. Malpass, Michael and Karen Stothert 1992 Evidence for Preceramic Houses and Household Organization in Western South America. .An.dean Past 3:137,163. 1945

pozorski,Shelia 1983 ChangingSubsistencePrioritiesand EarlySettle, ment Patterns on the North Coast of Peru.
Journal of Ethnobotan, 3 (2): 15.38. Pozorski, Thomas 1976 Caballo Muerto: A Complex of Early Ceramic Sites in the MocheValk1, Peru. Unpublished Ph.D.

Society for American Archaeology, New Or, leans. Willey, Gordon 1953 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Vir6 Valley, Peru. SmithsonianInstitution Bureau of AmericanEthnology BuUetin155. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. 1 996 Some Remembrances of the VirUValley Project. Paper presented at the 61st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, New Or~ans. ' Williams, Carlos 1985 A Scheme for the EarlyMonumental Architec,

dissertation, Department of Anthropology,

University of Texas, Austin.

ture ofthe CentralCoastofPeru.Early Cer~

nialArchitecture in theAndes,edited byChristo,

1983

The CaballoMuerto Complexand its Placein

the Andean Chrono~ogical Sequence. Annals of Carnegie Museum 52:1--40. pozorski, Thomas and Shelia Pozorski 1987 Earl, Settlement and Subsistence in the Casma Valley. Iowa City: University oflowa Press. 1991 Storage, Access Control, and Bureaucratic Proliferation: Understanding the Initial Period (1800,900 B.C.) Economy at Pampa de las Llamas,Moxeke, CasmaValley, Peru. Research in EconomicAnthropology 13:341,371.

pher B. Donnan, pp. 227,240. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks ResearchLibraryand Collection.
.

Wilson, David 1981 Of Maize and Men: A Critique of the Maritime Hypothesis of State Origins on the Coast of
Peru. American Anthropologist 83 :93, 120. Zoubek, Thomas 1997 The Initial Period Occupation of Huaca El Gallo! Huaca LaGallina, Vim Valley,PeruandIts ImpU, cations for Guanape Phase Social Complexity.

1992 1996

Early Civilizationin ,the CasmaValley,Peru. Antiquity 66:845,870. Ventilated Hearth Structuresin the Casma

Valley,Peru. LatinAmericanAntiquity 7:341

,353.
Quilter, Jeffrey

1991
_

LatePreceramicPeru. ]oumal ofWorld Prehistory 5:387,438.

Strong, William D. and CliffordEvartsJr. 1952 CulturalStratigraph, in theVim Valley,Northern Peru:TheFonnative andFlorescent Periods. New York: Columbia University Press. Tellenbach, Michael 1986 DieAusgrabungen inderfmmati~eitlichen Siedlung
Montegrande, Jequetepeque.Tal, Nord

Peru.

AVA,Materialien 39 (MUnchen). Uceda, Santiago, Jos~ Carcel~n, and Victor Pimentel 1990 Catastro de lossitiosarqueo16gicos deldreade influenciadel canal de irrigadooChavimochic. Valles deSanta(Palo Redondo), Vim. Patrimonio
arqueo16gico 'Zona NOTte 2.

Instituto Departa,

mental de Cultura,La Libertad,Trujillo, Peru. Vasquez,VCctor,Teresa RosalesTham, and A. Fernandez Honores 1995 Informe final: Analisis de material orgamco de las huacas El Gallo y La Gallina, valle de VirU. MS on File,Arqueobios,Universidadde Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Verano, John 1996 Osteological AnalysisofGuafiape Period Burials at Huaca El Gallo, Vim Valley, Peru. Paper presented at the 61st Annual Meeting of the

Unpublished Ph,p. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. 1998a An Unusual Stone Sculpture from Huaca El Gallo,VimValley,Peru.Journalof FieldArchae, ology25:345,355. 1998b Una escultura de piedra del formativo del sitio de Huaca EI Gallo,Huaca La Gallina, valle mediodeVim. Retlista delMuseo deArqueologfa AntropologC e Historl46:57,85(Trujillo,Peru). 1998c Ancestors and the Ayllu in Coastal Peru: Reply to Isbell. Paper presented at the 26th Annual Midwest Conference on Andean and Amazo. nian Archaeology and Ethnohistory, Urbana, Champaign, Illinois. 1998d Archaeological Evidence of PreceramiclInitial Period Ancestor Worship and Its Relevance to EarlyAndean Coastal SocialFormations.Journal of theSteward Anthropological Society, 26:71.112. 1999 El formativo temprano en el valle medio de Vim. Sociedad deInvestigaciones Arqueo16gicas delNOTte, in press. '

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..52

Huaca EI Gallo I ~ Gallina

Figure 1.

Map of the Peruvian North Coast Valleys.

Zoubek:Huaca El Gallo/I.Jl GaUina

.,

..

.') . . .. ~..,,'

Meters

Figure 2.

Map of the site of Huaca EI Gallo/Huaca La Gallina, Viru Valley, Peru. a) Huaca EI Gallo.b) Huaca La Gallina. c) EasternSunken Circular Plaza and associated structures. d) Huaca EIGallo Circular Structure. e) Double,faced wall. f) Ravine. g) Western Sunken Circular Plaza.h) Hill spur. i) EIGallo Canal. j) Agricultural furrows.k) Sunken Square Plaza. I) Stone perimeterwalls. Hachures indicate excavation units.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..54

Figure 3. Ceramicsherds recoveredat EI Gallo.a) GuaiiapeIncisedRib, b) GuaiiapeIncisedRib,c)

GuaiiapePunctate,d) GuaiiapePunctate.Sherdsareillustrated1:1.

55..

Zaubek: Huaca El GaUo/lAGallina

Figure 4.

Photoof the EI Gallosideof the sitefrom the cliffsto the sites's north; The secondary platform is in the foregroundandthe EI Gallo pyramidwith its facingcourt is locatedin backof the secondary platformandterreplein.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Figure5.

Photo of the east,facingstairwayat Huaca El Gallo after clearing. Central portion ofgrid consists of 1 m squares.

Zoubek:Huaca El GallolLa Gallina

o
~..

I
d

Figure 6.

. StratigraphyofHuaca EIGallo,West Profile:(a) Floor4,

(b) WaIll, (c) FillaboveWalll, (d)

lighter fill, (e) Floor 3, (f) Floor 2, (g) Floor 1, (h) disturbed rubble. Scale is 1 meter.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..58
. .

..

Figure 7.

Structure 1: (a) Burialpit, (b) probable entrance to the structure, (c) Floor A, (d) Floor B, (e,e) cut of north stratigraphic profile (See Figure 8). Note that this plan view representSdifferent levelsin differentsectorsasa result of partial excavation (SeeFigure9, which showsthe structure at the samestage of excavation.) Scale intervals are 10centimeters. Patterns followconventions for archaeological illustrations used in Trujillo, Peru region; see key, Figure 18.

59..

Zoubek: HuacaEl Gallo/LaGaUina

o I

FigQre

8.

Burial 1,Structure1,north stratigraphic profile (e..e' on Figure7): a) FloorB.,b) Burialpit, c) Structure1wall footing. Seekey,Figure18. Scaleis 1meter.

Figure 9.

Photo of Structure 1showingthe burial pit inside of the structure, aswell asfloors A (foreground left) and B (foreground right). Scalestick is 20 em.

9'

',i)'"

___0._...-

%)

(;>

Figure10. Structure 2. a) Eastwardprojectingwalls.b) Internal NE,SW di~ding wall.c) Arc, shaped

surrounding walls.d) Locationofofferingse,e (soliddots). Location of cut of South stratigraphic profile (Figure 11). See key, Figure 18. Scale is 1 meter.

0\

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Figure 11. Structure 2, Southsttatigraphic profile. a) Wall footings of Structure 2. b) Floor A. c) Fill over Floor B. d) Floor B. e) FloorC. See key, Figure 18. Scale is 2 meters.

~ t%:I ..-

~ <:)

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..62

Figure 12.. Photo of Structure 2 showingthe exterior features as well as the U~shaped inner wall feature. Central grid squares are 2 meters.

63..

Zoubek: Huaca El Gallo/lA Gallina

Figure 13. Photo showing the relationofSttuctures 1and 2 (inbackground) and floor outside ofthe Sunken Circular Plaza. Scale stick is excavation is 20 cm.

I ~ ~ 0\ -N o -8 9
u-s

!.

s-

1102

. ': :.. .~.,..

Figure 14. Unit 2,3 Trench, west stratigraphic profile: a) Floor 2, Structure 3. b) Floor B. c) FloorC. d) Burial Pit. See key, Figure 18. Inset is excavation unit at c on Figure 2 but at an earlier stage of excavation. The line between the north and south indicators shows where the profilewas taken. The left portion of the profile represents the sunken circular plaza. The dotted lines here represent a presumed extension of the terr3;ce.

65

Zoubek: HuacaEl Gallo/LaGallina

Figure 15. Unit 2-3, Photo of the burialfound under the sunken plaza'sperimeter wall. See Figure 16. Scale
stick is 20 em.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

.
I
I I

t
I

_. --.

---'

Figure 16. Unit 2,3, Burialfound under the sunken plaza'sperimetric wall:a) Location of offeringsof agates. See Figure 15. Scale is 1 meter.

Zoubek: HuacaEZGallo/LaGallina

'.

Figure 17. Photoshowingrelationof Structures1 (foreground) and2 (background).Scalestick is 20 em.

ANDEAN }> AST 6 (2000)

68

E3
Floor
Profile floor

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Compact earth

Loose earth

.;

..
I:

......
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Prolongation

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Figure 18. Key to conventions used in figures.

BoDD.ESS HUMAN HEADs IN P ARACAS NECROPOUS TExTILE ICONOGRAPHY

Anne Paul
Laboratoire Techniques et Culture, CNRS, Paris and Imtitute of Andean Studies, Berkeley

Introduction

made for, and buried with, certain membersof Paracas/f opara society; the earliest bundles

Depictions of bodiless human heads are interred in the Necr6polis'date to Early Horizon omnipresent in Paracas Necr6polis textile epoch 10 and the latest ones to Early Intermedi.. iconography.Most commonlythey are either ate Period epoch 2, a time extending from held in, or hang from, the hands of figures roughly 100 BC to 200 AD. During these 300 whose arms are outstretched. They also are years Paracas/f opara weavers favored plain shownsuspendedfromelbows, positioned at the weave fabrics embroidered with autonomous mouth and in front of the torso, attached to and non..interacting figures. While the specific
heads of whole figures,placed at the ankles or in the feet, depicted in and at the edges of cos.. tumes, set in containers carried,on the backs of anthropomorphs, hung from staffs,and affixed as teiminators to hair as well as to various tape.. like appendages that emaJ;latefrom heads and bodies. Imagesof bodiless heads also appear by themselves embroidered on the borders, fields, and tabs of weaving~. They are associatedwith many different iconographic types, including supernatUralbeings,human representations,and zoomorphicimages(seeFigures 1..11).What are the messagesthat these heads convey? The over 300 images that comprise the sample for this study are embroidered on an.. cient textiles that come from funerary bundles excavated from a cemetery called the Necr6.. polis of Wari Kayan on the Paracas Peninsula, between the Pisco.and lea River Valleyson the south coast of Peru.1 These weavings were
1 Vestiges of the Paracas and Paracas!fopara cultural traditions are present on the Paracas Peninsula and in numerous south coast valleys and the littorals between, spanning the EarlyHorizon and the firsttwoepochs ofthe Early Intermediate Period, ca. 700 BC to 200 AD (see Paul 1991a for a discussion of the relative and absolute chronology of these traditions). There are three burial
.

aim of this article is to interpret one particular aspect of Paracas Necr6polis textile iconogra.. phy-the bodiless head- the discussionwillof necessity encompass a more general problem: what can we see and deduce from the iconogra.. phy, and what can we.not? Bodiless heads in the archaeological record Some of the depictions of human heads in Paracas Necr6polis textile iconography may allude to actual bodiless heads like those found at several Paracas.and Paracas/f opara cemeter.. . ies. Kroeber describes and illustrates at least nine human trophy heads that accompanied Paracas burials dug up by looters at an Ocucaje (lea Valley) cemetery in 1942 (1944:38 and pI. 11).2 These heads had been cut in two verti.. cally, with a front half of the skull (exciuding the lowerjaw) and a rear half.Skinand hairare

preserved on the fore portion of each head.

Necr6polis ofWari Kayan. 2 Kroeber (1944:146 and pl. 11) identifies these finds at Ocucaje as "Paracas..Cavernas."According to John Rowe (personal communication 1987), Kroeber'sdescriptionof the burial site sounds like Cerro Max UhIe, named in 1954 by Rowe.

zones on the peninsula: Cavernas, Arena Blanca, and the

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 69..94.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,70 on the upper forehead. There are no pins through the lips (Pezzia1968:99and 102).4
Bodiless heads are also reported from the Paracas Peninsula cemeteries (one of which is the source of all of the fabrics stUdied here). Teno and Mejia Xesspe note that from the, Cavemas section of the peninsula came one human skull, minus a body, wrapped in cotton cloth (1979:167), as well as a head that was bandaged with fine cotton cloth and protected on itSleft side with cotton (the authors saythat the presence of a drill hole on this skull is evi, dence of surgical intervention; ibid.: 172). Another human head enclosed in a plain textile may have belonged to the incomplete skeleton of an adult that had been wrapped in cotton cloths and buried in the same grave (ibid:223). One fragment of a human cranium with a perfo, ration in itSforehead was discovered in a tomb and anotherskullwith a holein the (ibid.:222), forehead liasthough it were a Nasca trophy"was found in the discarded backdirt left by looters (ibid.: 236). Given that the authors suggestthat this latter skull may be a trophy head, it is strange that it wasfound with itSskeleton. The bones and skulls from many skeletons were mixed together in the backdirt from illicit loot, ing activity around the Cavernas burialprecinct. Around one Cavemas tomb alone T ~llo'steam recoveredapproximately 100crania (ibid.:118), but it is impossible to say if any of these heads had been buried without their bodies.
4 Pezzia (1968:99 and 100) states that heads from Cerro de la Cruz were buried in a "Paracas" cemetery (no information given about associated materials) and that those from Cerro Max Uhle were found in association with "Paracas Cavemas" potsherds. Pezzia'ssecond head from Cerro Max Uhle is not described in detail nor is it illustrated by the author. Coelho (1972: figures 1 and 2) illustrates what she saysis this second head, but the same head is published and identified by Proulx as having been found in the Nazca Valley (1971:18). A slidetaken in the Museo Regional de lea by Proulx in 1985 showsthe head with a museum label that identifies it as Nasca. Its lipsare pinned together with spines; it has a carrying rope extended through a hole in the forehead, and cloth stuffed in the cranial cavity protrudes through the eye sockets.

Kroeber does not mention the presence of carrying cords, but in the fuzzyphotograph that accompanies the text there appearsto be a rope projecting from the forehead area of each head, and the author says that "these are evidendy equivalentSof trophy heads such aswereburied in the Nazca culture" (ibid.:38). There appar, ently are no spines through the lips, a featUre often seen in later Nasca trophy heads. While the front portions of the heads retain the skin, the rear halves (each of which includes the foramen magnum and whole occiput) and the loose mandibles were bare bone at the time of their discovery; Kroeber notes that the back sections and mandibles were buried in groups but does not indicate their burial positions relative to the trophy faces, nor doeshe provide any information on burials, pottery, or anything else found in association with the heads. A. Pezzia Assereto records a group of ~hir' teen heads buried together in a Paracas ceme, tery at Cerro de la ~ruz, adjacent to Cerro Max Uhle in Ocucaje (1968:100,102;fordescriptions of the heads, see Coelho 1972:134,143 and figures4,8). The backs of the Cerro de la Cruz crania have been cut off, and manyof them are missing the mandible. Hair and facial skin are intact, and even the ears are preserved on at least two heads. Five have carryingcords, and most were reported to have been either partially or completely wrapped in at least one layer of cotton cloth before buria1.3 While these thir, teen heads pesemble,in their mask,likeprepara, tion, those found by Kroeber, two other ai, . legedlyParacas heads from Ocucaje have com, plete crania: Pezzia reports that he excavated two heads from a Paracas context at Cerro Max Uhle (1968:99,100; see also Coelho 1972:131, 134 and figures 1,3). One of the heads is ex, tremelyelongated (as a consequence of cranial deformation) and has a hole for a carrying rope

3According to Coelho (1972:140'142), three of the heads are those of children.

Paul: Bodiless Human Heads in PaTacasIconography Yacovleff and Muelle (1932) also excavated

bodilesshuman heads from the Cavemas sector of Cerro Colorado: three crania, each missing the lower jaw and each wrapped in either fiber headpieces or cloth, were present in one tomb, and a child's head covered by a disintegrated cloth was found in another (ibid.:34,41, and figure 23). In the Arena Blanca zone of the Paracas PeninsulaTello and Mejiamention the presence of many loose crania in an area that had been badlyvandalizedby looters (1979:286ff.). Be, . cause the skeletons had been disturbed prior to scientificexcavation there isno wayof knowing ifthere were any bodilessheads. One excavated burial is described, however, as containing the incomplete bones of an adult "withthe cranium separated and wrapped in cotton rags,as though at one time it had been removed" (ibid.:294).In addition, five loose human heads without lower jaws are reported from other excavated Arena Blancatombs (ibid.:294).<

In summary, there are fourteen known Paracas heads that were prepared presumablyas trophies, all found at Ocucaje. These probably date to Early Horizon 9 or 10. Four additional crania, two from Ocucaje and two from the Paracas Peninsula, might be Paracas trophy heads; those from the Cavemas date to the end of the Early Horizon.7 In addition, there are twenty,five Paracas bodiless human heads that were swaddled in fabric and buried apart from their own skeletons (eight from Ocucaje and seventeen from the Paracas Peninsula); sixteen of these date to no later than Early Horizon epoch 10, three date to Early Intermediate Period epoch 1B, and six lack the necessary associations to be assigned a date. In view of the fact that the three Paracas Peninsula burial zones were used consecutively for approximately 400 years, the number of bodiless heads reported from there is not large, if one assumes that the widespread depictionsof bodilessheads in the textile iconographyreflect the practices of Paracas/Topara society. While it is conceivable that such heads were buried in as,yet,undiscovered group caches of the sort found in the lea Valley by Kroeber and Pezzia, the extensive archaeological activity on the peninsula rules against ~uch a find: at least 800 bodies have been scientifically excavated from the peninsula sites, with scores of others dug up and discarded by looters. The archaeological data must be taken into account in any interpre, tation of the textile iconography. We need to consider the possibility that the multiplicity of bodiless heads in the textile iconography does not mirror actual customs, or that they are not
possibility that hair from persons other than the one in the bundle was buried with the body. Given the magical connotations of hair (see Paul 1983:46-48), I wonder if hair could have been an equivalent of, and substitute for, human heads. 7 Pezzia's description of the context of the twO heads that he found at Cerro Max Uhle is too vague to be entirely trustworthy as to their Paracas cultural affiliation, and Tello and Meja's description of two Paracas skulls from the Paracas Peninsula does not dearly affirm that they are trophy heads.

Evidence of bodiless heads from the

Necr6polis ofWari Kayan isscanty.Two human heads wrapped in cloth were found next to one of th~ large EarlyIntermediate Periodepoch 1B bundles during excavations (Tello and Mejia 1979:363), and one human skull, identified as female by those who opened the bundle, was found inside the same bundle along with a complete male skeleton. S In addition, the inventory of objects found in Early Horizon epoch lOB bundle 2 includes a female head (specimen2,25) which, givenitspositionamong the wrappings, I presumeto be a supplementary head in the bundle.6 .
5 The bundle is number 310, described in detail by Tello and Mejia (1979:362-384) and by Paul (1990:39'46, 99, 112. and 137,158). The specimen number of the female skull is 310-77. 6 Although there were few bodiless heads found in association with the Necr6polis mummies. it is worth noting that twenty-three of the bundles contained bunches of human hair and/or human hair objects, such as slings.caps,wigs,and cords. Sometimesdifferent colors

of <hairwere found in a single bundle, raising the

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

depictions of real heads. Furthermore, the fact that Paracas bodilessheads fromarchaeological sites include both trophy heads and heads that were wrapped and buried apart fromthe rest of the skeleton (but not prepared astrophies) bears directly on the analysisof the imagesstitched on cloth. How do we choose our terminology? The representations' of bodiless heads in ParacasNecr6polisiconographyfrequentlyhave been identified uniformly as trophy heads. A human head that is a "trophy"is by implication something taken aggressivelyin some sort of combat situation, or in the course of a sneak attack or ambush, or during a ritual battle. The use of this term can be traced back to the early part of this century, when representations of human. heads painted on south coast Nasca pottery were described as "trophy,like"by Uhle (1906:586).8 Referringto Nasca ceramicves~els found in the lea and Nazca Valleys,Uhle ob, served that painted representations of human heads had their mouths sealed shut like the tsanta of the Jrvaro (1909:10 and 1911:263; paper presented in 1908). Uhle, writingin 1911, (1914:1i) also described actual heads that he apparently saw while traveling in the Pisco and Chincha Valleys: "This ancient peoplealso had the custom of suspending the heads of slain enemies in the manner of trophies, in some instances the back part of the skullwas cut off, 'leaving a mask,like face, which had a hole cut through the frontal bone for suspension.,,9Uhle
8 Uhle's term is "tropMenartiger menschlicher Kopfe". Silverman (1993:218) states that "the term 'trophy head' was coined by Max Uhle (1901), who considered the depiction of severed heads in ancient Peruvian art to correspond to trophies ofwarfare." See also Browneet al. (1993:275). Uhte's 1901 article on skulldeformation of Peruvian mummies does not, however, mention trophy heads, but see note 10. 9 Although he did not identify them as such (given the early date at which he was writing, before the identification of Paracas culture), Uhle may have been describing Paracas heads: the "mask,like" method of preparation sounds like that used for the heads found by

supposed that such heads were trophies of war and employed the term "trophy head" in this article.10 Another early scholar who used the term "trophy head" is Eduard SeIer. Referring to Nasca ceramic iconography, SeIer (1916:185, 86) says that the image of a hand,held human' head with two thorns through its lips is that of a captured enemy. He compares it to Mundu, rucu and Jivaro prepared heads, calling the painted representation a "dance head" and noting that such "dance heads" with pinned lips . have been found in Nasca cemeteries. In a later publication SeIer talks about "trophy heads"in reference to images on both Nasca pottery and on Paracas Necr6polis textiles (1961 [1923]:294,95,297,98, and figure 264). The first person to use the term "trophy head" for Nasca .depictions may have been Tello. In a paper written in 1915 for the Pan American Scientific Congress, Tello discusses mummifiedhuman trophy heads found in Nasca cemeteries (1917:286,87) and identifies images on a Nasca painted vessel as trophy heads (ibid.:289). However, in a slightly later article on the use of prepared human heads and their representation in ancient Andean art, Tello avoids the expression "trophy head" (1918). Noting that the Mundurucu of Brazilprepared and guarded not only the heads of their ene, mies, but also the heads of their own chiefsand relatives, Tello adopts a more neutral terminol, ogy. He refers to Nasca prepared heads with
Kroeber and Pezzia.
10

Uhle states, "We alsofind simplenaturalisticscenes

represented among the designs upon this pottery, such as a hunt forvicufias with arrows, while the animal is grazing between the cacti of the mountain side; or we see a sort of scaffolding from which are suspended a row of trophy heads; or there is a graded temple,pyramid, in the interior of which are deposited the skulls of the human sacrifices, while on one side the priest with the sacrificial knife in his hand is ascending the grades to sacrifice an animal, and on the other side an individual appears to be dancing" (p. 14). The author and the editors of Andean Past are grateful to Helaine Silverman for pointing out this.

73

Paul: Bodiless Human Heads in PaTacas Iconography

carrying ropes and spines through the lips as artificiallymummified human heads (Ibid.:504~ 06); representations of bodilessheads on Nasca ceramics and Paracas Necr6polis textiles are identifiedashuman heads, mummifiedheads, or shrunken heads (Ibid.:513, 526, figure 8, and plate XI).
While Tello's avoidance of the term "trophy head" even for depictions of heads with carrying cords, pinned lips, and closed eyes may be overly cautious, his judicious use of language in 1918

based on analogywith a Nasca 4 or 5 vessel depictinga combat..relatedscene with human participants (ibid.:figure137). Several other
.

scholars have referred to the presence of war riars or warrior..likefiguresin Paracas Necr6po.. lisiconography, based on the depiction of clubs, darts, spears, and knives that are presumed to be weapons and, in some cases, on the association of such implements with bodiless heads (Dwyer 1979: figure 15; King 1965: 340 and figure 80; Peters 1991:298..301; Sawyer 1961:294 and 1997: 37, 45 and figure 23).
~

should serve as a model for how we create our . terminology today. The care with which he chose his words bears directly on this discussion of Paracas Necr6polis textile iconography. Implicitin the term "trophyhead"isthe assump~ tion that the source of the head was an enemy taken through aggressiveaction. 11 This identifi~
. cationin

turn has been the'premise for the

classificationof certain figuresas warriors-the persons responsible for taking the heads. Mead was likely the first author to suggest that Paracas Necr6polis embroideredanthropo~ morphic figures carrying heads represent war~ riors. In the caption for an illustration of a mantle in the American Museum of Natural History he writes that "the warrior depicted carries over his shoulder two heads of enemies" (1916:388). It is the identification of the heads as those of enemies that led to the warrior attribution, and not vice versa, for there are no other attributes that unequivocallyvalidate the warrior identification. In a later and much more influential article on Nasca iconography(which shares certain themes with Paracas Necr6polis iconography),Seier (1961 [1923])relatesNasca depictions of figures toting trophy heads to warriors (the pieces illustrated areNasca 3 to 5). Some of the depictions of his supematural"Cat Demon"-those holding trophy heads and usually wielding clubs or else associated with arrows-are identified as warriors, perhaps
11For a review of the debate over whether bodiless heads from Nasca contexts were war trophies or something else,

The reading of certain figures as warriors with trophy heads has engendered interpreta~ tions of the iconography that are questionable in some of their details. For instance, one scholar writes that "the Paracas Culture . . . had a warfare pattern and religious mythology intri.. c.ately bound to the taking of human heads" (Proulx 1971:16).Another constructs a religious history on the basis of the initial interpretation of the images as trophies of war: "the Cavernas trophy..head cult had apparently provided a ceremonial means of gathering the life~or soul~ force of enemies to be used for the benefit of the collector group" (Sawyer 1966:122) and "the warlike trophy..head cult of the 'Cavernas' was being altered and extended to direct the life force gathered from fallen enemies toward the assurance of. successful agriculture". (Sawyer
1972: 110).

The inference that some depictions of bodiless human heads and the figureswho hold them are connected with warfare is not sup.. ported by the Paracas Necr6polis textile iconog.. raphy examined here. While depictions of fighting and its aftermath, as well as identifiable warriors, are present in the art of some ancient Andean cultures, Paracas Necr6polis textile iconography is different. 12 First, Paracas
12There are, for instance, violent battlefield events on a few late Nasca painted ceramic vessels. On one Nasca 8 example, knife,wielding humans sever the bloody heads of the defeated (Museums of the Andes 1981:67; see also Lapiner 1976: figures 496, 497, and 501 and Townsend 1985: figure 16). Depictions of violent combat and its

seeVerano(1995:213,218).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Necr6polis representations are non,narrative. The isolated, individual embroideredfiguresdo not interact in an anecdotal way with other images:there are no "scenes"offighting (nor of anything else) in Paracas Necr6polis art. Second, in the absence of depictionsofbelliger, ent encounters, there isno iconographiccontext to help establish the identity-through battle paraphernalia such as weapons or costume-of figuresthat maybe combatants. This fact poses a problem for the interpretation ofthe iconogra, phy: is it actually possible to recognizea depic, tion of a Paracasffopara warrior? Because the warrior attribution has been based on the pres, ence of either trophy heads or implements that might be weapons, or on an associationbetween the two, it is relevant to ask what might be the attributes, if any, of combat. The most common implement carried by embroidered Paracas Necr6polis anthropomor, phic images is a knife, usuallysingle,bladedbut sometimes with a blade at each end of the handle (see,for instance, Paull ~90:figures7.11 and 7.12). These resemble real Paracasff opara knives, which have a wooden handle with an obsidian point inserted into a slit in one or both ends, wrapped. securely in place (Tello and Mejia i979:figures 20, 39, and 68). Another potential short,range Paracasffopara weapon is a club with a stone head that may be either round, ovoid, or with protruding points (Tello and Mejia Ibid.: figure 20). These are found in severalNecr6polis funerary bundles,but appear rarely in the textile imagery. Fiber slings are common in the bundles (see Yacovleff and Muelle 1934: 113) and are depicted in the art,
outcome appear in grisly detail in the art and architecture of several other ancient Andean cultures as well. The sculptural reliefs on the temple of Cerro Sechln (Burger 1992: 77-80), for example, show helmeted human figures surrounded by images of decapitated heads, human bodies cut in half, spinal columns, disemboweled intestinal tracts, and eyeballs. Painted narrative scenes of actual fighting,

where" they are recognizedby the twolong straps attached to either end of a doubled stone rest (see Paul 1990:figure 7.58). Spears, with or without feathering, are represented in the hands of many figures (paul 1991b: figures 5.4 and 5.5). Both spearthrowers and spears or darts were found at the Paracas Peninsula sites, including in association with the Necr6polis funerary bundles (Tello and Mejia 1979:figures 40, 68, and 91); spears and darts are depicted in the embroideries.13Because these implements are never shown in use in the textile iconogra, .phy, their presence alone is not proof that the figure who holds them represents a combatant. While they could have been used effectively against human enemies, they also may have been hunting or fishing implements.14Many of the anthropomorphic figures who carry human heads and the above implements also carry other conceivably ceremonial paraphernalia, such as banded staffs, staffs with bells or other appendages, and feather fans.

13Paracas knives and parts of knives (obsidian points and handles) were recovered from Necr6polis bundles 2 and
.

290. Clubs or parts of clubs were found in bundles 49, 91, 94, 157, 190, 254, 392, 401, and 421. Embroidered depictions of figures holding clubs are present on the followingtextiles: American MUseumof Natural History, accession number 41.0/1500 (Mead 1916:388 and Paul 1999:figure 1); Museo de ArqueologCade la Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, accession. number not known (Lumbreras 1974:figure102); the MuseumofFine Arts, Boston, accession number 21.2563 (Stone-Miller 1992:plate 7); Museo Nacional de Antropologfa, Arqueologfa, e Historia del Peru, Lima,specimen 290-53. The followingbundles contained slings: 2, 39,49,89, 91,147,157,190,217,253,262,290,310,318,347,355, 364,382,392,401,421,438, and 451.
Spears were among the contents of bundles 91,147, and

157.
14According to Yacovleff and Muelle (1934:114), the slings recovered from the bundles could not have been used as weapons because, among other technical reasons, they were too short. Peters (1997:814ff.) discusses the tools represented in the embroidered imagery,observing that "the objectsand tools associated with the daily life for most people and with the production of the burial offeringsthemselvesare

showing warriors in combat, sometimes grabbing

opponents by their hair or hitting them with clubs, occur frequendy on Moche pottery (Alva and Donnan 1993: figures 137, 138, 139, and 146; Donnan 1976:figures21, 22; 36, and 96).

not represented"(ibid.:819).

Paul: Bodiless Human Heads in PaTacas Icanography

Apart fromexplicit depictionsofweapons,is there any other way to identify a warrior in the textile iconography?Is it possibleto identifythe typesof costume depictions that might be indic~ ative of combatant status? The archaeological record reveals that not much in the way of defensive apparel was buried with the Paracas/ Topara dead at Necr6polis. Pieces of deerskin hide that may have been used as armor were present in several bundles and fivehide shields were found in association with the bodies exca~ vated from the Paracas Peninsula sites; no helmets or ear protectors have been reported. IS There are no clear representations in Paracas' Necr6polisart ofhelmets, ear protectors,shields or anything else that looks like special protec~ tive clothing. Figures often wear simple caps and/or elaborate headdresses, but there is no depiction of a figure wearing a helmet. Ham~ mered gold disks were sometimes attached to the braids ofParacasffopara men, and these are shown in the textile images; in no case can the ornaments pictured at the side of the head be identified as ear guards.'No figurecarries any, thing that could be construed as a shield. It is difficult to know how armor, such as padded

garments in embroidered depictions.16In sum~ mary, although apparel and other paraphernalia are depicted in detail in Paracas Necr6polis art and have counterparts in the archaeological record, it is not possible to identify explicit depictions of warriorsor ofpersons who engaged

in fighting.
Basically,we know very little about Paracas and Paracasff opara combat, except that it took place. There is ample evidence that the late EarlyHorizon wasa time ofpolitical tension and conflict on the south coast (the archaeological record for the first part of the EarlyIntermediate Period is less revealing in this respect) I but this aspect of life is not reflected in the textile ico~ nography, despite the fact that nearly a quarter of the textiles in this study date to EarlyHorizon 10.17Fighting itself simplywas not chosen as a
16Possibleexamples of cotton armor are known fromlater north coast cultures. Some Chimu tunics, for example, have unspun cotton placed betWeentWolayers of cotton fabric to create a bulky garment that may have repelled some weapons (Rowe 1984:figure61). 17 While there are no reported fortified sites on the peninsula and in the nearby Chincha and PiscoValleysfor the time represented by the textiles studied here, there are such Early Horizon 9 and 10 sites in the lca Valley. The E.H. 9 Paracas Pefia de Tajahuana site is fortified and in a defensible location (Rowe 1963:9). This is a large habitation site with a ditch and severalparallelwalls on the side away from the valley Oohn Rowe, personal communication 1986;Massey 1991:328). Animas Altas is also an E.H. 9 site. The site was defended on one side by a tall wall (Massey 1991:323). Massey states (1986:298-301) that there is evidence of a military conquest of Animas Altas at the end ofE.H. 9. A different reading of the site is provided by Lisa Deleonardis (personalcommunication 1999). She thinks that because
Animas Altas "is situated on a flat, open plain

tunics, would be - distinguishedfrom regular

15Yacovleff and Muelle (1934:104-105) describe tunicsized pieces of deerhide found in pairs in some of the funerary bundles from the Necr6polis precinct on the Paracas Peninsula. Their measurements and the fact that they were found in pairs suggested to those authors that they may have been leather armor, but in no case were the pieces joined together. The authors state: "No se nota vestigios de que los espedmenes htibieron estado unidos de algun modo uno con otto, aunque es muy probable que 10estuvieron" (ibid.: 104). Tello (1959:illustrated as figure 43 but described in caption number 45) illustrates an object that he calls an "escudo ceremonial" (ceremonial shield), excavated from the Arena Blanca area of the Paracas Peninsula and now in the Museo de Arqueolog{a de la Universidad Mayor de San Marcos in Lima. It is made of cane and deerskin, and measures .80 meters square. The drawing and description are too vague to permit confirmation of this identification. Tello and Mej{a (1979:337) describe four shields found in the Necr6polis ofWari Kayan (see also Peters 1997:648 for a discussion of these shields).

. . . and

completely accessible" it was not fortified, site, even though it may have been partially walled. There is an E.H. 10 fortified habitation site in the lea Valley, atop Cerro Prieto O. Rowe, personal communication 1986); Lanning (1960:449) implies that many large obsidian projectile points were present at the site and that theyare evidence of warfare. Massey reports that there were a number of small E.H.10 sites "located in defensible .positions in areas of steep slope,' hill crests and small ravines" (1986:303). There are no descriptions offortified settlements nor ofsettlements on defensiblehilltopsin the valley during epochs 1 and 2 of the E.I.P.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..

76

subject for textile iconography, even though it may have been important to the people who made the textiles. The fact that there is no depictive evidence of warfare in ParacasNecr6.. polis iconography clearly bears on the interpre.. tation of the bodiless heads in the textile imag.. ery. Interpretation of the iconography If there is no basis for defining an icono.. graphic type of "warrior"with trophy heads, and if there is no evidence that the images are referents to bellicose behavior, how do we explain the preponderance ofbodilessheads? In order to begin to answer this question, it is essential to turn to the embroidered images themselves. A careful examination of all of the bodiless human heads depicted in several em.. broiderystyleson the textiles fromthe Necr6po.. lis bundles shows that not all depictions are alike: there are two discrete ways to represent them. While almost all heads are depicted from the front with their eyes open (there is a siI).gle head shown in profile), there are distinctions made in certain details at the tops of heads. A "Type A" bodiless head is one portrayed with a narrow suspension cord extending from the top of the cranium, often with hair hanging down below the bottom ~f the head (Figures2, 4, 7, and 11).The carrying cord maybe embroidered in a color different from that of the top of the head or hair, or it may be depicted in the same color; the distinguishing features are its narrow width relative to that of the crown of the head and its position at the top center of the head. Because the linear and broad line styles of formal construction utilize thin and broad lines of stitches to create forms, occasionally it is difficultto saywhether or not a suspensioncord is represented because the "cord"is the same width as the outline of the head. This usuallyis not a problem with the easier..to..recognize ropes depicted in the block color style.Type A heads may represent trophy heads like the Paracas archaeologicalspecimensdescribedabove. Ifso, the cord is the sole attribute that sustains this identification; no Paracas Necr6polispictUreof

a trophy head has spines through the lipsin the manner of later Nasca trophy head representa.. tions.
.

Based on these criteria, twenty..fivepercent of the bodiless..headimages can be classifiedas Type A heads, possiblytrophy heads. I call the remaining seventy..fivepercent "TypeB"heads. In the block color style (and occasionallyin the
linear style) a Type B head has an obvious mass

of hair that is usually pulled either over to one side, or straight up and to one side; there is no carrying cord (Figures I, 6, 8, and 9). When represented in the hand of a figure it seems to be carried by its hair. In the linear and broad line styles the head is suspended from a zigzag "hank" of hair, often with serrated edges, that is normally at least half the width of the crown (Figures5 and 7). There are often whisker..like protrusions fromthe cheeks, and sometimeshair is depicted falling below the face. Taking into account the number of mummy bundles assigned to each time unit in the rela.. tive chronology, an examination of the diachro.. nic distribution of the two typesofbodilesshead depictions showsthat there were shiftsin prefer.. ence for one type ofbodilesshead over the other (see Table 1). Thirty..fivepercent of the forty.. six Necr6polis bundles considered in this stUdy date to EarlyHorizon 10; the textiles from these have 43 percent of the Type A head imagesand 18 percent of the Type B head images. Fifty percent of the bundles date to Early Intermedi.. ate Period epoch 1; their weavings have 52 percent of the Type A heads and 52 percent of the Type B heads. Fifteen percent of the bun.. dies date to Early Intermediate Period epoch 2; textiles from these have 5 percent of the TypeA head imagesand 30 percent of the depictionsof Type B heads. Thus, proportionally there is a moderate preference for renditions of Type A heads on the Early Horizon epoch 10 textiles, and a strong preference for depictions ofType B heads on the EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2 specimens.

Paul: Bodiless Human Heads in PaTacas Iconography

The archaeologicaldata presented earlier in this paper are too weak to support any conjecture about whether or not these shiftsin icono, graphic preference reflect changingsocietalcustoms-preparing heads as trophiesversuswrapping bodilessheads in cloth-at differenttimes. Given the fact that the entire sampleof textiles examined here comes from the Necr6polis where very few actual bodiless heads were found, we cannot say that the textile iconog(aphy "tellsus"about real practices. One explanation for the discrepancybetween the preponder,

symbolicallyinterchangeable, with the overrid~ ing central idea beini one of the collective importance of heads. 1 Clearly human heads carry symbolicweight in the iconography. While we might presume that Paracas Necr6polis pictures of human heads are endowed with connotations of mysterious and magical powers, it would be more satisfying'to push the interpretation of the textile iconography a bit further. Although precise decipher, ment of these ubiquitous images is beyond our reach, ethnohistorical documents concerning Andean religion and ancestor worship offer tantalizing hints about the kinds ofmore specific meanings that the heads might communicate. Over one,third of the Paracas Necr6polis depictions of bodiless heads appear at or near the mouths of whole figures, or are attached to the long tongue appendages of such figures (Figures 16,21). When at the mouth, a head is either held there or s~emsto stick to the mouth with no visible means of support; often the tongue of the principal figure connects the two as though it is a conduit. These stitched ancient icons mirror the verbal descriptions of a seven, teenth century Andean cult of mummifieddead ancestors (the cult of maUkis) in which a reli, gious specialist summons the persona of a dead human whose spirit or upani returns to the living

ance of iconographicbodilessheads and the

paucity of actual ones in the Paracas Peninsula cemeteries is suggestedby the depictionsthem, selves:the scale of bodilessheads relative to the sizeof figures with whom they appear is always small, with the bodiless head anywhere from 1110to ~ the size of the head.of the principal figure. Because bodiless heads are never represented on a life-size scale, it is possible that these icons are not litera~depictions of human heads but rather symbolsof the intense concentrations of power in heads. Tello (1918:501) argued over eightJ years ago that human heads-as repositoriesof the vital essenceof the living after death-were fetishes, and that because of this they were depicted over and over again in ancient Andean art, conferring super, natural power on those associated with them. The visual evidence from ParacasfTopani culture does not contradict Tello's thesis. The distinction made here between the two types of bodiless heads seems not to have been a critical one to the persons who produced the images. For example, the imagesin Figures 12 and 13 are iconographically similar (a winged anthropornorph holds a head), but the first image holds a carrying cord while the second image grasps a hank of hait. Likewise,Figures 14 and 15 represent a similar iconographictype with a bodiless head hanging fromthe principal figure'shand; the head appears to be suspended by a cord in one image and by a wider zigzag mass that is more like hair in the other depic, tion. In Paracas Necr6polis textileiconography, adeast, Type A and Type B heads appear to be

(Frank . Salomon, personal communication

1986). The fundamental concept of this cult is that during priestly seances the returning souls or spirits of ancestors would descend and adhere to the officiant so that their speech would pass into hisbody (Frank Salomon, personal commu, nication 1986, and 1995:323, 336,337). Ac, cording to Salomon, the nature of what it isthat returns when the dead are called upon is "a light, volatile component which contains a
18In a lucid article on Nasca iconography, Carmichael notes that today in the Peruvian Andes ancestors' skulls are kept to watch over the fieldsand protect the harvests, and that the ancient Nasca also retrieved skulls. He suggests that "in the context of fertility there may have been litde distinction between ancestral heads and trophy heads" (1994:84).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

.. 78

person's productive, active, fertile, personal qualities... The office of mummy priests is to retrieve it temporarily and reconstitute the ancestor, source of order and vigor among the living" (personal communication 1986).19 The bodilesshead adhering to tbe mouth or tongue appendage of a whole figureis replaced in several Paracas Necr6polis depictions by a backward..archinganthropomorphic figurewith a prominent chest and skeletonized' ribs and loosefallinghair (Figures22 and 23). There are also textile renderings of this same figurehold.. ing a head to itsmouth (Figure24). This icono. graphic type has been interpreted as an ecstatic shaman in magical flight to other worlds of the spirits and of the dead (Paul and Turpin 1986). Salomon (personal communication 1986) pro. posesalternatively that this figurerepresents not the religiousspecialist but the returning ances. tor adhering to either a mummy or a living shaman.
.

that the ritual obligations of a' Paracasrr opara functionaryincluded participation in ceremonies directed toward ensuring the fertility of animals and crops. Soliciting the aid of ancestors in such endeavors would be entirely within an Andean frame of reference. Although relying on ethnohistorical sources as interpretative guides for objects made sixteen centuries earlier is undoubtedly risky, the widespread synchronic and diachronic distribution in the southern Andes of such trait complexes as ancestor worship and bodiless heads implies a certain continuity of religiousconcepts. Notwithstand. ing the problems of disjunction (the historical processwherebyform and content separate over large spans of time), cultural continuities be. tween the present, the post.Conquest past, and the very distant past do exist in the Andean world.20

Could the images of bodiless heads and shamans in the particular iconographiccontext described above-proximate to the mouths of other images-be symbolsof the returningupani (or spirit) of the dead? If so, for what was all this ancestral power being harnessed? Many of the Paracas Necr6polis block color style textile figureswith bodilessheads at their mouths may depict human impersonators, elaborately cos.. tumed dancers who imitated cult images and spirits at religious festivals (see, for instance,' Figures 17, 19, and 23). These pictures of bird, feline, fish, and vegetation impersonatorsreveal
19For accounts of this cult, see Duviols 1986 and Taylor 1980. The following passage from Duviols (1986:143), translated by Salomon (1995:323); describes the colonial priest Hernando Hacaspoma's contact with mallquis: ''[In the presence of the ancestors] this witness experienced ecstasy, was deprived of his senses, and heard inside

Bodiless heads are depicted in many loca. tions other than at mouths, and these, too, may be emblems of concenttated regenerative pow. ers. A number of Paracas textile specialistshave written about the symbolicbond between heads (and depictions of heads) and fertility. Sawyer (1972:l1Off.), for instance, argues that trophy heads were imbued with a life force that was gathered to ensure successful agriculture, and that the fixation on trophy head depictions is evidence of a preoccupation with agricultural fertility. Peters (1991:311) writes that "agricul.. tural fertilityisbound to the image of the trophy head-to be cut, prepared, and planted like a seed". Dwyer (1979:126ff.) .suggests t~at the central idea conveyed by the heads is a meta. phorical one, expressinghuman fertilitythrough an image of agricultural fertility.
20 For instance, it has recently become clear that a
distinctive logicunderlyingnumerous domainsofcontemporary Andean life was present in the Inca past, and was already present in Paracas/fopara cultUre (paul 1997). See also Deleonardis' discussion of the ritual practice of burned offerings (1997:207-209). She places Paracas ritual hearths within the context of a broader Andean tradition, noting that the intentional burning ofobjects"is a well known tradition in the prehispanic Andes continuous with the present" (ibid.:207).

himself that the said mallqui was speaking to him . . . having made the sacrificeshe embracedthe idol Guamancama, and he experienced another ecstasy and he said that the camaquen [forceful spirit] of the said mallqui raracurca[Quechua: adhered to him] and descended to his heart and told hUnwhat to do in the matter on which they were consulting hUn."

Paul:Bodiless HumanHeads in Par~ It is possible that bodiless heads embodied all of these concepts, and perhaps others: they are widelydistributed in the textile iconography and are not associated with any singleelement. As the illustrations in this paper show, bodiless heads accompany a diverse range of images. In the most general terms, these depictions con.. note the pervasive regenerative powers of the ancestral dead. The importance of ancestors in the life of post..Conquest Andeans is well.. known through ethnographic accounts, and dates back to very ancient times; the reverence paid to Paracas/Topara dead is abundantly proven by the elaborate burial bundle remains . that we study here. When these bundles were placed in the Necr6polis ofWari Kayan on the Paracas Peninsula, their "occupants" became inhabitants of the earth, which along with the neighboring sea contained the vital, generative forces that produced plants and animals, en.. abling man to survive. Transformed through death into the ancestral spirits residing in the earth, these deceased members of Paracas/ Topara society continued. to contribute to the well..beingof their community. Their life..sup... porting influence after death is symbolizedby the embroideredbodiless heads on the garments
.

lcorwgraph'J

symbolsof one of the social obligations of Para.. cast Topara men. I was unable to accomplish either of those objectives. Instead, my findings led me to reconsider. the terminology that had been used to describe certain imagesin Paracas Necr6polis art. I returned to the topic only in 1997, when the informative questions and curiosity of Georges Guille..Escuret stimulated me to reconsider this aspect of Paracas Necr6polis iconography. When I began tracking down references to real Paracas trophy heads over ten years ago, Donald Proulx kindly answered all of my inqui.. ries and generously provided me with photo.. graphs of heads which he had studied. I owehim many thanks. Others offered valuable criticism of the CAA presentation over a decade ago;in particular, I am grateful to Lawrence Dawson, Mary Miller, and John Rowe. For recent read.. ingsand comments on the paper publishedhere, I thank Elizabeth P. Benson, Patricia J. Lyon, Susan Niles, LisaDeLeonardis, and three anon.. ymous reviewers.
Table 1. Chronological distTibution of bodiless head depictions

that theyworein lifeand whichshroudedthem

in the grave. Acknowledgments My first attempt to write about the depic.. tions of bodiless heads in Paracas Necr6polis iconography dates back many years, when I presented a paper at the 1987annual meeting of the College Art Association of America. The particular session in which I participated was organized by Mary Miller and was titled War.. fare: Repercussions and Representations in PrecolumbianArt. The papers included in the program were to consider the form, nature, significance,and implications ofwarfare in pre.. Columbian art. My original intentions for the CAA presentation were (1) to tryto confirm the identity of bodiless heads as trophy heads; and (2) to isolate the associated "warrior"imagesin order to explore how they functioned as visual
16 EH 10 bundles (35% of total NO. bundles) 23 EIP 1 bundles (50% of total NO. bundles) 7 EIP 2 bundles (15% of total NO. bundles)
.

Percentages of each type of head

T-ype A

T-ypeB

I I

43% I
52% 5% 100%

18%
52% 30% 100%

46 bundles in study

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..80
Lapiner, Alan C. 1976 Pre-Columbian Art of SouthAmerica. New York: Harry N. Abrams. Lumbreras, Luis G. 1974 The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru.
Translated by Betty

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J. Meggers. Washington,

Browne, David M., Helaine Silverman, and Ruben Garda 1993 A Cache of 48 Nasca Trophy Heads from Cerro Carapo, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 4 (3):274-294.

Burger, Richard L.
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Chaflfn and the Origins of Andean Civilization. London: Thames and Hudson. Carmichael, Patrick

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The Life from Death Continuum in Nasca

Imagery. Andean Past4:81-90. Coelho, Vera Penteado 1972 Enten'amentos de Cabe~ de Cultura Nasca. Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Sao Paulo, Brazil. Deleonardis, Lisa 1997 ParacasSettlementin Callango, LowerZeaValley, l#MillenniumB.C., Peru.Ph.D.dissertation.The Catholic University of Ametica, Washington, . D.C. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms. (Now a division of Bell & Howell Com-

D.C.: Smithsonian InstitUtion Press. Massey, Sarah A. 1986 SociopoliticalChangein the UpperIca Valley, 400 B.C. to A.D. 400: RegionalStates on the South, Coast of Peru. Ph.D. dissertation. Universityof California, Los Angeles. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms. (Now a division of Bell & Howell Company.) 1991 Social and Political Leadership in the Lower lea Valley:OcucajePhases8 and 9. In ParacasArt and Architecture: Object and Context in South
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Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. Mead, C.W. 1916 Ancient Peruvian Qoths. The American Museum Journal (New York) 16 (6):388-393. Museums of the Andes 1981Museums of the Andes. Great Museums of the World. New York and Tokyo: Newsweek and

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Kodansha. Paul, Anne 1983 The Symbolismof Paraeas Turbans: a ConsiderationofStyle,Serpents,and Hair.NawpaPaella (Berkeley,California) 20:41-60. 1990 ParacasRitual Attire: Symbols of Authority in

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idolatrfas Y hechicerfas, Cajacambo, siglo XVII. Cusco, Peru: Centro de Investigaciones Rurales Andinos, Archivos de Historia Andina 5.

Ancient Peru. Norman:University ofOklahoma

Dwyer,Jane Powell 1979 The Chronology and Iconography of ParacasStyle Textiles. In The JuniusB. BirdPre-Columbian Textile Conference, edited by Ann Pollard Rowe, Elizabeth P. Benson, and Anne-Louise Schaffer, pp. 105-128. Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum and Dumbarton Oaks. King, Mary Elizabeth 1965 Textiles and Basketry of theParacas Period,lea Valley, Peru. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Arizona, Tucson. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms. (Now a division of Bell & Howell Company.) Kroeber, Alfred L.

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cations in Anthropology, no. 4. New York: Viking Fund. Lanning, Edward P. 1960 Chronological andCulturalRelationships ofEarly Styles inAncientPeru.Ph.D.dissertation, Pottery University of California, Berkeley.

Press. Paracas: an Ancient CultUralTradition on the SouthCoastofPeru.In Paracas Art andArchiteCture: ObjectandCont~ in South Coastal Peru, edited by Anne Paul, pp. 1-34. Iowa City: University ofIowa Press. 1991b Paracas Necr6polis Bundle 89: A Description and Discussionof its Contents. In Paracas Art and Architecture:Objectand Contextin South Coastal Peru,editedbyAnne Paul,pp. 172-221. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. 1997 Color Patterns on Paracas Necr6polisWeavings: a Combinatorial Language on Ancient Cloth. Techniques& culture(Paris) 29:113-153. 1999 The Organization ofW ork on Ancient Peruvian Embroideries: Putting People Back into the Cloth.In Creating TextiIes: Makers, Methods, and Markets, Proceedings of the Sixth Biennial Symposium of the Textile Society of America, Inc., New York, 1998, pp. 378-387. New York: Textile Society of America, Inc. Paul, Anne, and SolveigTurpin 1986 The Ecst~tic Shaman Theme of Paracas Textiles. Archaeology39 (5):20-27. . 1991a

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Peters. Ann H. 1991 Ecologyand Societyin EmbroideredImagesfrom the Paracas Necr6polis.In ParacasArt and
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University of Iowa Press. Stone.Miller. Rebecca. 1992 To WeafJe for the Sun: Andean Textilesin the Museumof Fine Arts, &ston. Boston.Massa. chusetts: Museum of Fine Arts. Taylor. Gerald 1980 Supay.Amerindia(Paris) 5:47-63. Tello. Julio C. 1917 Los antiguos cementerios del Valle deNazca.In
Proceedings of the Second Pan American Scientific

pany.)
Pezzia Assereto. Alejandro 1968 lea, el Pern Precolombino, T omo I. Arqueologfa de la Prcwincia de lea. lea. Peru: Editora Ojeda. S.A.
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(1):16-21.
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Rowe. Ann Pollard 1984 Costumes and Featherworkof theLordsofChimor: Textiles from Peru's North Coast. Washington. D.C.: The Textile Museum. Rowe. John 1963 Urban Setdements in Ancient Peru. Nawpa
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Congress. WashingtOn, U.S.A., Monda" December 27.1915 to Saturda,,]anuary 8,1916, edited by Glen L Swiggett, vol. 1. pp. 283-291. Washing. ton, D.C.: Government Printing Office. EI uso de las cabezas humanas artificialmente momificadas y su representaci6n en el antiguo arte peruano. RefJista UnifJersitaria (Lima. Peru) 13 (1):478-533.
Paracas: primera parte. Publicaci6n del Proyecto 8b del Programa 1941.-42 de the Institute of Andean Research de NuefJa York. Lima, Peru: Empresa

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Pacha (Berkeley.California) 1:1-28.

Tello, Julio C., and Toribio Mej{a Xesspe

Salomon. Frank 1995 'The Beautiful Grandpa~nts": Andean Ancestor Shrines and Mortuary Ritual as Seen Through Colonial Records. In Tombs for the UfJing: An.

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hay,pp. 315-353.Washington,D.C.:Dumbar. ton Oaks.

Sawyer. Alan R. 1961 . Paracas and Nazca Iconography. In Essaysin Pre.

Publicaci6n AntropolOgica del ArchifJO''Julio C. Tello". Lima. Peru: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos and the Institute of Andean Research de Nueva York. Townsend, Richard F. 1985 Deciphering the Nazca World: Ceramic Images from Ancient Peru. Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 11 (2):117.139.

Necropolis.

Columbian Art and Archaeology.editedbySam. uelK. Lothrop et al.. pp. 269-298. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1966 Ancient PerufJian Ceramics: The Nathan Cummings Collection. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. 1972 The Feline in ParacasArt. In The Cult of the Feline: a Conferenceon Pre.ColumbianIconogra. ph" edited by Elizabeth P. Benson. pp. 91-115. Washington. D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. 1997 Earl, NascaNeedlework.London: Laurence King Publishing. SeIer, Eduard 1916 Ein altperuanisches besticktes Gewebe.]ahrbuch

Uhle.Max 1901 Die deformierten Kopfe von peruanischen

Mumien und die Uta.Krankheit.
Verhandlungen der Berliner GeseUschaft fUr Anthropologie, Ethno. logieund Urgeschichte (Berlin) 33:404.408.

1906
,

Aus meinem Bericht liber die Ergebnissemeiner ReisenachSildamerika 1899-1901. Imemationa.

fer Amerikanisten.Kongress.Vierzehnte Tagung, Stuttgart 1904:581~592.Sruttgart, Verlagvon W. Kohlhammer. La esfera de influencias del pars de 105 Incas.

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La esfera de influenciadel parsde los Incas.

Volumen XIV de los Trabajos del Cuarto Congreso Cientifico (I. Panamericano) celebrado en Santiago de Chile del 25 de diciembre de 1908 al5 de enero de 1909:260-281.

tIer
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Preussischen Kunstsammlungen

(Berlin): 180-198. Die buntbemalten Gefasse von Nasca im slid. lichen Peru und die Hauptelemente ihrer Vetzie.

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Barcelona.
1914 The Nazca Pottery of Ancient Peru. Iowa) 13:1-16.
of the DafJenport Academy of Sciences (Davenport.

rung. In

Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur Amerika. nischen Sprach.und Altertumskunde. Band 4, pp.

169-338. 5 Vols. Akademische Druck.u.

Verlagsanstalt, Graz (reprint of Verlag Behrend. Berlin. 1923).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
Verano, John W. 1995 Where Do They Rest? The Treatment ofHuman Offerings and Trophies in Ancient Peru. In Tombs for the Uving: Andean Mortuary Practices, edited by Tom D. Dillehay, pp.189-227. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks.

82

Yacovleff, Eugenio, and Jorge C. Muelle 1932 Una exploraci6n en Cerro Colorado: Informe y observaciones. Revista delMuseo Nacional (Lima, Peru) 1 (2):31-59. 1934 Un fardo funerario de Paracas. Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima) 3 (1-2):63-153.

All of the line drawings and photographs illustrated here are details from embroidered textiles in the collection of the Museo Nacional de Antropologfa,Arqueologia, e Historia del Peru, Lima. The information given below includes the garment type of the original textile (some items are today in a fragmentary condition), its specimen number (comprisingthe number of the bundle followedby the number of the textile within that bundle), and the chronologicalhorizon or period to which the bundle has been assigned. All drawingsand photographs are by the author. Drawings are not to scale.

Figure1.

Detailfrommantle,382-10,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch lB. TypeB headsarepresentin the hand, on the ankles,and on the tunic.

Paul:BodilessHuman Heads in Paracas Iconography

Figure 2. ~tail frommantle, 190,17,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch lA. The figuregraspsa TypeA

head.'. .

Figure 3.

Detail from mantle, 451,4, EarlyIntermediate Period epoch 2. Type B heads appear in one hand and at the ankles.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Figure 4. . Detail from mande, 392#4, Early Intermediate Period epoch lB. A Type A head hangs from one hand while Type B h~adsterminate the tongue and head appendages.

Figure 5.

Detail from mande, 14740, Early Horizon epoch lOA. Type B heads appear suspended from a hand and at the ends of-variousappendages.

85..

Paul:Bodiless HumanHeads in Paracas Icorwgraphy

Figure 6.

Detail frommantle,27-6b,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepochlB. OneTypeB headis heldin the

handandanotheris stuckto the mouth of the principalfigure.

Figure7.

Detail from tunic, 410-192, EarlyHorizonepochlOB. One Type A head hangs from an elbow
and another issuesfrom the right-hand sideof the figure'shead; the hair comprisesType B heads.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

- 86

Figure8.

Detail from mande, 310.27, Early Intermediate Period epoch lB. A Type B head is on a net bag.

Figure 9.

Detail from poncho, 319.39, Early Intermediate Period epoch 2. Type B heads are attached to staffs.

87

Paul:Bodiless HumanHeads in Paracas Iconography

Figure 10. D~tail from poncho, 94,63, Early Intermediate Period epoch lA. end of a head appendage.

AType B head

appears at the
.

Figure 11. Detail from rectangular cloth (too small to be a mande, this may be a headcloth) 38~ 39a)Early
Intermediate Period epoch 2. A Type A head is shown in isolation.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Figure 12. Detail from lOincloth,31O-58a,Early Intermediate Period epoch lB. The figureholds a Type A

head..

Figure 13. Detail from mantle, 319-56,Early Intermediate Period epoch 2. The figureholds a Type B head by its hair.

89..

Paul:Bodiless HumanHeads in PaTacas Iconography

Figure 14. Detail fromtUnic,49~34, EarlyIntermediate Period epochlA. A TypeA head hangsfromthe hand of the figure.

Figure 15. Detail from mande, 49~56b,EarlyIntermediate Period epoch lA. A Type B head hangs from the hand of the figure.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..90

Figure 16. Detail from mantle, 310,24, Early Intermediate Period epoch lB. A Type B head is held to the mouth. .

Figure17. Detail frommantle, 89,16,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepochs IB!2. A Type B head isheldin proximityto the mouth.

91

Paul: Bodiless Human Heads in Paracas Iconography

Figure18. Detailfro~ mantle,38'46,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch 2. This figureincludesnumerous

depictions of Type B heads, including one that is held to the mouth.
.

Figure 19. Detail from poncho, 243,23,Early Intermediate Period epoch lA. A Type B head is in the beak of a condor headdress.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

..92

Figure 20. Detail from mamIe, 38,37, Early Intermediate Period epoch 2. A Type B head appears at the mouth of the masked figure. .

Figure 21. Detail from mande, 89,14, Early Intermediate Period epochs 1BI2. A Type B head terminates the long tongue appendageof the principal figure.

93..

Paul:Bodiless HumanHeads in Paracas Iconography

Figure 22. Detailfrommande,262,15,EarlyIntermediatePeriodepoch lB.

F~ure 23. Detail from mande, 451,29, Early Intermediate Period epoch~.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..94

Figure 24. Detail from mantie, 253..62,Early-Intermediate Period epoch 2.

THE MmAFLoRES Et NINO DISASTER: CONVERGENTCATASTROPHES AND PREHISTORICAGRARIAN CHANGE

.

IN SOUTHERN PERU Dennis R. Satterlee Michael E. Moseley University ofFlorida David K. Keefer
United States Geological Survey

Jorge E. Tapia A. American Geological Institute Introduction This article describes a severe EI Nifto..in.. duced paleoflood episode, the MirafloresCatas.. trophe, that produced flood deposits that cur.. rentlyoverlie late prehistoric occupation surfaces
.

in the Osmore River region of southern Peru (170

Throughout the study area, farmingformerly extended to large tracts of land that are no longer in production. The reclamation, use,and abandonment of planting surfaces can be dated . Problematic Change in Subsistence Patterns with varying degrees of resolution by their canal associatedsettlements, construction techniques, Archaeological surveys and excavations in furrow patterns, relative preservation, cultural the Osmore River (also called the Moquegua superpositions, and geological superpositions River) extend from its headwaters through the (Clement and Moseley 1991; Owen 1993b; river mouth to nearby littoral areas. Therefore, Stanish 1992; Williams 1997). Abandoned changes in coastal and sierra subsistence and planting surfaces and their dependent settle.. settlement patterns can be interrelated. Open ments document a major shift from low eleva.. channel irrigation agriculture has sustained the tion to high elevation farming between AD indigenouseconomy for more than three millen.. 1000..1500. nia (Stanish 1985). In the sierra the principal sourceof agricultural water issurfacerunoff from Coastal agriculture, including that practiced seasonal precipitation averaging 400 mm at in the Osmore Valley and the quebradas, is elevations above 3000 meter above sea level inferred to have reached its maximum extent
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 95..116.

South Latitude; Figure 1). This EINino event is pertinent to problems of change in' agrarian subsistence patterns between A.D. 1100 and 1500. We first summarize these patterns. See.. ond, we model.change as a response to conver.. gent catastrophes. produced by collateral flood and drought disasters. Third, we describe and date evidence of the Miraflores Catastrophe. Foutth, we conclude with an assessment of implications of Osmore data for other Andean areas.

(masl). Because the lower two thirds of the basin is arid to hyperarid (lessthan 250 mm/yr), river flowdiminishes and normally disappearsat 1200 masl adjacent to the site of Yaral (Figure 1). Here the drainage enters a deep, narrow canyon that transects the ClemeslDesert, the c. 1000 meter..high Coastal Cordillera, and its western escarpment where the Osmore River exits to the sea. Below 500 masl seeps and springs are the principal water sources for farm.. ing in the coastal valley and in normally dry drainages,called quebradas, such as Miraflores,

which descend the Coastal Cordillera along short, steep coursesthat parallelthe river.

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000) ar.oundAD 1000-1100because plantingsurfaces have their greatest spatial expansionat that time both in the valley and in the coastal quebradas. Early agrarian expansi.on ar.oundA.D. 1000 is ass.ociatedwith the rise of the coastal Chiribaya culture Oessup 1991; Owen 1993a),. which spread int.othe arid sierra between Yaraland the modem city of Moquegua prior to collapsing sh.ortlybefore A.D. 1400. This Chiribaya c.ol.. lapse was abrupt Oessup 1991), and it entailed the permanent abandonment of more than 80% of all c.oastalsettlements (Owen 1993b) and an inferred population decline of equal magnitude. ByA.D. 1400all preserved prehistoricsurfacesin this area had been abandoned, and hydrological models suggestthat pr.oductivecoastal farmland had declined by80% .ormore (Ortloffand Kalata 1993). Cultural reorganization ensued, but c.oastal p.opulati.on levels remained depressed until A.D. 1500 or later (Reycraft 1997). Lim.. ited recovery of farmland isnot evident until the Spanish intr.oduced.olivetree cultivati.onar.ound A.D. 1575 (Clement and Moseley 1991;Satter..

..96
maj.or change in econ.omic and demographic conditions has not been previ.ouslyexplained.
Convergent Catastrophes

We pr.oposethat the transformation of the Osmore subsistence and settlement patterns was a response to IIconvergent catastr.ophes" crises produced by tw.o.ormare collateral natural disasters. The nature.of c.onvergentcatastro.. phes can be illustrated by an analogy between human disease and natural disasters. Suffered individually, a disease or a disaster is generally survived by a healthy p.opulati.on.Yet, when a population is first struck by .one malady and then is afflicted by two or more disorders, the likelihood .ofrecovery is reduced. The potency .of multiple natural disasters lies in the com.. pound stress that they exert upon populations. Some may collapse, while .others can respond adaptively. In late prehist.oric times Osmore Riverpopulati.onsexperienced tw.ocatastrophes. The first, pr.otracted draught, graduallyexerted lee 1993). . . pressures fav.oring high altitude reclamation, while selecting against low altitude farming. Large scale reclamati.on of the high sierra The second catastrophe, the Mirafl.oresflood, above 2250 masl began after A.D. 1300. ByA.D. triggered intense pressure far rapid change from 1500planting surfaceson canal..irrigatedterraces an agrarian..basedec.on.omy. reached tJ;teirgreatest spatial expansion and the maj.orityof the Osm.orepopulation resided in the Collateral Drought sierra headwaters (Conrad and Webster 1989; The A.D. 1100..1500 draught exacerbated Owen 1994; Williams 1997). Highland expan.. sian is associated with the Estuquiiia and the impact.of the Mirafl.oresElNiii.o. Precipita.. Estuquiiia..lnca archae.ological culture that ti.onis estimated to have declined by 10%..15%. endured into the Col.onial Period (Burgi 1993; However, the decline in runoff was dispropor.. Stanish 1985). High elevation irrigatedterracing ti.onallygreater because headwater soils always was, in part, de..emphasizedby the Inca p.olicy.of abs.orba fixed am.ount .of m.oisture, 260 mm, resettling-indigenous c.ommunities at lower bef.oresaturati.onallowsrun.off. Becauseannual altitudes (Van Buren 1993, 1996;Van Buren et precipitation averages 360 mm between 3900 al. 1993), and it further declined with the Span.. and 4900 masl, there is .only100 mm available ish introduction and expansi.onof viticulture at for run.offin a typical year. When rainfall de.. elevati.onsbetween 1200 and 2250 masl (Rice clines fr.om360 mm t.o324 mm.or even 306 mm 1997). during a 10% .or a 15% drought, runoff is re.. duced to 64 mm .or t.o 46 mm, respectively. In .overview,we estimate that more than 80% Thus, the relationship between loss .ofrainfall of all prehispanic farming and settlement in the and loss .of runoff is n.onlinear. Factoring in Osmore drainage shifted fr.omthe c.oastand dry water from above 4900 masl, we estimate that sierra below 2000 masl into the humid sierra runoff from the m.oistsierra was at least 20%to above 2250 masl between A.D. 1000..1500. This 30% below n.ormal during the attenuated

97.. drought of A.D. 1100. This decline was com.. pounded by the fact that river flowloses4% ofits volume per kilometer to seepageand evaporation at elevations of 2000 to 3000 masl (Williams 1997). At lower elevations increasing aridity, greater evaporation, and longer transport 00"
tances magnify forfeiture of moisture.

Satterleeet al.: The Miraflores ElNiiio

Rainfall in the wet sierra and stream flow supplysubsurface runoff that eventuallycharges the coastal aquifer. Much of this moisturenever resurfacesin the lowervalleyor coastalquebrada springs that are the primary mainstayof farming. Subsurface runoff passes through fine grained deposits of the Moquegua Formationthat absorb. fixedamounts ofmoisture. Similarto soilabsorp.. tion, this action magnifies drought..inducedloss ofsubsurfacerunoff. Thus, 10%to 15%declines in mountain rainfall result in highly amplified spring flow declines. Mathematical modeling suggests a minimum decrease in spring flow of 80%at Quebrada Carrizalduring the nadir of the A.D. 1100 drought (Ortloff and Kolata 1993). Basedon our geoarchaeologicalobse1Y8tions, we concur with Ortloff and Kolata (1993) that irrigation agrict\lture in short, steep drainages of the arid Pacificwatershed is highlyresponsive to depressed highland rainfall. Therefore, drought stresswas most severe at the distal, lower end of the Osmore Basin. The impact of the A.D. 1100 drought on the Carrizal Quebrada spring..fed canal systems, in the lower Osmore Drainage, is calculated to have reduced arable land by more than 80% (Clement and Moseley 1991; Figure 2). This reduction is compatible with the large scale abandonment of planting surfaces after A.D. 1000 and with marked reductions in the sizeofresidential settlements at the spring (Baw.. den 1989; Clement and Moseley 1991; Reycraft 1997). We consider Carrizalland loss to be symptomatic of reduced moisture in the coastal aquifer and therefore indicative of concomitant stress on other areas of spring..dependentfarm.. ing,includingthe largeprehistoricOsmore Canal Systemin the coastal valley (Satterlee 1993).

a drought response that maximized the use of scarce rainfall and runoff. Osmore headwater reclamation relied principally upon canal..irri.. gated agricultural terraces. Their adaptive advantage lay in capturing moisture at or near its source, thereby minimizing runoff flowloss. Reclamation of the upper sierra spread after \A.D. 1300 and peaked between A.D. 1400and A.D. 1500 (Owen 1994;Stanish 1992;Williams 1997). Disadvantages of high altitude irrigated terraces include high construction and mainte.. nance costs, high earthquake vulnerability,and reduced crop variation at high elevation. These factors were of greater relative importance after the A.D. 1500 advent of the Little Ice Age, which is associated with two centuries of 20.. 25% above normal precipitation (Binfordet al. 1997; Thompson et al. 1986). Greater rainfall allowed re..establishment of sierra farming at lower elevations, recharging of the coastal aquifer, and re..expansion of littoral spring..fed farming.
Catastrophic El Nifio Flooding

During strong El Nifio..Southem Oscillation

(ENSO) events the Osmore rainfall regime reverses. Drought prevails at altitudes above 2000 masl, and rainfall occurs in the lower watershed (Caviedes 1984; SPCC 1985). Moquegua City experienced several showers during the very strong ENSO event of 1982..83, and torrential rain and limited floodingoccurred in the ClemeslDesert. The steep Pacificescarp.. ment of the Coastal Cordillera orographically influenced cloud cover moving off the ocean and intensified precipitation along the mid and upper slopesof the maritime range, resulting in three separate incidents of coastal flooding during the 1982..83 event. During the minor 1992 event, we observed no rain below 200 masl, but some quebradas with affluents high in the maritime range discharged small mud flows into the sea. The very strong event of 1997..98 was generally similar to that of 1982..83.There were showers, but no flooding in the vicinityof Moquegua City. Some Clemes( quebradas At the oppositeend of the river basin, we flooded and inundated sections of the Pan model the expansion of high altitude farming as American highway, while episodes of strong

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

98

flashfloodingtranspired alongthe Pacificescarp~ hill slopes. Lateral movement was then cut by ment of the Coastal Cordillera. flash floodscascading down quebradas. Finally, a very high flood surge plunged down the Os' Below 2250 masl, most slopesof the water, more river channel spillingover its lowerbanks. shed are covered with loose, weatheredrock and 'unconsolidated sediment. This material can be High fatalities are inferred because some entrained by runoff from ENSO precipitation. settlements were entirely washed away, and For exceptionally severe rainfall events, we others were completely buried by debris flows. define, based on our observations, three stages of Yet, some sites on high, welldrained promonto, runoff: entrainment, debris,flow, and flood ries escaped destruction. Flooding wreaked generation below 1500 masl (Figure3). First, exceptional havoc on low lying irrigation sys, during deluges, sheettloods and debris flows tems. The Osmore Canal, the highest, longest composed of sediment and water wash down hill reclamation system ever built in the lower slopes (1 in Figure 3). Some material comes to . valley,sufferedextensivedamage. The intake rest on the lower slopes and hill bases. More and lead,off channel were swept away. The typically ic flows into small channels that carry canal was breached and cut at every quebrada moistUreand sediment to largerquebradas. Here crossing, washed off every steep slope, and additional matter is commonly entrained from completely buried along every gentle slope the drainage channels, creating flashfloods and (Satterlee 1993). Damage to spring,fed irriga, large debris flows of viscous mud and coarse tion systems in coastal quebradas was variable. sediments (2 in Figure 3). Quebrada floods Although intakes and quebrada crossingswere disgorge into the sea or into the Osmore drain, destroyed, distal planting surfaces and canal age. Third and finally, a high flood surge de, sections on high ground survived at Chuza, scends the Osmore River valley carrying runoff Carrizal, and Pocoma (Figure2). However,the and debris from the interior basin (3in Figure 3). entire irrigation system at MirafloresQuebrada Flood surgesdescending large andsmallchannels was washed away. Pervasive damage to the splatter mud and deposit coarse debris. Surges agrarianinfrastructure must have contributed to are followedby low flowsof relativelyclear slack post,disaster famine. The spread of pestilence water, which deposit fine sediment. With the and disease can be reasonably inferred because cessation of rainfall, debris flowand flooddepos, these conditions have accompanied historic EI its dry and harden, thus providing a geologic Nifto disasters (Beckand Davies 1976;Caviedes record of the event. For example, depositS 1984; Murphy 1926; Satterlee 1993). produced by the 1982,83 ENSO event remain The 1982~83ENSO event was associated well preserved, as do deposits of some earlier events. with pronounced drought at high altitUdesthat affected both pasture and farmland and led to Our studies indicate that the Mirafloresflood famine in the altiplano. In contrast, desert episode was the most severe EINino catastrophe precipitation sustained exfe)1sive blooms of to occur in the study area during the last millen, lomas vegetation that provided pastUre for nium. It destroyed much of the Chiribaya cuI, domesticated animals (lomas are dispersed turallandscape along the deeplyincised Osmore communities of wild plants normally sustained drainage. Most farming transpired in valley by winter fog condensation; Dillon 1985). We bottom land only slightlyhigher than the active also observed limited farming in lomas areas. river channel. Settlements were typicallystrung However, returns from lomasexploitation were along steep valley sides above canals that pro' minor in comparison to EINifio,inducedlosses. vided potable water. Escaping the Miraflores Presumably,similar conditions prevailed during deluge would have been difficult because the the Mirafloresdisaster. Elevated ocean temper, valley,side settlements were the first to be inun, atures accompanying the ancient ENSO event dated by sheettloods and debrisflowsdescending also must have affected normal marine re,

99.. sources, but fishing certainly recovered faster than did farming.

Satterlee et al.: TheMiraflores ElNiiio

one high altitude farmstead (Stanish 1992),the Chiribaya sierra occupation focused exclusively upon the use of river runoff below 2000 mas!. This focusfacilitated interchange with the lower Consequences of DroughtandFlood Catastrophes valley and perhaps helped to charge the de.. Prior to the Miraflores catastrophe, two and pleted coastal aquifer. Yet, arid sierra irrigation a half centuries of drought led to the gradual is hydrologically inefficient during drought agrarian contraction of spring..fed irrigation because runoff flowslong distances with signifisystemsin the lowervalleyand in coastal quebra.. cant loss before reaching planting surfaces. A das (Ordoff and Kolata 1993). Upstreamexpan.. major consequence of the Miraflores catastro.. sion of Chiribaya culture from the coast into the phe was the removal of cultural constraints on mid..valleysierra can be modeled as an adaptive high sierra agrarian reclamation. Although response, particularly if highland setdements efficient, headwater farming drew down runoff wereexportingagriculturalproduceto the low... supplies, and, consequently, downstream the lands. Dietary diversification may represent Yaralsection of the Osmore River remained out another drought response. In the lower valley of production until the Colonial Period. there was a long..term increase in the variety of plants used and consumed by Chiribayapopula.. Systematic survey and excavation of settletions (Dendy 1991). Sustained by ocean fog, ments in the Otora River headwaters indicate lomas vegetation supported intensive llama that this area was colonized before the floodby herding (Wheeler 1991), and" there was also smallgroups ofpeople livingin open farmsteads. substantial exploitation of seafood (Bawden They constructed very long canals to reach 1989;Jessup 1990). gently sloping land that did not require large investments in terrace'construction. This wasa Although catastrophic loss of life is inferred labor-saving, but water..expensive irrigation for the Miraflores disaster, the meager demo.. strategy. The strategy was reversed to one of graphic recovery in the study area is particularly shorter canals irrigating steep, terraced slopes noteworthy. In addition to the Osmore valley, during the Estuquifta occupation, when the Carr~al Quebrada also exhibits a comparable number and size of settlements increased dra.. decline in populfltion with poor post..floodrecu.. matically (Stanish 1985, 1992). Throughout peration (Bawden 1989; Reycraft 1997), and we the Osmore headwaters all major Estuquifia have found scant evidence of post..floodoccupa.. settlementswere fortified (Borstelet al. 1989; tionsin other coastal quebradas. We hypothesize Owen 1994; Rice et al. 1989; Stanish 1992). that demographic recovery was tied to agrarian However, warfare and physical conflict are not recovery which, in turn, washindered by contin.. evident in Estuquifta mortuary populations that ued drought. There wassimplyinsufficientwater have received study (Buikstra 1995; Williams to warrant reconstructing the Osmore Canal 1990). Nonetheless, we suggestthat settlement System or to reactivate coastal spring-fedfarm.. fortification reflects concern with maintaining ing, other than on a very minor scale. Conse.. claimsto scarce water resources and arableland. quently, once Chiribaya was impaired by an El Conquest was involved in the Inca and Spanish Nifio disaster, it could not recover its former intrusions into the Osmore drainage. We cultural preeminence in the Osmore drainage. propose that their policies of resettling indigenous people and re..expanding agriculture at We postulate that between A.D. 1200 and lower elevations were made tenable by increas.. 1400 there was insufficient rainfalland runoff to ing rainfall that exceeded long-term norms after support intensive farming in eitherthe upper or A.D. 1500. the lower sierra. During drought, high altitude farming draws off stream flowneeded to sustain lowerelevation irrigation. With the exception of

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

The Miraflores Unit Flood deposits that overlie Chiribayacultural remains comprise the MirafloresUnit ofthe local Holocene geological column, which has a partially dated "BasalSequence" of earlier deposits (Keefer et al. 1998). Miraflores sediments are often overlain by: the A.D. 1600Huayna Putina Unit of tephra (Thouret et al. 1999); the Chuza Unit of earthquake and flood debris tentatively dated to A.D. 1607; and flooddepositsfrom the 1982-1983 and the 1997-98 EI Nmos. The tephra unit is securely dated to the February A.D. 1600violent eruption ofthe HuaynaPutina volcano located about 120 Ian northeast of lIo. This is the only late Holocene as well as early historic period tephra to be identified in the entire Osmore drainage, and samplesfrom the Moquegua region have been chemicallyidentifiedin and cross-dated to the Quelccayaice cores (Thompson et al. 1985).

transported large clasts and boulders up to 3 m in diameter across the coastal plain. There are no subsequent flood deposits of comparable scale in the sedimentary r~cord preserved at the Miraflores Quebrada, including the historic Chuza Unit.

A measured section through the Holocene sedimentary sequence is shown in Figure 5. This section is in the bank of a tributary to the' main Miraflores quebrada (Figure 4:2). The uppermost unit exposed in the section is the 0.005 m thick deposit from the 1982-1983 EI Nmo event that consists of grayish-brownsilty. sand, containing some grit up to 0.002 m in diameter. Below this deposit is .3 to .7 m of dark yellowish-brown aeolian sand, containing a little silt. Underlying this stratum isthe Chuza Unit, a 0.15 to 0.2-m-thick layer of very com. pacted siltysand, that isdark yellowish,brownin colQr and contains much grit and some rock fragments up to about 0.07 m in diameter. Belowthe Chuza Unit isanother layerofaeolian The MirafloresQuebrada sand with a little silt, which is 0.0025 m thick. With affluents high in the CoastalCordillera, Belowthis sand lies the MirafloresUnit deposit the incised Mirafloresdrainage isthe coastal type consisting of 0.66 to 1.00 m of well-compacted locality for the Miraflores Unit. The quebrada silty sand, pinkish gray in color and containing exits the range through a constricted canyon, rocks up to 0.08 m in diameter. Underlyingthe where a number ofspringsfluoresce.The canyon Miraflores deposit is a O.OI,m-thick layer of opens onto a short coastal plain that the drainage brown aeolian sand containing little silt. The crossesin a narrow, incised channel more than 2 lowest unit, the base of which is not exposed,is m deep (Figure 4). In the canyon, mud and OA5 to 0.8 m of the pre-Miraflores Basal Se, debris flows produced by the 1982-1983ENSO quence that consists of brownish..yellowcoars~ event resulted in deposits that buriedspringsand sand, containing a little silt and gravel, and inundated grove areas. Downstream from the rocks up to 0.8 m in diameter. canyon in the coastal plain area, the flowswere The Miraflores event swept away the local largely contained within the incised quebrada channel. The 1982-1983 depositsare typicallya Chiribayaoccupation in a torrent ofwater,mud, fewcentimeters thick, with a maximumobserved and huge boulders, leaving the characteristicsof thickness of 20 em. They are composed mostly this culture to be inferred frombetter..preserved of sand and silt with a few pebbles and rock Chiribaya remains in adjacent quebradas. At Miraflores, the indigenous irrigation system fragments less than 4 cm in diameter. presumablyextended from the springsdownthe Deposits of the MirafloresUnit are of a much canyon onto the upper margins of the coastal greater order of magnitude, with a thickness plain. This system was operational when spring ranging up to 1.0 to 1.2 m. They extend up the flowwasgreater than it is today and distal fields canyon walls and expand laterally out of the extended somewhat farther downslope than the quebrada channel, across the coastal plain down confines of the Colonial olive grove that was tO'the sea (Figure 4:1). Mirafloresflooding also enclosed by a large stone wall (Figure4:3). The

101

Satterlee et al.: The MiraJlores EI Nino

Chiribaya settlement was situated on the south side of the quebrada immediately below the irrigation system. Residential structures ex~ tended for at least 100 m along the quebrada channel and for an equal distance inward across the coastal plain (Figure 4:4). The habitation area waslarge because the Mirafloresspringflow was high and could support a large agricultural systemin comparison with the 10other irrigated quebradas that we have investigated. Chiribaya residences typically occupy long residentialterraces, cut into the natural substrate faced with mortarless stonework. Rectangular rooms and compartments are of cane construc~ tion, with bound canes set vertically in narrow trenches and vertical posts supportingmat roofs of plant material. Quebrada settlementS occa, sionallyinclude special purpose buildings in the form of large, semisubterranean, one~room structures. Occupational refuseis common, and midden with plant debris often occurs in terrace
.

entrapment and subsequent preservation of more cultural materials. The 2 x 2 m test in the east wall of this sunken structure. produced seven Chiribaya shards, one unidentifiable shard, spun alpaca threads, four textile &ag~ ments, a fragment of com stalk and cob, and a few guinea pig bones. There is no evidence of post~floodfarming or settlement by indigenous people. However, surface evidence ofreoccupa~ tion close to the springswould be obfuscatedby later centuries of olive farming. Olive trees were first planted in the Mira~ thin, intermittent accumulations of tephra &om the February A.D. 1600eruption of the Huayna Putina volcano, located about 120km northeast of 110. Shortly after this eruption, the Chuza Unit was deposited, and at a number of points along the quebrada the MirafloresUnit is over lain by tephra, by the Chuia Unit, and by the 1982~1983mud flows.
~

andback~filled alongretainingwallsthat maybe . flores flood sediments before the deposition of

fill.

The Osmare Canal

Surface traces of the Mirafloressettlement arenow limited t~ lowirregularitiesin the overly~ ing Mirafloresdeposits produced by remnants of domestic terraces and two semisubterranean structures. Exploratory tests in the area include 12shallow 1x 1m probes, a 2 x 2 m probe in the east wall of the northernmost sunken structure, 1 m trenches across both sunken structures, and aim wide x 2 m deep x 8 m long profile cut &om the quebrada channel into the settlement (Satterlee 1993). These probes revealed the heavily eroded outlines of structural features, such as terraces, that were originallycut into the consolidated substrate. Architecture of cane or masonry built atop the substrate was gone. Similarly, refuse and midden had been swept away prior to the deposition of at least 0.68 m and possibly as much as 1.2 m of fine debris. Excavated artifacts from the trenches were limited to three shards and severalfragments of cane. However, the walls and the depth bf the north sunken structure had allowed for the

The river type locality for the Miraflores Unit is the Tomb Site on the prehispanic Osmore Canal System (Figure 6: site 266; all site numbers are from Owen 1992), the largest irrigation system ever erected in the lower drainage. Apparently built by A.D. 900 or 1000, the systemwas operational when.Chiriba~ . ya people sharedrhe lower valleywith an ethni. cally distinct populace called the Ilo~ Tumilaca/ Cabuza (I~ TIC) population. Over time the latter population diminished; whereas the Chiribaya population grew. Occupying hillsides above the second planting surface (Figure6: site 215), the ITIC site of Loreto Alto is one of the larger settlements potentially associated with the irrigation system. Loreto Alto produced four calibrated HCdates that fall between A.D. 1000 and 1250 (Owen 1992), and we presume that the irrigation system wasoperational at this time. Historic and recent farming have taken place along the river floodplain and on sections of very low fluvial terraces. Irrigated by .short

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..102

canals, this accessible land was presumably human bone and a fragmentary wooden artifact, reclaimed early in antiquity. Other potentially which was ..c dated to A.D. 900 :t 35 yrs. arable land is much less accessibleto river water (PITI0949, uncalibrated; caIA.D. 983..1154,2 because it is limited to remnants of a high (5..15 sigma, using Struiver and Pearson 1993). m) fluvial terrace that survives discontinuously, Some 8 m upstream from the cistern, slump.. primarily along the north side of the canyon. Designed to irrigate three widely separated ing exposed the deposits banked against the northern remnants of the high terrace, the canal that are illustrated in the stratigraphic Osmore Canal originated in a bedrock constric.. profile, Figure 7. The oldest unit in the profile tion in the valley that forms'a hydrologicchoke, (except for the canal itself) is a talus deposit, forcing und~rflow and ground water.to surface consisting of small, angular rock fragments, (Figure6). The canal pursued an inclined con.. weathered from nearby bedrock that slid down tour course along the canyon side. To reach the gully, burying the canal and upper terrace arable terrace surfaces, it traversed many near.. face (Figure 7 a). This unconsolidated talus vertical bedrock facesalong a coursecut into the includes a minor admixture of cultural debris mountain side and supported bymasonrysuspen.. from the human occupation immediately up.. sion structures. The Osmore systemwas water slope.. There is no evidence of subsequent costly because it transported water over such occupation in the gully, and the canal did not long distances between irrigated terraces, and function after it was buried. Burial may be earth bank canals of this length typically lose interpreted as the product of ENSO rainfalland more than 50% of the water they transport. runoff transporting this rocky debris down the Therefore, we infer that the canal was originally gully and over the canal. If this supposition is constructed when spring and stream flow were correct, then significant ENSO..derived flow began in this gully (and, presumably, other substantially gre3:ter. nearby gullies) even before the principal Mira.. The Tomb Site flores river flood surge reached this point in the main valley. Erosionaland depositionalfeaturesassociated with the Miraflores Unit interdict the ancient The main river floodsurgedeposited pinkish irrigation'system along virtually all of the 9 km sandy silt, comprising the MirafloresUnit here, canal.course and completelyobliterate it in many against the masonry support structure of the areas. The remarkable height of the paleoflood canal (Figure 7 b). The top of the surviving surge that swept down the canyon is revealed at deposit is 4.3 m above the active river channel. the Tomb Site (Figure6: Site 266). This site is The MirafloresUnit is in turn overlain by thin located in a short, steep bedrock gullycrossed by deposits of the Huayna Putina tephra (Figure7 the intake section of the canal that here wasonly c). The tephra is capped by the Chuza Unit 5.8 m above the active flood plain. The narrow (Figure 7 d) which is a compact debris flow gully was crossed by a short earthen aqueduct composed of talus material from the lateral created by infilling behind a two..step,boulder.. gully. Chuza river flow material was not ex.. faced retention terrace (Figure 7). Limited posed in this profile. Loose talus debris partially occupation developed in the gully above the covers the Chuza Unit. Flood deposits fromthe ENSO event occur near the base of canal. Potable water drawn from the canal was 1982..1983 stored in a sunken circular cistern,constructed of the profile, 1.5 m above the active river channel masonry, beside the channel. After the destruc.. (Figure 7 e). tion of the canal, the cistern wasused as a tomb for an adult. Because of recent erosionalunder.. . First Planting Surface cutting, some two..thirdsof the cistern and most Downstream from the Tomb Site, the Os.. of its burial content had slumped downhill by 1989. Excavation of the remaining fill yielded more Canal rose well above the river bed and

103..

Satterleeet al.: The MiraJlores EINino the rear of irrigated terraces it was buried by thick deposits of sediment that washed down adjacent hill slopes. Systematic survey has identified no surface exposures of intact canal and has shown that the destruction of the canal was essentially total (Satterlee 1991, 1993). Traces of the field terraces and planting surfaces do survive on sections of the second (Figure6: Site 215) and third (Figure6: Site 208) irrigated terraces. On the second terrace, a post..flood indigenous settlement was established on aban.. doned planting surfaces that were never farmed again. Nonetheless, there have been no Chiri.. baya or I..T/C cultural remains found strati.. graphically above the Miraflores Unit in the lower valley.

Situated on the south side of the valley . thick layer of carbon that resultedfrom local about 5 km upstream from the coast, Chiribaya burning of cane and vegetable matter. The Baja is one of the biggest prehispanic settle.. carbon deposit isi in turn, overlain by 0.02 to ments in the lower Osmore drainage aessup 0.03 m of volcanic ash, which is cappedby 0.1 m 1991). Cane..walled structures occupied the of aeolian sand. The- overlying Ch.uza Unit tops of large residential terraces that werebuilt consists of 0.8 m of coarse colluvial sand with along more than 300 m of the lower valley numerous rocl}fragments and angular clasts up slopes. Examination of numerous looters' pits to 0.2 m in diameter. It is cappedby0.02 to 0.04 and a nearby river profile indicates that an m of aeolian sand layer overlain by0.4 to 0.55 m extensive flowof colluvial debris swept over the of post..Chuza El Niiio debris that is topped by occupation area inundating cane buildingsand aeoliansand mixedwith anthropogenicvegetable collapsing others. The flood deposits are over.. matter. River flood deposits fromthe 1982..1983 lain by tephra, which is, in turn, capped by EINino flooding are represented by a splatter of another flow of colluvial debris. We interpret sand and silt plastered against the Miraflores the stratigraphic sequence as Miraflores,Huay.. Unit about 4 m above the modern channel. na Putina, and Chuza Units. Outside the valley proper wehave examined a number ofChiribaya Other Sites sites that occupy high terrain that is not subject to inundation from upslope runoff. These sites At the first planting surface, and elsewhere, are capped by tephra, but not by flood deposits. the exceptional height and thickness of the Initial geoarchaeological reconnaissance in Miraflores Unit stands out in sharp contrast to the more modest river flood deposits from the the upper drainage has not identified the Mira.. 1982..1983 ENSO event. Becausemost of the flores or Chuza Units at elevations above 2,000 Osmore Canal System occupied high ground, it m. We presume that this absence results from was not destroyed by the main Mirafloresflood the drought experienced by the high sierra surge that descended down the river course. during ENSO events. However, paleoflooding Rather, it was destroyed by collateral runoff that is evident in the lower, usuallyarid sierra. Sierra descended down the canyon sides and by mud farming ends where the middle valleyconstricts debris flowingout of the tributary quebradas; the into a narrow gorge, and the large site ofYaral canal was completely washed away at every is situated above the last arable land (Figure1). quebrada it crossed. Where the canal ran along The Chiribaya occupation was located on the

the Miraflores flood surge. However, the Miraflores..Huayna Putina tephra..Chuza..1982.. 1983flood sequence recurs in overbankdeposits at .many sites along the river course. Figure 8 illustrates the deposits banked against the first irrigated terrace where the cut bank of the ter.. race is about 3 m high (Figure 6: Site 236). Here, the MirafloresUnit is about 1.45 m thick. The lowermost 1.2 m of the Unit consist of sand and silt containing rock fragments and rocks as large as 0.25 m in diameter; these deposits are interpreted asbeing derivedfroma localtributary quebrada. Above these are 0.2 m of fine sands and silts, devoid of rocks, which are interpreted as being deposited by the flood descending the main valley. The upper few centimeters of the riverlaid sediments are a fire..altered pinkish.. white color, and the Unit is coveredby a 0.03..m..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

top of a fluvial terrace remnant more than 7 m above the active flood plain and on steep hill.. sides behind and above the terrace. Occupa.. tional remains are capped by two separate flood deposits, separated by volcanic tephra, a se.. quence indicative of the Miraflores, Huayna Putina, and Chuza Units. The Mirafloresflood deposits are extensive. They comprise thick sediments that poured down hill slopesinto and over the Chiribaya settlement. While the Chiri.. baya settlement in the MirafloresQuebrada was swept away, the Yaral settlement was simply buried by collateral debris flow,and so domestic terraces and cane wall structures are relatively well..preserved. A three..foldflood..tephra..flood sedimentary sequence is also exposed in the terrace bank below the settlement. The upper flood deposit appears to be Chuza colluvium. Here the Mirafloresflooddepositsarecomprised, at least partly, of fluvialmaterial, suggestingthat the river flood surge was about two meters high. A surge of this magnitude would decimate con.. temporary irrigation agriculture that occupies areas that are little higher than the river flood plain. Dating At the Tomb Site, a charcoal sllmpletaken froma plant ash and carbon lens,partlyoverlying and partially inco~oiated into the Miraflores deposits, yielded a 4C date of A.D. 1360 :t 35 yrs. (PITI..0948, uncalibratedj cal A.D. 1314.. 1437,2 sigma,using Stuiver and Pearson 1993). This ash and carbon lens, which was capped,by Huayna Putina ash, probablyslumpeddown into the moist flood deposits from the pre..flood
human occupation material immediately upslope

and residential architecture at Yaral, where excavations indicate that the extensive Chiri.. baya occupation was brought to a devastating and abrupt end by Mirafloresflooding. Archaeologicalevidence indicates that no Chiribayaor I..TIC remains have been found stratigraphically above the MirafloresUnit in the Osmore drainage or in coastal quebradas. In,the regionalcultural sequence, Chiribaya..' style art and architecture are succeeded by the Estuquifia..styleand then Estuquifia.. Inca mate.. rials Oessup 1990; Owen 1992, 1991; Stanish 1985). Inthe lower valley, the replacement of Chiribaya by Estuquifia has been characterized as abrupt with no evidence of temporal overlap Oessup 1991). Surface remains associatedwith the post..flood settlement atop the second terrace (Figure 6: Site 215) of the Osmore Canal System appear to be of Estuquifia affiliation. At Carrizal Quebrada, late prehispanic burials yield Estuquifta ceramic forms that are also associated with Burro Flaco cultural re.. mains that overlie Miraflores deposits at the mouth of the Pocoma Quebrada (Reycraft 1997). If the Miraflores Unit were the product of severeEINino conditions, then these conditions should be reflected in ice-core data from Quel.. ccaya glacier,located about 200 Ian north oHIo. The composition of the glacial material is sensi.. tive to climatologicalperturbations and provides chronological constraints for past ENSO events (Thompson et al. 1984). For late prehistoric times the ice core data indicate: 1. below aver.. age precipitation from A.D. 1000 to 1500; 2. drought episodes at A.D. 1250..1300and 1450.. 1500; and, 3. periods of ENSO activity at A.D. 1270..75, 1350..1370,and 1482..1493,with the A.D. 1350 episode being pronounced (Thomp.. son et al. 1985; Thompson, personal communication 1995). The last of the three periods of ENSO activity is not compatible with the dating of the Miraflores Unit; the 1482-93 date falls within the era of Inca domination and can be elimi.. nated because late pre..Inca remains overlie

in the gully.

In terms of the regional archaeological sequence for the Osmore drainage, we postulate that the Miraflores Unit dates to the end of the Chiribaya Phase occupation. In the lower valley and in coastal quebradas the Miraflores Unit stratigraphiCally overlies Chiribaya and I.. TIC occupational surfaces. In mid..valley, at an elevation of 1200 m, Miraflores,Huayna Putina, and Chuza deposits overlie a Chiribayacemetery

105

Satterlee et a1.: The Mirajlores El Niiio

Miraflores deposits at several sites. Calibrated flores deposits which, in the lower valley, con~ radiocarbon dates on Chiribayaremainsindicate tain substantial quantities of fine, red sediment that this occupation spanned the A.D. 1270~ derived from the inland Moquegua Formation. These features suggest large quantities of water. 1275 episode of EN SO activity without interrup~ tion (Owen 1992). In contrast, Chiribaya re~ If the deposits resulted exclusivelyfrom ENSO mains have not been found stratigraphically rainfall and runoff, then the Miraflores Unit above the Miraflores Unit. 'Therefore, the unit should represent a geoarchaeological horizon does not appear compatible with this earlyperiod marker produced by exceptionally severe El of El Nino conditions. Deposition of the Mira~ Nino conditions that affected the entire Cordil~ floresUnit, however, is compatiblewith the A.D. lera. Assessing this possibility is hampered by 1350~ 70 episode of pronounced ENSO activity problems of cross~dating distant paleoflood recorded in the Quelccaya cores, based both on deposits to one another and to the glacial ice these stratigraphic relations and on the l"C data . cores. EI Niiio flooding dated to A.D. 1300or discussed above. shortly thereafter has been reported for the Casma and Moche drainages of northern Peru In the Quelccaya glacial cores, the dating of (Moore 1991; Pozorski 1987; Wells 1987). the A.D. 1350,1370 ENSO activityisbased upon Therefore, the possibilitythat the MirafloresEl counting varve~likeannual depositsof both wet Nino episode was a Pan~Andean catastrophe season snow and dry season dust accumulations should not be dismissed. (Thompson et al. 1984). This method offers If the A.D. 1100~ 1500 drought affected the more precise chronological calibration than that of the available HC assayspertaining directly or entire central Andean Cordillera, asisprobable, indirectly to the Miraflores Unit. Nonet#eless, then the decline.in precipitation at high eleva~ the available l"C data conform to the ice core tions constituted a water lossthat was amplified dates, and we th~refore postulate that the Mira~ progressively at successively lower elevations flores episode of paleoflooding occurred during along the arid watershed. Therefore, drought the A.D. 1350~ 70 ice core episodeofpronounced stress was greatest on coastal populations and relatively less severe on sierra populations. In ENSO activity. the sierra, agrarian reclamation of high terrain in close proximity to restri~ted rainfall should Implications prove to be pervasive after A.D. 1100. Decades The Andean paleoflood record must be ago Donald Lathrap (1970) pointed out that interpreted with caution. Large flood deposits along the eastern watershed high altitude terrac, can result from large quantities of El Niiio rain~ ing underwent unprecedented expansion in late fall. They can also result from smallerquantities prehistoric times. He saw this as a process that of ENSO precipitations that entrain debris began in the south, moving north from Bolivia dislodgedby a preceding earthquake of large through Peru. If altitudinous reclamation did magnitude (Moseleyet al. 1992). We believe the indeed proceed longitudinally, then it can be Chuza Unit was produced by A.D. 1607El Nino modeled as a drought response process that runoff that entrained copious material dislodged began in the south where the Cordillera isdriest by the A.D. 1604 magnitude 8.5 earthquake. and advanced north as decreased precipitation Therefore, large Chuza flood deposits should be began to affect lessarid regions of the mountain restricted to the region impacted by the earth~ range (Moseley 1997). Always provocative, Lathrap (1970:179) associated the spread of quake. high elevation reclamation with the radiation of Chuza deposits often contain high quantities Quechua~speaking peoples and the rise of the of large, angular sediments derived from the Inca Empire. Regardless of linguistic consider~ Coastal Cordillera, and well~preserved plant ations, catastrophe clearly contributed to indusions. Plants survive only as moldsin Mira~ change in the political landscape of the Osmore

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

106

Phillip R. Scarr, pp. 371~394. Oxford: BAR, River basin, if not other drainages. Byrespond~ International Series 545(ii). ing successfullyto diminished rainfall,high sierra Burgi, Peter T. populations grew in size and were positioned to 1993 TheInkaEmpire'sExpansioninto theCoastalSierra dominate their wan coastal counterparts, who Region West of LakeTiticaca.Unpublished Ph.D. had few means of mitigating their drought~de~ dissertation, Anthropology Department, University of Chicago. pressed agrarian production. Buikstta, Jane E.

Acknowledgments We thank Adan Umire A. for field assis~ tance; Nikki Clark and Ian Curry for initial descriptions and profiles of the Tomb Site and Planting Surface #2; Rick Reycraftfor informa~ tion on Carrizal; Bruce Owen for information on the lower and upper valley; David Jessup for information on Chiribaya; Karen Wise for infor~ mation on MirafloresQuebrada; Shawn Penman and Garth Bawden for information on Burro Flaco; Don Rice, M. Nene Lozada,Elva Torres, and Jane Buikstra for information on Yaral; Paul Goldstein for information on mid,valley; P.R. Williams for information on hydrology;and Dan Belknap and other, anonymous manuscript reviewers for constructive' commentary. Re~ search support was provided by the Heinz Foun~ dation, the UniveI:sityof FloridaFoundation, the United States GeologicalSurvey,the Asociaci6n Contisuyo, and Southern Peru Copper Corpora~ tion. References Cited
Bawden, Garth 1989 Pre-Inca Cultural Ecology of the 110Region. In Ecology, Settlement, and History in the Osmore Drainage, Peru, edited by Don S. Rice, Charles Stanish, and Phillip R. Scarr, pp. 183-205. Ox, ford: BAR, International Series 545 (i). Beck, J.Walter and John E. Davies 1976 Medical Parasitology.St. Louis: C.V. Mosby. Binford, Michael W., Alan L. Kolata, Mark Brenner, John W. Janusek, MatthewT. Seddon, Mark Abbott, and Jason

1995

Tombsfor the Living. . . or. . . Forthe Dead: for theLiving: The OsmoreAncestors.In Tombs AndeanMortuaryPractices, edited by Tom D.

Dillehay, pp. 229-280. Washington, D.C.:' Dumbarton Oaks Research Libraryand Collecrion. Caviedes, cesar N. 1984 El Nino: 1982,83. The Geographical Review
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74(3):267-290.

Clement, Christopher Ohm and Michael E. Moseley 1991 The Spring,Fed Irrigation System of Carrizal, Peru: A Case Study of the Hypothesis of Agrarian Collapse. Journal of Field Archaeology 18(4):425-443. Conrad, GeoffreyW. and Ann D. Webster 1989 Household Unit Patterning at San Antonio. In Ecology,Seulement and History in the Osmore
Drainage,editedbyDonS.Rice,CharlesStanish,

and Phillip R. Scarr, pp.395,414. Oxford:BAR, International Serie&545(ii). Dendy, John H. 1991 A Descriptive Catalog andPreliminary Analysis of Botanical Remains [romArchaeological Excavaions
at Chiribaya Alta, Lower OsmoreDrainage,Pern.

H.Curtis
1997

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Climate Variationand the Riseand Fall of an QuaternaryResearch 47:235AndeanCivilization.

248.

Borstel, Christopher L., Geoffery W. Conrad, and Keith P.

Master's thesis, Washington University, St. Louis. Dillon, Michael O. 1985 The Silver Lining of a Yery Dark Cloud: Botanical Studies in Coastal Peru During the 1982-83 EI Nii'ioEvent. FieldMuseum ofNaturalHistory Bu11etin 56:6-10. Jessup, David 1990 Rescate arqueo16gicoen el museo de sitio de San Ger6nimo, 110. In Trabajosarqueo16gicos en Moquegua, PerU, 3, editedbyLuisK.Watanabe, Michael E. Noseley, and Fernando Cabieses,pp. 151-165. Lima: Programa Contisuyo del Museo Peruano de Ciencias de la Salud and Southern Peru Copper Corporation. 1991 Desarrollosgenerales en el Intermedio Tardio en el valle de 110,Peru. Informe Interno del Programa Contisuyu. Paper presented at the 56th Annual Meeting of The Society for American Archaeology, April 28, 1991, New OrleanS, Louisiana.

Jacobi 1989

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Foundationforan Excavation Strategy. In Ecol,

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Keefer, David K., Susan D. deFrance, Michal E. Moseley, James B. Richardson nI, Dennis R. Satterlee, and Amy Day

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the Society for American Archaeology, Anaheim, California. pozorski,Thomas 1987 Changing Prioritieswithin the Chimu State:The Role of Irrigation Agriculture. In The Origins and Development of theAndean State, edited by Jonathan Haas, Shelia Pozorski,and Thomas Pozorski, pp. 111-120. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Reycraft, Richard 1997 Calamity, Collapse, and Continuity: Varied Response to EI Nifio in Southern Peru Circa A.D. 1400. Paper presented at the 62nd Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeol-

Lewis 1998 Early Maritime Economy and EI Nifio Events at

Quebrada Tacahuay, 5384): 1833-1835. Lathrap, Donald W. Peru. Science 281 (no.

The Upper Ama.ton: Ancient Peoplesand Places. New York: Praeger. Moore, Jerry D. 1991 Cultural Responses to Environmental Catastrophes: Post-EI Nifio Subsistence on the Prehistoric North Coast of Peru. Latin American Antiquity 2(1):27-47. Moseley, Michael E. 1997 Climate, Culture, and Punctuated Change: New Data, New Challenges. The Review of Archarology 18:9-27. Moseley,Michael E.,DavidWagner, andJamesB.Richard-

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Series 545(i), 545(ii). Rice, Prudence M. Change on the Arid Andean Coast. In Paleo- 1997 Wine and Brandy Production in Colonial Peru: Shorelines andPrehistory:An Intlestigation ofMethod, A Historical and Archaeological Investigation. edited by Lucile Lewis Johnson and Melanie JournalofInterdisciplinary History27:455-479. Satterlee, Dennis R. Stright, pp. 215-235. Boca Raton: CRC Press. Murphy, Robert Cushman . 1991 Impact ofEI Nino.Flooding on PrehistoricAgri1926 Oceanic and Climatic Phenomenaalongthe West culture in Southern Peru. Paper presented at the Coast of South America During 1925. The Geo56th annual meeting of the SocietyforAmerican graphical Review 16:26-54. Archaeology, New Orleans. Ortloff, Charles and Alan Kolata 1993 The Impactof a FourteenthCentury El NinoFlood 1993 Climate and Collapse: Agro-ecologicalPerspecon an Indigenous Population Near 110, Peru. Ph.D. tives on the Dedine of the Tiwanaku State. dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University . JournalofArcharological Science 20:195-221. Owen, Bruce Microfilms International. (Now a division of 1991 Colonization and Complexity in the Twilight of Bell & Howell Company.) Tiwanaku: The Coastal Osmore Valley, Peru. S.P.C.C. (Southern Peru Copper Corporation) de estaciones Paper presented at the 56th Annual Meeting of 1985 Estadlsticashidrometeoro16gicas the Society for American Archaeology, New contro/adas par S.P.C.G.en losdepartamentos de Orleans, louisiana. TacnayMoquegua, 1949a 1985.Cuajone, Peru. 1992 Coastal Colonies and the CollapseofTiwanaku: Struiver, Minze and Gordon W. Pearson The Coastal Osmore Valley, Peru. Paper pre- 1993 High Precision Bidecadel Calibration of the Radiocarbon Time Scale, AD 1950-500BC and sented at the 57th annual meetingof the Society 2500-6000BC. Radiocarbon 35(1):215-230. forAmerican Archaeology,Pittsburgh,Pennsylvania. Stanish, Charles 1993a EarlyCeramic Settlement in the Coastal Osmore 1985 Post-Tiwailaku RegionalEconomicsin the Orora Valley: Preliminary Report. Paper presented at Valley, Southern Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, Unithe Institute of Andean Studies 1993 Annual versity of Chicago. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms International. (Now a Meeting, Berkeley,California. 1993b A ModelofMultiethnicity:State Collapse, Competidivision of Bell & Howell Company.) tion, and Social Comple:dty from Tiwanaku to 1992 Ancient Andean Political Economy. Austin: Chiribaya in theOsmore Valley, Peru.Unpublished University of Texas. Ph.D. dissertation, Department ofAnthropology, Thompson, Lonnie G., Ellen Moseley-Thompson, J. F. University of California. Bolzan, and B. R. Roci A 1500-Year Record ofT ropical Precipitationin 1994 Were Wari and Tiwanaku in Conflict, Competi- 1985 Ice Cores from the Quelccaya Ice Cap, Peru. tion, or Complementary Coexistence? Survey Evidence from the UpperOsmore Drainage, Peru. Science 229(no. 4717):971-973. Paper presented at the 59th Annual Meeting of

sonIII 1992 Space Shuttle Imagery of Recent Catastrophic

1989 Ecology,Settlement, and History in the Osmore Drainage,Peru. Oxford:BARInternational

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Wells, Lisa E. 1987 An Alluvial Record of EI Nifio Events from
Northern Coastal Peru. Journal of Geop1r;ysical Research 92(c13): 14,463~14,470. Wheeler, Jane C. 1991 Origen, evoluci6n y status actual. In Avances 'J perspectivas del COTJOCimjenu) de los camllidos sudamericanos, edited by S. Fernwdez~Baca,pp. 11~48. Santiago: FAO. Williams, Sloan 1990 The Skeletal Biology of EstuqUiiia:A late I~~ diate Site in Southern Peru. Ph.D. dissertation" Northwestern University, Evanston, IlUnois. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms International. (Now a division of BeD & Howell

Thompson, Lonnie G., Ellen Moseley~ Thompson, and BenjamfnMorales Amao

EINiii~uthem Oscillation Events Recorded in the Stratigraphyof the TropicalQuelccayaIce Cap,Peru. Science 226(no.4670):50,53. Thompson, Lonnie G., E. Moesley~Thompson, W.
Dansgaard, and P. M. Grootes 1986 The Little Ice Age as Recorded in the Stratigra~

1984

phy of the TropicalQuelccaya Ice Cap. Sciena

234:361~364. Thouret, Jean~CIaude, Jasmine Davila, Jean~PhilUp Essen 1999 Largest explosive eruption in histotic times in the Andes at Huaynaputina volcano, A.D. 1600, Southern Peru. Geology 27(5):435~438.

Van Buren,Mary
1993

Communityand Empirein SouthernPeru:The Site

Company.)

of Torata Alta under Spanish Rule. Unpublished Williams, Patrick Ryan 1997 Disaster in the Development of Agriculture and the Ph.D. dissertation, Anthropology Department, University of Arizona. Evolutionof SocialComplexityin theSouth-Central Andean Sierra. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1996 Rethinking the Vertical Archipelago. American University of Florida, GainesvUle. Anthropologist 98:338~351. Van Buren, Mary, Peter T. Burgi, and Prudence M. Rice 1993 Torata Alta: A Late Highland Settlement in the Osmore Drainage. In Domestic Architecture, Ethnicity, andComplementarity in theSouth~Ce71tral Andes, edited by Mark S. Aldenderfer, pp. 136~ 146. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press.

109
~

Satterlee et al.: The Miraflores El Nino

Pacific Ocean

4000m

JOO

10

20

Kilometers

Figure 1.

Average annual precipitation, in millimeters, occurring in the Osmore Drainage. Changes in rainfall amounts are indicated by the dark, dashed lines. Elevations are given in meters.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Pocoma

..,,:.,- ."-' ~, '81\.......

.,.,-. Miraflores

~.. '-.. ..-c-('-, , ..

Chuza

" Chuza

Lomas .. ,..., , ...

""-

JWometers

OSMORE RIVER

110

Figure 2.

Coastal Quebradas north of the Osmore River.

111..

Satterlee et al.: The Mirajlores El Nino

Figure3:

Stagesofdebrisflowandflashfloodgenerationin the coastalvalleybeginning1,withhillslope sheetwash,progressing 2,throughquebradaflashfloods,andculmiriating 3,in alargefloodsurge descendingthe valley.

ANDEANPAST6 (2000)

..112

Figure4:

AerialViewof Miraflores Quebradaindicating:1) extent of the coastalplain debrisflow;2) canyonand tributaryarea;3) ColonialPeriodwalledolivegrove;and 4) Chiribayasetdement area.

113..
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 Cm. 0
25

Sauerlee et al.: The Mirajlores EINino

. .".

""~..' "0.4 . (i .4 ~ ~ '=...C).D~O 4 .. ~.'. O. Chuza "... '* . Q V. .. d., ~ , I ... .O.el . q.-umt .(3..., ." .4 ...QO.". .~.. ~ '. /IJ ~ . ~ 4 0 . 0.. II. ~~ Sand . ... O...~,., 0 ~u~ . . .. . . . e. c:::> . . .cJ . .. .. . . . . 4'. . . . .c:J. . . o . I Mlraflores
~
'.'

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1982-83 Deposits AeoUan DepositS

..

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.
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08

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+-' Sequence

~..

so Centimeters

75

100

..~ .......... :. - Fine ...Sand ...-

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.

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I?7Z72J _ Basal

Sequence

Figure5.

Geologic Column-Miraflores Quebrada.

\ nos) 3rd Planting Surfac!.'

/

Qw/J bl'ad<t. ... I

o.u~bf!\da 01m10r~ River i

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s

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Figure6.

OsmoreCanal System.

liS
',' " ~:'?-7"ri",;"~-".

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fA\rHer -~~
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Unexposed Basal Sequence

19$2-53 EJ NH'iQ Ie} (over qCPOs.lt}

Figure

7.

Tomb Site Prome.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..116

o
10 20 30 40

4f,.,-" -Deposits 4 , '., ~ ~.. t .. , , ",.'0... .1#.'" . ".., ." from ,(?/f '! .. ...,.,..,.. .., . . Lateral .. .. ~, ~ _' '.,; , '. .. ~.: c . Qpebrada .., , "... '<0:

.' ~ ,." , ~ ~.. Post-<:huza " ~'A "'. .;- '4 \'1 " '. .A., .. '. ," #)., flood

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60 70 80
90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190 200 210 220 230 240 250 260 270 280 290 300 em. 0 bs

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~i.

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Aeolian Deposits

"40-' ,." "Q"''''''':'''''~'.;~

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4
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I

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Chum . - Coane Sand Deposits R" I-from Lateral . " - Fine QJ1ebrada . ....:. Sane! Aeolian Deposits Huayna Putina Ash Carbon layer Orpnic Mtraf10res Deposits from Osmore River :::: Sane! lIffi]-Silty -:::: 00 001_ Sandy SUt --.I-..-I-aay ...

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Figure8.

GeologicColumn-First PlantingSurface.

THE JEL1 PHASE COMPLEX AT LA EMERENCIANA, A LATE VALDIVIA SITE IN SOUTIIERN EL ORO PROVINCE,

EcUADOR

John Edward Staller University of lUioois at Chicago

Introduction
Over forty years ago, EmilioEstrada (1956, 1958) initiated excavations at a shell midden (G..31)1 in Guayas Province, east of the fishing villageof Valdivia. There he identified a previ.. ously unknown ceramic complex which he classifiedas the Valdivia Phase. The Valdivia deposit was, on the basis of stylisticsimilarities, initiallyestimated to be contemporaneous with Initial Period pottery from the EarlyAnc6n and Guafiapecultures ofcoastal Peru (Estrada 1956: 9-16; 1958:98). Estrada (1958:7, 12) correctly surmised that Valdivia pertained to the Early Formative Period. Later radiocarbon evidence supported his conclusions, revealingValdivia as one of the preeminent early ceramic cultures of the New World (Bishof 1972, 1980;Bishofand Viteri Gamboa 1972;Damp 1984a,1984b;Lan.. ning 1968;Lathrap etaI. 1977;Lippi1983;Mar.. cos 1988a;Meggerset aI. 1965; Norton 1977; Raymond1989,1993;Raymondet aI.1994). Despite extensive research on Valdivia, the final portion of the sequence was not well un.. derstood, and its relationship to the Middle Formative Period Machalilla Phase has remained problematic. Earlyconclusionsabout the relationship of these cultures were based upon a few sites with deeply stratified middens, all in coastal Guayas Province or southern Manabi Province. Excavators of some sites in these regions reported remnants of habitation

structures with evidence of related domestic activities. These scholars concluded that the Valdivia population was sedentary. Their investigations recorded evidence ofearlymound building and U..shaped village plans at ceremonial sites such as Real Alto (Damp 1979:61-68,

72..79, 1984a, 1984b; Lathrap et aI. 1977;

Marcos 1988a:137..140, 1988b:9..13; Marcoset aI. 1976; Raymond 1993; $tahl and Zeidler
1990; Zeidler 1984:59, 63..64,68..70,tables 2-3, maps 8-34, 1987). Recent research in northern Manabi, the Gulf of Guayaquil regi()n, and southern El Oro has revealed sites pertaining primarily to the final portion of the Valdivia sequence. In northern Manabi a terminal Phase VII occupa.. tion was identified in regional survey and at the site of San Isidro. In the Gulf of Guayaquilarea a Phase VII.. VIII component was reported at San Lorenzo del Mate., Valdivia occupation dated to betWeen2000 and 1600 B.C. has been identified in El Oro Province (Figure 1). Southern El Oro encompasses the coastal lowlands from the Jubones River to the Zaru.. milla River at the border with Peru (Figures12). The climate in this region is semi-arid,with annual precipitation betWeen 129and 709 mm. The vegetation is xerophytic tropical forest. In addition, mangrove forests and wetlands are extremely rich in natural resources and playan important role in long..term human adaptation to this region (Figure 3). Until recently, the prehistory of coastal El Oro Province waslargely

1 The site numbering system employed in this paper is that established by Ecuador's Patrimonio Cultural del Litoral de Ecuador.

unknown (Burger 1984;Netherly et aI. 1980;

Quilter 1981).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 117..174.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,118 Developmental Period (ca. 500 B.C. to A.D. 500) (Figure 6). Contrary to the early conclusions, a large EarlyFormative Period (3500,1500 B.C.)Valdi, via occupation zone extends to southern coastal EI Oro (Figure5). This study presents the first evidence of extensive Late Valdivia occupation in the region. In this case, it is dated to the end of the sequence, the portion that is the least known archaeologically (Figure 6). The relationship between Valdivia and Machalilla has been debated for some time by archaeologistsworking in coastal Ecuador. This study shows that there is archaeological evi, dence for a development transition linkingthese cultures. The transition is regional in nature and appears to be related to th~ elaboration of long,distance interaction networks. Various studies have suggested that the development of interaction spheres was a major factor in stimu, lating changes in prehispanic economies and social organization in western South America (Lathrap 1971,1973; Burger 1992:102,103,209, 211,212). The archaeological evidence linking the Valdivia and Machalilla Phases with various highland and coastal cultures is compared to similar linksreported by archaeologistsforother parts of the world. Archaeological Evidence for the Valdivia Chronology The Valdivia Phase has commanded consid, erable attention from South American scholars because of its great antiquity. It represents one of the oldest complexes in the prehispanic New Worldand has been believed to have playedan important role in the development of ceramic innovations in other regions of the hemisphere (Ford 1969). Comparisons reveal that early pottery complexes from different geographic areas resemble one another. Stylistically,these complexes diverged radially in the later Forma, dve complexes (Hoopes 1994). Valdivia was interpreted as a nomadic coastal culture with subsistence dependant upon shellfishcollecting,

The research presented in this paper in, cludesresults fromsurveybetween the Arenillas and Buenavista Rivers, and analysisof sherds from La Emerenciana, a Late Valdiviasite north of the town of Santa Rosa (Figure 4). La Emerenciana (00SrSr,42) was one of eleven Late Valdivia sites identified in my survey (Figure5). Excavations have revealed a previ, ously unreported Late Valdivia component designated the Jell Phase (Staller 1994).
This analysis represents a reconsideration of Valdivia and Machalilla chronology and affilia, tions achieved through a comparative analysis of

diagnostic ceramic attributes. I identify and describe the Jel! Phase diagnosticpottery on the basis of attribute analysisof over 30,000 sherds fromlarge,scaleexcavations at LaEmerenciana. Diagnostic ceramics are reconstructed as whole vesselsand put into formal classe~.The archae, ologicalresults force us to reconsiderthe role of southern coastal Ecuador in Formative prehis, tory. I brieflyre,examine socioculturaldevelop, ments in the highlands of Ecuador and Peru, and in coastal Peru during the final epochs of the Early Formative. Period (ca. 1850,1650 B.C.). Early Research in El Oro Province Archeological survey by Estrada, Meggers, and Evans along the mangroveislandsofcoastal EI Oro Province concluded that this area was not occupied until late in the prehispanic se, quence ofthe region. Estrada and his colleagues suggested that this was a political and geo, graphic frontier, with a culture history distinct from southwestern Ecuador and far northern Peru (Burger 1984; Estrada et al. 1964:489; Evansetal. 1959:figure1;Meggers etal. 1965: figure 2). Specifically,the divisionfallsbetween the lowlands south of the Jubones River in southern Ecuador and the Chira Desert in far northern Peru (Figure 2). The region was thought to have been first occupied by man, grove fishing people whose JambeJ.( culture was dated, on the basis of pottery, to the Regional

119..

Staller:La Emerenciana ranging from 3000 to 1000 B.C.,2and the phase was divided chronologicallyinto four subphases designated from early to late, as Periods A to D (Evans et aL 1959; .Meggers 1966:3442; Meggers et al. 1965:149, 151). The Columbia University excavations directed by Lanning (1968:40) at two sites (G..42A and 0..172) reported uncalibrated radiocarbon dates ranging from 2700 to 1500 B.C. (Lanning 1967:85j Willey 1971:270). However, radiocarbon sam.. pies subsequently taken from the LornaAlta site (0..182) indicated that the beginning of the . Valdivia cultUral sequence was between 3500 and 3300 B.C. (Damp 197~, 1984a; Norton 1972, 1977; Stahl 1984). A number of coastal chronologieswerepublished forValdivia (Figure 6). Differences in the chronological ranges primarily reflect the intensity of archaeological research, and time of Valdivia occupation of
various regions of the coast (Staller 1994: figure

fishing,and gathering (Meggerset al. 1965:23.. 25). This interpretation contradicted a prevail.. ing notion among archaeologists that pottery wasa marker ofsedentary Formativeagriculture Lathrap (Lathrap 1967:82..88,1970:58,68..179;
et al. 1975:19..22).

Most early investigators workingin coastal Ecuador perceived culture change as the end result of either stimulus diffusion,migration,.or invasion,generallyradiating fromareasofgreat.. er sociopolitical complexity to regions of less complex social organization, and from regions with richer environments to more marginal areas (Staller 1994:12..16). EsmeraldasProvince and the Guayas Basin were the only areas in coastal Ecuador where the environment and climate are apparently amenable to intensive agriculture, and, therefore, social stratification and cultUral innovation (Evans and Meggers 1957). However, in coastal Ecuador aquatic resources are available year..round (Meggers 1966:20..21).Nevertheless; mostearlytheoreti.. cal constructs interpreted cultural com~lexityin tropical coastal environments aseither intrusive from the Andean highlands, or a result of diffu.. sion, migration, or invasion from the nuclear areas of Mesoamerica or highland Peru. The early origin of pottery technology in coastal Ecuador was also considered to be a result of diffusionaryprocesses (Estrada et al. 1964; Lathrap et at. 1975:21,23,30,45,47; Meggers 1987;Meggerset al. 1965:157..178; Meggersand Evans 1966a, 1966b). All these scholars envi.. sioned the environment as the most critical factor for understanding sociocultural develop.. ment (Roosevelt 1980:13..24,3949,1991:107). However, it was differencesin specific,disputed details that formed the basis for the theoretical underpinnings and research designsof most of the archaeological research in coastal Ecuador (Staller 1994: figure 6). The Valdivia chronologywasinitiallyestab.. lished on the basis of 21 radiocarbon dates

7).
Various Valdivia' settlement surveys in coastal Guayas and southern ManabCsuggested that sites pertaining to the final portion of the sequence were fewer and smaller than those from earlier periods. A Late Valdivia occupa.. tion in the Gulf of Guayaquil at Punta Arenas Peninsula was explained by Meggers and her colleagues (1965:90, 95, 172) as the result of a migration. In fact, they used sherds from sites from the area as diagnostic ceramic markers of Period D. However, in over twenty years of research on Valdivia, a firm terminal date for the culture has not been established through ceramic seriations, excavations, or radiocarbon dates. Despite the absence of such direct evi.. dence, the end of the Valdivia sequence has been tentatively estimated at around 1500B.C. (Damp 1984b; Lathrap et al. 1975:16,33). The difficulty in documenting the end of the phase is to some extent related to the fact that all
2Following standard practice among Ecuadorian archaeologists, unless otherwise noted dates are reported here as uncalibrated radiocarbon dates converted to B.C. dates by subtracting 1950 years. Calibrated dates are denoted as "cal B.C.IIand given as a one sigma range.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

120

early research in coastal Ecuador was confined to the Santa Elena Peninsula and coastal Gua~ yas between the Verde and Valdivia Rivers, regions where sites pertaining to the early por~ tion of the sequence predominate (Figure7). On the basisofsurveyand excavatedcollec~ tions from the Santa Elena Peninsula,southern Manabl, and the GuayasCoast, EdwardLanning proposed a preliminary Valdivia ceramic se~ quence of nine phases (Lanning 1968). It is significant in this regard that Lanning was the only archaeologist to study Early Formative pottery from both coastal Guayas and early Initial Period assemblages from the northern and central coasts ofPeru (Lanning1960, 1963, 1968). Drawing on this background, Lanning (1968) expressed the opinion that Valdivia ceramic'technology was a pristine coastal phe~ nomenon that developed in situ, and that Machalilla was directly derived fromthe Valdi~ via tradition. One ofLanning'sstudents, BetsyHill,reana~ lyzedthe Columbia Universitysherd collections and presented a revised eight~phaseValdivia sequence (Hill 1972~ 74). In this seriation, sherds were analyzed by stylistic attributes, vessel forms, themes, and decorative patterns (Rowe 1961). Hill (1972~ 74:19,24) discovered while attempting to merge Period C material from the site of Buena Vista (G,54) with diag~ nostic sherds excavated at Valdivia (G~ 31) that there was a discontinuous frequency curve in fillet applique and brushed attributes. The discontinuity in attribute frequencieswas con, sidered to be related to mixing in the Cut 1 excavations at Buena Vista, because it was dug by 10 cm increments on a slopingriver terrace at the base of a steephill (Meggers et al. 1965: 18). The frequency distributions suggestedthat inverted stratigraphy or secondarydeposits and late Period C diagnostics corresponding to Phases VII and VIII were, in fact, earlyPeriod C (Hill 1972,74:19,20, 25). Most Ecuadorian scholars prefer the eight~phasesequence over the Period A, D seriation because it recognizes that Period C sherds excavated at Buena Vista

are representative of Phase VI (Figure8). The Phase VIII diagnostic ceramics were derived from a small site (OGSE,46B) located a few meters from the shore of La Libertad on the Santa Elena Peninsula (ibid.:20,21). Neverthe, less,the middle portion of the sequence (phases III~ V) was based solely upon surface finds from four disturbed middens west of La Libertad,and divisions between these phases were arbitrary because reliable temporal differences could not be discernedin the collections (ibid.: 13, 15). An absence of dates or stratigraphic evidenceto establish phase distinctions was due to shallow and disturbed archaeological deposits and small sherd samples (ibid.:15). Lanning (1968)iso, lated Phase VI diagnostic sherds, but noted that they were rare in the Santa Elena Peninsula. Table1: Conventional Radiocarbon Dates fromLa Emerenciana
Laboratory NO. "C Age B.P./ Corrected IIC Age B.P. 3361::1:246 B.P. 3400::1:220 B.P. 3720%40 B.P.! 3700::1:40 B.P. 3707::1:148 B.P. 3810%50 B.P.! 3860::1:50 B.P. 377S::t 165 B.P. '

CaIib 'U..2
I-a age range B.C.

SMU.2241 SMU.2226 Beta-125106 SMU.2225 Beta-125107 SMU.2563

1935.1323 cal B.C. 1941.1428 cal B.C. 2137.1979 cal B.C. 2288-2245 cal B.C. 2240-2201 cal B.C. 2459-1922 caI B.C.

Note: All material dated is charcoal. Beta dates are AMS dates corrected for uCf4C fractionation. SMU dates are standard assays. All dates were calibrated using Calib 4.1.2 (Stuiver et al. 1998), with the minus 24-year South, ern Hemisphere atmospheric sample adjustment and are reported here as a one~sigma range. Staller (1994: figure 5, p. 55. pp. 393-394, 396) provides further information on the SMU dates. All dates are from Stratum 5 except for SMU-2241 which is from Stratum 6.

A date for the end of the Valdivia sequence was tentatively fixed by Hill on the basis of two uncalibrated dates from site OGS~46B, a 2870, 1940 B.C. (L,1232H) date, and another 2570, 1740 B.C. (L~ 12321)date associated with Phase VII pottery (Hill 1972~74:21). These dates suggestedthe culture sequence ended sometime after 2300 B.C. A shell sample from Valdivia layers at Buena Vista, 1890,1620 B.C. (SI,69)

121..

Staller: La Emerenciana

suggested an end date of around 1700 B.C. for Valdivia (Meggers et aI. 1965:149). A clear ceramic transition between Late Valdivia and EarlyMachalilla pottery was never identifiedby investigators on the Santa Elena Peninsula, or elsewhere in coastal Guayas (Hill 1972..74:20). In northern Manab{ Province, at San Isidro, recent radiocarbon dates have more firmly established an end date of 1650 B.C. (uncali.. brated) forValdivia in this region(Zeidler 1988, 1992). An uncalibrated radiocarbon sample from the final occupation layer (Stratum 6) at La Emerenciana and associated with Valdivia Phase VIII pottery was 3361:t246 B.P. (1411' B.C. uncalbrated). One of the fiveradiocarbon samplesfrom the underlying Stratum 5 (phases VII..VIII)was similar, at 3400:t220 B.P: (1450 B.C. uncalibrated), though the other dates for this Stratum ranged from 1750..1910 B.C. (uncalibrated) (Table 1). The two dateS around 1450 B.C. may suggest a late end for Valciiviain EI Oro, but their large standard:deviations do overlap at one sigma ~th the Manab( date. Thus, the end date for Valdivia remains' 'in question, but probablyfallssomewherebetween 1650 and 1450'B.C;::.
,

figure 2) proposed a similar division (early.. middle..late) for northern Manabr, but added a Terminal Valdivia subphase (1800..1650B.C.) called Piquigua Phase. This reflects technical and stylistic differences in northern Manabl. Most archaeologists recognize a significant technical and stylistic divergence from earlier phases in Valdivia pottery during and after Phase III (Lathrap et al. 1977; Zeidler 1984). Pottery underwent another technological imd stylistic divergence outside the area of initial development in the final portion (phases VII.. VIII) of the Valdivia sequence (Staller 1994:355).
'

The problem of developing a finer chronol.. ogywas compounded by the homogeneous grey ashy matrix that characterizes most Valdivia sites, making ex.cavation by natural layers ex.. tremely difficult. Moreover, most earlyexcava.. tions at Valdivia sites focused upon developing a ceramic seriation by diggingprimarily in deep deposits that conta41ed the greater portion of the culture sequence (Damp 1979;Lathrap et aI. 1975; Meggers et al. 1965). The possibilityfor

mixed and inverted stratigraphywas greater giventhe deep, complexstratigraphy.

In the Gulf of Guayaquil region Spath (1980) examined Late Valdivia pottery from sites on the Punta Arenas Peninsula and Puna Island. The pottery from the EI Encanto site pertained to the middle and final portion of the Valdivia sequence (porras Garces 1973:figures 19..43;Spath 1980:73..77). Valdivia pottery at EI Encanto and from sites around the Gulf of Guayaquil represented a regional variant, dis.. tinct from Valdivia pottery in the rest of coastal GuayasorsouthernManab{ (Spath 1980:71..74, 167). Spath (ibid.: 166), along with a growing number ofarchaeologists,believed the "Valdivia D" sequence at Buena Vista was problematic, because sherds from this area of the coast did not "fit"Late Valdivia seriations of pottery nom the Santa Elena Peninsula. Such regional differences in pottery were interpreted as being related to greater specialization in maritime resource exploitation, relative to "mainland

The stylisticand formaldistinctions of these ceramic assemblagesappear to be both contem.. porary and regional in nature and reflect sociocultural developments and 'settlement patterns. With ever increasing detailed infor.. mation on specific regional sequences, the abilityof pottery seriations to make broad,com.. parisons significantly declines (Hoopes'1994). It is obvious from what is presented. in the following ceramic analysis that the formal and stylistic attributes that defined the later phases of the Hill seriation were derived from sherd collections that did not contain the total range of variability of pottery forms and attributes found in northern Manabf, southern EI Oro, or the Punta Arenas Peninsula. For coastal Guayas, Damp (1984b) sug.. gested subdividing Valdivia into three major periods, an early Period A, a miqdle Period B, artd a late Period C (Figure 8). Zeidler (1991:

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..122 stream reflects changes in sociopoliticalorgani.. zation, possibly related to the development of long..distance exchange with the sierra (Staller 1994: figure 8). Direct evidence of long..dis.. tance exchange with the Ecuadorian highlands is apparent at La Emerenciana from two high.. land obsidian flakes found in the excavations there (ibid.:331..332). Highland obsidian has also been reported from terminal Valdivia sites

Valdivia". In this model the Late Valdivia occupation at El Encanto and in the Gulf of Guayaquil region was seen as an example of cultural drift, a regional variant affected in various ways by independent cultUraldevelop.. ments, and based upon a maritime subsistence economy. The pottery at ElEncanto wasinterpreted as an example of regional conservatism, yet the pottery has many attributes that are only slight variations or continuations of techniques em.. ployed in Middle Valdivia phases (e.g., shell scraping, brushing, combing, applique fillet). Underlyingceramic comparisonswasan implicit assumption that previousseriationsreflected the total range of variability in the Valdivia tradi.. tion. There is no convincing evidence indicat.. ing that differe~cesin the pottery'of the Gulf of Guayaquil region are the result-ofgreat~rmari.. time resource exploitation duritlg'Middle and Late Valdivia times. Faunal analysisof remains from coastal 'Guayas middens also in),ply a greater maritime economic focusforcoastal sites in the final portion of the cultunl1'sequencein those areas (Byrd 1976: tables 2,85, 90). Valdivia Occupations in Coastal EI Oro Province La Emerenciana is a large ceremonialsite in southern El Oro Province. It wassurrounded by supporting hamlets. A similar pattern exists with Late Valdivia villages and hamlets along the coastal streams, and with thoseinland along the Arenillas River. There, ceremonialmounds were also idencmed at the Jumon Site (OOSrSr.. 43) and at the site of Laguna de Canas (00SrSr..16). However, it could not be deter.. mined with certainty if the mounds at the latter site are associated with the Valdiviaor the Late Formative occupation. Nevertheless, these large Early Formative sites are dispersed in a lineal fashion along the Arenillas River at ap.. proximately 5 kIn intervals (Figure 5). The presence of three large (greater than 10 ha in total area) ceremonial sites, two on the ancient shoreline and a third further inland beside the

in northern Manabi (Zeidleret al. 1994:141144).

Neutron activation analysis by Burger and associates of the obsidian flakes from La Emerenciana indicates that they originate from two different sources in the Ecuadorian Andes (Staller 1994:331). One obsidian flake (Cat. No. RLB045)comesfrom an obsidianoutcrop at Mullumica in the Quito Valley,while the other fl~ke (Cat. No. RLB046) isfrom the QuiscatolaYanaurco Source, southeast of Quito, near Cotopaxi (Asaro et aL 1994:559). In terms of distance from the Ecuadorian coast, these outcrops in the high Andes are the closest and most accessible sources of volcanic glass. The obsidian flakes excavated at La Emerenciana are compelling evidence for highland-coastal interaction by the end of the Early Formative (Staller 1994:259,330..332,423). The nature and complexity of this 'exchange network' is further implied by the fact that raw material from two different obsidian sourceswas accessible to coastal societies. A growing body of research points to the early development of coastal..highland long..distance interaction, directly supporting Lathrap's (1971) contention that such networks have their origins in Early Formative periods. Archaeological evidence suggests that between 1850 and 1650 B.C. long-standing exchange networks along the coast underwent significant changes.. These led to considerable regional autonomy and the development of political systemsof greater complexityand scale in the Peruvian highlands and coastal deserts (Burger 1992:53-55, 101-103, 125-127, 209, 211-212). The consequences of long-distance

123.. interregional interaction in forming distinct sociocultural trajectories is relevant to the timing and nature of developmental changes in the prehistoric record. Archaeological Evidence for the Machalilla Chronology The Machalilla Phase wasinitiallyidentified

Staller: La Emerenciana

byG.H. S.Bushnell(1951:17..21)at

two sites

used additional radiocarbon dates forValdiviaC and three radiocarbon dates from site 0..159 to place Machalilla at 2100 to 1050 B.C. Three Machalilla radiocarbon dates from the siteof La Cabuya extended the temporal range to 800 B.C., but were ignored because they were out of . Machalilla Phase (ibid. :55).. A number of alignment with the rest of the evidence '(ibid.: 149..152). However, reported evidence Machalilla shell middens were fou~9 in coastal contradicted these conclusions, because all Guayas and southern ManabCPro\hnce' (ibid.: 94; Meggerset al. 1965:,figure 2). In terms of three Machalill~ da.tes are center~d on years 149; Willey 1971: ceramic affinities, Estrada (1958:55, 111) con.. later than 1400 B.C. (ibid.: 353). Meggers (1966: 25, figure3) later revised tended that corrugated sherds had similaritiesto pottery from the. Amazon Delta, but argued the Machalilla chronology to 2000 to 1600B.C., nevertheless that Machalilla represented a placing a question mark beside the terminal diffusion of Formative societies from Meso.. date, but givingno explanation for the revision. america at approximately the same time Val.. The ceramic attributes at the sites of Buena divia sites were disappearing from the region. Vista and La Cabuya suggested to Meggersetal. Althougll he considered the possibility that (1965:173..178;Meggers 1966:47..51) that Valdivia and Machalilla were part of the same Machalilla was a diffusion from an undeter.. ceramic tradition, no apparent potterytransition linking these cultures was identified (ibid.:93.. mined region beyond the Ecuadorian coast and coeval with, and later than, Valdivia. This 94). The absence of an early component at the type site compounded the difficultyof linking model was reinforced by the stirrup..spoutfrag.. ments and slip..bandedsherds on the surfaceand the phases from excavated collections. in the uppermost layers at the Valdivia type site In later excavations at Machalilla and La (Estrada 1958:figure2; Meggersetal. 1965:110.. 146). In this highly controversial model, Cabuya (0..110) Meggers and Evans. (1962) identified sixpottery typesdiagnosticof Macha.. Machalilla was seen as a site..unit intrusion distinct fromValdivia, and despite an overlapof lilla. Meggers et al. (1965) expanded their 600 to 700years, there was a seeming absenceof earlier seriation (Estrada 1958; Meggers and Evans 1962) and identified fiveplain and fifteen stylistic or technological similarities in the pottery to suggest any acculturation (Meggers decorated types diagnostic of the complex. On and Evans 1962:191;Meggersetal. 1965:147.. the basis of type frequencies, they divided the 148). Several archaeologists presented a similar complex into three subphases, A to C, ranging reconstruction for the Chorrera Phase (Coe between 2000 B.C. and 1050 B.C. (Figure 8).
' .'

(G..46and G..47according to Lanning'snumer.. ation) near La Libertad on the Santa Elena Peninsula. Estrada (1958:13,53) described the phase in terms of its diagnostic attributes at Machalilla in southern coastal ManabC, and assignedit a chronologicalpositionintermediate between Valdivia and Chorrera, asserting that. red..banded and engraved sherd~ represent a single ceramic component designated' as the

The 2000 B.C. beginning date for Machalilla wasbased upon a radiocarbon date (4050 :!:200 B.P. [W..630), uncalibrated) from Valdivia layers thought to have Machalilla trade ware sherds (Meggersand Evans 1962:191; Meggers et al. 1965:172). The chronological range for Machalilla was initially established by radiocar.. bon dates from Valdivia C and D deposits that contained presumed Machalilla trade sherds,as well as by an obsidian hydration date of 1500 B.C., thought to mark the upper limit of the cultural sequence (Meggerset al. 1965). In their
conclusions, Meggers et al. (ibid.:148: figure 93)

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) 1960:368~369;Evans and Meggers 1957:243; Meggers and Evans 1962:125; Lathrap 1960: 126; 1963:74~75.)

The chronological overlap hypothesis was immediately challenged. Many archaeologists suggested that there was mixing or inverted stratigraphy in the Cut 1 excavations at Buena Vista (Bischof1967:219, 1975:50;Collier 1968: 271; Hill 1972~74:19; Lanning 1968:47; La~ thrap 1967:98; Paulsen and McDougle 1974:4~ 5, 1981:13~14). Lanning (1968:46~50) was dubious that two cultures existing together for several hundreds of years in the same region would have no evidence of acculturation in their pottery. In a survey report, Lanning pre~ sented three radiocarbon dates fromMachalilla layers at La Cabuya ranging from 1370 to 880 B.C. Although there was continuity in site location between Valdivia and Machalilla occupations in these regions, the",Machalilla levels were usually between 5 and'25 'cm thick and often separated by a thiri sterile layer from underlyingValdivia levels (Lippi.i983:322,344~ 345; Paulsen and -McDougle 1974:6). The possiblemixingofMachalilla andValdivialayers may have been related in part to the shallow Machalilla layers typical of the Santa Elena Peninsula and coastal Ouayas (Estrada 1958:55; Lanning 1968). The Cut 1 excavations at Buena Vista were dug on a slopingriver terrace at the base of a hill, and of the 9,800 sherds recovered from below 80 em, only 21 were Machalilla diagnostic ceramics (Hill 1972~ 74:19,20; Lathrap 1967: 98; Meggers et al. 1965:18,21). The Machalilla deposits were presumably buried below some Valdivia slope, wash, so the context was disturbed and the layers probably inverted (Lathrap 1967:98). Therefore, rather than being a site,unit intru, sion, Machalilla was thought to have succeeded Valdivia in the culture sequence (Bischof1967: 217; Hill 1972,74: 19; Lanning' 1967:9, 1968:47~50; Lathrap 1967: 98, 1971:84,85; Lathrap et al. 1975:33; Staller 1994:39,41, 54, 55).

Inverted stratigraphy is difficult to verifyat Buena Vista because the greyash midden has no visible natural stratigraphy and was dug in arbitrary 10 cm increments (Meggers et al. 1965:15,20). However, there is evidence that some levels at Cut 1were disturbed. There also

are reasons to suspect mixing at La Cabuya

because the radiocarbon dates suggesta reverse sequence. Significandy, all of the EarlyMacha, . lilla dates are derived from Buena Vista
(ibid.:149~ 152).

The End of the Valdivia Culture Sequence Early estimates for the end of the Valdivia culture sequence were based upon several Machalilla radiocarbon dates, as well as some Chorrera dates (Meggers et al. 1965:149,152, 156; Meggers 1966: figure 4). However, there were no radiocarbon dates to document the end of Valdivia. An increasing number of archaeol, ogistsaccepted Estrada's initial conclusions that Machalilla followed Valaivia chronologically, adding that Machalilla was an evolutionary outgrowth of the Valdivia pottery tradition (Bischof1967:217,1975; Lanning 1967:9,1968: 39, 41'42; Lathrap 1971:84,85; Lathrap et al. 1975:16, 33,34; Lathrap et al. 1977:6; Pearsall 1979:6). The conse~sus placed the Valdivia/Machalilla chronological dividing line somewhere around 1500 :t 200 B.C. and the end of the Machalilla Phase at about 1000B.C. (Willey 1971:353). This date is in accord with my analysis suggesting an end to Valdivia be, tween 1650 and 1450 B.C. (see above). Henning Bischof (1975b:51) excavated at Palmar 3 (0,88) in 1960. One goal of Bischof's excavation was to define Early Machalilla diag~ nostic traits. Another was to examine the possibility of a link to Valdivia (ibid.:54,55). The Early Machalilla component of Palmar 3 wasdistinguished stratigraphically,but a separa, tion between Late Valdivia layersand overlying Early Machalilla layers made the results incon, clusive (ibid.) The isolationofan earlyPhase2 component at Palmar was attributed to excava, tion by natural stratigraphic levels. In his con,

Staller:La Emerenciana clusions, Bischof (ibid.:51)subdividedthe com.. plex into five subphases (Figure8). Using the same information as Meggers et al. (1965), Bischofcounted backwards from the 2900 B.P. Machalilla date at La Cabuya, and estimated a total of five 150 to 200 year periods, with an initial date for Phase 2 at about 3750 :t 200 B.P. (2000..1600B.C.) (Bishof1975b). Because Machalilla diagnostic sherds pertaining to the earliest and final portions of the sequence (Phases 1 and 5) were absent from the exca.. vated samples, these parts of the sequence were left forfuture investigations (ibid.). On the basis ofceramicanalysis, Bischof(ibid.)outlined what the transitional diagnostic traits would be. Bischof's predictions have proved prescient in the light of JeUPhase pottery. Paulsen and McDougle (1974, 1981) also uncovered a stratigraphic separa'tion be~een Late Valdivia and Early Machalltra'deposits in excavations at two sites .on the' Santa 'Elena peninsula. They concluded that 1v1acha~illa was distinct from, and later than, Valdivia, and subdivided MachaJilla into five subphases (Fig.. ure 8). ranging between 1300 and 900 B.C. (Paulsen and McDougle 1974:1..14). They followed Lanmng (1968) and others (Bischof and ViteriGamboa 1972:549;Lathrap 1967:97) in contending that Valdiviaand Machalillawere not coeval. They argued that the possibilityof mixed deposits at Buena Vista and La Cabuya had misleadresearchers(Meggers et al. (1965: 149..153), prompting them to assert that these Formative cultures were contemporaneous (Paulsen and McDougle 1981).,.,:Paulsenand McDougle's assessment is support~dby.the two recent dates for late Valdivia fromLa Emeren.. ciana.
.

dates were from stratified deposits, and ranged from 1200 to 800 B.C. (Lippi 1983). A strati.. graphic separation between Machalilla and the underlying Valdivia layers at Rio Perdido sug.. gested to Lippi (ibid.:39)that Machalilla sue.. ceeded Valdivia chronologically and was an in sitU and unrelated coastal development repre.. senting the Middle Formative Period. Lippi suggested (ibid.: 354) that MachaJilla sites in southern Manab{ and coastal Guayas spanned

the time between 1400and 900 B.C. ~ with

Paulsen and McDougle's assessment, Lippi's initial date for Machalilla is in line with my terminal dates for Valdivia from La Emeren.. ciana. Lippi introduced a revised seriation subdividing the Machalilla pottery sequence into eight phases averaging 50 years each (Fig.. ure 8). The locations of Valdivia and Machalilla middens along the coast clarify,to some extent, the chronology of these cultures (see Damp 1984a; Lanning 1968; Raymond 1989; Willey 1971:274;Zeidler 1977). Around the villagesof

Valdivia and Machalilla, Valdivia sites are

located on lagoonal inlets or on the present..day salt flats near mangrove settings, while Macha.. lilla sites are on high cliffs overlooking sandy beaches (Estrada 1958:8; Evans and Meggers 1958:177; Lanning 1968; Meggers et al., 1965: figure 2). The differences in site locations suggests that Machalilla occupations occurred after geomorphic changes had taken place, and

that theywerethereforelater in time (Dampet

al.: 1990; Willey 1971:274).

Archaeological investigationsofthe Macha.. Jilla Phase by Lippi (1982, 1983) were carried out in coastal Guayas at La Ponga and at Rio . Perdido (G..20), a small locality on the lower Verde River in coastal Guayas. The site of Rio Perdido is one of 29 MachaJillasites identified outside the lower Verde and Zapotal drainages as'surveyed by Zeidler (1977). The La Ponga

Lathrap (1970:67) argued on the basis of pottery diagnostic traits that Machalilla was of tropical origin, and he cited stylistic affinities between Machalilla and late Tutishcainyo and Sanindine pottery in the Ucayali Valley, and also sherds from the earlier levels at the site of Cerro Namo in the southern highlands of Ecuador. Lathrap stated that Valdivia and Machalilla are both diffusions of flood plain agriculturalists from the tropical forests east of the Andes. The tropical forest model was a provocative alternative to traditional ways of

.'

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

~
"

126

thinking about culture change, but, at the same time, it was diffusionist (Lathrap 1970:28, 68~ 179, 1971, 1973, 1974). This line of reasoning was based upon a primary assumption that ceramic technology was the result of a Forma~ "tivesedentary agricultural adaptation (Lathrap 1963:239~240, 1970:58, 67, 107, 1973:170). Most early models regarding Valdivia and Machalilla origins were ensconced in such a cultural~historical diffusionist framework that sawsignificantdegrees of similaritiesamong the various Formative ceramic complexes (Hoopes 1994). A change in setdement patterns, from the "large nucleated village sites such as Punta Concepci6n, Real Alto, and LornaAlta, to a seasonally dispersed pattern during Late Valdivia, is characteristic of coastal Guayas. The absence of mound sites in this region in Late Valdivia times mirrors an apparent decline of Valdivia societies in these regions. This seeming reduction of Valdivia habitation sites to a few small, specialized shell middens and small inland sites reflects a cultural dedine in the final epochs of ~heEarly Formative Period. An absenceofLate Valdiviaceremonialmounds in the Santa Elena Peninsula and southern Manab{supports the contention that this region experienced changes in population density. In contrast, large Valdivia ceremonial sites are present in southern EIOro, the Gulfof Guaya~ quil, the GuayasBasin, and in northern Manab{. The largeValdiviaVIII civicceremonialcenters in former frontier regions suggestfundamental changes in the locus of sociopoliticaldevelop~ ment during Valdivia VII~ VIII timesor around

Reduction in size of inland riverine setde~ ments in Guayas was probably related to a greater overall reliance upon agriculture than in previous times (Pearsall and Piperno 1990). The regionsof cultural fluorescence duringLate Valdivia times are also those areas that aremore environmentally suitable foryear~roundcultiva# tion (ibid.).The current evidence fromarchaeo~ logical surveys iridicates that throughout Val~

diviatimes,there wasan increaseofspecialized,

sites in coastal settings with direct access to maritime and estuarine resources (Estrada 1956; Meggerset al. 1965; Hill1972~74). However,it should not be seen as contradictory that there are contemporaneous Valdivia sites along the coastal streams. The Valdivia settlement patterns suggest that the earliest development of the culture occurred along coastal Guayas and the Santa Elena Peninsula. This region essentiallyrepre~ sented the nucleus of cultural development for Early Valdivia society (Figure 7). A reduction of ancient mangroves on the Santa Elena Penii1~ sula and the rest of coastal Guayas (Ferdon 1981),possiblyin response to tectonic processes, resulted in the gradual abandonment ofValdivia ceremonial centers and coastal sites after Phase V (ca. 2300 B.C.). It has been noted by archae~ ologists that Late Valdivia (Phases VII~ VIII) sites are not as well represented as those from earlier periods in coastal Guayas, including the Santa Elena Peninsula, and in southern Manab{, the regions in which most of the EarlyValdivia sites were identified (Lanning 1968; Staller 1994: figures 5, 55; Zeidler 1987). In fact, coastal Guayas shows a decrease in both Late Valdivia site size and number, and such sites have no evidence of large civic ceremonial centers, with the exception of San Lorenzodel Mate in the Gulf of Guayaquil region (Figure9). The excavations at La Emerenciana addressthe issue of a radiation of Late Valdivia culture into previouslyperipheral areas of the coast, and how such sociocultural developments affect our understanding of the developmental relation~ ships of Valdivia and Machalil1a. .

1950to 1450B.C. (Figure9).3

"

There are regional differences in the Valdivia#to#

Machalilla seq'uence. In southern El "Oro Province, Valdivia becomes Machalilla after 1650 B.C. In northern Manab{ Province a volcanic event terminates the Valdivia sequence. This event greatly reduced population density in Manab{ and seems to have caused an absence of Machalilla occupation. See Figure 6.

127

Staller: La Emerendana

Excavations at the Valdivia Ceremonial Center of La Emerenciana (OOSrSr..42) La Emerenciana is a Valdivia ceremonial center on the landward side of the intertidal salt flats directly adjacent to the Buenavista River (Figure 10). Excavation strategy ~t La Emeren~ ciana involvedboth area excavation and trench~ ing, the former to uncover livingfloors,and the latter to obtain a site chronology derived from the stratigraphic sequence of occupation layers (Staller1994:202~204). Areconstruction ofthe archaeologicalrecord wasaccomplishedthrough

total of 5 m2units, and a 1by 2 m pit (Cuts 1~6) were excavated to sterile. A 29 m vertical section (profile A) was exposed in the north~ eastern portion of the excavations as an addi~ tional source of information in reconstructing the arChaeologicaland geologicalsignificanceof the various stratigraphic units. Color references are based upon designations given by the 1975 edition of the Munsell Soil Color Charts.

The vertical sections were drawn usinga

meter grid of 10 cm squares. The sections were drawn at the end of the field season and every visible sherd, shell, stone, and bone or piece of charcoal larger than one cm was illustrated (Staller 1994:216,223~224). The boundariesof the various stratigraphic layersweredividedand separated on the basis of differences in matrix color and texture. The six layers were continuous across all exposed and excavated portions of the site. The excavations iD.dicatedthat three stratigraphic layers contained prehlstoric artifacts and shells pertaining to the Valdivia Phase (Table 2). The stratigraphic layers at La Emerenciana are A~ Bw/Btn,Bk horizon sequences characteristic of well~drained,semi~aridconditions (Gascheand Tunca 1983:528; Siemens 1987:figure3,1989; . Staller 1994:216). The uppermost layer at La Emerenciana isa dark brown silt (Stratum 6) extending between 10 cm to 55 em in thickness across the north~ western portion of the site (Staller 1994:221, table 14). The surface of Stratum 6 wascovered by artifacts consisting of ancient shells and sherds diagnostic of the final portion of the Valdivia sequence (Table 2). Although thesub~ layerwas deposited during a brief final occupa~ tion, the surface remains were, for the most part, disturbed or secondary deposits related to bioturbation through plant root action or recent agricultural ac~vities (ibid.). Analysisof sherds from Stratum 6 suggested that they are, in most cases, the same kinds of sherds found in Stra~ 5, except that there

the identificationof prehistoricfeatures and

analysisof pattern variability in the .prehistoric remains (Binford 1968,1980). The excavations at La Emerenciana were dug by natural strati~ graphic layers as discerned both.vertically and horizontally. Stratigraphic layersweredelimited by the physical properties of. the str~ta and "f! ." ._ ~ followed the interfaces and contours of.sedi~ ments. In portions of the site where'a 4b~50cm sub~Iayerof shell midden depositSoverlies the occupation floor, arbitrary incien;i.ents 6f.20 cm were used, because the smallest natural'unit of analysis (i.e., shell layer) was toolarge to detect changes in the vertical distribution of shells and ~.' .: artifacts (Staller 1994:206). The overall site dimensions of still~intact midden are 200 m (N~S) by 150 m (E~W). However, systematic survey of exposed profiles and artifact distributions across disturbed por, tions of the midden suggest that before modifi~ cation it had an overall extent of roughly530 m (N~S)by 240 m (E~ 2) or 12.72hectares,.making it the largest Valdivia site reponed thus.farfrom coastal Ecuador (Staller 1994:209..210). The excavation strategy was designed to generate stratigraphic and chronological..infoqnation about the prehistoric occupations..,A series of four trenches (Trenches A~D)were dug to sterile and 331 m2 of a buried Valdivia VIII paleosol (Stratum 5 also called Living.Floor 2) were exposed in a platform mound in the south~ west sector of the site (Figure 11). In order to gain a greater understanding of stratigraphic variability across different parts of the site, a

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,128
oval or elliptically shaped daub platforms (Fig, ure 14), four Valdivia burials, a number oflined pits, and variouspost impressions (Staller 1994). The Jell Phase diagnostic pottery in Stratum 5 suggeststhis layer represents a 350,year occupa, tion (ibid.). .. In summary, La Emerenciana was first settled during Valdivia Phases V,VI (ca. 2000' B.C.). Floor 1 (Stratum 3) corresponds to this occupation. This was followedby site abandon, ment and dune encroachment. A reoccupation occurred sometime during Valdivia Phases VII, VIII (ca. 1950,1450 B.C.) and this occupation corresponds to floor 2 (Stratum 5). Artifacts on the surface of Stratum 6 represent LivingFloor

were greater frequencies of Machalilla attrib~ utes. The similarity in the pottery from the uppermost layer and near the top" of Stratum 5 suggeststhat the site was reoccupied after only a verybrief period of abandonment (1994:table 11). There was a significant reduction in the number and size of oyster shells found in Stra, tum 6, reflecting changes in the aquatic habitats and barrier reef during the period of abandon,

ment and the finalprehistoricreoccupation.

Table 2: Artifacts by StratigraphicLayer (OOSrSr,42) (See Figure 12)
Stratum
StratUm 6 brown silt Q-ivingFloor 3) Artifcu:tType
ceramics, shells, Temporal Association

litbics
ceramics. shells. litbics, cane impressed daub

Valdivia.Phase VlII (ca. 1450 B~C.)' .:.. : I ,~. .

3, the final Valdivia occupation at this site, dated to ca. 1450B.C. (Figure12).
There are two elliptical, asymmetrical earthen mounds about 1.5 m high on the north, western and southern portions of LaEmerencia, na as measured from the datum point (Figure 10j Staller 1994:319). The northwest mound was excavated and found to measure 74by47m

StratUm 5 greyash (UvingFloor2) StratUm 4

white dune sand

VII - VIII.
(1900.1450'

V~ldivia'Phases

B.C)
[none found] [~terile !ayer] . .

StratUm 3

ceramics. shells

pinksand (UvingFloor1) StratUm2

yellow sand [none found]

Valdivia Phase V-VI (ca. 2000 B.C.)

[sterile layer]

at the base, with evidence of resurfacingand .

rebuilding episodes, and two oval daub plat, forms on the summit (Figure 14). A total of 139 archaeological features were found associated with this platform mound, and they included numerous clay,lined pits containing faunal remains and smashed pottery, post impressions, four human burials, and artificial, prepared floors. The large disturbed area nearest the Buena Vista River (Figure 10) is a sand dune which had been mined for glass making. Jell Phase Pottery at La Emerenciana A sample of32,069 sherds from excavations at the site of La Emerenciana were analyzedto create the following ceramic reconstructions. The collections included a subsample of 1,863 rims, representing 5.8% of the total. The rim sherds were essential to gathering information about vessel shape, orifice size, and related stylistic and morphological attributes, and only rims preserving more than 10% of the total

Stratum1 olivesand

[none found]

{sterile layer]

.\

Source: Stalkr

1994: table 22.

A fine grey ashy loam (Stratum 5), extend, ing between 10 cm to just under.one me'ter in depth, underlies the brown silt layer over the northwestern portion of the site' (Figtire 13). Stratum 5, floor 2 is a Phase VII,VIII Valdivia living surface, and the vast majorityof artifacts recovered in the excavations were from the uppermost levels of this layer (Figures 12, 13). The lower interface of Stratum 5 had extensive evidence ofdisconformitiescorrespondingto pit and post features (Figure 13). Archaeological features associated with floor 2 included two

129

Staller: La Emerenciana

diameter are included in the morphological reconstructions. The major subdivisionsof potteryvesselshapesin this analysisare taken fromvarioussources(Rice1987:figure7.2~7.5; Shepard 1976:figure 18~25).The goalof the ceramicanalysiswas reconstructionof vessel morphologyand the discernment.of related
stylistic attributes. The 15 formal classes identi~ fied are a compilation of vessel forms and stylis,

cal attributes that reflect the standards or cus, toms governing the manufacture of pottery vessels, and two different kinds are recognized, conceptual modes which refer to stylistic and formal attributes, and procedural modes which are related to techniques used in the manufac~ ture ofthe pottery (ibid.). This analysis primar, ily concerns conceptual modes. Jel! Phase diagnostic attributes and vessel forms have been identified in Late Valdivia pottery from other regions of the Ecuadorian
.

tic modes derived in the course of analysis (Staller 1994: figures38,54). Bodysherds from different portions of whole vessels were also studied for functional, morphological, and stylistic attributes. The sherds were sorted according to formal and stylisticattributes, and many hours and months were spent in. the laboratory attempting to find conjpipsor direct fits for vessel reconstructions. These sherds are from units excavated by naturaiI stratigraphic '." layers,were screened through 3.mm mesh, and werebrought to the fieldlaboratoryin Arenillas, where they were washed and numbered accord, ing to unit and layer provenience I. or feature . association. Wall thickness measurementsrefer to maximum and,minimum widtIiS:' '1
. .

coast. Theywerefoundin the potteryfromSan

Lorenzo del Mate (Marcos 1989).Included are a variety of bottle forms, bowls with pedestal and annular bases, as well as composite forms including restricted bowls and neckless jars or ollas (Marcos 1989:19; Staller 1994:figure55). The pottery from Stratum 3 is diagnostic of Valdivia Phases V~VI. However, the major portion of the sherd collections is from Strata 5 and 6. These are diagnostic of Phases VII,VIII, the final portion of the Valdivia culture se,

quence,or ca. 1900~1450 B.C.

I classified the Late Valdivia'potterY from Stratum 5 at La Emerenciana as tQ:e JeU'Phase. Similardiagnostic ceramicswerefoundin survey indicating an estimated geographicdistribution between the Buenavista River and the Peruvian border, representing. the southernmost expres, sion of the Valdivia ceramic tradition (Staller 1994). The formal classes presented here de, scribethe range of formaland stylisticvariability from the study of sherds recovered from both surface survey and excavations. Although the totality of the diagnostic features of the Jel!
Phase ceramics is somewhat different from Late Valdivia pottery diagnostics identified in other regions of coastal Ecuador, Jel( Phase attributes are within the range of variability knownfor the

The 15 reconstructed formal classes pre' sented in this study are those forms and stylistic attributes most common it).the collections. The only exceptions are ceramic bottles found in small numbers in the excavation and survey. These are included because of their significance

to the study of the origins of such vesselsin

western South America. The following descriptions represent. the reconstructed vessel forms and conceptual modes diagnostic or characteristic of Jel( Phase pottery from the northwest platform mound at La Emerenciana. Rim diameters refer to the maximum distance measured from the interior edge of the lip. The percentages in parentheses beside rim diameter measurements are the portion of the total rim obtained in the recon, struction ofvesselmorphology. The surprisingly high overall percentages of total rim diameters are related to the activities carried out at the platform mound, activities that would include

ceramic tradition as a whole.

c.

The followingis an analytical;as opposed to a taxonomic classification, in which attiibutes are used to differentiate. modes (Rouse 1960:313~315). Modes arestylis~cand techni,

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

~ 130

smashing pottery vessels in place and leaving them as offerings in pits. The archaeological evidence of the ritual nature ofsuch pit features at La Emerenciana is indicated by the orienta~ tionofpatamula(Anadara grandis) shells onthe apertures of some pits, oriented to the cardinal directions, and hard~packed clay lining the interiors of the pits, or sometimes mixed with the contents of the pits. The hard claymatrix is distinct in color and texture fromthe surround. ing layers (Staller 1994: figures 44~54). Such ritual practices have been reported in earlier periods at the mounds at Real Alto and from a number of other Valdivia sites; and are an integral part of Valdivia ceremoni~l practices

the lip made when forming the rim while the clay was still damp. The interior collar is vertical~to~concavein shape, and constricted, suggesting such vessels may have had lids (Marcos 1989:115~16;Zeidler and Sutliff 1994: 113). The majority of rim diameters measure 10

cm, but collar width is variable. Replication

experiments showed that the impressions can be duplicated using mangrove clam (Anadara, simiIus), the conchaprieta. Decorations include shell impressions made while the clay is still

(Damp 1984b; Lathrap et al. 1977;:Marcos 1988a:35~36,49, 54~55, 68~69, 71~72; Marcos
and Norton 1981; Marcos et al. '1976; Norton

1972,1977;Raymond1993).
FormalClass1

"

damp. In some areas of the coast, rim exteriors . are decorated with fineline incisions (Porras Garces 1973: figure 28~3; Zeidler and Sutliff 1994: figure 7.1e). Sherds of this formal class are present at all known Late Valdivia sites in the region, and are found in great numbers in excavations (HillI972~74: figure67; Lathrapet aL 1975: artifacts 47, 50; Marcos 1988b: arti~

'f;

I'

,~

facts 364, 365; 1989:15;Meggerset al. 1965:

figures 26~5,41~9,43~3).
F0TTl1l11 Class 2

i.
1

Cambered jars with direct or'rblirided rims and rim diameters ranging from' 9 i6' i 1. cm (100%) and wall $icknesses of 10 min (rim), and 6 to 8 mm (body).make up F~pp.alClass 1 (Figure 15). The interiors are burnished from the edge of the rim down to the neck, or have a matte, ahd semi~transparent,post~firedslip3 to 5 cm from the outer edge of the lip. The lower body is usually shell~scraped, $mootl}ed, or wiped. The exterior rim is vertica~ly thickened or cambered. These vessels are manufactured by coiling, and plastic techniques involve the application of an extra coil on the collar of the vessel that is shell~impressedat a 45 angle when the clay is still damp. A fewexamples are impressed with the edge of a sharp, flat instru~ ment. The shell~impressedmotif (made using
.

Carinated jars with rounded or everted rims ranging from 8 to 11 cm (95%) in diameter, and with wall thicknesses betWeen8 to 11mm (rim) and 4 to 7 mm (body) make up Formal Class 2 (Figure 16a). The interior neck and collar are often red~slipped(2.5YR5/6). The lowerbody is shell~scrapedor wiped, smoothed, or simply left untreated. The exterior collars are usually red~slipped (2.5YR5/6), and with fine~line incisions made when the paste is leather,hard. Most examples have an encircling fine,line incision just below the rim and the zoned punctation at the bottom of the carination. The decorative motifs include semicircular, rectan~ gular, free~formdesignsoutlined by incisionand

Anadara similusor the closely relate4A. tubercu~ filledwith smallpunctations. Bodyand basal

sherds indicate a rounded bottom. The tech~ nique of manufacture is coiling, and sherds of The body has carelesslyappliedwhite (5YR this class are found in Strata 3 and 5, pertaining 8/1) pigment, or red slip, laid o~~.as to to 35 to Valdivia VI~ VIII. The form is diagnosticfor mm widebands. Some bodies are,shell~scraped, Phase V, and probably is multi~functionalbe~ carelessly smoothed and wiped, or covered in cause it continues in later periods in southern EI thin angular or parallel gashed finet applique Oro, and is commonly encountered in excava~ tions (Hill 1972~74:17~18,figures 57~59; La~ strips. Some rim exteriors have ri4g~so,fclayon .:.1 losa)is highlyvariable.
, '

, ~.

'.

131..

Staller:La Emerenciana lessly executed incisions in a zig..zagmotif, made up of parallel rows of broad line incisions set against each other at various angles. Several examples have broad lines carved in geometric motifs when the clay was dry.

thrap et al. 1975: artifact 44; Marcos 1988b: artifacts 303, 344; 1989:17a; M~ggers et al. 1965: figures 35..6, 39..1; Porras Garces 1973: figure 35..9; Zeidler and Sutliff J994: figure 7.1d).
Formal Class 3

The background of the decorated collar is always left untreated, with a matte finish, and the collar contrasts with the smoothed or bur.. Open, or slightly constricted bowls with direct, or rounded rims ranging from 13 to 17 nished slip on the lower body that begins at the cm (25%) in diameter and wall pucknesses of throat and extends to the outer edge of the rim. between 8 to 11 mm (rim) and 7 to 11 mm The external rim angle is formed when the clay (body) make up Formal Class 3 (Figure 16b). . is still moist and sometimes leaves a slight ridge The interior edge of the lip has a reddish brown of clay on the outer edge of the lip. Lowerbody sherds suggest that these vessels have rounded (2;5YR4/4) slip or burnishing extending 16 to 20 mm. The rim exterior and wallshave a red or globular bases. The technique of manufac.. (2.5YR 4/6) to reddish brown slip,.~moothed, ture is coiling, and sherds come primarilyfrom VIII contexts. This burnished, or polished througho~t. Plastic Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII.. form has vertical concave..walled necks and techniques include excision, fin~ei#il, in).pres.. sion, and broad line incisions'made while the slightly..to..strongly everted rims. Plastic decora.. vesselis leather..hard. There is usuallyan endr.. tion is almost always carried out while the clay is damp, and non..decorated portions of the cling fine or broad line incision just below the rim. The technique of manufacture is <;oiling. vesselsusually4aV:e a thin red':post~fired fugitive slip. Sherds''from everted jars are commonly The sherds come from StratUm5.!np'h_~~~s VII.. encountered in excavationS and surfaces of all VIII contexts, but are diagnostic bf Ph~s~VI in other regions of the coast (Hill 1972.. 74: figure Late Valdivia sites in the region. It is possible 54; Meggerset al. 1965:figures27.~2, 38..3,46..2; that some of these vessels are ol1as (cooking pots) (Marcos 1988a: figure 15, 1988b: artifacts Zeidl~rand Sutliff 1994: figure 7.1b). 351..354; Meggerset al. 1965: figure 26..1,35..4; FormalClass4 Porras Garces 1973: figure 26..2; Zeidler and Sutliff 1994: figure 7.1c). Everted jars with everted or,rounded rims between 14 to 18 cm (72%) in diameter, and a FormalClass 5 wall thickness of8 mm (rim), 5 to 7 nu;n (body) Constricted bowls with rounded or tapered make up Formal Class 4 (Figure)7,)...The end rims and a diameter of 8' to 10 cm (45%) and a point or edge of the lip interior issmpothed and covered in a thin red (2.5YR 518)0: yellow wall thickness of 7 nun (rim), 5 to 7 nun (body) (10YR5/8) fugitiveslipthat extendsdownwards make up Formal Class' 5 (Figure 18a). The interior surface, is shell..scraped, wiped, about 30 mm. The post..firedslip has matte finish and is semi..transparenth :and,.,applied, smoothed, or left untreated, and severalrimand while the neck is burnished or polished:to the body sherds have evidence of spalling. The throat. The interior surfaces show evidence of exterior is usually smudged dark grey (lOYR fire clouding and sooting. The exterior surface 3/1), or left untreated, with plastic techniques has a thin red (2.5YR5/6..2.5YR 6/8) fugitive restricted to the shoulder, and executed when slip, except on the collar, where plastic tech.. the clayis still damp. Some sherds have parallel niques are executed while the clayis still damp. rows of punctations or fingernail impressions Surface decorations include parallel rows of bordering on carelessly executed broad line ptinctations, fingernail impressions, and care.. incisions in a zig..zagmotif, made up of angular
,

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..132 sherds are generally left untreated, shellscraped, or smoothed. The exterior lowerbody sherds are polished or treated with a thin postfired fugitive slip that leaves a matte finish. Plastic techniques restricted to the neck and shoulder of the vessel include parallel rows of punctations or fingernail impressions executed when the clay was still damp. The broad line incisions were executed while the clay was dry , or leather-hard, and the field of decoration is bordered by red slip bands extending over the lip to just below the rim, and at the corner point covering the lower body. The background on the decorated neck is untreated, with a matte finish contrasting with the slipped,burnished,or polished lowerbody. Exceptions include vessels with broad line incised or excised geometric motifs. The background of these motifs are slipped, polished, or burnished, and the geometric designs are. carefully executed, and essentially identical to those on carinated-spout bottles. Lower body sherds indicate that these are globular or rounded' vessels with concave bases. Broad line incisions and punctations appear in some instances to be executed with bird bones. The technique of manufacture is coiling,with the upper and lower portions ofthe vessel usually joined by an interior coil at the comer point, where most of the breaks occur. Constricted jars are diagnostic of the JeUPhase, and are found in the excavations and surfacesof all Late Valdivia sites in the region. Sherds of this class are from Strata 5 and 6 in PhasesVII-

broad line incisions set against each other and placed at variousangles. The backgroundof the shoulder is left untreated, and the matte finish contrasts with the smoothed or burnishedlower body. Some vessels have undecorated shoulders, and lower body sherds have carelessly appliedbands of a thick white pigmentor kaolin paint set against a smoothed, shell-scraped;or untreated background. The external rim angle is formed when the clay is still moistand some.. times has a slight ridge of clayon the end point of the lip. The lower body sherds suggest such vessels have rounded bases and evidence of sooting and fire clouding. Broad line incisions and punctations appeared to be executed with a beveled-edged instrument, or the edge of a bivalve. Plastic decoration was almost always carried out when the claywasstilldamp. Techniques of manufacturing include coiling and modeling. The upper and lowerportion of the vesselare usuallyjoined by an interiorcoilat the corner point, and, as a result, breakagegenerally occurs at the neck. Constricted bowlsare fo~nd in the excavations and surfaces of all known Late Valdivia sites in the region. Sherds of this class are found in Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VIIVIII contexts, but are diagnostic of Valdivia Phase VII in other parts of the coast such as San Lorenzo delMate and EI Encanto, and have similarities to Ayangue Incised bowls (Lathrap eta!. 1975: artifact49j Marcos 1989;Meggerset aL 1965:figure 73-9i Porras Garces 1973:figure 25-11).
Formal Class 6

VIII contexts, and diagnostic of this period

throughout the coast (Meggers et al. 1965: figure 44-11j Porras Garces 1973: figure 21-5).
Formal Class 7

Constricted jars with everted or direct rims make up Formal Class 6 (Figure 18b). Such vessels have rim diameters ranging from 13-14 cm (55%), and a wall thickness of 7 to 8 mm (rim) and 6 to 8 mm (body). The interior surface is wiped, smoothed, slipped, and bur.. nished, while the neck is slipped, pattern burnished, or polished. The interior lower body sherds are generally left untreated, shellscraped, or smoothed. The exterior surface is red or light red (2.5YR5/6-2.5YRr6/6) slipped, wiped, or smoothed. The interior lower body

Simple bowlswith direct, or rounded thickened rims and a rim diameter of 10 to 14 cm (100%) and wall thicknesses of8 rom (rim) and 8 to 9 mm (body) constitute Formal Class 7 (Figure 19a). The interior end point or edge of the lip has a thin red (2.5YR 5/8) fugitive or post-fired slip, and some are polished and smoothed throughout and others left untreated. Upper walls are pattern-burnished and slipped.

133.. The exterior surfaCesare shell..scraped, brushed, or combed when the clay is moist. Some are

Staller: La Emerenciana Lathrap et al. 1975: artifacts 52,58; Meggers et al. 1965: figures 38..3, 73..4; Porras Garces 1973: figures 33..1, 33..2;). Formal Class 9

untreated or red..slippedwhen, the - clay is

leather..hard, or the slip is done ~ a post..fired application. Bowlsare shell..scraped, combed, or brushed, and have plastic decorations on their bottoms and walls. These decorative techniques were executed while the claywasdamp. Some.. times part of the original surface treatment has been obliterated by subsequent smoothing or wiping. Manufacturing techniques includeboth coilingand modeling. Such formsappearduring the middle of the sequence, and constitute

Everted jars or ollas with tapered or exter.. nallyevertedrims,about 13 to 14cm (40%)in diameter and with wall thicknesses ranging between 7 to 9 rom (rim) and 6 to 10 mm (body) make up Formal Class 9 (Figure 20a). The interior lip to the base of the neck is red.. slipped (2.5YR4/8) or pattern burnished, while everyday serving vessels. The sherds come from- some examples are untreated except for pattern Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII..VIII contexts. burnishing to the base of the neck, or they are However, this formal class is not a sensitive only slipped on the rim. Geometric fine line temporal marker because it occurs frQm' Phases incisions on the collars were made when the VI through VIII in other parts of die coaSt (Hill clay was leather..hard, and the lower body is 1972.. 74: figure 68; Meggers et at. i905: 'figures wiped, smoothed, or shell scraped, with evi.. 22..5, 24.-4, 26..6, 31..2, 41..11; Porras'Garces dence of fire clouding. Rims usuallyhave slight 1973: figures 33..3, 34..2; zeidler an{l'Sutliff exterior ridges of clay made when the claywas ./', ;~.,. 1994:figure7.1a). stilldamp. Lowerbody sherds suggestthat these "''C'. !..... vesselsrepresent plain wares, primarilyglobular .' " Formal Class 8 oUas, with evidence offireclouding, sooting,and pitting. The manufacturing technique iscoiling, Vertical open bowls with direct or rounded with the upper and lower portions of the vessel rims ranging from'14 to 24 cm (100%)and wall continuous. The everted jars or ollasare similar thicknesses of7 to 11rom (rim) and 8 to 11mm to the plain pottery reported from Punta Are.. (body) make up Formal Class 8 (Figure 19b). nas. Sherds of this classcome from Strata 5 and The end point or edge of the interior lip is red.. 6 in Phases VII..VIII contexts, diagnostic of the (2.5YR5/8) or yellow..(10YR 5/8) slipped, or end of the sequence (Lathrap etal. 1975:artifact smoothed throughout, with pattern burnishing 65; Marcos 1988b:artifacts 354, 355; Meggerset or polishing on the upper wall. However, some al. 1965: figure 22..2). lips are smoothed and left untreated. The exterior walls have broad or fineline incisions, Formal Class 10 or excisionsin geometric motifsborderingzoned punctation, executed while the clay.wasdry..to.. Shallow open bowlswith inverted or round.. leather hard with incisions or excisions filled ed rims and a rim diameter of 19 to 22 cm (100%), and wall thicknesses of 10 mm (rim) with a white or red post..firedpigment,with very standardized motifs almost identical to those on and 8 to 9 rom (body) make up Formal Class 10 carinated..spout bottles (FormalClass 13). The (Figure 20b). The interior surface is either wallsare vertical to slightlyincurvingand aver.. slipped, pattern burnished, or polished. The exterior surface of a Class 10 vessel is treated age about 6 to 9 cm high, with flat bottoms and rounded comers. The manufacturing tech.. with a red, brown, or buff slip with thickened niques include coilingand modeling. Sherds are rims with a row of punctations executed while from Strata 5 and 6, diagnostic pf Phase VII, the clay was leather..hard. Plastic techniques are restricted to the base and bottom of Class10 and have similarities to Machalilla Ayangue InCisedcarinated bowls (Hill 1972.. 74:figure69; vessels, and include carving, broad line inci.. ," .' "
I". '"

-..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..134

Formal Class 12 consists of long..neck cylindrical..spoutbottles with rounded, or direct rims, rim diameters of2 to 3 cm (100%),3 cmat the neck, and a wall thickness ranging from4 to 6 mm (rim), 2.5 mm (neck), and 5 to 7 mm 3; Porras Garces 1973: figure34..5);, (body) (Figures22a..b,23a..f).The interior body Fonnal Class 11 sherds are untreated, wiped, smoothed, or shell.. . I";. ~." ,. scraped. The exterior upper body and shoulders Globular everted jars with diied:;'or everted are siipped a dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/4) or rims and a rim diameter of 105'cnr'(100%), 8 polished throughout. Cylindrical..spoutshapes cm (necks) and a wall thickness ot7l6 9 mm are slightly everted with .plastic techniques on (rim) and 6 to 8 rom (body) m~e up Forinal the neck consisting of carefully executed broad Class 11 (Figure 21). The interior edge of the line incisions, fingernail impressions,and punc.. lip is slipped or pattern-burnished to the base of tations made when the clay is dry. The manu.. the neck. The neck interior is covered with a facturing technique is coiling. The cylindrical.. red (2.5YR4/6) slip and is pattern burnished to spout is joined to the neck by an additional coil the base iJfthe orifice. The lowerbodyiswiped, . on the interior of the throat suggestingthat the smoothed, or shell scraped. The exterior upper body and spout are constructed separately. body and shoulder are red.. 2.5 YR 4/6..2.5YR Long..neck cylindrical..spoutbottles are rare in the excavations and have only been identified 6/6) slipped, patterned burnished''throughout, elsewhere at San Lorenzo del Mate in Phases and globular in shape. Decorative attributes include carefullyexecuted excisions,broad line VII..VIIIcontexts (Marcos 1989). incisions,or punctations in geometricdesignson the collar made when the claywasl~ather..hard. Fonnal Class 13 There is usually a single row of large ..(8mm) Carinated..spout bottles with rounded or punctations on the shoulder of.the ve~el just below the throat. The geomerQ.c designs are tapered rims and a rim diameter of 3 cm (100%),2 cm (neck) and a wall thickness of8 similar to motifs on carinated~~pout.bottles (FormalClass 13). The lowerbodyhas wide (2.. rom (rim), and 7 to 8 mm (body) make up 3 cm) pattern burnished or slipped bands ex.. Formal Class 13 (Figures 22c, 24..26). Interiors are wiped or smoothed, while the exterior upper tending vertically, which contrast with the matte, untreated surface that coversmost of the bodies and necks are slipped dark reddishbrown lower vessel. Such forms are oniy found in the (2.5YR 3/4) or red (2.5YR 4/6), and polished. Jell Phase, and only in excavations.' Unde.. The carinated..spout is decorated with plastic corated everted jars are reported for Machalilla techniques consisting of carefully executed (Lathrap et at 1975: artifact 222), but the Jell broad line or fine line incised geometric motifs
,

sions, fine line incisions, and punctations when the clay was slipped, burnished,'and'leather.. hard. The rim is sometimes tapered or thick.. ened just below the lip,and the wallsare pattern burnished or polished throughout. Decorations include half crescents surrounding a single punctation bordered by fine line incision on a pattern burnished surface, and fine and broad line incision in various arrangements. The manufacturing technique is coiling, and the upper and lower portions of the vessels are joined at the comer point. Sherds of this class. are from Stratum 5 in Phases VII.. VIII contexts, and are diagnostic of Valdivia Phase VIII (Hill 1972..74: figure69; Marcos 1988b:artifacts456, 457,1989; Meggers etal. 1965:figure~25..8,27..

Phase jars are larger and include geometric motifs on the collar similar to those found on the carinated..spoutbottles. The manufacturing technique is coiling. The upper and lower
,

portions of Class 11 vessels are continuous,

and

wear on the interior neck suggests they may have had a lid (Marcos 1989: 15). Sherds come from Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII..VIIIcontexts and are diagnostic of Phase VIII.
Fonnal Class 12

"

"

"

135..

Staller: La Emerenciana 1983:328, figure 50; Meggers et al. 1965: figures 78..8, 88..12, plates 155, 156). A bowl with hollow stirrup handles was also found (Figure 27c). Stirrup..spouts were first excavated at Valdivia and Buena Vista along the Valdivia River in coastal Guayas but were thought ,to represent Machalilla trade sherds (Meggers et al. 1965: figure 53). Spouts from this collection are evidence that stirrup..spouts begin during Valdi.. via. All stirrup..spout sherds are from Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII..VIII contexts and are diagnostic of Phase VIII. Such vessels have only

on the collar of the spout (Figure 26). The broad or fine line incisions are made when the clayis pattern burnished and leather..hard, and the geometric designs all appear very similar to one another (Figure 26). The manufacturing technique is coiling, the carinated..spout is joined to the lowerbody by a coillocated on the neck interior. Sherds from carinated..spout bottles are encountered in excavation and also on the surfaces of a number of sites in the re.. gion. Such bottles have also been reported at Valdiviasites in the GuayasBasinat San Loren.. zo del Mate and around Milagro (Felipe Cruz, personal communication, 1991;,Gonzalez de Merino 1984:34,97; Marcos 1989:figure 17d). These bottle forms are no doubt for tbe con.. sumption of fermented beverages'(Ghtcba),and are from Strata 5 and 6 and are diagnostic of

been identified in the Jell Phase, but are re.. ported for Machalilla in other regions of the coast (Estrada 1958:figures31..32;Lathrapetal. 1975: artifacts 230..232; Meggers et al. 1965: figures 78..8,88..12). Fonnal Class 15 Pedestal bowls with rounded rims and rim diameters ranging from 23 to 26 CJXl (80%),arid wall thicknesses of 8 rom (rim) and 7 to 8 mm (body) constitute Formal Class 15 (Figure29). Interior surfacesare wiped, smoothed, polished, and red.. (2.5YR 5/8) slipped. Exterior lower body and walls are red.. (2.5YR 518 or 2.5YR 4/8) slipped and polished through, and are slightlyeverted, vertical, or concave. Rimsfrom bases are difficult to differentiate from jar rims, except for evidence of use wear on the lip. The area inside the pedestal base is usually shell.. scraped or left untreated. Breaks usuallyoccur where the base joins the lower body. The tech.. nique of manufacture is coiling, the bases were made separately and attached to the bottom of the vessel with an extra coil where the base joins the body. The pedestal bowlsappear to be constructed to maximize stability. Such bowls usually have large rim diameters and appear to have been used as serving vessels.The pedestal bases measure 2..3cm high and range from8 to 11 cm in diameter. Pedestal bowls were found in excavations as well as surface finds at Late Valdivia sites in the region, but have thus far only been identified at a few late sites in other parts of coastal Ecuador (Marcos 1989). Sherds come from Strata 5 and 6 in Phases VII..VIII

ValdiviaPhaseVIII.
Formal Class 14

.;...,....
. : ~ ", !

I ", " .,

...
"1.:.

.
. ".

Stirrup..spoutbottles with rounaed rims and rim diameters of 3..4cm (10%) an<H.' "1' wall . thick.. ness of8 mm (rim), 5 to 7 mm (bPdy)make up Formal Class 14 (Figures 27 and 28). The interior surface is wiped, smoothed, or un.. treate~. Class,14vesselshave thick,andbulbous spouts which expand laterally frOIJ1 the mouth to the junction with the body (FIgure27a), as well as longer, thinner, parallel stirrups (Figure 27b). Reconstructed forms includetwo distinct vessels, a globular form, and another one with one or two tier high angular shoulders'(Figure 27b). The exterior surface is slippeddark red.. dish brown (2.5YR3/4), or red (25\'R4/6), and isusuallypolishedor pattern burnished through.. out. The manufacturing technique ,is coiling. The spout is joined to the lower,,body.by an extra coil on the interior of the spout and shoul.. der. Stirrup..spout bottles are found in the excavations, and also are present in surface collections at a number of Late Valdiviasites in the region. Although no complete Late Val.. divia stirrup..spout rims were found, ,they are essentially identical to those reported for Early Machalilla in other regions of the !=oast (Andre.. sen 1978; Estrada 1958: figures"31..32;Lippi . 'I,. .
.".:i

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-136 The pottery found during excavation primarily represents ritual offerings and includes forms and attributes which have heretofore not been reported for Valdivia. However, with the exception of the ceramic bottle forms,almostall of the classes described for Jell Phase pottery have been reported from Valdivia ceramic complexes in other parts of the coast. What distinguishes the Jel{ Phase component from, pottery of the earlier periods is the increase in specialized forms particularly composite forms and bottles.

VIII.

contexts. They are diagnostic of Valdivia Phase

JeUPhase Diagnostic Features and the

ValdiviaPottery Sequence

Despite some regional differences in the Late Valdivia pottery from southern EI Oro, the Jel{Phase pottery is clearly similar in technologi-

cal and stylistic attributes to Valdivia Phases VII-VIII diagnostic vesselsfound at sites to the north and northwest in the Gulf6f Guayaquil region. Some Jell Phase pottery diagnostic ceramicsare alsofound in coastalGuayasand in southern Manab{ province. The clear stylistic and formal similarities among these pottery complexes indicate that they are re~onal expressions of the same cultural phase.
. .

The Valdivia ceramic tradition consists

primarily of small open bowls,jars, and cooking pots that have a similarity,yet show sophistication in manufacturing skill (Estrada 1956, 1958: figure 8; Meggers et ai. 1965:42-43, figure54; Raymond et al. 1994; Willey 1971:275). A hallmark of Valdivia pottery is a dichotomy in the' decorative motifs on cooking pots with clearly demarcated necks and vessels with restricted openings, and those on small bowls (Lathrap et al. 1975: 29). The dichotomy holds in the Jell Phase where demarcated, necked forms have decorations that were carried out when the clay was moist, and which are associated with a red or maroon slip. Most open bowl forms have broad and fine line geometric motifs made when the vessel was leather-hard and are associated with a dark brown slip (Staller 1995). Another trait of Valdivia pottery first noted by Lathrap et al. (1975:30) is a tendency for pots and bowls to have slightly concave wallswith a ridge or angle between the side and bottom of

The regional variabilityof Late Valdivia

pottery from the Ecuadorian coast is consistent with the variability for early coastal pottery assemblagesthroughout westernSbuth America during this time (Hoopes 1994; Lanning 1967:85-87). The variability hi .forms and modes at La Emeninciana is greater than that of Late Valdivia pottery from other.parts. of the Ecuadorian coast. The increased variabilityof formal and functional vessel categories is not only related to considerations of use or activities, but is also related to specializationof production and level of sociocultural complexity (Rice 1987:171, 188-91,201,204).

The platform mound construction and

increased variability of formal functional vessel categories at La Emerenciana and huge sites found elsewhere in its region d~te'.i:o~he final portion of the Valdivia Phase. These data suggest that these coastal societies, occupying such sites as San Isidro and San Lorenzo del Mate had developed complex levels of social organization. Such developmeltal processes have been recorded at Phase VIIIsites in other regions of the Ecuadorian coast. :.Moreover, similarsociopolitical developments'wereoccur-

'

vessels.

ring simultaneouslyin the Quito Valley at C6tocollaoand in the regionsto the south.

Machalilla pottery shares somefeatureswith Valdivia, but is distinguished in a number of ways. Vessel walls are thinner in cross section, and made with finer paste (Meggers et al. 1965:142, 145-146). The most common Machalilla plastic techniques are similar to those used in middle and late Valdivia pottery, but distinct in that incisions are predominantly fine line, and are executed after the vessel is leather-hard (ibid.1965;Lathrapetal. 1975:29). Another Machalilla trait is the application of

137..

Staller:La Emerenciana The stylistic elements or modes that distin.. guishJel! Phase pottery include a preoccupation with contrasting matte, untreated, and treated (polished, slipped, or burnished) surfaces. Such stylisticpatterns are a hallmark of the Chorrera Phase and early Chavfn..related assemblages. This pattern is particularly apparent in the Jell Phase by the use of burnished and slippedband.. ing, and the application of thick white kaolin pigment against a matte shell..combed or un.. treated surface. The bands are often created by simply burnishing the lower body, rubbing the polishing stone in a single direction. The use of parallel bands as a field of decoration is charac.. teristic of the Machalilla Phase, and alsopresent as painted bands in early highland pottery (Collier and Murra 1943:plates 16..23;Meggers etal. 1965: figures 73..3, 73..4, 73..5,73..7,73..8, 74..1,77; Villalba 1988: figure 105). The use of contrasting surface finishes is characteristic of pottery from later periods. Techniques such as negative resist and iridescent painting in Late Formative and Regional Developmental Period pottery are the ultimate expression of this stylistic trend along the coast (Evans and Meggers 1957;Lathrapetal. 1975:artifacts334, 335,337,353). The Jel! Phase vesse~ include a number of forms treated with a translucent, post..fued, fugitive slip. Such techniques are a develop.. mental antecedent to the use ofpaint in decora.. tion on later Machalilla and Chorrera Phase pottery. Modeling in the manufacture of some vessels has affinities to pottery techniques in regions to the south, in northern Peru. Jell Phase necked jars are almost alwaysslippedand burnished in the interior to the base of the neck, usually extending to the exterior edge of the rim. The plastic techniques on cambered and carinated jar forms were almost alwaysapplied when the clay was still moist, with the back.. ground usuallyleft untreated. Open bowlswere often slipped and polished or burnished on both sides, with carefully executed btoad or fine line incision, often of geometric motifs, made when the surface was leather..hard. The carefully executed geometric motifs on bowls are consis..

thick red slip bands set in p~lel geometric arrangements on the body of the vessel(Estrada 1958: 45, 58..59; Meggers and Evans, 1962). Previously, the maroon or red sJipbands had only been identified on Machalilla sherds from sites in coastal Guayas or southern Manab{ (Estrada 1958:45,58,59; Lippi 1983:figures75.. 76, 78..82; Meggers et al. 1965: 134, 136, 146; Meggers and Evans 1962), but they are also present in modified form on Jell Phase pottery. A variant of the thick slip bands found on Jell Phase pottery incorporates pattern burnished bands or thin red.. or white..slippedbands that are wider, and usually placed vertically on the body of the vessel, while parallel bands on Machalilla pottery are thick..slipped,narrower, and usually highly polished. An important textural difference is that parallel~lipbands can be easily felt when rubbing tbe surface of Machalilla pottery, while this -is, not 'the case

withJel{Phasepottery.

",

The ceramic analysissuggestShat some of the neckless bowls and constricted jars func.. tioned as.cooking pots (ollas). It has long been

assumedthat necklessollas or tecomateforms

were not present in the Valdivia ceramic tradi.. tion (Ford 1969;Hoopes 1994),in p~t because earlier analyses concentrated primarily on plastic techniques in classifyingand distinguish.. ing the various types rather than whole vessels (Meggers et al. 1965). Moreover, functional categories were not a primary focus in the descriptions, which mislead later' scholars at.. tempting to make correlations between Late Valdivia pottery and the earliest ceramics of what isnow coastal and northern highland Peru. These latter assemblagesalmostalwaysincluded neckless ollas in the early assemblages(Hoopes 1994; Kaulike 1981; Lanning 1967). Cerami.. cists working with Valdivia pottery collections have at times remarked to me on this problem and contended, on the basis of use wear on complete vessels,and on lowerbodysherds, that necklessollaforms,are,in fact, present through.. out the Valdivia sequence (Damp 1979: figures 23..26; Marcos 1988a: figure 14). Such forms essentiallyreplicate cut gourds (Lanning 1967).

ANDEAN l'AST 0 \.lWUJ

.. J.JO

tent with the Valdivia tradition. Exceptionsare

constrictedbowls.

"

Most early studies were primarilyconcerned with establishing"a pottery sequence, and secondarily with understanding the originsof these cultural components; The early conclusions 50). were drawn from excavations at deep multicom.. ponent sites with long continuous occupations The ceramic bottles and stirrup..spouts (Lathrap 1960, 1963, 1966; Lathrap et al. provide a clear linkage to Machalilla (Figures 1977:2..6;Meggers and Evans 1962;Meggerset 23..28). The variability in cylindrical..spout at. 1965:110..146). Since almost all these exca.. shapesreflectsexperimentation in the manufac.. vations were dug by arbitrary levels there was ture of such forms. The shape and restricted some mixing of layers. Original interpretations orifices indicate that they were designed for of the evolutionary relationship between Valdi.. carryingand primarilyfunctioned"tohold liquids via and Machalilla were also influenced by and prevent spilling. The standardizedgeomet- "coastalgeography,because research wascarried ric motifs on carinated..spout bottles suggest out in portions of the coast with relativelysmall and restricted Late Valdivia occupations, and they had a ritual importance and mayhave been used to consume beer (chicha) during rituals, few studies isolated single phase components. althoug\l the reconstrUcted bottles and stirrup.. Complicating the issue were thin layers of Machalilla refuse at almost all the known Late spouts hold no more than a liter ofliquid. Valdivia occupations south of" the Valdivia The bottle forms at La Emerencianainclude River and north of the Verde River (see Figure various kinds of long..neck cylindrical-spout 1) (Bischof 1975b; Lippi 1982, 1983:322,344.. bottles, carinated..spoutbottles (picos ftilicos), 345; Paulsen and McDougle 1981; Zeidler and globulareverted jars with elaborategeomet1977). ric motifs (Figure21). Cylindrical..spoutbottles The evidence presented in this ceramic were thought to originate with Machalilla (Ford 1969:119..120; Lathrap et aI. 1975: figure 33; analysis suggests that forms which previously Meggers et aI. 1965: figure 88..11). For many were thought to distinguish Valdivia from years it was believed that stirrup..spouts also Machalilla such as carinated jars, ceramic bot.. originated with the Machalilla culture (Coe tles, and pedestal bowls are present in Late 1963; Estrada 1958: figure 55; Ford 1969:117- Valdivia sites in southern EI Oro Province. 118; Lathrap 1963; Meggers and Evans 1962; Decorative techniques such as red slip banding Meggers et aI. 1965:137..139). In the Jell Phase and post..fued decoration, generally considered pottery, the earlier association of stirrup..spout Machalilla attributes, are also present in the Jell bottles and jars occurs at several Late Valdivia Phase complex. The previouslyoutlined stylistic sites in regional survey and in excavated con.. and technological trends in the pottery complex
"

The shell..impressed cambered jars have rims that consistently average around 9..10cm in diameter. The standardized diameters and overall rim shape suggest these vesselS probably had lids or were regularly stacked. The extra coil with shell impressions wasdecorated when the claywas damp and is highlycharacteristic of the Jell Phase complex, distinguishing it from similar cambered jars in other Valdivia assem.. blages that employ different plastic techniques on the exterior camber (Hill 1972.. 74:figure67; Marcos 1988b: 171; Meggerset al. 1965:figures 26..5, 41..9, 48..3; Lathrap et al. 1975: artifact

texts at La Emerenciana. Forms such as carlnated bowls, pedestal bowls, stirrup..handled jars, cylindrical..spoutbottles, and stirrup..spouts previously differentiated Machalilla from Val..

"

divia pottery (Lathrap et aI. 1975:33..34; Meg..

gers et at. 1965:110..146). However, any of these reconstructed forms and diagnosticattrib.. utes link the Late Valdivia Jell Phase pottery to early Machalilla (Staller 1994). Origins and Associations

Stilller: LAEmerenciana

are developmental antecedents to attributes which later characterized Machalilla, and, for that matter, Chorrera phase diagnosticceramics in the Guayas Basin.. These. provide direct evidence of developmental continuity. The Jell Phase diagnostic pottery supports the conten~ tion that Machalilla was a developmental out~ growthof the Valdivia tradition (Bischof1975bj Cruz and Holm 1982; Feldman and Moseley 1983: 156j Jadan 1986; Lathrap 1971:84~85j Lathrap et al. 1975: 33).
Comparative analysis of the ceramics shows

the North Coast of Peru, the Ecuadorian high.. lands, the northern highlands of Peru, and the tropical forest. The archaeological evidence suggeststhat, far from being the recipient of technological innovations, the prehispanic cultures of coastal Ecuador introduced a number of innovations to coastal and highland Peru as well as to highland Ecuador. The regional differences in Late Valdivia pottery from the northern and south~ em frontiers represent a stylisticand technologi~ cal break from the earlier portion of the ceramic sequence, and are probably a reflection of re~ gionalsociocultural differencesbetween coastal peoples and inland farmers in the final portion of the cultural sequence. Despite an apparent increased dependence upon agriculture during the final portion of the sequence (Phases VII~ VIII), sites continued to be found in coastal settings in the Santa Elena Peninsula and in areas rich in mangrove resources. In the Gulfof Guayaquil region eastof the present~daytownof . Playas,there is a concentration of Late Valdivia middens located at the mouth of coastal estuar.,. ies such as Punta Arenas, Posorja, Ayalan, EI Encanto, and at San Lorenzo del Mate (Cruz and Holm 1982;Lubensky 1980, 2000:372~373j Marcos 1989; Porras Garces 1973:17, 23, 25; Spath 1980:69~71).Alate Valdivia occupation was also recorded in the uppermost layersof the Valdivia type site (Estrada 1956; Staller 1994). Sherds from these sites essentiallyform the basis for the diagnostic criteria of the final portion of the cultural sequence, and their regional distri~ butions reflect the expansion of Late Valdivia sites proposed in this analysis (Figure 7). Estrada (1956) first recognized stylistic affinitiesbetween Late Valdivia pottery fromthe Guayas Basin and the Valdivia type site and Early Initial Period pottery from coastal Peru. . These ceramic affinities suggest that cultural influences emanating from the south and the highlands of Ecuador and Peru were somehow involved in the development of complex social organization in the northern and southern frontiers. It is increasingly apparent that during

that the Jel! Phase complex from southern EI . Oro has stylistic affinities to Formative (1500~ 500 B.C.) pottery at Cotocollao in the Valleyof Quito in the northern higWands.of Ecuador (Meyers 1976jVillalba 1988: figures83,88,92, 100, 111, 118), as well as the southern high~ lands at Cerro Narrlo in Azuay Province near present day Cuenca (Collier and'Murra 1943: plates 18, 19 [1~lO],20 [l~4], 14,18,22,23, pp. 35~36,map 3, figures 5~9). Jell Phase pottery can also be very closely linked to early pottery along the Chot~no River in the northern high~ lands of Cajamarca, at Pandanche, and also at the site ofMachaipungo (Kaulicke1981:figures 6~10jRosas and Shady 1970). In far northern Peru,.on the nearby Chira coast, sherds recov~ ered at the Casita 2 site (Ford 1969:160; Lan~ ning 1963: figure 21a~aa), and San Juan Phase pottery from around the Tumbes River (Ford 1969:159~160;Izumi and Terada 1966a: plate 25a) also have strong affinities to Jell Phase diagnosticpottery fromsouthern coastalEIOro. Early Cupisnique Phase pottery horn the shell mounds at Anc6n on the central coast of Peru (Burger 1992:90~96;Larco Hoyle 1941, 1946j Willey and Corbett 1954:figures6a, 6b, 6h~I,7j, 7k, 8c, 8e) have formal and stylisticattributes similar to Jell Phase pottery and pottery from San Lorenzo del Mate, as does early pottery at Kotosh in the Peruvian montana {Ford 1969:162~ 165;Izumiand Sono 1963:plates 55b, 64a, 67b, 71; Izumi and Terada 1966b). These similaritiesprobablyreflect changesin form and structure of long~distance interaction linking Late Preceramic and Initial Period cultures on

the finalportion of the cultural seque~ce,Valdi.. via society was involved in long..distanceex.. change with societies beyond the coast and experienced a cultural fluorescence. Archaeo.. logical research in northern Manabi Province indicates rapid Valdivia VIII colonizationto at least the Jama River (Zeidler 1988, 1994:71, 87). The location of a Valdivia VIII Piquigua Phase occupation at San Isidro reenforces the notion that inland site locations,in much wetter subtropicalenvironmental settings,werefavored late in the sequence (Pearsalland Zeidler 1994: 207, 211; Staller 1994:393..394, figure 55; Zeidler 1992). The archaeologicaldata suggest that similarValdivia VIII settlements of greater scale are also known in the Guayas Basin around Playas, and in coastal EI Oro. These sites were along the coastline following the ancient mangrove forest at least as far south as the Tumbes River in far northern Peru. The problem of documenti~g' a ceramic development from Valdivia to Machalilla is historic and regional in nature, and is in part a byproduct of assumptions about the natu~e of culture change and the spread of technological innovations. The geographic areas where ar.. chaeological research occurred, and the meth.. ods used in carrying it out, created a data base that did not contain the total rangeofvariabiqty in the' pottery or settlement distributions. Becauseall of the archaeologistsworkingon the Valdivia and Machalilla cultures concentrated solelyon the Guayas coast and southe~ Mana.. bi, there was, until recently, an incomplete record of coastal lowlandValdiviaprehistory. It is also apparent that the absence of evidence of a transition led to a number oferroneousmodels of the nature of these Formative'cultures, and the relationship between them. The most recent ceramic evidence indicates substantial regional diversity in early pottery technology throughout the New World (Hoopes 1994). The current data suggest that Late Valdivia societies in the northern and southern areas of the coast had culture histories distinct from those of coastal Guayas. As more Late Valdivia assemblages are identified, the nature of the

developmental relationshipswillbe clarifiedand the significanceof the ancient ceramic complex to ceramic innovation beyond coastal Ecuador will be more clearly understood. Acknowledgments Archaeologicalsurveyand excavations in south.. ern coastal EI Oro Province were funded by a Fulbright..Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Grant and were conducted under th~ auspices of the Museo Antropol6gico del Banco Central del Ecuador, Guayaquil. Bruce D. Smith (Smithsonian Institution) providedfunds for running AMS dates. I express my deepest gratitude to the late Olaf Holm, DirectOrof the Museo Antropol6gico for his enthusiastic sup.. port of this research. My sincerest appreciation also goesto the former head of collections at the museum, Felipe Cruz Mancilla (Universidadde Guayaquil) for his insights, and for the many months he spent teaching me about the pre.. Columbian ceramicsof coastal Ecuador. Special thanks also go to Raymond Brod (Universityof Illinois..Chicago)for drafting Figures 1..13.

141

Staller:La Emerenciana
Bushnell, Geoffrey H. S.

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ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

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147..
GENERAL MAP OF ESTERN ECUADOR
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PERU

SurveyArea

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o Kilometers 5
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25

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t
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Figure 4. Southern El Oro showing survey zone (dotted line)nand modem place names.

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ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

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Contours in meters

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Figure5.

EarlyFormativePeriodValdiviasites identifiedin setdement survey. Ceremonialcentersare distinguished by the presenceofartificialearthen mounds. La Emerenciana = OOSrSr42.'

Chronology of Coastal Ecuador and Far North Peru

COastal Region
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GeographicSub-Areas

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114.5

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(Preceramic) (based upon uncorrected dates)

I
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Figure 6.

Chronological chart of cOastalEcuador and far northern Peru. For "uncorrected dates" read. "uncalibrated dates". For "Damp 1984"read "Damp 1984b".

r ~. ~

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..152

DISTRIBUTION OF EARLY AND LATE VALDIVIA OCCUPATION North Pacific Ocean

- --

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en

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<C International Boundary Provincial Boundary Provincial Capital Early Sites (3500-2200 BC) Late Sites (2200-1500 BC) Modern Town I 300 Meter Contour - I
~~-~ ~ j

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F~ure 7.

Proposeddisriibutions of Early and LateValdiviaoccupations.

Citations

800

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1600

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. ..

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Province

ElOro

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Valdivia and Machalilla
A Chronologies
I .

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i

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. i
I

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1975

H. Uppi, 1984
(afterSIal..., 1994, FIgure6)

(based on uncorrected dates)

. b'
Figure 8. Ceramic chronologies for the Valdivia and Machalilla Phases. For "uncorrected dates" read "uncalibrated dates". For "Bischof 1975" read "Bischof 1975a".

r ~. i5

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) .

..154

FORMATIVE SITES IN COASTAL ECUADOR

Prehistoric Site City or Town

..

Equator San IsidoroA

'-

300 meter contour

Bahiade Caraquez

~ Chacras

Locator map...

La Plata Q
.

Island

ECUADOR

South Pacific Ocean

....

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..;.

100
,.

Figure9.

Distributionof knownFormativesites with ValdiviaPhase VII-III occupationsand stylistic

affinities to Jell Phase pottery.

155

Staller:La Emerenciana

2.2

o
L

meters

Figure10. Topographicmapof LaEmerenciana (OOSrSr-42).Note triangulardatumpoint.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

156

w
CO<DVNOCO<DVNOCO<D

MMMMMNNNNN-... ... ...

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EL ORO PROVINCE
Northwest Sector

24 meter grid Disturbed Area

tm Excavatedto floor2
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Figure 11. Northwest sector showing Profile A, Trenches (A~ D), and Cuts (1~6;numbered white boxes, also excavated to sterile).

.& Datum

Excavated to sterile

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

w
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EL ORO PROVINCE
Northwest Sector

50

48 46 44 42 40 38 36 34 32

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Datum Excavated to sterile Excavated to floor 2

Retaining wall

.
II

Figure 11. Northwest sector showingProfileA, Trenches (A~D),and Cuts (1~6;numbered white boxes, also excavated to sterile).

157
~

Staller:La Emerenciana

IDEALIZED PROFILE OF STRATIGRAPHIC LAYERS AT LA EMERENCIANA (OOSrSr-42)

Brown Silt Floor 3 (ca. 1450 B.C.)

5
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Pink Sand Floor 1 (ca. 2000 B.C.)

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Olive Sand (Sterile)

Figure 12. An idealized cross~sectionof the stratigraphic layers at La Emerenciana.

N5Zvr117.6

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Figure 13. Vertical section of stratigraphic layers. Note shell, daub, and artifacts concentrated in uppermost levels of Stratum 5 and surface of Stratum 6. Shading and numbering are as in Figure 12.

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ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-160

(a.)

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(b.)

i..... ,.' ~. .'~. '.

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Figure15. JeUPhase FormalClass 1.

161..

Staller:La Emerenciana

(n.)

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Figure16. a. Jel!PhaseFormalClass 2j b. JelfPhase FormalClass3.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,162

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Figure17. Jell:PhaseFormalClass4.

163,

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(a.)

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(b.)

Figure18. a. JellPhaseFormalClass5; b. JellPhaseFormalClass6..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-164

(a.)
5 em.

(b.)

Figure 19; a. Jel{Phase Formal Class 7i b. Jel{Phase Formal Class 8.

Staller: La Emerenciana

9-

(a.)

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S em.

(b.)
Figure 20. a. Jell Phase Formal Class9; b. Jell Phase Fotmal Class 10.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..166

n
5 em.

Figure 21. Jell Phase Formal Class 11.

167..

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(b.)

l
5 em.

(c.)

Figure22. a,b.Jell Phase FormalClass12;c. JellPhase FormalClass13.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

168

(a.). (b.)
.

L..L-L.J em.

(d.)

..(c.)

(e.)

(f.)

Figure 23. Jell Phase everted long#neckbottles (FormalClass 12); a#c. everted bottle rims; b. strap handle
with incisions; e#f.everted bottle rims.

Staller: LA Emerenciana

13

(a.)

I
5 em.

13

Figure 24. Jell Phase Formal Class 13.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..170

(a.)

(b.)

Figure 25. a-b. Jell Phase carinated short-neck bottle (picofalico) Formal Class 13 (scale in cm).

171..

Staller:La Emerenciana

(a.)

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Figure26. JelPhaseFormal Class13:a.designmotif on Figure25ajb. designm.otifon Figure25b.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..172

14

(a.)

J.

(b.)

14

(e.)

Figure 27. Jel! Phase Formal Class 14: a. stirrup..spoutwith bulbous stirrups; b. stirrup..spoutwith parallel stirrups and two tier upper body; c. bowl with hollow stirrup handles.

173..

Staller:La Emerenciana

(it.)

L.L-L..J

em.

(c.)
Figure28. Jel!Phase stirrup,spout sherds (FormalClass 14): a. bulbous spout; b. (upper right) stirrup,spout from a jar; c. bulbous spout; d. (lower right) parallel spout.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..174

em.

Figure 29. Jell Phase Formal Class 15 (scale in em).

DEFINING CERAMIC CHANGE AND CULTURAL INTERACTION: .REsULTS OF TYPOLOGICAL, CHRONOLOGICAL, AND TEcHNOLOGICAL ANALYSES OF GUANGALA PHASE CERAMlCS

Maria A. Masucci
Drew University

Introduction The period between 500 B.C. and A.D. 500 was a time of dramatic changes in societal organizationthroughout the Intermediate Area (the Northern Andes). The rise of localized hierarchical systemsduring this periodexempli, fies the great range of possiblesocialstructures which are commonly classified as "chiefdoms" (Drennan and Uribe 1987). For what is now Ecuador, the corresponding temporal division has been labeled the Regional Developmental Period, generally dated from 300 B.C. to A.D. 600/800. It has been defined by its original

in developments throughout the southwest coastal zone. A fundamental element missing in our knowledgeof the Guangala Phase and hindering research has been a detailed 'ceramic typology and chronology. However, one based primarily on modal changes in decorated fineware ceram, ics has been available (Paulsen 1970), along with a detailed study of the early portion of the phase (Stothert 1993a). My survey and exca, vations in the EI Azucar Valley, approximately 25 km fromthe present coastline, revealed deep, stratified midden deposits with large, well,pre, served pottery samples of the Guangala Phase. These samples provide the opportunity for a ceramic analysis which tests previous studies and gives us a picture of complete assemblages from a wider span of the phase (Masucci 1992). I followed a combination of a type,variety and modal analysis (Robertson 1980, 1991; Demarest 1986). This paper outlines the chronological sequence resulting from these analyses. In it I present a set of temporallyand spatially significant attributes of coarse,paste wares. This sequence of utilitarian wares allows sites to be placed into a series of complexes, even iffine, paste decorated wares are absent, or too eroded for identification. This typologicaland chronologicalstudyhas been further expanded through a technological analysis and sourcing study, utilizing methods borrowed from the geological sciences;particu, larlypetrographic thin section analysisofpottery and regional clay and rock samples. Through examination of a complete assemblage,includ, ing both finewaresand utilitarian wares,and use

presenters (Evans and Meggers1960,'1961; .

Meggers1966) as a time of increasingcomplex, ity,differentiation in sociopoliticalorganization, expanding trade and interregional contact, and florescence in local art styles which may repre, sent regional chiefdoms. Very little is actually known, however, of the sequence of develop, ments in Ecuador during this period. In particu, lar, little attention has been paid to the Guan, galaPhase, which is our name forthese localized cultures or art styles ofthe southwest coast. Research on the Guangala Phase of the EI Azt1carValley (Figures 1,2) demonstrates that although the region'speoples maynot have been the source of complexity, they participated in a dense web of interactions. This gave them access to highland raw materials and finished goods,marine resources, foreignpottery vessels, and certain decorative attributes (Masucci 1992; Reitz 1986, 1990a, 1990bj Masucci and Macfarlane 1997). Therefore, the EI Azt1car Valleyoffers an opportunity to reconstruct the interactions which appear to have played a role
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 175,208.

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000) of an expanded methodology (type..variety.. modal analysis) combined with a technological analysis,shifts previouslydocumented in Guan.. gala finewares were supported and found to coincide with changes in form, surface treat.. ment, and paste composition in utilitarian wares. These changes also appear to correlate with changes in settlement. Ceramic change is an issue which has been examined by many authors, and their work, whether ethnoarchaeological or archaeological, has demonstrated the variability and complex.. ity of the relationship between ceramic change and changes in other elements ofa sociocultural system (Rice 1984,1987). Particularlycomplex is how contact with outside styles or symbols affectsa ceramic vocabulary. Differentvariables of an assemblage,such as style, form,and tech.. nology,exhibit distinct levels ofsusceptibilityto change. In general, technologyand formare the most resistant to change, with stylevarying the mostreadily (Rice 1984:239..245).This assump.. tion leads to an emphasison stylisticchange for building chronologies. Style is taken here to mean surface attributes commonlycalled deco.. rative elements or modes. These can include shape attributes. Form refers to shape, specifi.. cally to size and other attributes of rims, lips, necks, bases, etc. It should be understood that these terms define related variables which, in turn, relate to paste characteristicsas aspects of technical choices. As Rice has recentlystressed, however, technical choices are not simply responsesto desired performance,but rather are made in a "rich context of tradition, values, alternatives, and compromises" (1996:140). They demand an analysis that goesbeyond the use of hypothesized functions to explain the causes of ceramic change. In the EI Azucar case, changes in paste, forms, and surface. treatment are useful for building a chronology because these variables are all seen to change, although at different times, rates, and to different degrees. The Guangala ceramic assemblage is diverse and complex and appears to encompass various

-176
trajectories of change, each of which may be attributable to different causal factors. Further.. more, identification of local and non..local pottery permits an assessment of possiblecon.. tact between Guangala people and other neigh.. boring groups. Such contact may have contrib.. uted to some of the changes. The majority of Guangala ceramics appear to have been made locally. However, transfer of stylisticmodesand. exchange of ceramic vesselsare likely. Trade of tempering material is possible. The new body of data presented in this article leads to ques.. tions of production and function. It poses a range of questions about Guangala society and socioeconomic patterns. Geographic and Cultural Setting The temporal focus of this study is the Guangala Phase (300 B.C. to A.D. 800) (Paul.. sen 1970; Masucci 1992). This phase is identi.. fied as the localizedart style or cultural manifes.. tation of the Regional Deyelopmental Periodfor southwest coastal Ecuador. Features typical of this phase include polychromefinewares, fine paste ceramic flutes, whistles, and figurines,and white..on..red painted pottery, including large thick..walled pedestal plates called compoteras. These features have been recorded over an estimated 8,000 square kilometers stretching along the Ecuadorian coast from Punta Arenas in the south to Machalilla in the north, and inla~d to the Guayas Basin (Figure 1; Bushnell 1951;Estrada 1957b, 1962;Meggers 1966;Paul.. sen 1970; Lippi 1983; Stothert 1984; Norton 1984). The majority of ceramic and raw material samples considered in this study came from excavations in the EI Azucar River Valley, approximately 25 km up the Zapotal Riverfrom the port of Chanduy (Figure 1). The EIAzucar Valley lies in an ecotone between the lowland and upland zones on the western edge of the Santa Elena Peninsula. This region spans the transition from semi..arid zone dominated by xerophytic vegetation to dry tropical forest. Physiographically, the Santa Elena Peninsula

177..

Masucci: Guangala PhLlse Ceramics

liesto the west of the Andean Chain, the Gulf of Guayaquil, and the Guayas Basin, and is separated from the wetter tropical areas to the north and east by the Chong6n..Colonche hill range. The Guangala Phase has always been as.. sumedto have been a time when agriculturalists occupied nucleated settlements along the coastalmargin, and more dispersedsettlements throughout inland valleys (Meggers 1966). Charred remains of com, beans, and squash wereidentified in a macrobotanical samplefrom

Guangala phase. Three of the shallow midden sites also contain a late component. The final portion of the phase (ca.A.D. 600 to 800; Paulsen 1970) represents a change in settlement pattern and type. Site location shifts to higher hills with access to wide expanses of flood plain. There is a drop in artifact density, an absence of a number of artifact typessuch as obsidian, and evidence of craft activities such as marine shellornament production. Both marine shells and obsidian are nonlocal goods. A characteristic feature at these sites is an oval foundation (1.5 to 2.0 m diameter) formed by upright sandstone slabs and burnt clay floors and walls. Large grinding basins and fragments of large, thick..walled, coarse paste jars are typically associated with the features (Masucci 1992). Similar features have been reported since the 1930sand have been dated to the Late Guangala Phase or to the Manteiio Phase (Ze.. vallos Menenez 1937; Stothert 1981, 1993b; Masucci 1992, 1996;Alvarez Litben and Garda Caputi 1995). Ceramics Archaeologists in southwest Ecuador rarely have difficultyidentifying ceramicsof the Guan.. gala.Phase. The ubiquitous sherds with dark "finger..paint" decoration are an easily recog..

the EIAzucarexcavations(Pearsall1990). My . survey in the EI Azucar Valley (Figure 2;

Masucci1992) supports the picture ofGuangala settlement patterns outlined by previous re.. search (Lanning 1967; Paulsen 1970). During the early portion of this phase there was an eXpansioninto inland valleys, with an increase in site size and number compared with the previousoccupation of the valleys(ca. 100B.C. to A.D. 100; Paulsen 1970; Stothert 1993a; Masucci 1992). Settlement expansion contin.. ued, reaching a climax in the middle portion of the phase (A.D. 100 to 600; Paulsen 1970; Masucci 1992). A form of mutualismbetween coastal and inland settlements mayhave played a part in this expansion, with marine resources a component in the economic system that supported it (Reitz 1990b). Evidence of the manufacture of marine shell beads and other ornaments is common at these sites (Masucci 1995),particularly at occupations dating to the middle portion of the Guangala Phase. The Earlyand Middle Guangala sites in the EIAzu.. car Valley follow a generally dispersedpattern. The majority of sites are on the first terraces above the flood plains. Most sites (86%, or 30 out of 35 Guangala sites) represent single farm.. steads, to judge from the shallownessand lim.. ited areal and chronological range of deposits. More extensive sites with dense, deep midden depositsrepresenting longer and more intensive occupation, or at least multiple households, are also present (9%, or 3 out of 35 Guangala sites; Figure2). Two sites are shallowhilltop scatters which appear to date to the final portion of the

nizedmarker.. These sherdsare assumed,how..

ever, to be chronologically insensitive beyond marking the phase. Only a few studies include descriptions of coarse paste or utilitarian vessels (Bischof 1982; Marcos 1970, 1982; Stothert 1993a). Instead, chronological and descriptive work has concentrated on decorated fine paste ceramics (Paulsen 1970; Simmons 1970). The lack of descriptions of the abundant plainwares and coarse paste utilitarian wares is particularly frustrating to archaeologists working at small rural sites where fine wares comprise a small percentage of the ceramic assemblage (Lippi 1980, 1983; Masucci 1992). In fact even at larger sites, decorated wares commonly repre.. sent less than five percent of an assemblage. Because of this emphasis on a limited portion of

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) the Guangala ceramic assemblage, trajectories of

-178
Steponaitis (1983). Ceramic analysts in Ecua~ dor are also now productively adapting and
reworking original definitions of modal analysis to fit particular collections. and goals (Raymond

change have been well known for the fine

decorated wares for some time, without a test of possible changes over time in coarse wares.

1995; Beckwith 1996).

The terms utilitarian or coarse wares, as

used here, follow definitions by Rice (1987: 203~

204) and refer to the bulk of GuangalaPhase ceramicswhich are ofmoderate to coarsepastes, and appear to be of low value and high con~ sumption. This pottery contrasts with finepaste ceramics which are of lower frequency in the Guangala Phase collections. These are believed to have had high production cost,lowconsump~ tion, and thus highervalue (Ibid.:203~204). Methodology
Typologicaland ChronologicalMetlwds Many pages have been devoted to discussion of typological studies and the appropriateness of

A combination of Type..Variety,a typologi~ caVtaxonomic hierarchical system of classifica~ tion, and a Modal, or analytical classification,

was chosen for this study as an approachwell'

suited to its goals, the nature of Guangala ce~ ramies, and the El Azucar sample specifically. This combination was selected to provide the most information on coarse paste wares which are a substantial portion of GUangala assem~ blages and were particularly well preserved in the EI Azucar collection, while also providing comparative information to be used in conjunc~ tion with paSt stiIdiesusing versions of modal analysis. A brief discussion of the definitions and possible strengths and weaknesses of type~ variety and modal systems of classificationare helpful for background on, the selection of methods and results. The type~variety~modalsystem as applied here to the El Azucar sample is adapted froma seriesofrecent studies (Demarest 1986;Robert~ son 1980, 1991; Steponaitis 1983) and original formulations of the methods such as Rouse
(1939,1953,1960), Smith etal. (1960) andSab~

competing methods. The most reasonable statement made In this long.:standingdebate is that a single method or typologicalsystem may not be appropriate-to every research situation. The most important -factor in the choice of methods is to find one appropriate to the ques~ dons b~ing asked and the material at hand (Brew 1946). The arena of Andean studies has its own particular controversy over the use of ceramic analytical methods (Rowe 1959; Lathrap 1962; Aleto 1988; Raymond 1995). Also, although reports concentrating on "cul~ tural historical" questions such as building of local ceramic sequences are currently out of favor, there are still many Andean regions in which such basic studies remain to be com~ pleted. Therefore, because a single method acceptable to all analysts has not been pre.. sented, the questions of typologicaland chrono~ logicalmethods are still with us. One approach has been to choose of a combination of methods such as the call for a type~variety~modal analysis (Gifford1976;Sabloff1975)put into practice in studies in Mesoamerica by Demarest (1986), Robertson (1980, 1991), and Chase and Chase (1987) and with Mississippian ceramics by

loff and Smith (1969). In simple terms, the type~variety system aims at the creation of similarity classes,of sherds and vessels to con~ struct descriptive typologies, but more impor~ tandy, to delineate spatially and temporally significant units for defining intrasite and intra and interregional relationships and chronology. The goal is to define widely comparable historical~indexclassificatory units (Rice 1982: 48, 1987:282).Type~varietyprovides a viewof large scale change as well as description of an entire collection and estimates of whole vessels. The concept of mode has a longer history than the type~varietyconcept (Phillips 1970). Rouse's (1939) pioneering work is most com~ monly cited for the definition and discussion of

179.. modes in ceramic analysis. Rowe (1959) and Lathrap (1962) became very strong proponents of the use of modes or features, proposingto do away with pottery types altogether (phillips 1970). This tradition has been continued within South American ceramicstudies (Menzel 1964, 1968;Paulsen 1970;Raymondet al. 1975; Isbell 1977; Mohr..Chavez 1977; Tolstoy and DeBoer 1989). Modes as defined by Rouse (1939, 1953, 1960) and contrasted to type were partitive; i.e., a mode is an attribute or cluster of attributes that displays significancein its own right. Rouse (1960) shows in his definitions that mode and attribute are distinct but can be the same in practice. A mode consisted of a singledesign or technique used in the manufac.. ture of artifacts, or else some specification (e.g., hardness) (Rouse 1939:11). However,notevery attribute indicated modes. Someare individual idiosyncrasies and modes are those attributes with historical significance. Modes, then, are attributes, or a series of attributes, with histori.. cal significance'which are sharedbycorrespond.. ing parts of a series of artifacts (Rouse 1939,
1953:63, 1960).
.

Masucci:

Guangala Phase Ceramics

to use the systems as complementary rather than contradictory. On the other hand, for the early typologists, types, as opposed to modes, were seen as more complex phenomena, difficult to duplicate and useful for broad..scale reconstruction (Rouse 1939:138..141). This view gave rise to a central criticismof type..basedsystemswhich continut;s today, with proponents of modal or feature analysisseeing their method as superior forfine.. grained' chronological analysis. Its followers stress the ability of the modal method to define short periods of time, or more discrete phase divisions, by considering the appearance and disappearance of individual attributes. Use of a composite entity or a grouping of a largenumber of attributes is considered counterproductive for fine..grainedchronological analysis. Type..vari.. ety combines attributes into types with long life spans, creating chronologies of relatively few, very broad periods (Lippi1980:131;Tolstoyand DeBoer 1989:299; Aleto 1988:106). The actual validity of such statements in practice cannot be argued. In the case of the specific cultural phase of interest here, Guan.. gala, an eight phase chronology was presented by Paulsen (1970) using a variation of a feature analysis rather than. a 'type or type..variety method. The general scheme of that chronol.. ogy is supported by the present study, i.e., that plain solid polypods appear earlier than deco.. rated ones. However, as this study shows, the appearance and decline of these variousfeatures or modes is very complex, do not appear to occur all at once, often overlap for portions of the sequence, and therefore are difficult to use for dating sites with the precision that they promise. A classification system of types and varieties will not, however, do any better, but it does not promise that, noting the complexityof ceramic change. Seen in the light of the above discussion,the two systems need not be competitive. They have both commonalities and fundamental differences, strengths, and weaknesses. Ulti..

Raymond'smore recent applicationof this

system which he terms a "Structural AnalysiS", does not appear to differ from fundamental definitions of modes as "values ranged along dimensions of variability, . . . assumed to be minimal units of formal variation which affect meaning" (1995:229). Modes, according to Raymond (lbid.:229..230) may be defined as "discreteattributes (for example,an everted rim or a vertical rim), or as values along a continu.. ousscale (such as mouth diameters)". However, Raymond also adds an explicit consideration of whole vessel categories. In describingthe steps in a structural analysis he emphasizesthat the "units that exhibit structure" are whole vessels. The unit of analysisisthe completevesselrather than the sherd (Ibid.:229..230).Raymondstates that potsherds must be analyzedasparts of pots. This constant reference back to whole vessels can provide a meeting ground for the two meth.. ods. Therefore, in this study an attempt is made

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000) mately, an analyst must apply the analytical structure best suited to the goals of the study and the natUre and limits of a collection. T01, stoyand DeBoer (1989:299)assertthat formsof modal analysis are best suited to. relatively elaborate material and short,lived attributes, and can (with luck) extract chronological information from very small amounts of mate, rial. In addition, when working with eroded sherds, type,variety can be verytime consuming with limited results (Sabloff 1975). A modal stUdycan more easily deal with the attributes preserved in the sample. In addition, one major advantage of a modal analysis as defined and carried out by Raymond as a structural analysis is its predictive ability. With the understanding gained of the design elements and the "genera' tive rules" of design one can predict which designs are "grammaticallycorrect" (Raymond 1995:231). Therefore, it should be possible to recognize foreign pots, as well as copies and imitations of a style. Such sherdsor vesselsmay have ended up hidden in a varietal description or in a box of "specials"or unknown sherds in a type,variety analysis. Although I did not follow Raymond's method specificallyin this analysis, information on modes served a similarpurpose, helping to highlight particular changes in the assemblage. The Type,Variety method was therefore most applicable to the EI Azucar Guangala ceramics,but it did not serve wellfor all aspects of the collection. An attempt wasthus made to applya basic modal or attribute analysisfollow, ing originaldefiners of the systemsuch as Rouse (1939, 1953, 1960) and analysts who have combined the methods (Robertson 1980,1991; Demarest 1986). In practice this meant exam, ining the collection for attributes or series of attributes which either cross,cut the types and varieties (wholevesselcategories)definedin the analysis,or were subsumedwithin a type or were the defining characteristic for a variety. Not surprisingly,the modal analysiswasmost useful for the fine paste decorated waresand for dem, ing a seriesof modes related to other contempo, rary cultural phases. However, it wasnot parti,

-180 cularly revealing for coarse wares.The resulting type,variety classification offers a picture of broad changes over time in coarse ware surface treatment, form, and paste not previouslydelin, eated. The addition of a thin section analysisof pastes allows these pottery type descriptions to accurately define what is meant by a "coarse".vs. a "fine"textUred ware. It also permits consider,

ation of the relationshipthrough time ofstyle,,

form, and technology.
Ceramic Sample

Excavations of stratified midden depositsat tWoEIAzucar Guangala Phase sites providethe primary ceramic data base for the analyses. The ceramic sample is drawn from three trench excavations totaling 18 cubic meters. Two of the trenches are from one site (Figure 2, Site 47) with a third from a site 1 kIn distant (Site 30). Both sites contained, only Guangala Phase material both on the surface and in excavated deposits. Excavations followed natural levels when present, and arbitrary levels of 10 cm when no natural divisionswere visible.Deposits at Site 47 ranged from 160,180 cm in depth,
.

and from 50,60 cm at site 30. One trench at

Site 47 was enlarged by a 3 x 4 m areal excava, tion to offer a greater vie~ of the artifact pat, terning within the site. Although the ceramics are not included in the analysespresented here, they were analyzed and followed the same patterns described in this article. The wellpreserved state of the ceramics,the concentrations ofarticulated fishand deer bone, and the high number of partial vesselsand sherd refits over short, primarily horizontal distances suggest minimal disturbance of the deposits. The density of material and the nature of the artifacts, such as the range of ceramic forms, vertebrate and invertebrate faunal, macro, botanical, and lithic remains, both tools and manufactUring debris, as well as wattle,and, daub, metal artifacts, debris from shell working, pyrolizedplant remains including cotton (Pear, sallI990), spindlewhorls, a livingfloor,hearths, and ash throws, possiblyfrom hearth sweepings,

181..

Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramics

all support an assessment of the deposits as domestic midden from a sedentary farming homestead. The size,density, and extent of the midden deposits at the two sites suggest trash from multiple households. Occupation also appears to have been continuous because no sterilelayerswereobserveddividingthe midden. Five Guangala sites recorded in the El Az11.. car surveycontained ceramic typesnot found at any other Guangala sites in the Valley. These. five sites were identified as Guangala based on the presence of pedestal plates (compoteras), which are markers of the phase, and of fineware jarswith vertical necks, lip flanges,and applique decoration associated in other studies with the final portion of the Guangala Phase (Paulsen 1970). The ceramic assemblages were domi.. nated by sherds from two types of large, thick.. walled, coarse paste jars which also are associ.. ated in previous studies with the Late Guangala or Manteiio Phases (Bushnell 1951; Estrada 1957a, 1962; Simmons 1970:385..388; Lippi 1980:70; Mester 1990:148..150;Stothert 1981, 1993b). The utilitarian ware ceramics from these.sites were used to define two types mark.. ing the final portion of the phase (Masucci
1992: 371..375, 1996).

fied temporal patterns of change in plainwares and utilitarian pottery in other areas (Robertson 1980). Through the type..variety system the "complete" assemblage: body sherds, as well as rims, and unslipped, as well as slipped and decorated pottery, could be analyzed and de.. scribed. A type is not valid unless all portions'of a vessel are represented. Sixteen types and 31 varieties have been established for this Guangala assemblage. The types were examined for temporal and spatial significance through a relative frequency seria.. tion in conjunction with stratigraphic analysisof the midden deposits. Nonmetric multidimen.. sional scaling was used to examine the variabil.. ity present in the collections and test the valid.. ity of the seriation, as well as help suggestinter.. digitation of the three trench samples and subdivision of the resulting sequence (Masucci

1992).

A total of 28,000 sherds from excavated contexts were analyzed. All excavated sherds weresorted into typesfollowingthe type..variety system (Gifford 1976;Robertson 1980;Smith et al. 1960). Types were defined primarily on attributes of surface treatment and decoration with additional consideration offormand visible

paste characteristics. All sherds were then

codedfor modes present and entered as separate casesinto a computer data base sothat temporal variations in attributes which crosscut types could be examined. The combination of methods was well.. suited to the El Az11carsample and research goals.The large, well preserved sherds from the El Az11carsample included a high number of partial vessels, primarily plainwares, or coarse paste wares. The type..varietysystemhas identi..

The modes examined were divided into formal, painted, and plastic attribute combina.. tions. These modes did not suggest either an independent subdivision of the Guangala se.. quence or a finer subdiv~ion than that proposed on the basis of type frequency seriation. The results instead offer a set of additional distin.. guishing criteria for the chronological divisions which will be particularly useful to analysts working with surface collections where type frequencies cannot be calculated. This is a particularly important point because type..vari.. ety has been criticized for offering only large.. scale historical units which assume gradual change. The use of both typology and the results of modal analysisdoes allowfiner tempo.. ral assessment of collections because sometypes overlap in occurrence .and some show only minor changes throughout the entire sequence.
Technological Analysis

Followingcompletion of the typologicaland chronological study a technological analysiswas undertaken to investigate possible changes in vessel paste through time, and the correlation

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-182
nological orderings based on attributes of style and form. Results: A New Local Sequence The EIAzucar analysisrevealed patterns of change in fine paste ceramics which support previous work by other authors (Paulsen 1970; Simmons 1970; Stothert 1993a). In addition, the work revealed a series of changes in coarse wares not previously discussed. Results of the analysis showed that not all Guangala Phase finger..paintedvesselsare created equal and that they are, in fact, chronologically sensitive. By concentrating on attributes of surface treat.. ment, paste composition, and form, a series of chronologicallyand spatiallysignificantutilitar, ian ceramic types has been defined. This pat~ tern of changes has been used to subdividethe Guangala phase, as represented at EI Azllcar, into three ceramic complexes (ComplexesI..III) which correspond generally to the Early, Mid~ dIe, and Late Guangala (Stothert 1993aj Paul.. sen 1970). Only a summaryof the primarytypes and forms is presented below, and a summaryof formsisillustrated in Figure 3. Detailed descrip.. tions are available elsewhere (Masucci 1992).

between stylistic and formal attributes and technological attributes. The pastes used in an assemblagecan be analyzedby lookingsolelyat ceramic artifacts. However, if there is an inter~ est in the manipulation of raw materials and in questions of provenance, the analystmust gain knowledgeoflocally availableresources. Prove~ nance studies in particular require comparison of ceramic artifacts with locally available raw materials.

Two geologicalmapping and samplecollec~ tion expeditions were conducted in Ecuador from 1992 through 1993 (Masucci and Mac~ farlane 1997). Analysisof the samplesprovides data on the local geologicalsetting and on the resources available. This information served as the basis for provenance and technological analysis. A total of 53 claysand 28rock samples were prepared as thin sections. Thin sections were also made of 180 Guangala pottery sherds and three Early Mantefio sherds. Of the ce~ ramic sample, 93 sherds are from the EI Azucar excavated collections. The remainder of the sampleisfromsurface.collectionsmade in the EI AzucarValley, and at sites outsideit which were encountered during geologicalsurvey, or were provided from excavated or surfacecollections A series of corrected and uncalibrated by other researchers working in southwest coastal Ecuador (Figure 1). The ceramicswere radiocarbon dates from the primary trench of selected to cover surface treatment and the form Site 47 (XTrench) provide an absolute scalefor and composition groupingsnoted in typological the ceramic chronology (Masucci 1992:table and chronological analyses.Usingtechniques of 10). Three radiocarbon dates from the deposits place Complex I between 2030 :t 120 B.P., optical petrography (Pettijohn 1975jWhitbread 1987, 1989j Folk 1974), observations were 1850:t 70 B.P., and 1750 :t 60 B.P. (Table 1). recorded on attributes ofmicromass,microstruc, Only one radiocarbon assay is available for ture, composition, and textUre (Masucci 1995j Complex II. It suggests a position on the con.. Masucci and Macfarlane 1997)." Estimates of tinuum between 1750 :t 60 B.P. and 1670:t 60 quantitative variables were based on published B.P. with no ending date available. No dateable geological comparative charts (Folk 1974; materials are available for Complex III, but on the basis of cross..dating with previous studies Pettijohn 1975). Petrographic analysis treats (Paulsen 1970), the types present correspondto pottery as a geologicalmaterial. tts techniques are used to identify mineral and rock fragments, what has been labeled "LateGuangala"spanning as well as to examine attributes of the clay the period from 1350 to 1150 B.P. matrix. On the basis of the recorded character, istics, the thin sections are grouped in fabric classes. These groups must then be interpreted through comparison with typologicaland chro..

183
~

Masucci:

Guangala PhaseCeramics

Table 1.
PTOIIenience

BI AtUcar Site 47 radiocarbondates

Con-ected, calibrated Laboratory number Samplematerial C13/C12 ratio

Complex1 XTrench 70-80cm b.s. 105,110 cm b.s. XTrench

140.145 em b.s.

280 :!:85AD.
ISO:!: 90 AD.

1750:!:60 B.P.
1850:!: 70 B.P.

SMU2461
SMU 2463

Woodcharcoal
Wood charcoal

513/12C= ,25.3%0
513/12C

= ,25.4%0

60 :!: 150B.C.

2030:!: 120B.P; SMU2462

Woodcharcoal

513/12C = ,25%0

Complex n XTrench
20-30 cm b.s.

370 :!:80 AD.

1670:!:60 B.P.

SMU2460

Woodcharcoal

513/12C = ,24.6%0

Typological aild Chronologi~

Analysis

Complex I. The earliest ceramicspresent in the EI Azucar deposits (Complex I) are domi~ nated by two related vess~l types with "finger~ painted" decoration (Figures 3~6). Both types consistof thin to'moderately thin walledvessels (0.5~0. 7 cm). One is characterized by an unslipped exterior and finger~paintdecoration, and the other by a thin, watery red~slipped exterior and finger~paintdecoration. Predomi~ nant formsare round~bottomed,flaringcollared jars with a sharp, defined throat angle and a
range of rim and lip forms. Rim diameter range is 6.0~46.0cm. These two types together com~ prise from forty to seventy percent of the pottery recovered in the lowest levels of all deposits.

Primary modes are finger~painted decora~ tion, Applique on bowl leg supports, and a combination of zoned incision, punctates, and applique circles on the exterior shoulder of a small number of jars. . This latter mode is very rare in the EI Azucar assemblage and crosscuts forms and types of utilitarian wares (Figure9). The combination of decorative elements is distinctive and described as typical of the Jam~ belr Phase in southern Ecuador. . A pottery type with this mode is listedby Estradaetal. (1964) as "Jambeli Punctate." The occurrence of this mode is limited in the EIAzucar sample to the earliest levels of Complex I. Stothert has de~ scribed the occurrence of the same suite of decorations on. vessels at Valdivia Village, an Early Guangala component (1993a). Fine paste ceramics are dominated by thin walled (0.2~0. 7 cm) bowlsand dishesofcomplex shapes with thick, dark glossy slips and bur~ nished line decoration occurring on matte unburnished areas on either the interior orbasal exterior portions of vessels (Figures 4 and 10). Iridescent painting is also common on these vesselsin a range of simple dot and band motifs (Figures 4 and 10). These vessels are well documented in literature on the GuangalaPhase (Willey 1971; Meggers 1966; Paulsen 1970; Simmons 1970; Stothert 1993a). A round bottomed, carinated jar with outcurving rimand

Open forms of similar paste and wall thick~ nessare primarilyflaringwalledbowlssupported with polypod legs and a range of rim. and lip forms. The lowest levelsof the depositscontain only plain, undecorated solid or hollow poly~ pods, but solid pods with elaborate applique decoration depicting human figuresand animals occur during Complex I, although slightly later than plain pods (Figure 8). Paulsen has pre~ sented a chronology of changes in the features of these polypods (Paulsen 1970), but these features were found to overlap in the strati, graphic columns at EIAzucar.

Masucci:

Guangala 'Phase Ceramics

a smoothed exterior surface. Neither type

shows evidence of burning.

Fine paste, moderately thin walled (05-0.8 cm), vertical necked jars with lip flanges and highly polished exterior surfaces were also present at these sites (Figures3, 13). This form is not present in the excavated samples and is found in surface collections only at the five ComplexIII sites of the EIAzucar survey. This formis similar to that listed in previous studies as "Frogware"because of the presence of appli.. que claycircles on the jar shoulder arranged in the fonn of a frog (paulsen 1970). Variations of this type are dated by Paulsen to the latter portion of the phase. A second form of redslipped, fine..paste jar often associated with Manteftois present with what is referred to as a "bell-rim",a high, outflaring rim (Figure 13, Bushnell 1951). Summary of Typological 'and Chronological Analysis
Three trajectories of change were discerned

more useful in chronological studies using frequency seriation because the finewaresrepre.. sented such a small percentage of the overall sample, and changes in frequency were not statisticallysignificant. Figure 7 (top) illustrates the shift in frequencies of utilitarian wares and finewares between Complex I and II in the primary trench at Site 47. A third set of ceramic types with a distinct trajectory of change wasdiscerned in the assem.. blage. These types are shown in the center
.

column of Figure3. The typesencompassthe large, thick-walledpedestal plates with white

and red slip..painteddecoration and hemispheri.. cal bowls as well as small pedestal plates which show strong stylistic affinities to cultural phases to the south. The white..on..red bowls and plates have their primary occurrence in Com.. plex I, but are also present in Complex II with no detectable changes in style or form. Large pedestal plates are present throughout the entire sequence with no detectable change, although there is always a wide range of variability in forms and surface decoration. Technological Analysis ComplexI. The utilitarian wares ofComplex I group into a related fabric class. Based on comparison and correlation with raw materials sampled within 10 km of the El Azt1carValley, the ceramics could be termed "local" products (Masucci and Macfarlane 1997).. Due to the rare evidence of on-site pottery production and the general uniformity of raw materials in the immediate Santa Elena area, it is not clear, however, if the pottery was actually made at the find sites. Therefore the term "local"pottery is used to signifyceramics made within the Santa Elena area. A similar case for Valdivia pottery has been reported by Marcos (personal communication 1995). Ceramic pastes correlate with the Quaternary vertisols found directly on or near the surface throughout the area. Modern potters in such villages as Rio Verde, Buena Fuente, and

in the Guangala assemblage. These involved finew~res,utilitarian wares, and a third set of vesselswith white.. and red.. slippeddecoration (Figure3). The dramatic shifts in the style of finewares have been presented in previous studies (Paulsen 1970;Simmons 1970;Stothert 1993a). Similar changes were observed at El Azt1carand are illustrated in the left column of Figure3. These types, based on fonnal and wall thickness changes, are identifiable even in eroded samples. Changes not previously out.. lined also occur, in the style and form of utili.. tarian wares. These correlate with changes in the finewares.The changes are illustrated in the

right column of Figure3. These can be dis..

cemed in eroded samplesby takinginto account attributes of paste, fonn, and wall thickness. Frequency seriation of these types, particu.. larly the utilitarian wares, and modal analysis, particularly of the finewares, were the basis for delineation of three chronological groups, Complexes 1..111.The utilitarian wares were

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-186
Compoteravessels also are unique, but with the exception of pumice temper, the mineralogy reflects that of local materials. The samples formed, however, a very heterogeneous class with a wide range of variation in non~plastic inclusions, particularly tempers such as grog (ground pottery) and pumice. Based on miner~ alogy, these could be local products, but each may have been made at a different production site, or by a different potter.

Juntas ~se similar deposits, and samplesof their claysmatch well with the utilitarian wares of EI Azucar Complex I.
The fabrics of utilitarian vessels of Complex I which bear designs matching those typical of the Jambel1 Phase also fall into the fabric class of

the other early utilitarian wares. Therefore, these vessels represent an incorporation of decorative attributes from neighboringcultural phases into locallymade Guangalapots. There are no other attributes of form or surface treat~ ment which would place these vesselsoutside the range of typical Guangala wares. The finewares of Complex I group into a homogenous fabric classwhich, with twoexcep~ tions, matches local clays. First, the texture of the ceramic fabrics is distinct fromthat of local raw materials. Texture could be altered by refining local materials such as through wet or dry sieving. Second, pumice fragments are a predominant non~plastic inclusion. This rock type has not been found in' local clays, rock outcrops, or drainage float materials. The Ecuadorian highlands have substantial deposits of pumice that are mined today and sent to the coast. Although not listed on geologicalmaps, there maybe depositsin the Chong6n~Colonche hills, but these most likelywouldbe of tephra, a mix ofpyroclastic materials fromvolcanic erup~ tions. The inclusions in the El Azucar ceramics are pumice only. Vesselswith white~and red~slippeddecora~ tion are unusual in their mineralogy, texture, and technology compared to localmaterials and the remainder of the EI Azucar sample. The white~on~red hemispherical bowls and ring~ based plates form a separate pottery classand do not relate closely to any of the raw materials sampled thus far in the area. Furthermore, the vessels show a strong preferred orientation of

II. The utilitarianwaresofComComplex plex II also form a closely related group on the basis of mineralogy and texture, but one which isvery distinct from that of Complexes I and III. Texture is characterized by a bi~modaldistribu~ tion of inclusions. The smaller size mode is comprised of fine sand-sizedgrains ofquartz and feldspar, similar to those observed in the local clays. The larger sizemode is also comprisedof locally available material, coarse to very coarse sand-sizedsub-rounded chert and tufffragments commonly found in the local drainages. This suggests the use of local clays with temper selected from local river sands. Therefore, these vesselsare likelylocal products, but technologically they are distinct from Complex I types which appear to have been formed from local clays with little manipulation or tempering. Finewares and white and red vessels show no change from Complex 1.
ComplexIII. Type 1 of Complex III utilitar~ ian wares, in contrast to those of ComplexI and II, does not appear to be a local product. The fabricsof these vesselsare dominated by coarse sand-to~granule-sizedgrains of eroded coarsegrained igneous rocks. This class of material or granodiorite is not available in the immediate area of EI Azucar or the Santa Elena Area. Small outcrops occur in the northeastern Chon~ g6n~Colonchehillsnorth ofGuayaquil,approxi~ mately 70 km from EI Azucar. In 1996 these rock formations were examined, and thin sec~ tions of samples analyied (Masucci 1996). A common identity was confirmed, but chemical analyses are necessary to confirm a common source. Type 2, on the other hand, is similarin

voids. . This patterningmaybe associatedwith

forming methods {Whitbread 1987, 1989; Woods 1984~1985).The pattern was not ob~ served in any other types, even when a similar form was present.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) rounded or pointed lip is also present with this same suite of decoration.

-184
Polypod vessels are still present. However, the dominant open forms are flaring walled bowls and large, round~bottomed bowls with slightly incurving sides, thick red~slippedinte~ rior surfaces, and very rough exteriors. Finger~ painting on these vessels commonly appears over the red slip (Figure 11).
Finewares are marked by geometric designs .

Simple contour, moderately thin direct walled (0.4~0.6 cm), hemispherical bowls and ring~basedplates with red slipand often fugitive white paint are also present (Figures3,4, and 9). Previouswork listed these vesselsasmarkers ofEarlyGuangala (Paulsen 1970). AtEIAzucar they are found primarily in Complex I, but do continue during Complex II. These vessels, along with thick~walled (1.0~2.0 cm) plates (comporeras) on high pedestals with thick red slipsand white painted decorations, are seen as important markers for the Regional Develop~ mental Period (Figure 3). At EI Azucar the comporerasare found in low frequencies beara range throughoutthe phase. Compoteras of decorative modes including applique balls, cutouts, and incisions, but these "of ten appear only once in the assemblageon a singlevessel. Strikingly similar vessels to both of these types with white and red slip decoration have been noted from as far south as the TumbesValleyin

in dark broWnor red paint over a light~colored slip, producing either two,colored (Figure.12) or three~colored wares (Figure 12), commonly referred to as bichromes or polychromes. These vessels are thin walled (0.2,0.6 cm) shoulder bowls with simple contours, almost vertical~ sided, with slight carinations, direct rims, and rounded lips. A wide range of motifshave been describedfor coastal sites,including zoomorphic designs. Most notable is a pelican motif (Bush~ nell.l951j Paulsen 1970). Zoomorphic designs were absent at the inland EIAzucar sites. Complex III. Based' on radiocarbon dates and comparisons with previous work (paulsen 1970) the excavated midden deposits analyzed in this study do not encompass the entire Guan~ gala phase. However, surface collections at five EI Azucar sites suggest a third complex. Site collections contain sherds identifiable as Guan, gala, but the assemblages' are dominated by unslipped, undecorated sherds fromlargecoarse paste jars not observed in the excavated samples. (Figure 13). Recent surveys in the Rlo Grande Valley immediately to the northeast of the EI Azucar Valley have provided larger and better pre~ served samples of the coarse ware types typical of these sites (Masucci 1996). Two types are present. Type 1 is a thick walled jar (O.7~1.7 cm; Figures 3, 13) with large, extremely thick, exterior folded or rolled rims (38~46cm diame~ ter) and unslipped, roughly finished exterior surfaces with deep pits caused by dragginglarge coarse inclusions across the vessel surface (Masucci 1992:371~375). Type 2 also has thick walls (1.0~2.0cm) with high, flaring, direct or slightlyincurved rims (40,54 cm diameter) and

northern coastal .Peru (Izumi and Terrada . 1966)

ComplexII. Coincidingwith the firstappear~ ance of bichrome and polychrome fine paste ceramics (Figure 3) is a new set of types in coarse paste wares. These typesappear initially in low frequencies at the same time that vessels of Complex I show a decrease in frequency (Figure 7). The new set of coarse ware types comes to replace Complex I utilitarian vessels completely,and together comprisesfrom45% to 65% of the pottery recovered in upper levels of all deposits. The Complex II ceramics are dominated by large, thick~walled(O.7~1.0cm) jars bearing either a thick, dark red slip with finger~paint decoration or an unburnished, watery exterior slip with coarse wiping marks and occasional finger~paintdecoration (Figures 4, 5, 11). These types exhibit an easily distin~ guishable new range of forms dominated by round~bottomed jars with outcurvingnecks and curved throat angles and a range of rim and lip forms.

187

Masucci: Guangala Phase Ceramics

ceous inclusions extruding onto the surfacesof the vessels. Bushnell did not believe that this type of mineral waspresent as a natural resource compoteras show no changefromComplexesI in the area, or occurred in other vessel pastes. and II. We now know, from analysisof local clays,that both muscovite and biotite are present in raw materials in the region, but are rare mlneral Summary of Technological Analysis types occurring as fine~sizedinclusions (-< .05 Technological analysesrevealeda variety of mm). In contrast, these minerals are common relationships between stylistic and typological and are larger (0.1~0.5mm) in the white~on~red analysesand pastecharacteristics.Forutilitar~. ceramics. Therefore, Bushnell's hypothesismay ian wares, there is a strong correlation between be correct. These vessels are distinct in termsof surfacetreatment and shape with paste. Specifi~ texture, mineralogical composition, and tech~ cally, the shifts in style defining Complex I and nology. Thin sections from three sherds of Complex II types correspond to a shift in paste. almost identical form and decoration from the site of Los Vergeles in Arenillas, El Oro Prov~ . Incontrast,pastecharacteristics offinewares ince south of El Azucar, and within the area did not change throughout the Guangala Phase defined for the Jambell Phase, have also been even though significant changes occurred in examined. These sherds were similarin texture style. In the case of compoteras,a type was and mineralogy, and showed the preferred defined on the basis of common form, although orientation of voids' typical of the El Azucar there is a wide range of variation in decoration, white~on~redsamples. Chemical studies using and technological analysisshowedheterogenous Neutron Activation Analysis of these samples pastes. Vessel types with white and red decora~ were conducted by Hector Neff at the Univer~ tion remained stable.in all attributes across the sity of Missouri Research Reactor (MURR) to phas~. examine further the relationship between these sherds. Preliminary re~ults cluster the El Azu~ The utilitarian wares of ComplexesI and II car white~on~redsamples with those from El appear to be local products, although made of Oro, but raw materials from this southern different raw materials. Complex II types con~ province have not yet been tested (Masucciand tain local tempers used to produce vessels very Neff 1997). These results are beingprepared for distinct in wall thickness, form, and surface publication. It also remains to be demonstrated treatment fromComplex I. ComplexIII utilitar~ that the Los Vergeles samples are themselves ian wares,however, are both localand nonlocal. local. Nevertheless, preliminary results One type contains rock fragments which have strengthen the likelihood of a relationship not been found in the El Azucar or Santa Elena between the southwest coastal peoples and areas. Throughout the phase finewaresappear those further to the south. This interaction to have been made of locally available,refined likely extended into far northern Peru. Evi~ claystempered by non~locallyavailablepumice. dence is the strong formal and stylisticsimilari~ ties of white~on~red types and compoteras among The picture isdistinct for vesselswith white~ Guangala,Jambelf (Estrada et al. 1964: plate and red~slipped decoration (Figures 3, 9). 12), and Garbanzal (Izumi and Terrada (1966: Although these are commonly viewed as key plates 13 and IS}. Furthermore, it isinteresting Guangala markers, they are likely non~local to note that these white~on~redvessels, which products. In an early study of Guangala ceram~ may be related to southern groups, are most icsBushnell (1951) suggestedthatthewhite~on~ common in Complex I and coincident with the red hemispherical bowlswereimported from the occurrence of the Guangala vessels bearing South. He based this idea on the visible mica~ "Jambel{Punctate" type decorative modes.

paste, although different in form, from earlier Complex I utilitarian wares, utilizing local materials with little alteration. Finewares and

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000)

-188
ing an explanation for the changes. The follow.. ing discussionisorganizedby these three classes. Furthermore, the results suggesta necessary questioning of the temporal..spatial "culture phase" divisions we have created and continue to use. As this research emphasizes,"Guangala" ceramics exhibit major changes in all aspectsof. the assemblage.. in the decoration and formof finewares, as well as in the surface treatments, forms,and pastes of coarse paste wares. Change in finewaresisvery abrupt, with only technology retained from earlier wares. What holds the "phase"together, then, is only a general levelof similarity, including finger..painted decoration, "red" globular cooking jars, pattern burnish decoration, and the continued occurrence of pedestal plates and white,on..red bowls and plates. These two latter types may, however, acttially be special function ritual vesselswith white,on,red vessels imported.
Fine PasteWares

The largepedestaledplatevessels or compo,

teras have proven to be an enigma in terms of technological attributes. These vesselsshow a remarkable diversity in traits, with no two samples alike. The samples do not, however, fall into any other fabric group. The character.. istics observed in these samplesappear to be a mix of all the Guangala types. Technological diversity could be used as a basisfor suggesting a range of proveniences for these vessels. The wide range of attributes which characterize these pastes are allwithin the Guangalaproduc.. tion repertoire, and thus these vessels could simply represent an attempt to temper with whatever is commonly used or available to achieve the thick walls typical of these vessels. It is also useful to note, however, the evidence forceramic production found byStothen at sites in the Las Balsas region north of El Azt1car. Survey at sites there also indicated a high per.. centage of compoterasherds (Stothert 1993b).
.

Thin sections of stylisticallysimilar sherds . from other Guangala sites in the southwest coastal region were compared with the samples from El Azt1car. These additional samples exhibited characteristics which strongly corre, lated with the fabric classes discerned in the El Azt1carsample. Therefore, these technological classes appear to be consistent throughout the Santa Elena area (Masucci and Macfarlane 1997). Discussion Correlation of the results of the typological, modal, and technological analysesdistinguishes main classesof ceramics in the Guangalaassem, blage with three distinct trajectories of change (Figure 3). Ceramic typological studies can mask such diversity, emphasizing common patterns of change across ceramicclassesuseful for subdividing cultural periods. The main advance from the combination ofmethods used here is that it moves analysisbeyond documen.. tation of artifact variability. It provides data on what changed. It is proposed thatthe nature of the variabilityissignificantand usefulfor pursu..

New stylistic traditions were incorporated into this class of wares during the Guangala Phase, although there is continuity in raw material use and technology. Therefore, fine paste wares exhibit stylistic change alongside technological stability. Also, within each com, plex, there is a narrow range of stylistic and technological variation. These vesselsappearto be local products but contain pumice temper, a non..locally available material. Importation of this material during the Guangala Phase would add to evidence of movement of goods, such as obsidian, from the highlands to the coast (Bur, ger et al. 1994). The compositional similarity between fineware vesselsin each complexraises the possibility of centralized or specialized production of these wares, but this is difficultto address with petrography alone. Chemical analyses have been performed to address this issue. Preliminary results do not support a model of centralized production. Further, the likely source of production for individual sam, pIes did not alwayscorrespond with their arch, aeology provenience, suggesting groups may

Masucci:Guangala Phase Ceramics have exchanged individual vessels(Masucciand

Neff1997).

It is not surprising that the technological attributes for manufacture ofGuangalafineware pastes would remain stable throughout the phase, because, whether applyinga burnished or painted decoration, the desire for a thin,walled vesselwith well,fired, dense paste wasconstant. What was affected in the finewares were the visiblefeatures, assumed to be the symbolically significant or ideologically loaded elements which may have signaled something about Guangala shared identity. The source of this new decorative style is still not known, but the multi,colored painted decoration whichappears in Complex II is a break with the previous finewaremodes which were related to a stylistic vocabulary with roots in the Late Formative. Ledergerber (1980) also has shown similarities in design elements between Guangala pattern burnishing and that on sherds from the Nasca Phase at the site of Cahuachi,in Peru's Nazca Valley. The form changes which occur db not alter the likely function of the fineware vessels as serving or presentation pieces. Therefore, it seemsprobable that, on one level, the function of these vessels did not change. The message, or its destination may, however, have changed. In addition, any social processesresponsiblefor the shiftofComplex I black,burnished finewares to polychrome,painted finewaresof Complex II did not affect the availabilityof the raw materi, als, specificallypumice, which were part of the fineware production tradition. Another issue regarding these wares is the use of the label "elite wares", based mainly on estimated greater effort required for manufac, tUre (Stothert 1984). Could these wares indi, cate the presence of elites or socialhierarchies during. the Guangala Phase? The vessels do have higher production costs because of their decoration and the control offiringnecessary to produce multiple colors. The creation of high, status goods,or the control ofluxury items as an aspect of competitive hierarchical societies in the Intermediate Area is well documented

(Drennan and Uribe 1987; Helms 1987). Ethnohistoric evidence fromEcuador alsoshows an association of finely decorated vessels with native nobles (Salomon 1986:124). Contempo, rary groups in the Eastern lowlands of Ecuador, however, have a polychrome tradition associ, ated with ritual and gift giving, rather than display of elite status (Kelley and Orr 1976; Whitten 1975). Also, in the case of th~ Sarayacu Quichua, similar painting techniques are used, but each potter has a distinctive style ofdecorativedesigns(Kelleyand Orr 1976:17).
.

These few examples indicate that both the degreeofstandardizationin decoration,aswell

as context, .are key evidence for examining the production, function, and use of such vessels. Contextual data from EI Azucar indicate that the vesselsare widely available, and not limited to certain site .tYPesor sizes. Not all motifs, however, may be present at all sites. The often pictured zoomorphic designs (paulsen 1970) from pottery found at large coastal sites, such as La Libertad, were absent from the EI Azucar inland valley sites. Detailed design analysishas not been performed for these. wares beyond Paulsen's (1970) attempt to document evolution of the style for chronological purposes. Much more detailed contextual data, information on distribution of motifs, and delineation of pro, duction organization is needed before the ques, tion of the significance and function of these wares can be addressed.
Coarse Paste Wares

Coarse paste wares were. essentially rein, vented during both Complexes II and III, em, ployingnew technical choices to produce differ, ent shapes and styles. Complex I utilitarian wares show strong affinities to Late Formative ceramics, as do the finewares. The changes in Complex II show a preference for a vesselpro' duced with larger and different inclusions, thicker walls, and more friable paste. This change requires the addition ofproduction steps in the use of a local raw material for tempering, and in the application of exterior thick red slip. There is also an increase in the sizeand depth of

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000) bowl forms in Complex II. The shift:seen in Complex III utilitarian wares suggestsa much more complete break with the earlyand middle types because one type of vessel is most likely not made oflocally availablematerials. Changes in utilitarian wares in both ComplexesII and III also occur within a context of settlement change. Settlement expansion and population increase through Complex II have been pro~ posed. Complex III or Late Guangalahas been seen as a time of settlement disruption and possible abandonment (Lanning1967). The shifts in utilitarian wareswouldseem to suggest changes in function, particularly when correlated with the changes in settlement. Not all form characteristics, however, are related to use. Many can be stylistic (Crown 1981). Porosity tests following Rice (1984:350~354) also show that all typescover the same range of 20~30% porosity even though paste, wall thick~ ness, and surface treatment varies. Bum pat~ terns, on the other. hand, do vary between Complexes I and II, and Complex III vessels have no. evidence of burning. The sample of Complex III sherds is, however, still very lim.. ited. This suggests the possibilityof change in cooking methods, for example, suspensionover a fire versus pots set into a hearth. Such differ~ ent cookingmethods have been shown to result in different bum patterns on vessel surfaces (Robertson 1980; Hally 1983, 1986). Analysis of vesselsize,volume, and bum patterns on the EIAzucar samplescontinues iriorder to confirm these possiblecorrelations. The function of the addition of a slip, increased wall thickness, and other attributes to counteract thermal shock and other problems should be addressed. Changes in paste could have been forced by exhaustion of local materials. This does not seem likely, however, because vesselsof pastes typical of Complex I continue in very low fre~ quencies throughout the sequence, and fine.. wares are likely produced of similar, although more refined, materials. Also, the pastes of Type 2 of Complex III are related to those of Complex I. Results of chemical analysesshould

-190
be particularly useful for explaining changes seen in Complex III coarse wares. Basedon the similarity to mineral types available to the east in the Guayas Basin (Masucci 1996), it ispossi~ ble that the changes in ceramics and settlement relate to events or peoples in that area. Cur~' rently only a correlation ofraw material typehas been es.tablished,a common source must stillbe demonstrated. Relationships with the Guayas Basin would not be a surprise and have long been assumed (Estrada 1957b), but demonstra~ tion through sourcing studies would be useful for better defining these interactions.

Finally, the uniqueness of the pastes of vessels with white~on~red painted decoration suggests a special case (Figures 4, 9). These typesare present in low to moderate frequencies and show few, or only subtle changes in styleor paste throughout the entire phase. Based on composition, the pedestaled campoteravessels could have been made locally, but show a re~ markable diversity in technology and decora~ tion, with each vessel seeming unique. The form of these vesselsand their similarityto later stone seats, has led to an inference of use as seats, or display receptacles for offerings (Bushnell 1951). In contrast, white~on"red hemispherical bowls and ring..based plates appear to be nonlocal and possibly related to groups to the south. The likelihood of such interaction with southerly groups is strength.. ened by the identification of Jambel1modes on local Complex I Guangala vessels. The particular forms and styles of these vesselsdate to the Late Formative and arefound from northern Peru through southern highland and coastalEcuador. Marcos (1986:37..38) has offered a scenario for the spread ofthese charac~ teristic Regional Developmental Period traits (e.g.,clayseats, white~on~redpaint decoration). His model is based on trade, competition, and .conflict. According to Marcos, the appearance of the cultural phases of the period is attributed to a net ofexchangebasedin trafficofSpondylus

191..

Masucci:

Guangala

Phase Ceramics

sp. which served to create a seriesof jefaturasy clanes(chiefdoms and kin groups/clans). These groupsor cultural phases werein competition to control or expand control of a sphere of influ.. ence in the net of long distance trade centered on the exchangeof Spondylus shell. Changes wrought are due to incursions into the coastal area by mercerderes (merchants) from Cerro Narrlo in the southern Ecuadorian highlands looking to expand and gain greater control in redistribution of the precious Spondylusshell. This model does not specificallydiscussthe use of these vessels or why they would have been imported or their styles adopted. The possible non..local production of the white..on..red vesselscouldbe seenassupporting Marcos'model. However, the v.essels and other EarlyGuangala traits appear to be more closely related to southern coastal Ecua~or,and north.. em Peru, than to the southern' }:lighlandsof Ecuador. The general hypothesis that the appearance of thes~ vessels relates to interre.. gionalcontact is'verylikely,however,given the results presented here.
. "

Conclusion The research reported here demonstrates the potential of examining complete assem.. blages and employing a range of analytic meth.. ods. Through this combination of analytical methods and the inclusion of rarely studied coarse, utilitarian wares, new information ~n chronology, production, and ceramic sourcing for the Guangala Phase of Southwest Ecuador (ca. 100 B.C. to A.D. 800) was obtained. Spe.. cifically,a combination of type..variety,modal, and petrographic thin section analysesresulted in not only the definition of chronologically significant ceramic attributes, but also revealed the complexity of ceramic change during this period. Changes occurred at different rates and in different attribute classes and at times corre.. lated with changes in settlement. Radiocarbon dates provide absolute time markers for the changes. The study has methodological significance for ceramic analysts due to the combination of often..competing analytical approaches with technological analyses,aswellas cultural signifi.. cance for the opportunity to reconstruct the complex webofinteractions which movedgoods and ideas through the Andean area. This web was likely both a source and result of socio.. political change during this period. This work represents an initial move beyond simplydocu.. menting ceramic change, to building hypotheses to explain change and define the relationship between ceramic change and culture change. Also, as new information on settlements, site functions, and artifact contexts becomes avail.. able for Guangala and its contemporaneous cultures, we Willbe better able to employ the detailed ceramic data presented here to under.. stand technological choices, intra.. and inter.. group interaction, and culture change. Acknowledgments Field work and analysisfor this research was made possible through support from the Na.. tional Science Foundation, the Institute for the

The new information providedthrough this study on the white..on..red decorated vessels raisesmore specificissuesof the use and signifi.. cance of this class of vessels, the meaning of style, the origin of changes which we label Guangala,and finally,the particularrelationship of the Guangala people with their neighbors in southern Ecuador and northern Peru. The technological analysis, in particular, indicates that the two types of vesselshave very different production histories and thereforemaynot have moved or worked as a unit. Although, if,white.. on..redvessels were imported fromthe south to be usedat sites,and campoteras weremadeat a number of sites and then circulated, both types would seem to have had a related importance in terms of inter.. as well as intra..regionalrelation..
ships. '.

ANDEAN PAst 6 (2000) Study of Earth and Man and the Department of Anthropology at Southern Methodist Univer.. sity,El Museo Antropol6gico del BancoCentral del Ecuador, Guayaquil, and the H. John Heinz, III Charitable Trust Grant Program for Latin American Archaeology. Technological studies were carried out and supported by the Center for Materials Research in Archaeology and Ethnology, Massachusetts InstitUteofTechno I.. ogy. Permission to conduct fieldwork at El Azucar was granted by the InstitUtoNacional del Patrimonio Cultural del Ecuador (INPC) . Jose Chancay of the INPC also made available comparative samples of ceramicsfrom El Oro. Field operations were aided by the use of the facilities of the Ministerio de AgricultUra, Guayaquil, Ecuador. Radiocarbon assays were performedby the Radiocarbon Laboratoryofthe Institute for the Study of Earth and Man, Southern Methodist University. Many individuals have participated in and been instrumental jp.the phasesofthis research, both in the field and in the ceramic studies beginning with Anthony Marks, David Freidel, Robin Robertson, and Madelon Tusenius. Karen Stothert has provided invaluable help in all aspects of the research since the first field seasons. Technological analyses were made possibleby the support and trainingprovided by ProfessorsHeather Lechtman, Dorothy Hosler, and Ian Whitbread at MIT. AllisonMacfarlane has offered time and invaluable expertise and collaboration which has made the recent geolog.. kal sourcing work possible. As always, final thanks must go to the comuiieros ofEI Azucar. References Cited Aleto,Thomas F.
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Mohr.CMvez, Karen Lynne 1977 Marcavalle: TheCeramics fromanEarlyHorizon of Physicochemical Analyses~ In Archaeological State in theVa11ej 'ofCusco, Pern, andImplications for South Highland Socioeconomic Interaetion. Ceramics, edited by Jacqueline S. Olin and Alan Ph.D. dissertation,University of Pennsylvania. D. Franklin, pp. 47-56. Washington. D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press. Philadelphia. Norton. Presley 1984 Change and Conservatism in Pottery,Producing Guayaquil, Systems. In The Many Dimensions of Pottery. 1984 Cambiay continuidad en Salango. Ecuador: Museo Antropol6gico del Banco del edited by Sander E. Van der Leeuw and Alison Padfico. C. Pritchard, pp. 231-293. Universiteitvan Paulsen, Allison C. Amsterdam. Amsterdam. 1970 A Chronology of Guangala andUbertad Ceramics 1987 Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook. Chicago: Univer, sity of Chicago Press. of the SantaElenaPeninsula in South" Coastal Ecuador. PhDdissertation, Coluinbia University, 1996 Recent Ceramic Analysis: 1.Function. Style.and New York. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Origins. Journal of Archaeological Research Microfilms. (Now a division of Bell & Howell 4(2):133,163. Roberrson, Robin Company.) Pearsall. Deborah 1980 TheCeramics fromCerros: A Late PrehistoricSite inNorthemBelize. PhDdissertation, Department 1990 Preliminary Identifications of Macrobotanical Remainsfrom EIAzucar Site 47. Ms. in archives of Anthropology, Harvard University. Ann Arbor. Michigan: University Microfilms. (Now of AndeanPast. Department of Anthropology, a division of Bell & Howell Company.) University of Maine. Orono. Pettijohn, E. J. 1991 Chapter 7. The Cave Ceramics. In The Late 1975 Sedimentary Rocks, 3rd Edition. New York: Prehistoryof theEastern Sahel: TheMesolithic and Harper & Row. Neolithic at Shaqadud, Sudan. editedbyAnthony E.Marks and Abbas Mohammed,AH.pages123, Phillips. Philip 172. Dallas: Southern Methodist University 1970 ArchaeologicalSurveyin the lower YazooBasin. Press. Mississippi,1949-1955. Papers.of the

Vertebrate Fauna from EI Azucar 30. Ecuador. Paper presented at the Sixth Conference of the International Council forArchaeozoology.May. 1990. Washington. D.C. Rice. Prudence M. 1982 Pottery Production. Classification. and the Role

1990b

Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramics

Rouse, Irving B. 1939 Prehistoryin Haiti:A Study in Method. Yale University Publications in Anthropology 21. 1953 The Strategy of Culture History. InAnthropology Today, edited by Alfred L Kroeber, pp. 57-76. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1960 The Classification of Artifacts in Archaeology. American Antiquity 25:313-323. Rowe, John H.
,

1993a Un Sitiode Guangala tempranoen el suroeste del

Ecuador. Guayaquil, Ecuador: Museo Antropol6gico, Banco Central del Ecuador. 1993b Informe del Proyecte Rescate de Asentamientos Arqueologic6s en Comuna Las Balsas. Report submitted to the Instituto Nacional del Patrimonio Cultural, Guayaquil, Ecuador. Tolstoy, Paul and Warren DeBoer 1989 An Archaeological Sequence for the Santiago. Cayapas River Basin, Esmeraldas, Ecuador. Journalof FieldArchaeology16(3):295-308.

1959

ArchaeologicalDating and Cultural Process.

SouthwestemJoumal of Anthropology15(4):317-

324.

Sabloff, Jeremy A 1975 Excavations at Seibal, DepartmentofPetbl,Guatemala: The Ceramics. Memoirs of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University 13(2). Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Sabloff, Jeremy A and Robert E. Smith

Whitbread,Ian K. 1987 TheApplication ofCeramic Petrology tothe Study

'

1969

The Importanceof Both Analyticand Taxo-

nomic Classification in the Type-Variety System. American Antiquity 34(3):278-85. Salomon, F. 1986 Native Lords of Quito in the Ageof the Incas. The PoliticalEconomy of NOrthern Andean Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Simmons, Michael P. 1970 The CerariUc~quence from La Carolina, Santa Elena Peninsula, Ecuador. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Arizona, Tucson. Ann, Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms. (Now a divi. sion of Bell & Howell Company.) Smith, Roben E., Gordon R. Willey, and James C. Gifford 1960 The Type-Variety Concept as a Basis for the Analysis of Maya Pottery. American Antiquity

25:330.340.
Steponaitis, Vincas P.

Ceramics, Chronology, andCommunity Patterns. New York: Academic Press. Stothert, Karen E. 1981 Informe annual de trabajos realizados en la zona del Rfo Tambo. Report submitted to the Museo Antropol6gico, Banco Central del Ecuador, Guayaquil.
1984 A New Look at Guangala Society and Economy: A Discussion of the Origin and Development of Chiefdoms on the Santa Elena Penirtsula, Ecua-

1983

ofAncientGreek Transport Amphorae, withSpecial Refereru:e to Corinthian Amphora Production. Ph.D. dissenation, University of Southampton, Southampton, England. 1989 A Proposal for the Systematic Description of Thin Sections Towards the Study of Ancient Ceramic Technology. InArchaeometry,Proceed. ingsofthe25thInternational Symposium, editedby YannisManiatis, pp. 127-138. Amsterdam:Else. vier. Whitten Jr., Norman E. 1975 Sacha RuM, Ethn1city andAdaptation of Ecuador. ianJungle Quichua.Urbana: UniversityofIUinois Press., Willey, Gordon R. 1971 An Introduction toAmerican Archaeology, Volume 2, South America.Englewood Cliffs,NewJersey: Prentice. Hall. Woods, Ann 1984.85 An Introductory Note on the Use of Tangential Thin Sections for Distinguishing between Wheel-thrown and Coil/Ring-built Vessels. Bulletin of theExperimental FiringGroup3:110114. ZevallosMenendez, Carlos 1937 Tres pastes totemicos. El Telegrafo, 17January. Guayaquil, Ecuador. Page 5.
.

dor. Paper presented at the Symposium on Cosmology and Social Structure in the Andes, 49th Annual Meeting of the Societyfor American Archaeology,Portland, Oregon,April 11-14, 1984.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-196

,.

~la Plata
Island

SAN
SaUnu

E PE N I

1.0 k m

G U L F GUAYAQ.UIL

0 F

Figure1.

SouthwestEcuador. Openblackcirclesmarkrawmaterialsamplinglocations. The EIAzucar Valleyliesnorth ofthe coastaltownofChanduy (afterMasucci1992).

197

Masucci: GuangalaPhaseCeramics

S;1t W.I" "tAlltn.., 1.,.,..illIII81Ii'" ".. l_t.nd"...1

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",

<S

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Figure2..

EIAzucar Valleysurveyarea with sitesrecorded in 1984, and in 1986~88.Sites 30,43, and 47 are the locations ofdeep middensiteswith evidence ofintensive use, likelyfrom multiple households. Contour interval is 25 m. (after Masucci 1992).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) FIN E .PASTE CERAMICS AC 800 COARSE PASTE CERAMICS

-198

Figure 3.

Summary Chronology of Guangala pottery types by complex (after Masucci 1994).

199

..

Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramics

Figure4.

Coarseand fineware sherdsfrom ComplexesI and II. Complex I types pictured include jar with finger..paint decoration (top row, left); finewares with iridescent paint and pattern burnish decoration (top row, center and right); and sherd with white..on..red decoration (secondrow, left). Complex II typespictured arecoarsewarejar rim with finger..paint decoration (bottom row, left); bichrome fineware (bottom row, center); and polychrome fineware (bottom row, right). Types spanning ComplexesI and II are a grey striped sherd (secondrow, center top), an incised bowl (secondrow, center), a red striped ware (secondrow right of center), and a decoratedleg .from a multiple..leggedbowl (second row, right).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-200

Figure 5.

Coarse wares from ComplexI (top row), Complex II (center), and Complex III (bottom row). Note the thinner wallsof Complex I jars and the rough, pitted exterior surface of .complex III vessels.

201..

Masucci: Guangala Phase Ceramics

20

5cm

20

~-

~~=::Qj
,,,,_~, I
...,.~. ,.,;.6...'_~.~ ~.,;,'

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Figure6.

Examplesof Complex I forms with flgure..paint decoration (after Masucci 1992). Color and decorativesymbols for ceramicillustrations:white/cream (a)j black/dark brown (b)j red (c); iridescent paint (d)j dark nnger..paint (e)j streaky burnish (t).

ANDEAN PAST ,6 (2000)

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..... :::::::::::::::::::::::: .. ..... .:.:.:..... ..... ...... :. ..... ..... :::::' ..... ..... .' :::::: :.:.:. ..... .'. .. :::::: .' ...... ::::.:: ...... ...... :::::: ...... .' ...... ::::: ..... ..... ...... .' ..... ...... ...... ...... ...... ..... ....,. ..... ...... ...... ...... ...... ..... ...... .:.:. '..... ...... ...... ...... .: ::::: ..... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... -. .:.;.: ...... ...... :.:.: ..... '. '.' ...... ...... ..... ...... ...... ...... ...... :. .:.:.. ...... ...... .. ...... ...... ...... ...... ....... :.:.: ...... :.:.: ..... .,' .'. ...... '..... ...... .' ..... ..... ...... ..... .:. =. ..... ...... ...... ...... ...... .' .'

..... ..... ::::: ..... .:.:. ..... ::::: ..... :.:.:. :.:.: :=:::. ..... ...... ..... ::::: ..... :::::. :=:::. ..... ..... ..... .....

:::::: :::::: :::::: ...... ..'.. .:.:. ...... ',' ...... ...... ,'.'.'...... Hm ..,..' ".... :::::: ", .41'.. ..... ...... ..,'.' ...... HjH1 mm ...... jjm HHi:' ...... :.:.: ..... ...... .....'. ....... ::. :::::. ..... '.','. ..... ...... ...... ...... ...... .:.:. ..... :::::: :::::: :::::: :::::: ..... :::::: :::::: :;:::: ::::::. ::=:=: :.:.: :E::: ::::;. ...... ...... ..' ... ....... ..... ...... ....4....... ..... . ...... ..... ...... ...... ...'. ...... ...... ...... ....... ..... ::::: ...... ::;::: ..... ...... ..... ::::: ::H :.:.: ...... ..... ...... ...... ::::: .... '. ..... ...... ...... ..... ..... ..... :.:.:. ... '. ...... ...... .'...

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..'.'. ...... ...... ...... :::::: ...... :::::: .... :::::: :::::., ...... '. ...... .,'.., .,.... ...... ...... ...... '.' .'. ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... :::::: :::::: ::=:=: H:: ...... ... H ...... ...... ...... ...... '.. ...... .' ..... :::::: :::::: :::::: :::::: ;: ...... ...... ...... ...... .. ..

J1

10

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CompJex UUJ1taIimTypes Comp]ex n I UtiJi1arfan'1)pea

Figure 7,

Summary of seriation of El Azucar Site 47 primary trench ceranuc assemblage (after Masucci 1992). .

203

Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramics

~
I
I,
I

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e

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Figure8.

Polypodleg supportS. Plainhollow and solidpolypodsare the earliest (a,c, f) followedat the end of Complex I by the appearance of appliqu~decoration (d,e, g,l) (from Masucci 1992).

ANDEAN PAST 6 "(2000)

-204

16

: -.

b
5cm

c 24

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Figure 9.

Decorative modes appearingin Complex 1. White,on,red bowl and plate forms that continue through Complex II (a,f). Combination of applique pellets, zoned incision, finger,paint decoration, and punctates applied to the exterior upper body of a Guangala coarseware vessel with painted stripes (g) (after Masucci 1992).

205..

Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramics

o
&

5cm

24

.c

12

Figure 10. Examplesof Complex I fineware forms and decorative modes: interior pattern burnishing (d..h)j
exterior pattern burnishing (c)j interior iridescent paint (a"c)j and exterior iridescent paint decoration (H). Note the complexityof wall form in contrast to the fineware forms of Complex II pictured in Figure 12 (after Masucci 1992).

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

-206

12
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26

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I

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Figure 11. Examples of Complex II coarse wares. Note continued presen.ce of finger-paint decoration alongside formal changes. These vesselsalso bear a thick red slip (after Masucci 1992).

Masucci: Guangala PhaseCeramics

oa

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Figure 12. Two#colored (bichrome) decorated finewares (a#n) and three#colored (polychrome) decorated finewares (o#w)ofComp[ex II (after Masucci 1992).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-208

o I

5cm
j

Figure 13.

Form examples from Complex III: fineware jar rim forms (a~b); Type 1 coarse ware jar forms (c~e); Type 2 coarse ware jar forms (f~h).

THE MANY FACETS OF MULLU: MORE mAN JUST A SPONDYLUS SHELL

David Blower Uni~ersity of Calgary

,

Introduction The use of muUu as a term for shells and artifacts made' of Spondylus implies that both terms are synonymous. However, close exami.. nation of Spanish chronicles and indigenous Andean accounts indicates a more complex definition for muUu. Archaeological investiga.. tion treats Spondylusshell, an extremelyimpor.. tant ritual and trade object in its own right, as a quantifiable artifact to exemplifypatterns of use and distribution over space and time (Blower 1995).However, in the chronicles muUuemer.. ges as an enigmatic concept that encompasses manymore meanings than simplyan indigenous term for Spondylus. . Examining references to mullu without the preconceived notion that all mullu is Spondylus shell, it becomes clear that although Spondylus is muUu,not all mullu is Spondylus.In this article I argue that muUu is a complex concept, not simplya Quechua word for Spondylus,and that use of the two terms as completelysynonymous is confusing and inappropriate. The term muUu encompassesa semantic field that includes both physieal and ideological attributes. Mullu appears in different geographic regions,various ritual contexts, and in conjunction with other words. Confusion over the use ofthese terms began with the interpretation ofmuUubychroniclers as a sea shell used by the natives to make red and white beads, as observed during initial contact by Bartolome Ruf'z(Slimano 1967 [1527..1528]: 66). This i~terpretation of the term failed to recognize the complex of concepts behind the
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 209..228.

word, treating the shell itself as mullu instead.of the fullrange, functions and meanings that it re.. presented. It is understandable that this confu.. sion occurred because, while the chroniclers were learning Quechua vocabulary, the use and significanceof mullu and Spondyluswere declin.. ing. However, decreased value and extirpation of native religions could not completely eradi.. cate mullu use, and such use and its associated concepts survives to the present (Bandelier ,1969 [1910]:97; Tello 1967:22; Bolin 1998:39..41). BecauseSpondylusis the primary material identified as muUu,it is logical to start an explo.. ration of meaning with a consideration of that shell. Unquestionably it held a high ritUalvalue and this value was a significant determinant in trade relationships. An incipient monetary value appears in the chronicles as beads (chaqui.. ra) of Spondylus that were traded for other goods. However, the true worth ofmullu cannot be measured monetarily. In the end it is its cosmologicalvalue that must be defined, so that we can understand how Andean peoplesviewed it. The Role of Spondylus There is no doubt that Spondylus wasa form of muUu,possibly the most important type. As such it should still be recognized as a valuable source of muUu..relatedinformation. MuUu in the form of Spondylusheld a multifaceted posi.. tion in the ideology of the Andes during many time periods and over a vast geographical re.. gion. A symbol of sexuality, agricultUraland human fertility, and rain, it was offered as a sacrifice to the springs and rivers that brought water (Murra1975; Marcos 1986:197jDavidson

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..210

1981:80), and it was interred within structures used to contain water (Stothert 1995:144). During ceremonies it was sacrificedwith chi!.. dren, animals, and items such as gold, silver, chieha [com beer], coca, and feathers (Molina 1989 [1575]:121; Murua 1987 [1590]:420; GuamanPomadeAyala 1980 [1615]:238[240].. 239[241], p. 213; 247[249], p. 221; 251[253], p. 225; 265[267], p. 239). At times, the sacrifice of muUuwas made as an offeringforgood health (Molina 1989 [1575]:133). It is unclear if the muUu given was a form of Spondylusor some other sort of muUu. On some occasionsground shell and beads were thrown into fields to pro.. mote agricultural fertility.1 At other times crushed Spondylus shell was scattered on the ground in front oflords as they walked (Cabello Valboa 1951 [1586]:327). Grouhd mullu was mixed with com flour and the blood of sacci.. ficed animals,2added to chiehaas a drink offer.. ing (Acosta 1962 [1590:248; Murua 1987 [1590]:422; Carri6n Cachot 1955:38),3 and used whole as dedicatory offe.rings in the post.. holes and floors of ceremonial buildings. Of course, the mythologicalposition ofSpondylusas 'food of ~e gods' (Taylor 1987:147..155; Salo.. mon and Urioste 1991:67..8,116)should not be overlooked.

In archaeologicalcontexts Spondylus appears in both worked and unworked forms (Figures1.. 3) and is often found as burial accompaniments or dedicatory offerings. Its appearance in burials as pendants or necklaces may indicate another function of the shell as a status marker often associated, although not exclusively, with fe... male skeletons. Taking all these examplesinto account, we see that the problem with identify.. ing universal characteristics of Spondylus use is that such use varied chronologically and geo.. graphically (Blower 1995). The importance of Spondylus as m~llu in Andean ritual is demonstrated by visual repre.. sentations of the Spondylus shell itself. From diving and the harvesting of Spondylus to its representation in design motifs, Spondylus shell appears as a recurring image in art ranging in time and space from Chavin (Cordy..Collins 1978) and Carhua (Wallace 1991) to Chan Chan (Davidson 1980; Pillsbury 1996) and beyond. Cupisnique stirrup spout vesselsand Chimu..Inca plates from the north coast (Carri.. 6n Cachot 1955:38; Perez Bonany 1975:141, 178; Davidson 1980) all show variations of the Spondylus shell theme. These visualrepresenta.. tions indicate the place of Spondylus in Andean belief systems and its status as a valued object. The importance ofvisual imagesiscorroborated bythe representationof Spondylus and Strombus identified in the hands of the Smiling God at Chav{n de Huantar. Just as the myths of Huarochid exemplifySpondylus as foodofthe gods, Chavin de Huantar's Smiling God con.. vincingly illustrates the system of duality and complementary oppositions associated with Spondylus and Strombus (Cordy Collins 1978). Such oppositionsinclude upper/lower,rightlleft, and male/ female. Another important aspect of Spondylus research is its identification as an indicator of trade or exchange, providing information that allows us in infer networks. In the Spanish colonial era a piece of Spondylusshell "smaller than a fingernail" couldbe boughtforfourreaZes (Arria,ga 1968 [1621]:45). Why it held such

1The highlyacidic nature ofmanyAndean fieldsmay have been ameliorated by the addition of significant amounts of ground sea shell added over a long period of time. However, the quantity of shell required may have made such a mitigation unlikely. WhethermuUuwasused solely as an offering, as food for the gods, or also functioned as a general fertilizer,is unclear. 2 The use of muUu mixed with llama blood was recorded in "a lawsuit initiated in 1558 by the Chaccla ethnic group against the Canta people over ownership of

coca lands near Quivi in the Chill6n Valley, Peru (Rostworowski 1988:123).The ceremony mentionedin this document dealing with the delineationof land
ownership is known as capacocha
(capaccocha).

3 ". . . Usan de estas conchas cuasi en todas las maneras de sacrificios,y aun el dfa de hoy echan algunos el mo1l9molido en la chicha por superstici6n (Acosta 1962 [1590]:248).

"

Blower:TheManyFacets of Mullu value was unknown to the Spanish. This in itself indicates how litde some of the Spanish understood about the meaning of muUu. That Spondylus keptitsvalueoveranextendedperiod of time can be explained by its role in sacrifice, accumulation of wealth, conversion to jewelry, and burial offerings,all of which took it out of circulation. This constant need for a consistent flow of new shells helped to maintain a system of trade and manufactUre (Marcos 1986:201) that has been discussed in greater detail else.. where. Mullu in the Chronicles Defining muUu is more problematic than identifying Spondylus. MuUu's semantic field includes a group of abstract concepts that vary according to.geographic location and usage. By understanding. the full range of mullu's mean.. ings, an understanding ot its place within the socio..cultUralbelief systems and rituals of the Andes, and the trade networks that handled its distribution, can be developed. Earlydictionar.. ies defined muUuin a purely physicalway,refer.. [1726]:589). If the coral materialwasactUally Spondylus, then the bracelets may have been called muUu,but referred to made of Spondylus, as coralesby the Spanish. This is an exampleof the semantic problems that hinder the precise definition of muUu. . In the chronicles, Spondylus is called (interchangeably) mullu, mollo, arid mullo. All three spellings appear.in toponyms, . phrases, and chronicles of Peru and Ecuador. The 'u' and '0' are variants of the same pho.. neme, and as such refer to the same object or concept. The problem of spellingvariation in Spanish interpretations of the Quechua language might be explained by regional differences in pronun.. ciation, but the problem is complicated further with the inconsistent use by researchers of the various spellings. In some cases the more re.. cent, albeiterroneousspellingofmuyufor muUu is used when describing Spondylus (Rostwo.. rowski 1977:176; Hyslop 1984: 248). Bothnow, and in colonial times, muyu relates to the quality of roundness or circularity and to the action of winding or circulating (Gon!falezHolguIn 1952 [1608]: 254; Lastra 1968:91; Parker 1969:164). Problems of pronunciation, orthography, and literacy were experienced by the Spanishas they attempted to put a written form to an unwrittenlanguage,runasimi. WrittenQuech.. ua, filtered through a foreign linguistic system, reflected what the writers thought they heard, not the actual sounds (Mannheim 1991:127). Even the indigenous chroniclers faced problems in rendering their own meanings into another language (Harrison 1982:68). One difficultyin translating Quechua phrases arises from differ,.. ences.in language patterns and word significa.. tion based on pronunciation of similar spelled

ring to sea shells of a white or coral color.

Gon!falezHolguIn definesmullu as red shells of the sea,or coralofthe land (1952[1608]:249).4 According to Santo Thomas (1951 [1560]), mollo (sic) also,refers to coral, or pearls. The reference to pearls confirms an ambiguity of definition that could include alternative sea shellssuch as the Pinctadamazatlantica or Pteria sterna, more commonly known as pearl oysters, taking their place alongside Spondylusas muUu (Mester 1990:21). The color of some parts of the Spondylusshell, when seen asfinishedbeads, may be responsible for the addition of coral. Confusion over the inclusion of coral may have been created by the use of the plural form "corales" whichalsoreferredto braceletsofcoral material (Spain, Real Academia Espanola 1976

words (Garcilasode la Vega 1609: BookII,

Chapter v, folio 31 cited in Mannheim 1991: 135). By slighdy altering its sound it is possible to change the meaning of a word. The issueis further complicated by the absence of a single form of the Quechua language. Dialectic varia.. tions of Quechua were a reflection of ethnic identity and differed from valley to valley (Cobo

4 "Concha colorada de la mar chaquira, 0 coral de la demit (Gon~alez Hol~ln (1952 [1608]:249). sea shell bead, or coral of the land." "Colored

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) 1979 [1653]: Book I, Chapter 9, p. 39; Harrison 1989:35; Mannheim 1991: 50).

212

necklaces of green and gold colored material are

Things that are Mullu The identificationofmuUuhas at timesbeen hampered by an uncertainty over its physical character. Spanish chroniclers may have re, ferred to the material as muUu based on its similarity in color and material to Spondylus. Perhaps there is a clue here to the identification of other materials as muUu,not.just Spondylus. It is within reason to believe that objects called muUu by chroniclers may have been fabricated out of other materials because it was the con, cept associated with an object, not its material, being identified as mullu.
.

The confusionof Spondylus beadswith bone

isbased on muUu'searlyidentification asworked fish bone material simplybecause it came from the sea (Olaf Holm, personal communication, 1994). A description by Cieza de Le6n of chaquira, commonly made of red and white Spondylusshell, described them as "longstrands of fine .white and red bone beads" (Cieza de Le6n (1962 [1553]:99).5 Again; the mistaken identifications included in historical accounts makes the determination of material difficult. Was it bone, or wasit Spondylus? In either case, the finished product may have served as muUu. There are references to muUuin the form of necklaces or jewelrycalled mullo,made of pearls and precious stones (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980 [1615]:332[334], p. 306). Because some of these objects have no Spondylusin them, it is difficult to determine whether it is the jewelry and its use that is regarded as mullu, or if the alternate materials used in its manufacture can also be considered as muUu. In Ecuador, small

currendy called mullu. Women in Otovalo, north of Quito, who wear necklaces of gold, plated glassbeads refer to them as korimullu, a name also found in Quitanian Spanish (Monica Barnes, personal communication, 1998). In Majipamba, another Ecuadorian community, many girlsand women wrap long strings of tiny seed beads of various colors around their wrists. .These ornaments are called maki watana (liter, ally, ''hand wrap") ormullu (Meisch 1998:201). In Salasaca red coral or multicolored glassbeads worn at the neck are called mullu (Miller 1998: 135). In Saraguro, tiny glass or plastic seed beads are also called mullu (Meisch 1998:260). LuisCordero, in his Diccionario Quichua,espaiiol/ espaiiol,quichua defines mullu as "chaquira. Cuentas de barro, vidrio, madera u otra materia"6(Cordero 1967 [1892]:60). In the Museo del Ban~o Central in Cuenca a miniature necklace made of green stone from the site of Pumapungo was listed as mullo by Max Uhle (vidi 1994). Discussing the site of Chinguilanchi, near Loja, Uhle drew a distinc, tio~ between Spondylus shell, stone muUu, and offeringsfilledwith green, red, and white inlays in this way: "all of the subsoil of the floor con,

tained numerousshellsof Spondylus(pictorum)

offerings inlaid with green, red, and white "mullus"of stone and shell. In various parts of the subsoil we also found groups of different classes of unattached mullu; below the same altar were piled a group of 40, more or less, Spondylus shells(Uhle 1922:208).7

6 "Bead. Beads of clav, glass, wood, or other mate-

rial."
7 ".
:

. Todo

el subsuelo del piso contenfa numerosas

conchas de Spondylus (pictoTUm)votivas rellenas con

5 ".. . Traen atados grandes ramales de cuentas de hueso menudas, blancas Vcoloradas, que llaman chaquira" (Cieza de Le6n 1962 (1553):99). "... Thev bring hanks of long strings of small white and red bone beads called c1uiquira."

mullus verdes, colorados, blancos, de piedra Vconcha, y objetos de otras clases. En varias partes del subsuelose encontraron tambien grupos de las diferentes clases de mullus, en estado libre; debajo del altar mismo,un grupo de,mas menos, 40conchas de Spondylus amontonadas."

Blower: ThMan, Facets ofMullu

Uhle'suseofthe term mullu (mullo) may,or

may not, be based upon pre-Columbian indigenous identifications or Ecuadorianusagecurrent in his day. The identification of red and white mullu can be related to the red and white of the Spondylusshell, but the reference to green mullu bringsa new dimension to mullu'sfulldefinition. Modem ethnographers have identified the importance of the color green to Andean culture through its association with ancestors and . souls of the dead (Isbell 1978:147jAllen 1988: . 164). The problemof definingmulluincreases when the question ofmullu materialiscombined with questions of color associations. The Color of Mullu Mullu color symbolism appears in several historic records. That the shellshave different names according to their color and were offered for different purposes, is indicated by Acosta (1962 [1590]: 247)8 and Cobo (1990 [1653]: Book I, chapter 22,p. 117).9 This difference in
. shell

(1990:213) definespaucar as lighf and bright, although resplendent might be more appropriate, indicating that the yellowish shine of
mother-of-pearl is the paucar mullu, while yahuar, or blood(y) refers to the deep red Spondylus shell. The association of yahuar to red

Spondylusmay be apt, but Murua may have associated paucar mullu with the white part of shell when polished to a high the Spondylus gloss. This interpretation may be more appropriate, considering that Murua (1987 [1590]: 420) was aware of chaquira of mullu that included both red and white beads of the shell. In either case, according to the definitions supplied by Gon~alez HolguIn (1952 [1608]:281-282) that refer to paucar, a relationship to purity and excellence of color can be made. Rather than a symbolic definition for types of mullu, perhaps paucar and yahuar w~re simply designationsfor the two different colors, white and red, and the quality of their lustre.

type. and color classification was also noted

by Crist6bal de Molina (1989 [1575]:68) when

he described mullu as red and yellow sea shells. 10

Martin de Murua (1987 [1590]:420) described the ground sea shells used in sacrificialofferings as paucar mollo and yahuar mollo.u Mester

8 It.. . [Conchas . . .lIamaban mollo]tienen diferentes nombres segUn el color, y as! sirven a diferentes efectos." "... [Shells... calIedmollo] have different names according to color, and thus serve for different effects."

9 ". .. According to the color, the shellswere offered for different purposes, sometimes whole, other times ground into powder, other times broken into pieces, and in addition, some figurines wer~ made from the powder" [translation by Roland Hamilton]. 10". . . y conchas de la mar que llaman mullo, colorado y amarillo, hechas a manera de maz. .." "... and sea shells which they call mullo, red, and yellow,made like . II

Another possibility that should not be overlooked is that yahuar mollo doesnot refer solely to the red shell,. but to the concoction made of sacrificialllama Qloodand ground shell. In the case ofthe capacocha ceremony (Rostworowski 1988:123j Note 2, this article) yahuar mollo indicates the bloody mullu mixture, referring to its composition and not just its color. Certainly the color and material cannot be separated, and possiblyneither can the purpose, or sacrificial object,created by the combination of blood with mullu. To follow this reasoning one step further, then, raises the question of what comparable combination ofmulluwouldbe indicated by paucar mollo in the absenceof blood. As the material and color associations of mullu become clearer, its definition becomes broader, to the point that objects are not just mullu, but mullu-like. Molina (1989 [1575]: 133) describes a ceremony to bring about good health where severalvarietiesand colorsof

maIZe. ..
.U

".. . Otras

veces ofreCan polvos de almejas de la

they call paucar mollo and yahuar mollo. . ."

mar, molidas, que dicen paucar molIoy yahuar mollo. . ." ". : . Other times they offer ground clam powers which

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

214

maize, including some with red and yellow stripes,12 are gathered with coloredmollomollo that is known as ymaymanamollo,13 and then The ground together and offeredto guacas.14
term ymaymanamollo refers to allkinds of muUu, while the use of the reduplicative noun mollo mollo connotes likeness or similarity to mollo
(Parker 1969: 100). It is obvious from this that not all muUu is made of Spondylus, nor is it all of the same color~ Cobo's (1990 [1653]: Book I, chapter 14, p. 69) list of shrines and guacas on

yellowrain onto his rival god Huallallo Caruin~ cho. This rain was dammed up by one of Paria Caca's alter egos, Llacsa Churapa, creating the lake knownas MulloCocha (Taylor1987:147~ 155; Salomon and Urioste 1991:68). The rains are the same colors as the types of com used in sacrifice and the two types of shell.

MuUucolor association isfurther augmented by the addition of bluish,green, or turquoise,16 to that of red and yellow, and green. The first the road to Antisuyu includes a guaca called part ofLlacsa Churapa's name means the ''bright Lampapuquiu to which were sacrificed "shells of greenish,blue color that blew from the mouth of two colors, yellow and red."15 The use of red Maca Visa like smoke as he spoke" (Taylor and yellow colors within the context of ritual or 1987:343;Salomon and Urioste 1991:115)after sacrificial offerings has survived to the present the god ate mullu. The original Quechua term day. Modem ritual traditions in Peru include - usedin TheHuarochiriManuscnpt (Salomon and the use of mesas (charm bundles whose contents Urioste 1991:214) for describing this colored are arranged in altar~like configurations) that smoke is llac~a(llacsa), a term that also refersto smelted or alloyed metal materials such as incorporate red and yellowmaize (Giffordand Hoggarth 1976:64) for ceremonies like those copper or bronze (Gon~alez Holgum 1608 [1952]:207).The color1lacsa is also defined as mentioned above by Molina. In the myths of a green powder or stone, like copper oxide Huarochirl, the god Paria Caca sent red and (Arriaga 1968 [1621]:46), similar in color to turquoise. If llacsa. is a by~productof muUu consumption, then the associationbetween tur~ 12"... y ma{z entre vetado de colorado y amarillo que quoise,colored objects and mullu is streng~ llaman~una!;ara.""... and maizestreakedwithred and thened. The ritUal value. and relationship of yellowwhichis called~Ta." llacsa to muUu was illustrated during sacrificial
13" . . . y otras conchas de la mar que llaman ellos moUomoUo de todas las colores que pueden aver, que Damanymaymana mollo." ". . . and other sea shellswhich they call mollomollo,of all the colors that one can have, that are called ymaymanamollo." 14". . . A todas !as guacas y uilcas quatro partidas desta aerra, agiiellos y antepasados m{os,recevid este sacrificiodoquiera que estais y dadme salud." "... To all the huacas and wilcas [shrines and the powerful spirits embodied in them] of the four parts of this land, to my grandparents and ancestors, receive this sacrifice wherever you are and give me good health...
15 "[AN-9:1] la primera se deda,lampapuquiu, era una fuente que estaua en [tachado: vndamarca] Vndamacha [Sicidebe decir Andamacha} sacrificauanle conchas de dos colores, amariUas, y coloradas" (Rowe 1979:38). "[AN-9:1] the first was caUed Lampapuquiu. It was a fountain which was in [struck out: vndamarca} Undamacha [Sicishould be Andamacha]. They sacrificed shells oHwo colors, yeUow and red, to it."

ceremonies at which offerings of mullu and llacsa

were required (Ibid.). The connection between llacsa and mullu forms a foundation for the suggestion that the color green, or greenish, blue, is also associated with muUu in a strong symbolicway. On the basis of color association, and the use of the word llacsato describe both the color and materials, turquoise~colored material might also be associated with mullu.

TheUacsa and turquoiserelationship maybe

based on color, or on the fact that turquoise, a phosphate of aluminum, includes traces of

16Turquoise in this sense refers to the generic bluegreen color that characterizes several different minerals such as true turquoise, lapis lazuli, and chrysocolla, that often occur with Spondylusin tombs and ritual deposits.

215..

Blower: The Many Facets ofMullu

copper that give it its bluish..greenhue (Clark copper oxides that take on the bluish color, 1986:69;Grieder 1988:87). The material called then the appearance of copper objects at the llacsawas important enough in Inca timesfor time of use or burial must be taken into consid.. the creation of a position known as the Uacsa eration. Were the figuresintentionally oxidized prior to burial, to achieve the bluish..greencolor, camayoc, a person who worked turquoise and stones from the sea (Rostworowski1975:335). or were they interred with the knowledge that Copper is one source known to produce the they would ch~nge color in time? . powderedoxides called llacsa, but is it the green.. Chronicle color descriptions aside, the bluecolor, or a specificsubstance that isreferred to as llacsa?Bluish..greensmoke, bluish..green physicalcharacteristicsof Spondylus shell also

turquoise, andbluish..green copperoxideallcan

be defined as llacsa.

include the colors orange (Spondylusprinceps princeps)and purple (Spondylus calcifer), which,
when added to the above list of yellow, red, white, gold, and bluish..green,create the impres.. sion that mullu can be a many..coloredthing. Food for the Gods, Food for the People Another use for mullu comes again fromthe myths ofHuarochirl (Taylor 1987:147..155,347; Salomon and Urioste 1991:67..8, 116), where the idea that it was consumed by the gods appears. The meaning of muUuis translated into Spondylus as it refers to eating the thorny oyster shell. When the Inca provided the god Maca Uisa with food as payment for services, Maca Uisa replied, "I am not. in the habit of eating stuff like this. Bring me some thorny oyster shells, [eating] them all at once, making them crunch with a Cap Cap sound" (Taylor 1987: 347; Salomon and Urioste 1991:116). It is apparent from this passage that Maca Visa is eating the shell. No reference has been found indicating that humans ever ate the unprocessed shell, although, as previously mentioned, it was crushed and mixed with chicha.Spondylus flesh

Nevertheless, the association of turquoise and mullu goes deeper than just the color of exhaled mullu gas. Turquoise and Spondylus appear together in many archaeological con.. texts, suggesting a ritual connection. Near Cusco, two collections, each containing forty turquoise figurines, were found at Pikillacta in contextwith Spondylus princeps,Strombusshell, and a bronze bar (Cook 1992:344).17 AtMarca.. huamachuco, ttirquoise material carved in the shape of small Spondylus shells was found in association with real Spondylus (Topic and Topic 1989). This association appears again at Huacho,north of Chancay,wherea Spondylus bivalvewas recovered with a small green stone idol and three small stones inside (Cook 1992: 359). A direct association between copper and Spondylus appeared at Tucume where metal miniatures made of a copper..silveralloy were recovered.from inside articulated Spondylus shells (Heyerdahl et al. 1995: 111). The correlation between llacsa and mullu would seem to indicate a relationship between objects of a greenish..blue color and objects manufactured from Spondylus found in the archaeological record. However, as it is the

couldbeconsumedbyhumans,andstillis (vidi),
but if there is a reference in the chronicles to human consumption of the meat, it is ambigu.. ous.

17 The 'bronze' bars mentioned by Cook have been identified by Juan Larrea (1960:59..94, cited by Cook 1992:358) as copper scepters known as 'Jaun,the Quech.. ua word for the Inca royal staff, or a long, thin object such

as a large needle (Lira 1944:1186). Yaun is also an Aymara word for copper, and the presence of the staff poSsibly indicates royal status for the figurines.

The suggestion that Spondylus meat isharm.. ful to humans at certain times of the year, capable of causingdeath (Davidson1981),is based on the seasonal ingestion by the mollusc of toxic dinofagellates commonly known as aguajes or red tides (Rojas de Mendiola 1978: 183). This may contribute to the view that it is

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..216

onlythe godswhoare capableofeatingSpondy.. "cierta yerba de comer",20but the type of plant

Ius, but there is no indication in the Huarochm myth that anything more than the shell isbeing used. Humans eat the sometimes poisonous meat,18while the gods supposedlyeat the shel~. It is this point that appears to support the idea that Spondylus can only.be a foodof the gods, but an examination of historic records fails to
.

is not identified. Can a herb be a type of muUu, although it is clearly not Spondylus shell? . If mullu can refer to objects not made from shell, then there must be a larger complex of associa.. tions. In the Relaci6ny descripciOn de la ciudadde, Loxa near the southern border of Ecuador,Juan Salinas Loyola (1965 [1571]:296) describedthe use of various vegetables and herbs, including one called guacamollo that is eaten with or without vinegar and cooked with meat.21 A similar description by Sancho Paz Ponce de Le6n (1965 [1582]:238) in the Relaci6ny descripci6n de lospueblos delpartidode Otavalo concerning the area north of Quito refersto the herb called guaca..mullos.22 In both casesthe or reference is to an herb called guacamuUu huacamullo.In the Salinasde Loyolaaccount (1965 [1571]:296) it is described as green (verde) and preparedbyboiling.An alternative mightindicate that the herb meaningfor verde was used when unripe and not be an indication of its color (Smith et al. 1988:738), but the relationship betWeen muUu and the color green could be relevant in this case. A third reference isfound in Guaman Poma de Ayala's account (1980 [1615]:333[340], p.
20

locate any sourcesother than the Huarochm

manuscript that specifically mention direct mullu consumption by the gods. Such ritual ingestion of Spondylusby the godsshould not be overlooked, even if evidence for it is not wide.. spread. However, there is no indication in the Quechua version that mullorefersspecificallyto Spondylus.19 Rather, the god is simplyaskingfor muZIo, an otherwise unidentified material, to be brought. Likewise,there is no indication of the physicalcharacter of muUuapart fromthe act of crunching, which implies toughness. In many cases, both modem researchers and chroniclers have restricted the definition of muUu to a specificmeaning, Spondylus shell,and thushelp propagate the idea.that it is only this. Other references indicate that muUu, or huacamullu,a herb used in cooking, was eaten by people, or, at the least, used as a condiment. The identification of huacamullu as a herb is confirmed by Gon~alez Holguin (1952 [1608]:165) who defined "huaccamullu" as

II

A certain edible herb.

II

18The seasonal bloom of toxic dinoflagellateswhich are ingestedby the molluscshave in recent centuries been linked to the deaths of fish, guano birds, and, in some instances, humans (Rojas de Mendiola 1978:183). 19The Quechua is "[299] chaysi micoy yaya OOpa carachiptina manam fiocaca cay ynacta micoccho cani mullocta apamuy fiispas mafiarcan chaysi mullocta
copdncacap cap fiichispa tuilla micorcan

21

".. . La verba que mas sirve alIa de hortaliza que

tenia los naturales, llamase guacamollo [huaccamullu];

verde se come con vinagre y sin ello, y cocida, con came; es muy buena y para dras de cuaresma asimismo.II "... The herb which most often serves as a vegetable which the nativeshad is calledguacamollo[huaccamuUUJi Raw, it is eaten with and without vinegar, and cooked, with meat; it is very good, also, for Lent."

...

II

(Salomon

and Urioste 1991:215). "... 'Father, eat! and [the Inca] had some food served to him, but Maca Visa replied with a demand: 'I am not in the habit of eating stufflike this. Bring me some thorny oyster shells.' ~ soon as the Inca gave him thorny oyster shells, Maca Uisa ate them all at once, making them crunch with a 'Cap cap' sound (Salo.. mon and Urioste 1991:116).

22 ". . . Ya he dicho que en esta tierra 105indios naturales della se sirveny han servido para su sustento del maiz y frfoles y alttamuces y papas y camotes, que son batatas, y de unas yerbas que ellos llaman guaca-mullos.II ". . . I have already said that in this land the Indians use, and have used, maize and beans, tarwi [a lupine], pota.. toes, and camotewhich is sweet potatoes, and someherbs they callguaca..mullos."

217

huacamullois glossed by Murra,

Blower: The Many Facets of

Mullu

311).23 There

Adorno, and Urioste as "caracol ofrecido a !as deidades" (conch offered to deities). Nevertheless,its context in a list of aquatic plants such as watercresssuggeststhat it is another such plant. A more exact definition of the term guacamullu from the information availableis difficult. Ethnobotanical records of modem and postSpanishconquest Peru indicate severalpossibilities. One herb that may have been called guacamullu is Amaranthus, also known as bledos,and mentioned byBernabe Cobo (Book4, chapter 2, p. 337, cited by Herrera and Yacovleff1935:8485) and byJuan L6pezde Velasco (1971 [1574]: 10). The green leaves ofbledos (cf. AmarantUs paniculatUS) wereeaten in boiledsaladsand used as a condiment like chili pepper (Herrera and Yacovleff 1935:85). The red and white seeds (Towle 1961:37), also a source of food, sound similarto the red and white beads of chaquiraof Spondylus shell, although amaranth seeas are extremely tiny. perhaps these seeds represent a form of pseudo-mullu due to their physical resemblance to chaquira. The definition of mullu as "small, round, seed-like objects" (Olaf Holm;personalcommunication, 1994) describes both CMquiraand bledosseeds. This identification of bledos as guacamullu cannot be proven beyond doubt. More important to the discussion of mullu is that a term which incorporates mullu relates to a herb or other food with no direct physical link to Spondylus. If the identification refers to plants from the sea, such as watercress,seaweed, or sea moss (coralina)that sometimesappear entangled in the Spondylus

spines, then an indirect relationship may have existed. Given the possibility that mullu can represent herbs and other food items, then the possibility also exists that ground mullu, when mixed with chieha or blood (Note 3), may not pe referring to ground sea shell, unless shell is specificallyindicated. While eating ground-up calcium carbonate may have beneficial properties for human health, it seemsjust as likelythat herbs (as mullu) were used in chiehafor medicinal purposes. Water Associations The association between mullu, the sea, and sacrificialofferings is related by several chroniclers. Acosta (1962 [1590]:247) described the offeringof "conchas de la mar", that the natives called mollo, to the .fountains and springS.24 The shells were said by Acosta and Murua (1987 [1590]:422) to be daughters of the sea, Mamacocha, the mother of all the waters. A similar version of this theme is presented by Bernabe Cobo (1990 [1653]: Book I, chapter 22, p. 117), although he identified the springs and fountains as the daughters of the sea, not
Spondylus.25
.

Whether or not it is the shells or the springs that are the daughters of the sea is an interesting point. Spondylus comes from the sea and could be seen as its offspring. It may be that

24". . . Iten tambi~n sacrificaban u ofreclan conchas de la mar, que llamaban mollo, y ofredanlas alas fuentes y manantiales, diciendo que las conchas eran hijas de la mar, madre de todas las aguas." "... Item: they also
23 ''YIedauan

... hasta dalle carneiros,mays,papas,

agi, sal, lana, algod6n, pescado y camarones, chichej conejo. Hasta dalle uaca mullo, ooororo, cancaua, llullocha, murcota, llachoc, onquena. Estas cosas serota de tributo." "And they even gave him rams [that is, male (lamas],maize, potatoes, chili peppers,salt, wool, cotton, fish, and shrimp, chicha, rabbits [that is, guinea pigs], to the point of giving him uacamullo, ocororo, ancaua, llullocha, murcoto, Ilachac onquena [aquatic plants]. These things served as tribute."

sacrificed or offered sea shells which they called mollo, and offered them to the fountains and springs, saying that the shells were daughters of the sea, the mother of all water."

25 ". . . These Indians were also accustomedto

sacrifice sea shells, especially when they made offerings to the springs. They said that this was a very appropriate sacrifice because the springs are the daughters of the sea, which is the mother of all waters" (translation by Roland Hamilton) .

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

218

both descriptions are appropriate because both the shells and the springs are important to the provision of water and as such could both be daughters of the sea. The shellswould contain some of the "water,power of the great ocean" (Karsten 1926:384) asdaughters ofthe sea, and as such could transfer some of the ability to always supply water through their sacrifice to the springs. The reasoning behind this assump' tion can be found in Cobo's (1990 [1653]:Book I, chapter 13, p. 60) list of guacas. On the seventh cequeof the road to Chinchaysuyuwere a spring called Callancapuquiu, to which was "offeredshells so that it would alwaysflOW."26 The suggestion that sacrificingmuUuto the gods could be responsible for the production of water appears in the myth of Paria Caca found in the HuarochinManuscript (Salomon and Urioste 1991:66). In a batde betweenParia Caca and HuallalloCaruincho,Paria Caca

that a relationship existS between women uri, nating and the creation of springs and other water sources (Silverblatt 1981:33; Reinhard 1998:93). If women could create water sources through urination, and if muUu and the water sources are "daughters of the sea", then the association becomes stronger. An alternative explanation for the relationship between urina, , tion and the creation of springs might be that it is the amniotic fluid emitted prior to childbirth, and not urine, that is seen as causing the cre, ation of water sources Ooan Vastokas, personal communication, 1995). Women, water, and mullu are all related to each other.

A more direct association between water shell,can and muUu,as represented bySpondylus be found at the site of Achallan located on the Santa Elena Peninsula, south of La Libertad, Ecuador. Excavations of the albarrada at Achallan, an earth..walled construction used to collect rainwater for larer use, revealed three . defeatedHuallalloCaruincho'sfireby flooding the area with red and yellowrain. The sudden Spondylus shells buried at the base of the struc, ture (Stothert 1995:144). The placement of rush of water was dammed by LlacsaChurapa, one of Paria Caca's alter egos,creating the lake shellsin this wayindicates not only the relation, with water, but alsothe known today as Mullo Cocha (Taylor1987:147, 'shipof Spondylus/muUu to the 155; Salomon and Urioste 1991:68). It is likely ritual importance of offering Spondylus that the.name Mullo Cocha wasassociatedwith gods to ensure the supply of water. this location either because the myth required the presence of mullu to account forthe sacrifice Female Supernatural Beings and the Vagina to the god who produced rain, or that quantities Dentata of Spondylusshell had been sacrificed at this By drawing together the morphological location. The color associations of this myth characteristics of Spondylus shell, chronicle should not be overlooked and have been pre' sented above in the context of the myth of information, and the metaphorical gender associations of muUu, it is possible to identifya Maca Uisa (Taylor 1987:347; Salomon and Urioste 1991:114,116 ), son of Paria Cacao visual representation of Spondylus/mullu in the

archaeological record.. The recognition ofthe

The relationship between women, water . vaginadentata as an identifying feature of the sources, muUu, and the daughters of the sea is female supernatural being (Lyon 1978), or staff made all the more complex by the suggestion goddess, is important in itSown right, but when viewed within the Context of muUu and Span, dylus, the vagina dentata takes on additional 26"[CH~7:6] la sesta se decia, caUancapuquiu,es el significance.
manantial de Ticutica [sic;debe decir Ticatica), al qual ofredan conchas por que siempre manase (Rowe
1979:24). [CH~7:6) the sixth was called Callancapuquiu: it is the fountain ofTicutica [sic; shouldbe TicaticaJ,to wlUch they offered shells so that it would always flow."

An entry in the dictionary of Gon~alez Holguin (1952 [1608]:249) lists the words "muUuysimi pucaysimimuUuy virpa", and trans,

219.. lates them as "el de 105labios coloradoshermo.. sos". The words hold similar meanings, all relating to the mouth or lips that can be ren.. dered into English as the person with beautiful red lips. Whether the words can be translated directly in this way is questionable, and it is possiblethat the words refer to a more abstract concept that is not yet clear. There is a similarity between the use of mullu and its connection to red lips and the red margins that encircle the edges or lips of the Spondylus shell. The physical appearance of Spondylus as an object with red lipsis one ch~r.. acteristic that relates it to femalegenitalia and the labiain particular. The Spondylus shellhas been described as a representation of the female genitalia, representing a 'mythical' vulva that wasprotected by its intertwined spines (Marcos 1986:198). It should alsobe noted that almeja,27 a contemporary Spanish word for 'clam', a mollusk,is also a-derogatoryand vulgarterm for female genitalia. An understanding of all the definitions of mullu may be dependent upon under$tanding the full range of gender related associations. Gon~lez Holguin's definition might refer to a female with unusually lovely lips, but it is possiblethat it refers to the femalegenital area. As an important ritual object, the value of mullu may be partially related to the visual resem.. blance of Spondylus to a vulva and the associ.. ated aspects of birth and the bringing of new life,regeneration, and fertility. Clearly the use of the word mullu in these phrases does not relate directly to Spondylus, but instead to a conceptual representation of the shell. The female metaphor continues with the appearance of Spondylus in the dyadicstructure ofleft/right, female/male,and isbasedin part on the physicalcharacteristics of the shell (Paulsen

Blower: The Many FacetsofMullu

1974; Cordy..Collins 1978; Burger and Salazar.. Burger 1993). This duality is represented through the separation of left valve/right valve and the gender identification of the male valve/ femalevalve, an assignment of gender attributes that can still be found today among the Desana Indians of the northwest Amazon (Reichel.. Dolmatoff 1971:167..71). In the municipal

marketat Chiclayo,whereSporuIylusshellsmust
be bought in pairs with a "male"and a "female" valve necessary to complete a set, this dualityis stillevident (Monica Barnes,personalcommuni.. cation, 1998). The relationship of muUu to water, water sacrifice,and female characteristics is an impor.. tant one. These associations relate muUuto the femalesymboliccharacteristics. Associatingthe woman with beautiful red lips with the deep red lips of SpOndylus prinCeps and the belief that SporuIylus represents a "mythicalvulva" (Marcos '1986: 198) presents a visual image, or physical manifestation, that is not difficult to locate in the archaeological record. The bright red lipsof
Spondyluswith its interlockingteeth appearin

visual representations as,a female figurewith a

.,agina dentata.

Such personages are the female staff god.. desses on Carhua textiles. The prime identify.. ing characteristic of these supernatural females is the vaginadentata (Lyon1978;Figure4). The vagina dentatais not unique to the Andes, appearing in the mythologies of many cultures (Thompson 1955:833). However, its general identification can be made more specificwhen it is based upon particular indigenous beliefs. What is interesting about the vaginadentataand
Spondylusis the similaritybetween the defini..

tions and symbolic representations of the two objects. Both have lipswith interlocking spiked teeth. The vagina dentata motif represents women who have teeth in their vaginas (Lyon1978:98), the significance of which is not known in this instance. Visualizing the spiny projections as

27Almeja nf (a) (zool)shellfish,cockle,clam (US) (b)

(vagina) cunt; mojar la

.. to

have a screw (Smith et al

1988:33).

teeth couldmakethe SporuIylusshellappear as

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..220 other objects. Those caught breaking this rule received one hundred lashes, had their hair cut off, and faced court proceedings (Arriaga 1968
(1621): 171).28

The importance of mullu and its ritual connection was not completely eradicated after the Spanish conquest. Mullu appears in several instances as an item found in the tool kits of shamans who were charged as sorcerers, and as an item of ritual importance to sacrifice. Around 1700A.D., in the southern highlandsof The use of vaginadentata, a Latin term, to what is now Colombia, a known shaman was describe this mythological imagery does not charged with being a sorcerer. In his packageof indicate that Andean people were applying a magical objects was a collection of pre..Colum.. general concept. It might be more appropriate bian artifacts that included mullu and a special to consider that vaginadentata is a useful term conch trUmpetused bymuUucouriers"(Salomon 1983: 418). Later, in the mid..eighteenth cen.. for something that is similar by definition, but whichis morecorrectlyreferredto.asa Spondy.. tury town ofAndagua, near Arequipa, Sebastian lus vagiruz. I also suggest that the words mull.. Tintaya was similarly charged with having usimi,pucaysimi,and mulluy virpa are references magical abilities. His llama..skinpack included muUushell, coca, maize, and prehispanic statu.. to this concept of a Spondylus.vagina and repre.. sent the verbalization of the image, and possibly ettes (Salomon 1987:155). Bothinstancesshow not only the survival of the word mullu but also the concept, or eve~ a lewd action, in everyday its continued connection to matters of ritUal life. This connection is further strengthened by the secondary imagery identified on staff god.. significance.
desses of the breasts as eyes and the vagina den..

a disassociated vaginadentata. With the female associations,ideologicalimplicationsand genital references to muUualready discussed,Spondylus princeps appearsasa livingrepresentation ofthe vaginadentata. Whether the vagina dentata symbolismwasbased on the Spondylus shelland its metaphoric imagery, or whether the already gendered shell was imbued with the female characteristics of rebirth and fertilitydue to its physical similarity to the vaginadentata is un.. known.

tata as the lips and mouth. In this sense the relationship between a woman with beautiful red lips and genitalia comes full circle. What is unknown is the context and emphasis that would have been placed on the above words during conversation. Vocal inflection would have affected their meaning, creating either a noun for description, or a verb indicating an action to be performed. Mullu Survival in the Colonial Period and Beyond While mullu did not disappear overnight in the Colonial Period, its value as a trade com.. modity decreased and its use was outlawed, subjecting native users to physicalpunishment and legal action. During the period when the Spanish attempted to stamp out idolatry and native beliefs, regulations were enacted which made it a crime to keep mullu or llaesa,among

28"Item. From now on no Indian of either sex will keep mullu, paria, or llaesa, or will make a sancu or teed, nor will he have an asto, nor keep the com they call
huanta'J, airigua, micsazara or collauzara, nor will they keep

with potatoes, ocas, camotes, or 'Jucas,and anyone who breaks this rule will be given one hundred lashes and his hair shorn, and proceedings willbe scaned againsthim for having lapsed into idolatry" (Arriaga 1968 [1621]:171). Some of these cult objects are identifiable. A "paria"may be a type of small bird (FerModez Chiti 1997:196,s.v.). "Sancu" is a ball of ground maize mixed with blood and used in religious rites (lbid. 1997:244, s.v.; Ludefia de la Vega 1982:206. "Tecti" is thick chicha (Arriaga 1920 [1621]:210, s.v.) "Asto" is plumes, or a bird from which feathers are procured (Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 176, s.v.). "Huantay" is a caUear of com (lbid.:179 s.v.). Airigua" = "ayriwaki"or a double ear of com (Academia Mayorde la Lengua Quechua 1995:38 s.v.). "Micsazara"is possibly com mixed wirh datura to make it hallucinogenic (Fer.. m1.ndezChiti 1997: 171, "misha" [Datura] + "sara" [maize)) or the first com that ripened (michacasara) (Arriaga 1968 [1621}:181 s.v.). "Collazara" = "QoUa.. sara", or "medicine com", in rhe sense shared by North American Indians (Fem:1.ndezChiti1997:224s.v., qolla).

221.. An even later use of the word and concept of muUu was recorded by Adolph Bandelier (1969 [1910]). In 1895, a ceremonyperformed by the Avmara on Titicaca Island prior to ar.. .

Blower:

The Many Facets of Mullu

cropfertility.Inmodem Perusmallstoneillasin
the shape of catde, sheep, and horses are used today as sacrifices to the Wamanis, the water controllingmountaindeities (Isbell1978:151). The pre.Columbian figurinesshaped like llamas and alpacas were also identified as mas and are considered to be power..generatingobjects (Ibid.; Allen 1988:54) sacrificed to the Wamanis to in.. crease the herds of guanacos, llamas, and al. pacas (Gose 1994:205). IUashave a mythical quality that maybring about death or aberration at birth in children; animals, or crops, causedby exposure to certain types of light. At times illas bring good fortune, alwaysto an extreme degree (Arguedas 1983:62). Inadequate offerings to the deities may result in lightning strikes on animals. The relationship between a violent dischargeofenergyand illascan be found in the archaic Quechua word for lightning, illapa(Gose 1994:220). Recent identifications of this sort might more accurately portray the original relationship between mullu and ritual objects than is presendy believed. It is the essence of mullu that must be determined. By defining mullu as only Spondylus we have blindedour. selves to the possibilitythat it could have been anything else. Andean healers include pearls, scallop,and snail shells,aswellas unidentified bivalveshells, in their altar. like mesas. In one such Peruvian mesa the bivalve shell is called "Concha San Juan Bautista" and is a large oyster shell from the ocean sYmbolizingrebirth (Sharon 1978: 168). Here the terms mullu and Spondylusare not used, but references to rebirth are reminis. cent of muUu. However, in Cusipata, near Cusco, ceremonies of offerings continue much as they did when Bandelier (1969 [1910]:97) visited the island of Titicaca. The rituals em.. ploy Spondylus shells, called mullu, as vesselsto serve wine and alcohol (Bolin 1998:39.41). Conclusions

chaeologicalexcavation required such .ritual

items as coca, uira..koa29 leaves, llama tallow, fetuses of a llama and a pig, a piece of the skin of a titi or wildcat, grape brandy, wine, and, especially,muUu (Ibid.1969[1910]:97).In this case the muUu was an object in the form of a smallwhite amulet. Bandelier concluded that. mulluwasa fetishofwhite alabasterrepresenting a bull or cow, similar to those found in New Mexico, but also known on the Bolivian AIti.. pIano. Today, among BolivianAymara speak.. ers, muUuis a square, rectangular, or triangular alabasterplaque used to obtairigoodharvests or riches (van den Berg 1985:131). In Quechua, similarsmall stone figures are at times referred to as illas, enqas (Cook 1992:356) or kantas (Gose 1994:205), depending on geographic location. The recovery of small llamafigurines and other objects made ofSpondylusin archaeo~ logicalsites may explain how the Aymara came to refer to them as mullu. The description by Bandelier implies that it was the use and ritual powerof the object that wasreferredto as mullu, not the material from which it was manufac.. tured. Similarly, in Huaquirca, Peru, the term kanta has been equated with dnimo, the vital force or essence of whatever the figure repre. sents (Ibid.:206). In 1942 offeringsof mullo mixedwith guinea pig or llama blood were still being made to marshes and streams for rain and the fertiliza. tion of the earth (Tello 1967:22). It is possible that the present sacrifice of small animal figu.. rines,formerlymade of Spondylus, to the gods for water and fecundity is the continuation of the prehispanic sacrifice of muUufor water and

29 Bandelier does not elucidate the nature of these leavesused in rituals beyond writing that they are "leaves of a plant not found on the island and calledby them uirako-ua" (Bandelier 1969 [1910]:95). Tschopic identifies them as a high.altitude m~t, Mentapulegium(1951:246).

There istoo much contradictory information available to justify the use of Spondylus and mullu as perfecdy synonYmous terms. While

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..222 its geographic location and chronological posi.. tion. In the past twenty..fiveyears, the study of Spondylus, with its associated contexts, has become an important part of Andean archaeol.. ogyand provides a useful source of information on material culture. Ideological information is a different matter. It is now time for a complete investigation into the use and concepts behind muUu. Acknowledgements The final version of this paper has benefited from the comments of many people. The anony.. mous reviewersprovided much helpful informa.. tion, as well as good advice on organization. I thank John Topic and Scott Raymond for their cOmInentson earlier drafts. While this paper reflects all these efforts, responsibility for its content is mine alone. References Cited Hamut'ana KurakSuntur
Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua/Qheswa Simi
.

mullu.definitelyapplies to Spondylusshells, it is not restricted to them. The multiple uses, and representations of Spondylus shell and mullu indicate that a far more complex definition of mullu isrequired. The possibilitythat mullu may refer to Strombus, mother..of..pearl,turquoise artifacts, colored maize, or even herbs, should indicate that Spondylus may be just one of a number of items that are included in the con.. cept of muUu. Likewise,the illasmade of bone and stone may have been legitimate objects of mullu in the conceptual sense. Perhapsthe early chronicles were more accurate in their descrip.. tions of bone, stone, and shell mullu than is presently thought. Misunderstanding may originate with present interpretations of mullu and not the identifications of the past. It isonly. because we have restricted our viewof mullu to Spondylusthat weconsider other interpretations from the past to be errors in identification. . MuUu'sgender !ilssociations and its position in male/female oppositions, visual representa.. tions, and use as an offeringfor waterare signifi.. cant in the multi..purposeconcept of mullu. The woman Withbeautiful red lips could be a deity symbolized at times by the staff goddess, or perhaps something more down..to..earth,such a female associated with goddesses. As food for the gods, or food for the people, the consump.. tion of mullu or guacamullumay have brought more spiritual than physical nourishment. The color associations of red, yellow,turquoise, and green with muUuappear in mythologyand ritual. The recognition of both color associationsand muUu..like objects gives a strong indication that there is a complex of characteristics or traits that can be ascribed to mullu, and that it should not be defined as just Spondylus shell. The archaeological value of Spondylus as an indicator of trade and exchange often overshad.. ow.sthe cultural information availableby study.. ing its alter ego, muUu. The identification of muUucharacteristicsin the recordof Spondylus artifacts indicates that those traits generally assignedto muUuare not pan..Andean. Instead, the concept of muUu changes, depending upon

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ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..

226

Figure 1.

Spondylus princepsshellwith spinesremoved (approximate width 12 em). Photograph by author.

227..

Blower:TheMan1Facets ofMullu

Figure 2.

Spondylus princeps artifactsfrom the Cerro Namo site in the Jacinto Jij6n y Caamafio collection
at the Universidad Cat6lica del Ecuador, Quito. Photograph by author.

Figure3.

Spondylusprinceps "felinemask"fromCueva de los Tayossurroundedby additionalSpondylus

artifacts. In the collection of ,Padre Pedro I. Porras G. at the Centro de Investigaciones Arqueo16gicas,Quito. Maskis approximately 24 em. wide. Photograph by author.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,228

Figure4.

Staff Goddess from a Carhua,Chavfn textile illustrating the vaginadentataand secondary female sex characteristcs (fromRoe 1974: figure 14).

INCA EsTATES AND THE ENCOMIBNDA: HERNANDO PIzARRo's HOLDINGS IN CUSCO

Catherine Julien Western MichiganUniversity Introduction Seen through the eyes of the archaeologist, to his brother Hernando included estates be~ longing to Pachacuti, Thupa Inca, and Huascar. The award has special relevance to archaeolo~ gists, because it encompassed tWospectacular archaeological sites, Machu Picchu and Ollantaytambo. An encomienda was a transfer to a particu~ lar individual of the tribute right claimed by the
.

incaestatesare the remainsofresidential build~.

ingsand their peripheral constructions, such as terraces,gardens, lakes, and other aesthetic or practical features (Niles 1988, 1992, 1999; Protzen 1993). From the perspective of the historian,these estates largelydisappearwithin the encomienda awards made after 1534 by Francisco Pizarro. Pizarro granted the entire Andean population in encomienda, treating the occupants of Inca estates, sanctuaries, produc~ dve enclaves, and other specializedentities in the same manner as any other tribute~paying group. The new tribute system did not recog~ nizeearlier differencesin status or treatment, so specialized Inca entities become largelyunrecog~ nizablein the documentation. Nowhere is this homogeneous handling of the Andean popula~ tion more problematic than in the Cuscoregion, where Inca estates and other holdings were concentrated. Francisco Pizarromade a number of very large encomienda awards in the area surrounding Cusco: to himself, to his brothers Hernando and Gonzalo, and to several close friends. Embedded within these encomiendas are some of the most important holdings of the Incas and their corporate groups, called panacas.1 For example, the grant Pizarro made

SpanishCrown. It wasnot a grant ofland,but

a reward for service, and carried with it the obligationsotherwise owed by the Crown (De la Puente Brunke 1992:13~15). Because the award documents are written in Spanish, and convey a class of rights that were just being introduced into the Andes, they do not reflect Inca systems of tenure. Nonetheless, the conveyance of a right to collect tribute from peoples who had formerlybeen directly subject to particular Incas or their panacaseffectivelyalienated Inca claims to their land, and labor. Although there were early transfers of land near Cusco, the sale of land at any distance. from Cusco did not begin until decades later, and did not affectmore than a small percentage ofland held by native people

Pizarro had planned to reserve for the Spanish Crown. Pizarro apparently changed his plans. After Manco revolted, his holdings were divided by Francisco Pizarro among Pizarro's brothers, his friends, and himself.
References to reserving "the Inca" for the Spanish Crown turn up in the investigation of the bishop Tom~s Berlanga,

1 The award of Inca estates was not made during either of the two periods when F(aI1cisco Pizarromade a general distribution of encomiendas in Cusco. Elsewhere Oulien 1998c) I have argued that Hernando's award had been part of the "encomienda of the Inca", an award to Manco Inca and a large bundle of Inca holdings that

who came from Panama to investigate the dispute

between Pizarroand Almagro (Berlanga 1868 [1535]:242, 301; Lohmann Villena 1986 [16th century):203,204). The Incas also had holdings some distance from Cusco Oulien 1991:121, 1993:184, 186).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 229~275.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

Despite difficulties in defining Inca systems of tenure, estates in the Cusco region have been In this paper Inca estates willbe describedas the subject of study for several decades. Mana Rostworowski,one of the first people to exam"properties" or "holdings". Becausewe cannot ine dynastic holdings near Cusco, published a penetrate the conceptual universein which Inca series of documents that identified the Inca tenure was embedded, the terms we have chosen are admittedly arbitrary and imprecise. owners ofspecificparcels (1993c [1962]). Some They are intended only to describe whatever of the documents are titles, and the documents, claims the Incas or their panacasmade to the as a whole, give the impression that individuals held title in a manner similar to Spanish holdlabor, land or resources of the people later awarded in encomienda. Although the Spanish ings. However, the earliest documents date to 1558. Another class of documents was pubtenure system treated land and labor as separate entities, there is no reason to assume that the lished by Horacio Villanueva in 1970. He Incas had a separate class of rights to land or assembledreports generated during visitas, or administrative inquiries,'madein 1552and 1558 about the people subject to the encomienda of Yucay and their holdings (Villanueva Urteaga 2 A distribution of land near Yucay was effected in 1970a), a grant that incorporated an Inca estate 1550 (Villanueva Urteaga 1970a [mid 16th century:l0that had belonged to Huayna Capac. Marla 14). There were transfers in Ollantaytambo in 1556-1558 Rostworowskialsopublished documents related (Glave and Remy 1983:80-81) and Calea in 1559 (Rostworowskide Diez Canseco 1993c (1969-70]:117to the same award, generated by a lawsuitbegun 119). Lands belonging to the descendants of Thupa Inca in 1574 (1970; cf. Niles 1999:124-125). were confirmedin 1552, includingpropertiesin the Rostworowskilater published (1993d [1990]) a UrubambaValley.All of the referencesto boundaries 1572 census of Urquillos, then an encomienda involved properties held by native inhabitants of Francisco Chilche, a Canar cacique, but (Rostworowskide DiezCanseco, 1993c[1963]:138-146). formerly an estate of Thupa Inca near Yucay Tide to lands in the Urubamba Valley in the name of (Figure 1). From the documents we learn that Angelina Yupanqui wasconfirmed in 1558. A long list of the estate was staffed by 400 local households properties in the vicinity ofYueay was included. All the holdersnamedwerenatives(Ibid.:120-130). Near Cusco, and another 2,000 mitima, or colonist, houseand in the lowlands where coca could be grown, tides holds, 1,000 drawn from Collasuyo and 1,000 were established in even earlier decades. For example, a fromChinchasuyo (su)'osor suyusare majorInca number of chacras in the Paucartambo lowlands were territorial and social divisions). There werealso distributed by the Cusco council in 1548 (Lyon 1993yanaconas,or personal retainers, assignedto the 1994:109). service of Huayna Capac and his panaca (Rowe 3 Sake Thupa, the first of Manco's sons to rule in 1982:99-100). These people produced maizein Vileabamba after Manco's death, was given the Yueay large quantities, and also coca, which was hargrant and Gonzalo Pizarro'sholdings aspart of the bargain vested from nearby lands in the valleys of to bring the dynasty back to Cusco (Lohmann Villena Paucartambo. The coca was known to be the 1948:11-12jGum~nGuillen 1976-77:55-56).WhenSaire finest in Peru, and was said to have been kept by Thupa left, the Spaniards found they had to deal with his Huayna Capac "for his person and those of his brother, Titu Cusi. Subsequent negotiations also turned house", a reference to his corporation or panaca on the granting of encomiendas (Regaladode Hurtado 1992:xvii). (Letter of Pedro de la Gasca to the Council of

in the sixteenth century.2 The encomienda, then, wasthe conveyance whichwrestedpanaca holdings away from their Inca lords. After the Pizarro awards were made, the efforts of the Inca dynastic line to regain control ofits former holdings were always phrased in terms of the encomienda Oulien 1998c:505-506).3

resources, apart from rights to the labor of subject peoples, or that either had any kind of commerical value. All that is assumed here is that encomienda awards translated an Inca system of tenure into a Spanish one.

Julien: Inca Estates

the Indies, Lima, 16 September 1549, in Levi.. llier 1921..26,volume 1, pages 217..218). The maize, as well, may have been used to support his panaca. The Yucay dQcumentsoriented a recent study of the architecture of Huayna Capads estate by Susan Niles (1999:123..133). Documentary references tend to focus on pro.. duction, but Niles' study has revealed other dimensions of Huayna Capac's holdings. His residences at Quispillacta and retreat at Chic6n were clearly oriented toward repose and recre.. adon. By exploring the sites associated with Inca holdingsidentifiedin documentarysources, a fruitful collaboration between archaeologists and historians can be achieved. Huayna Capac's estate at Y~caywas origi.. nally awarded in encomienda by Francisco Pizarro to himself. The award document has never been found. The ~ant he made to his brother Hernando, on the other hand, has-been located in the Archive of the Indies, along with the first assessmentsQftribute associatedwith it. This grant has not yet been studied in any detail. As noted above, Hernando Pizarro's Cusco award included a bundle of Inca proper.. ties, including estates belonging to Pachacuti, Thupa Inca, and Huascar. Hernando Pizarro received all of the people of the Urubamba Valleyfrom Ollantaytambo to Vitcosand Vilca.. bamba, in addition to groups in Calca, in the Jaquijaguana Valley just west of Cusco, in the coca..growing valleys of Paucartambo to the northeast, and in the province of Abancay in the west (Figure 1).4 The information con.. tained"inthe assessmentshas been presented in a recent study of the Pizarro brothers as entre.. preneurs (Var6n Gabai 1997:250..256). AI.. though the activities of the Pizarrosfundamen.. tally altered the nature of central authority in

the Andes, they are incidental to our analysis. Here, what Hernando Pizarroreceived in Cusco willbe appreciated as the singlemost important award of properties belonging to the Inca elite, eclipsingeven the award Francisco Pizarromade

to ~elf
.

ofHuaynaCapac'sYucayestate.

The records of the grant to Hernando Piza.. rro have been transcribed and included in an appendix (Documentary Appendix, Documents
.

1..3).Also transcribedare the earliestta5as, or

tribute assessments, associated with his Cusco encomienda, made in the 1550s (Documents4.. 15). Specialistswillwant to examine the names and other details they record.s Hernando Pizarro's Encomienda Francisco Pizarroawarded an immensegrant to his brother Hernando. It inCluded various Inca holdings, among them estates at Ollantay.. tambo, Calca, Piccho, and Amaybamba that had belonged to the panacas of Pachacuti, Thupa Inca, and Huascar. A single document, signed by Francisco Pizarroin Cusco, on 27 Apri11539, conveyed the award (Table "I). The three copies of this document are all defective (Docu.. ments 1..3, Documentary Appendix). In the table, the names that appear were taken from Document 1j other spellings of the same name are included in square brackets with an indica.. tion of source.

4 AGI, Charcas 56. Marui PArssinen was the first to cite the Gonzalo Pizarro award (1992:414). The Yucay award, transferred to the son of Francisco Pizarro of the same name, appears in a 1561 listing as: "Yucay, Bonbo,

Anbaraes, Piko, Tono e Avisca" (Hampe Martinez 1979:89).

5 Only the groups granted to Hernando Pizarroin the region near Cusco are treated here. However, a complete version of the encomienda grant is transcribed in the appendix (Document 1). The transcriptions of Documents 2 and 3 reproduce only information relating to the Cusco region. Information on the Charcas part of the award can be found in Var6n Gabai (1997:256~261).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
. Province of Chinchasuyo:

-232

Town of Mayo and Sierra [Circa] and Tomebamba - cacique Curiata [3: Cudara] [Tomebamba] Town ofVrco [2: Hurco; 3: Vro] - caciqueCurima [ 2: Curiana; 3: Carima] "Another town" cacique Atapoma Town ofTambo [Ollanfa)'tambo] Town of Chauca cacique Tito

Valley of Comaybamba [2: Amaybamba; 3: Camaybamba] [Amaybamba] cacique Xuaxca [3: Xuaxea] Valley of Pisco [Piccho] caciques Guaxani and Choyarcoma [Choyorama]

......................................................-............................................................................................................................................................

Town of Biticos [Vitcos] Valley of Bilcabanba [Vileabamba]

Province of Condesuyo Town of Chuco caciques Atao, Huyoa [3: Ahuyoa] and Axama [2: Apoma] .................................................................................................................................................................................................................

Province of the Canas

...................................................................................................................................................................................................................

Caciques Guanco and Tinta

Provinceof Condesuyo[2: Andesuyo] TownofCalla [2:Calea] [Calca]- caciqueYmamanchaca [2: Ymamananchaca] Town ofPacamarca cacique Mancho

Town ofPacallacta

Town of Taua pac a [3: Lammanpacay] cacique Cayasis [2: Caya~i] Town of Guayacare [2: Guayacaraj 3: Guayacaro] cacique Alloa [2: Halloa]

Town of Chamanco [2: Puchimancoi 3: Amano]

Town ofPabcarpare [2: Pascarpare]

Town ofPacomucho cacique Mancho Town of Cary [2: Cur] - cacique Atapoma TownofCuruana caciques Tamara [or Detamara], Destamara [3: Deplinara] and Pisnomago [2: Pishomangoj 3: Pichomago] Town ofChanpallapi [2: Panpallata; 3: Chaupallata] cacique Cuxi Town of Quicha [3: Guacha] cacique Rumayta [2: Ruana Aytaj 3: Ruma Ayta]

- cacique

Puilo [2: Puebloj 3: Puelo]

cacique Paro Town of Candio [2: Candia] ...........................................................................................................................................................................-.................................... In the yungas Valley.ofToayma [3: Tonima] [Toayma]

,....-.......................................

Cacique Atapoma [Urcon]

Town ofUrcomarca

and two little towns (a) cacique Chuquinga

Town of Tanboquin [2: Tanboquij 3: Tanboquim] cacique Puingachuma [2: Apungahuma; 3: Pimguachuma] Town ofChoro [3: Horo] and another small town- cacique Maranga [2: Maringa] Town ofYquico [3: Yqueco] cacique Abiacaxa [2: Aboacapi] Town ofPansipate [2: Pan~ipati] Town of Acoyta Town ofXuybita.[2: Xoybitaj3: Xuivita] - caciqueYnesnache[2:Ynelnache] TownofChilbanbaca cacique PubiUasilla[2: Pucullasilla]

Town of Buchunga [2: Vichunga; 3: BuchingaI cacique Guaman Town ofTasmaro [or TalmaroI cacique Caruavena [2: Canauena] Town ofPomacollo - cacique Parmabate

Town of Chuquicarando, where Atapoma lives (a) Document 3 has "Atapoma, lord of the town ofVrcomarca whose cacique is Chuquinga, and two little towns."

Table 1: Hernando Pizarro's Cusco Award.

233

Julien: Inca Estates

Also, the name used to refer to a particular group in later transfers or other encomienda documentation, if it can be identified, has been included in italic type and enclosed in square bracketS.6 The Pizarro document specifically subordinates the various parts of the award to general headings (like the "Province' of Chinchasuyo"), so these names and other infor~ mation about what was granted (i.e., a "town", or the designation "in the yungas",or lowlands) have been used to structure. the table. The. original documents have no punctuation and werewritten as one continuous blockof text, so, in the appendix, where appropriate, some mate~ rial has been formatted as a list (Documents 1~ 3).
.

Hernando may have received properties in all four sUYOS of the region surrounding Cusco. Cusco was the center ofT awantinsuyo,or "four suyos". These divisions 'named Chinchasuyo, Andesuyo, ColIasuyo, and Condesuyo, ex.. tended well beyond Cusco but the same names were used in a different sense to refer to people within the region near Cusco. The other Pizarro encomienda awards are generallystructured in the same way as Hernando Pizarro's (Table I), that is, they include some kind of designation like "province" or "valley",followedby a list of towns or caciques located there. In the case of SUYO designations, wherever Pizarro lists the "Province of Chinchasuyo" or any of the four suyo names, he records towns in the Cusco region. Clearly, the Cusco regionwasorganized into districts named after the four sUYOS. There are numerous documentary referencesto "Colla~ suyos" or "Chinchasuyos" that make no sense unless they are understood in this narrower way.7

Reading the list of towns and caciques conveyed to Hernando Pizarro is not a straight.. forward task. Two copies of the award repeat the heading "Province of Condesuyo". The first use ofCondesuyo does not appear to be in error, even though Andesuyo typically follows Chinchasuyo when the sUYOS are listed in order. "Chuco" can be identified as the encomiendaof Choco, held by Hernando Pizarro in later years; it can be firmly placed in Condesuyo.8 The second use of the heading "Province of Conde~ suyo" may be a mistranscription: although two copies of the document have "Province of Condesuyo", one has "Province of Andesuyo" (Table 1). This heading is one of the unresolv.. able problems of this list. None of the towns named.in it can'be located, with the exception of "Guayacare", probably Huayocari, located between Calea and Yucay on the right bank of the Urubamba River, just east of the Urquillos quebrada (canyon or ravine). The first town in this entry is "Calla", given as "Calea" in one of the copies. Here it is in Andesuyo.9 If we look for. Calca in the Chinchasuyo portion of the award, it might have been mistranscribed as "Chauca", but there.is a Chauca.1oWhat makes

there isa group identified as "Chinchaisuyos", even

though the Huaylas, the Yauyos, the Huamachucos, and others are also from Chinchaysuyo, understood in the larger sense. Likewise, there are "Cond~uyos" listed, even though the Yanahuaras, Chumbivilcas, Papres, Chilques, and other groups from the larger Condesuyo division appear (Ramos Gavilan 1988 [1621]:84185).
8

Choco is recorded in Cobo's ceque list in a reference

to the fifth cequeof Condesuyo fCu 5:3] and identifiedas a town belonging to Hernando Pizarro (Rowe 1979:54). 9 Other documents place Calca in Chinchasuyo (Espinoza Soriano 1977:111; Anonymous 1954 [1596]:

98.99) .
6 The three encomienda documents (Documents 11 3) are similar enough to each other to havebeen based on
10

(Villanueva Urteaga, 1970a[mid 16thcentury]: 126;

a single original, probablya copy of the award that HernandoPizarrohad withhim in Spain.
7 That is why, on a list of people from 41 "nations" of the empire who tended the Inca sanctuary at Copacabana,

Levillier 1940, volume I, pages 1091110). Chauca or Chaoca was in the Urubamba Valley (Niles 1999:133, 206, figures 5.9, 6.1; Villanueva Urteaga 1982:276). Three wirnesses from Chauca testified before.Viceroy Toledo, one that he had been a chacracamayo of Huayna

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..234 entries for the province of Chinchasuyo are to towns in the Jaquijaguana Valley,west'ofCusco. Then come two towns in the Urubamba Valley. Two "valleys" follow, one, the Amaybamba Valley that feeds into the Urubamba at ChaulIay,and the other, a segment of the Urubamba Valley itself. All of the copies of the Hernando Pizarro award give "Pisco" for Piccho. It also appears in the tasa as "Piquicho" (Document 5), and once, as Piccho (in a note in the upper margin of Document 14). It was common for Spanish speakers to insert vowels between two consonants where such combinations did not occur in Spanish (mitma ,= mitima, Calca = Calica, Vitcos = Viticos). Farther downstream, into the lowlands,Vitcos is granted as a "town", then Vileabamba as a "valley". "Chuco" is Choco, as already' noted. The Canas and "Andesuyo" entries are also problematic, as noted above. The final entry was to the cacique ofUrcomarca, named Atapoma. Bydesignating a cacique, Pizarro was .recording the lines of authority between this individual and the towns listed after his name. Urcomarca was the Urcon that appears in later tribute documentation, as part of Abancay.12 The name Atapoma, its cacique, also appears on the list of towns; the same Atapoma may have had a subject town in the Jaquijaguana Valley. . Hernando Pizarro'saward bundled a number of diverse Inca holdings. Choco was a small town close to Cusco with a very special status. It was occupied by the lineage of Anaguarque, the wife of Pachacuti, the ninth Inca ruler, and the men of this lineage were known as "caca.. cuzcos," or in..lawsof the Inca lineage (RostWo.. rowskide Diez Canseco 1993c (1962):113, 135; Julien 1998b:49; 2000:25, 37). A number of

this problem unresolvable is that this group of towns cannot be associated with anyofHernan.. do Pizarro's later holdings. Did the boundary between Chinchasuyo and Andesuyo fall be.. tween Yucay and Calca? Another problem is' with the "Province of Canas". No later documents link any groups in this area to Hernando Pizarro. The names of two caciques were given, not the names of towns. One was named Tinta, the name of a Canas encomienda. Perhaps Hernando Pizarro was its first holder.11 Also problematic isthe qualityofdescription of the peoples granted in this award. Both the "Andesuyo" portion of the grant and the ca.. cique Atapoma are described by a list of place names. No place names at all wer~associated with the caciques of Canas. We wouldexpect a list of towns for Tambo [Ollantaytambo], but none appears. Nor are population figuresgiyen. The earliest awards made in Cusco include information on the number of households, probably supplied by Manco Inca while he was still collaborating with Pizarro Oulien 1998c:493..494, 496). After the visitageneral,or administrative survey, of 1540, award docu.. ments also include information on the number of tributaries or households. Although a fewgroups listedin Table 1have been identified with the names of the enco.. mienda award later associatedwith them (given in square brackets in italic type), some identifications are firmer than others. The first three

Capac, and another that he had served as some kind of overseerofHuayna Capac and that "hisgrandfathers"had performed the same service for Thupa Inca. A witness in

the Yucay investigation of 1574 noted that the inhabitantsofChauca werenativeto thevalley.
,

12Miranda (1975 [1583]:184). In the Miranda

listing of corregimientos (Spanish administrative districts) Urcon appears as "Vicon", but its link to Melchor Maldonado, the son of Arias Maldonado who held the grant after Hernando Pizarro, allows us to identify it as Urcon (Miranda 1925 [1583]:167; De la Puente Bt:unke 1992:379).

11

A grant to Tinta was made to Bartolomede

Terrazas (Loredo 1941:120), and a 1548 note identified

the grant as a Pizarro award. It may have been regranted ,by Francisco Pizarro, however, after having been first awarded to Hernando.

235 Inca estates were also part of Heman do Pizarro's

Julien: Inca Estates

1549..1550. After the rebellion of Gonzalo grant, including: Ollantaytamboand Piccho, Pizarro (1544..48),Governor Pedro de la Gasca belonging to Pachacuti; Amaybamba, belonging organized a visitageneralto collectthe informato both Pachacuti and to his son Thupa Inca; tion needed for setting the tasa uniformly and Calca, where Huascar had palaces(Rostwo- throughout the territory of Peru. Beforeleaving rowskide DiezCanseco 1993b [1963]:148-149; the Andes he set up a commissionto reviewthe Niles 1988:62-63). visita,gather additional information, and set the tasa. The' cOmmission was first composed of It is not known what estates or, holdings Archbishop Alonso de Loaysa and the Domiwerein Vitcos or Vileabamba. Both were occu- nican friarsTomas de San Mar:tn and Domingo pied by Manco Inca at the time Hernando de Santo Tomas. During the time it convened, Pizarro receivedhisawardin 1539.There were itspersonnelchanged,and twooidores (adminis.. Inca silver mines in Vileabamba that the Span.. trative judges), Hernando de Santillan and iards tried to revive in 1572 after they began to Andres de Cianza, were also involved (Rostwo.. occupy the region, but little is known about rowski de Diez Canseco 1983-84:55; Hampe them.13 The frontier with Vileabamba was at Martfnez 1989:134-135). By mid 1552 the Chaullay (Map 1), at the confluence between Audiencia of Lima, colonial Peru's highest legal the Amaybamba and Urubamba Valleys, until and administrative body, had taken over the 1572, when Manco's son, Thupa Amaro, was job. When the new viceroy, the Marqu~s de captured. In 1539, when Hernando Pizarro Cafiete, arrived in 1555, he began to make the received Vitcos and Vileabamba, they. were assessments. The documentation assembledfor beyond the limits of Spanish control. This Hernando Pizarro's Cusco holdings indicates frontier remained stable between 1539to 1572, that not all of the encomiendas were assessedby but its nearness to the effective holdings of the commission. The tasa of Toayma, in the Hernando Pizarro was a potential source of coca..growinglowlandsofPaucartambo, appears instability. In 1536, when Manco retreated to to have been set for the first time in 1553bythe Vitcos, he depopulated Amaybamba in his Audiencia (Document 9, ,Table 2). wake. Amaybamba was again affected,by the Hernando Pizarro received his award just wa~the Spaniards conducted againstthe Vilca.. bamba Incas in 1572. During this entire period before departing for Spain where he washeld in , any ties between Vitcos and Vilcabambaand prison for the next twenty years, never to return other Inca holdings were effectivelycut. The to Peru. His Peruvian holdings (Sucre, Lima, tasa documents, discussed below, indicate that and Arequipa, as well as Cusco) were managed some of the decrease in the population of by administrators in the colonial districts where Hernando Pizarro's encomienda wasdue to the he had property (Var6n Gabai 1997:108,121, conflict hetween the Spaniards and the Vilea- 243-261). An absentee encomendero wasnot bamba Incas. . in a position to defend himself against the reduction of the amounts assessed from the The Tasas people of his encomiendas. In the years following the initial tasas, the amounts originally Although Pizarro had been ordered to fix assessed were lowered in response to petitions the amounts of tribute native people were presented by representatives of the peoples expected to pay, the first tasaswerenot set until awarded. The retasas of parts of Hernando Pizarro's award are an excellent example ofhow and under what circumstances the tasa was altered. The ti:lSasand retasas of Hernando 13Vileabamba was said to be the source of the silver Pizarro's Cusco holdings will be reviewed'in and gold the Spaniards found in Cusco (Cobo 1890,95 chronological order. [1653], volume 3, book 12, chapter 12,pages 160,161).
'

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
Encomienda Amaybamba Piccho Calca Ollantaytambo Tomembamba Toayma Urcon Choco

..236
Tasa Retasa
25 Sept. 20 July 12 August 12 October 1559 1560 1559 1555 Amaybamba Curaca: Juan Mayta

21 October 1550 21 October 1550 21 October 1550 21 October 1550 18July 1552 15 Sept. 1553 ? ?

'!................................................

Every mita: 200 cestosof coca, half in Cusco, half in Tambo 24 'Jsangas of fruit, in Cusco, some to the encomendero

ifhe visitS

24 Sept. 1557 19June 1562

Piccho
Curaca: Macuri ...................................................................................................

Table 2: Tasas and retasas of Hernando Pizarro's Cusco award.

Every mita: 50 cestosof coca, half in Cusco, half in Tambo 15 bags of chiles, in Cusco IS 'Jsangas of fruit, in Cusco, some to the encomendero if he visitS

Only agricultUralproducts or activitieshave been included in the tables that follow. Even the.first tasasreflect new demandson economic resources. They require the production of foodstUffs or manufactured goods, like tiles, charcoal, bridles, and leads for horses, that clearly were not exactions under the Incas. Some agricultural products, such asmaize,coca, chile peppers, and fruit, have their originsin the Andes. The assessments'of these products, especially coca, should reflect local capacities and specializations. Because the sUitabilityof the land for certain uses remained constant, the agricultural assessments may reflect how it was used in.earlier times. Wheat, a crop introduced by the Spaniards, often appears in the early assessments,and was consistently assessedwith maize. Although the two cropshave somewhat different growingzones, the combined amounts assessed may give us an estimate of the arable lands near where the group resided, that could be used for the cultivation of tribute crops.

Table 3: Tasas ofPiccho and Amaybamba (1550). .

The bulk of Hernando Pizarro's Cusco

holdings was assessedby the commissionon 21 October 1550. Piccho and Amaybamba were assessed in a similar manner and will be dis.. cussed together, as will Calea and Ollantay.. tambo (see below). Piccho and Amaybamba were to pay in coca and fruit, although the quantity of coca required from Amaybambawas considerably larger than what wasassessedfrom Piccho. The quantities of coca are still rela.. tively small when compared with what was required from Toayma (Table 8). No specifics about the size of the cesto were given (but see the T oayma award, Document 9). The number of cestos per mita, or harvest, were specified. Coca was picked three times a year, so the requirement can be multiplied by three to produce an annual figure. The coca wasproba.. bly local, because there is no mention of a different location for the cocales,or coca fields, as in the case of the assessments of Ollantay~ tamboand Calca,in whichthe cocales ofToay.. ma were specified. Coca has been grownin the area above the Chaullay bridge in historic times (Patricia Lyon, personal communication, May 1990), and Machu Picchu may be sitUatednear the upper end of its range. Half the coca as.. sessed was to be delivered in CUSCOj the other half in "Tambo", that is, Ollantaytambo. Each encomienda was also assessedin fruit, measured in ysangas. What the term meant is unknown. Elsewhere (Document 9), two loads (car gas)

237.. were assessed, and whatever an ysanga was, it wasprobablyportable. Finally,Picchoprovided a like quantity of chile peppers. No population figureswere givenin the tasa documents, but from another source we learn that the visitaofAmaybambaconducted prior to setting the 1550 tasa included 62 "Indians" (RostWorowski de Diez Canseco 1983..84:73), a measure we can take as an estimate of house.. . holds headed by adult males. There was no figuregiven for Piccho, but, if the assessmentof Amaybamba relative to the number of house.. holds is used as a guide, we could estimate a total of 16 households for Piccho.
Amaybamba Curaca: Juan Cayo Topa

Julien: Inca Estates

Cab
............................................................................................... Every mita: ofcoca,pickedin Toaymafromthe encomen. 250cestos dero's fields,maximum of 20 days to be spent in the lowlands, coca to be delivered in Cusco ..................................................................................-........... Every year: 500 fanegas of maize, 400 fanegas (including the wheat and potatoes) delivered in Cusco, the rest in their lands
50 fanegas of wheat 25 fanegas of potatoes Curaca: Uasa

Ollantaytambo Curaca: Chuqui Naupa ............................................................................................... Every mita:

75 cestoS ofcoca,pickedin Toaymafromthe encomen.

dero's fields, maximum of 20 days to be spent in the lowlands, coca to be delivered in Cusco ...............................................................................................
Every year: 200 fanegas of maize, 160 fanegas (including the wheat) delivered in Cusco, the.rest in their lands 50 fanegas of wheat

..................................................................................................

Everymita:

160 cestos of coca, 60 delivered in Cusco, 100 in the tambo of the valley of Ollantaytambo

Piccho
Curaca: Hernando Macori '....................................................................................................

Table 5: Tasas of Calca and Ollantaytambo (1550)

Every mita: 35 cestosof coca, half delivered in Cusco, half in Tambo

Table 4: Retasas of Amaybamba (1559) and Piccho (1560). Both encomiendas were assessed again at the end of the decade. The tribute was reduced owing to a drop in population documented by a visita conducted by Damian de la Bandera during the administration ot the Marques de Cafiete. A specific reference to this visita is given in the Amaybamba document. Both fruit and chile peppers drop off the listofwhat was to be provided, and the amount of coca is reduced by about a third, in the case of Piccho, and a fifth, in the case of Amaybamba. Again, the coca appears to be local.

Like the tasas of Amaybamba and Piccho, the tasasof Calca and OHantaytamboare similar to each other. Both groups were assigned to pick coca in Toayma. The number of people who had to go there was unspecifiedi by setting the numberof cestos at 250 (Calca) and 75 (Ollantaytambo), we can calculate that that same number would have been involved if each person transported a cesto to Cusco, and half that, if each transported tWo. Again, the cocais specifiedper mitai the amounts delivered annu.. ally would be three times the per mita amount. One notable differencebetWeenthe assessments of these two encomiendas and the assessments ofPiccho and Amaybamba is that all of the coca had to be delivered ,in Cusco. As will be dis.. cussed in the next section, there may have been a location in the highlands to which coca was hand carried, then loaded on animals for trans.. port. If so, the coca assessment embedded several services in it, including travel from distant Ollantaytambo and Calca to Toayma.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..238
Calca Curaca: DiegoAtau Umache .....................................................-.............................-.....-....
Every year: 1000 pesos of silver of 450 maraveclfs, delivered in Cusco 500 fanegas of maize, 350 fanegas delivered in Cusco and 150 in their lands 50 fanegas of wheat, delivered in Cusco 25 fanegas of potatoes, delivered in CU5CO

A substantial assessment in agricultural products such asmaizeand wheat indicates that the lands of Calca and Ollantaytambo werein a similar production zone, well above the region where coca, chile peppers, and fruitweregrown. Calca was also assessedin potatoes, indicating that the group was in some waybetter situated for tuber production than Ollantaytambo. The table does not reflect the variety of servicesand manufactures exacted from both groups. They provided"fowl, eggs, pigs, and agricultural producefor the encomendero's own table in Cusco. Also, they were required to produce tiles near Cusco, to cultivate the encomendero's own fields in Cusco, to supply guards for the encomendero's livestock, and to provide house servants, some of whom were to have occupational specialities. The Gasca visita of 1549 records a population of 608 "Indians" for Calca (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1983..84:72). The text of the retasaalso mentions-thisnumber (Document 12). No information was recorded forOllantay.. tambo, but the similarities between the Calca and Ollantaytambo assessments provide a means for generating an estimate. Taking the proportion between Calca households and the number of cestosof coca picked per mita as a guide, a figure of about 180 households can be estimated for Ollantaytambo. By taking the proportion between Calca households and total fanegas of maize and wheat harvested, an esti.. mate of 240 households can be generated for Ollantaytambo.

oUantaytambo Curaca: Francisco Mayo Topa

,..

Every mita: 50 cestOsof coca, picked in Toayma from the encomendero's fields,maximum of 20 days to be spent in the lowlands, coca to be delivered in Cusco ................................................................................................... Every year: 100 fanegas of maize. half delivered in Cusco. the rest in their lands 25 fanegas of wheat, half delivered in Cusco. half in

theirlands

Table 6: Retasas of Calca (1559) and Ollantaytambo (1555).

Ollantaytambo was reassessed before any other part of Hernando Pizarro's award, and Calca was reassessed before the end of the deeade. Both documents give fascinating ac.. counts of population loss in the Urubamba Valley. The drop in Ollantaytambo was occa.. sioned by the rebellion of Francisco Hernandez Gir6n, by the drafting of retainers called yana.. conasfrom the population, and by the nearness of Ollantaytambo to the Vileabamba state. The rebellion of Hernandez Gir6n had just ended at the time Ollantaytambo was reassessed. Be.. cause the assessment of agricultural produce (maizeand wheat) dropped by half and the coca by a third, we can estimate a reduction in the number of those assessed to a total of between 90 to 160 households. Calca also suffered population loss, but different reasons were given. The loss was imputed to the hardships associated with pick.. ing coca in Toayma, where the hot climatewas believed to be the cause of illness and death. Instead of 608 tributaries, as counted in the Gasca visita of 1549, there were now 542. For these reasons, and because the people of Calca

239.. had not participated in coca production under the Incas. Their obligation to provide coca was commuted to silver. Cafiete was known for commuting obligations to specie, so we cannot assumethat he would not have done precisely the same thing had he been petitioned by Ollantaytambo at the same time. After all, it was a greater hardship for Ollantaytambo to send people to Toayma than it was for Calea. The idea that the lowlands were unhealthy for highlanders, used to justify the curtailment of coca production, may also have been more characteristic of Cafiete's time than of the
eadier period.

Julien: Inca Estates

Arias Maldonado was the next holder of Hernando Pizarro's CusCoaward. Maldonado's son Melehor was listed as the encomendero of Pomaguanca and Ancashuasi in 1572 (Miranda 1975 [1583]:156).Pomaguanca and Ancashuasi may designate the Tomebamba grant, or at least include it. The tributaries of Pomaguanca and Ancashuasi were under orders to live in the towns of Anta, Huarocondo, and Zurite in the early 1570s, along with the inhabitants of other towns held then by Beatriz Coya.1S The assessment ofT omebamba isconsistent with a high altitude location: only potatoes were assessed. The Tomebamba people were also required to provide guards for the livestock of the encomendero~Because servicein Cuscowas not specified,the suitability of resources in their territory for grazing can be inferred.
.....................................................................................-....-......

All of the service in Cusco wasdropped out of the Ollantaytambo tasa in. 1555. It also disappearsfrom the Calea rasain 1559.
Curaca: Juan Pizano ...................................................................................................

Everyyear: 150 fanegasof potatpes, delivered in Cusco

Curacas:Comisaca, Coca, Parinango

Table 7: Tasa of Tomebamba (1552).

Toayma was also assessed by the Audiencia. Three caciques were listed, including one named Comisaca. A Francisco Comisala"ofthe Cafiares" was interviewed in 1571 in Yucayby bambaincludedtheseaswell. Inthe ordenanzas Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (Levillier 1940, de tambosof 1543, the towns of Hernando and volume 2, page 104). The tWonames are similar Gonzalo Pizarro are jointly listed as: IIJaquija.. enough so that the difference might be inter, guana, Anta, Tamboqui, Cenca [Circa], Mayo, preted as a transcription error. Comisala was Alae, Tomebamba, Equeco and Huarocondo."14 from the "town ofTuayma" and was the son of "a great curaca."Whateverthe origins ofthe
14 Vaca de Castro 1908 [1543]:442. coyde esta Ciudad del Cuzco el primer Tambo ha de ser en Xaquijaguana en el qual han de serbir los Indios del mismo Pueblo y el Pueblo de Anta, y el Tambo de Qui y el de Cenca y el de Mayo y el de Alac y Tomibamba y Quico, y Guarocorgo, que son del repartimiento de
Hernando Pizarro, y de Gonzalo Pizarro y su hermano.....

The next tasa in the series is Tomebamba, located near Anta, west of Cusco (Figure I). This assessment was made by the Audiencia. Tomebamba included the townsofMayo,Circa, and Tomebamba, ifwe use the informationfrom the Hernando Pizarro enco~ienda award as a source (Table I), but there are other towns just following that cannot be identified with later grants. Perhaps the grant referred to as Tome..

Every year: 2900 cestosof coca, divided by their mitas, baled and delivered to the huts located at the chac:ras, except that the encomendero shall contract others to pick 2400 of the 2900 cestos,and work the earth around the plants 2 loads of fruit each month the-fruit is available, delivered at the location of the encomienda

Table 8: Tasa ofToayma and QuizquintO (1553).

15 Miranda 1925[l583}:168. Tumipampa was also recorded by John Rowe as of one of the ayllusofZutite in 1954 Oohn Rowe, personal communication, February4.

1993).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

people awarded as Toayma may have been,16 they were permanent residents. Their obliga# tion was to pick 500 of the 2,900 cestos of coca owed to the encomendero each year. The encomendero had to supplythe labor to pick the remaining 2,400. If coca waspickedthree times per year, the amount harvested each time was
966 cestos, the share of the T oayma group would

season. Again, the point of delivery was Toayma's lowland location and not a place that would have required the Toayma people to travel to the highlands. T oayma does not appear in the summaryof the Toledo tasaor in the lis~g of corregimientos, with their various encomiendas, which iscause for puzzlement, because someone from this encomienda wasinterviewed byViceroyToledo in 1572, as noted above. Several encomiendas are listed in 1623 by Antonio Vazquezde Espi# nosa [1948 [c. 1628]:661; Miranda 1975 [1583]:xxxiv), but none of these iseasilyidenti# fiable as part of the Hernando Pizarro grant.
CUTQCaS: Hernando Ata V1luoc, Francisco Curiaca ....................................................................................................

be 166 cestOsand the remainder would be 800. Because the encomendero had accessto harvest labor from Ollantaytambo and Calca sufficient to pick 325 cestoseach harvest,he wouldonly have needed the additional labor necessary to pick another 475 cestoseach harvest. The people awarded as Toayma were to pick from both the "new and the old chacras" and to deliver it to huts in the chacras~ Unlike the people who came from outside to harvest coca, they were not required to transport it out of the lowlands.. . There is no convenient wayto estimate the number of tributaries -in Toayma. Both Calca and Ollantaytambo were assessed in other produc~ and seryicesand alsohad to travel into the Toayma region and out again,so we cannot estimate the number of people in Toayma on . the basis of what the highlanders picked. My calculation is based instead on the manpower required to transport coca awayfrom the low# lands. Ifeach lowland tributary pickedonly one cestoper mita, we might estimate a total of from 125 to 166 households. Harvest laborers also typically worked the soil around the plants. There were other tasks associatedwith packag# ing coca that the lowlanders may have done between harvests, to be discussedbelow, so our estimates are extremely tentative in this case. Like Amaybamba and Piccho, the Toayma group had to supplyfruit. However,the obliga# tion was specified differently. A monthly amount was to be delivered when fruit was in

Every year: 100 pesos of silver of 450 marayedls each 200 fanegas of maize, half delivered in Cusco, half in the tambo ofViasrrreal 150 fanegas of wheat, half delivered in Cusco, half in the tambo ofViasrrreal 4 arrobas of chile peppers, delivered in Cusco

Table 9: Retasa of Vrcon (1557). Early references to Urcon list it as Urcos, one of three gwups with this name in the dis# trict of Cusco. In later documentation it be# comes Urcon (Miranda 1975 [1583]:184; Vazquez de Espinoza 1948 [1628]:662). The initial tasa of this grant was not recorded in the documents we have. A retasawascarried out by the Marques de Cafiete in 1557, in response to another visita, so it had already been assessed. Cafiete cites population loss due to the Hernandez Gir6n rebellion as the reason for lowering the taSa. The agricultural products assessed included maize, wheat and chile pep#

16There were. probably people of lowland origins serving the Incas in this region as well (Lyon 1981:7; 1994:29).

17They are Urcos, where the modem town of the same name is located, about 30 km to the southeast of Cusco (Miranda 1975 [1583]:159), and Urquillos in the Urubamba Valley, part of the encomienda ofYucay and an estate ofThupa Inca (Villanueva Urceaga 1970a[mid 16thcentury]:17, 77~78;Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1993a [l969~70]:269).

241..

Julien: Inca Estates

pers,indicating accessto more than one growing zone. The point of delivery of the agricultural produce is problematic, because there is no tambo, or road station, of "Viastrreal"in Aban.. cay where the Urcon territory was located. In the 1543 ordenanzas de tambos,the people of the town of "Chuquitambo or Urcos", belonging to Hernando Pizarro, had to serve the tambo of Curahuasi, the tambo just south of Abancay . (Vaca de Castro 1908 [1543]:443..444). Per.. haps what is meant is villareal, an urban center smallerand less important than a city (ciudad).
Curacas: [Not named] ................................................................................................... Every year: 33 pesos of silver lO~ fanegas of maize, delivered in Cusco lO~ fanegas of P9tatoes, deliver~d in Cusco

the dynasty itself. Because it was a large grant, there is at least a chance that any articulation between its diverse parts was preserved, despite transfer to a Spanish encomendero. I have noted points of articulation in the tasas,but do they reflect Inca practice, or have the parts been rearticulated in response to the changed situa.. tion? First of all, the awards themselves illuminate aspects of an Inca articulation. Although Fran.. cisco Pizarro transferred to himself the Yucay estate ofHuayna Capac in a singlegrant,18 what he gave Hernando incorporated the holdingsof more than one panaca. What we know about the composition of Amaybamba provides us with some insight into the local organizationof Inca properties. Maria Rostworowskipublished several documents generated by a lawsuit over lands in Amaybamb.a ~at contain valuable information about Inca estates there. Testi.. mony taken in the 1570sidentified the archaeo.. logical site of Guaman Marca and the maize lands associated with it as having belonged to Pachacuti. The lower Amaybamba Valley, where coca and the Andean tuber yuca were

Table10: Retasa ofChoco (1562). No initial tasa has been found for Choco. The retasawas carried out by localauthorities in Cusco who had a copy of the earlier visita by Damian de la Bandera. At that time there were 31 tributaries; the number had increasedby two. Just why a new tasa was needed is not at all clear. The assessment includes maize and

grown,was settled by a.large groupof mitimas

imported from Chachapoyas and other lowland .areas. These mitimasserved Thupa Inca, Mama Ocllo, and the Sun (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, 1993b [1963]:148..149). The lower valley, then, was developed at a different time and for a different purpose than the upper valley. Perhaps the mitimas of the lower valley produced the coca required by the tasawhilethe people of Guaman Marca were responsiblefor the fruit. Despite the diversity evident in the productive organization of Amaybamba, the valley was awarded to Hernando Pizarro by reference to a single curaca:Xuaxca (Table 1). Different curacaswere named in the tasaof 1550
Gonzalo Pizarro's award also appears to have incorporated diverse entities, including an Inca estate, Quipa, that had belonged to Thupa Inca (RostWorowski de Diez Canseco 1993a [1969..70):269). Quipa and Pucara are ayUusof Pucara in Puno (Villanueva Urteaga 1982:90). ~
.

potatoes,but no wheat.
Articulation and re..articulation

The early tasas are our best and earliest sourcesof information about productive activi.. tiesin the former Inca empire. Becausethe first yearsafter the Spanish arrival wereeventful, the tasasmust be carefully interpreted. Hernando Pizarro'saward was large and diverse. Within it were estates developed by the Incas, two size.. ablelocal groups in the Urubamba Valley,other groupsin the highlands north of Cusco, and an industrial..level coca project in Paucartambo. Becauseit was part of what had been reserved by Manco Inca, I hypothesize that Hernando Pizarrogot a piece of what wasmost essential to

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

242

and the Tetasa of 1559, but again, only one person wasnamed. There was a levelof authority above the individual estate. Less is known about the other Urubamba Valley groups in Hernando Pizarro's award. Both Ollantaytambo and Piccho wereconveyed through reference to a single curaca,although in the case of Ollantaytambo we can identify holdings of Pachacuti, Thupa Inca, Mama Ocllo, and a groupidentifiedas"Chinchasuyos". Pachacuti had an estate at Ollantaytambo Villanueva Urteaga 1970b [1567]:160;Rostworowski 1970:159, 253, 258-259; Protzen 1993: 19, 27). The Chinchasuyos had lands at Tancar (Rowe1990:151). Thupa Inca and Mama Ocllo had lands in Piscobamba, between Ollantaytambo and Torontoy (Figure 1)(Glavey Remy 1983:7;Rowe 1990:141, 151). BelowTorontoy werelands that belonged to Pachacuti that were part ofPiccho (Rowe 1990:142, 151-153). & in the case of Amaybamba, the tasaprovides no indication of the diversity of Inca holdings embedded in the Ollantaytambo grant. Ollantaytambo was also the homeland of a people who were there before and, presumably, after the Inca conquest. That the grant could be awarded through reference to a singlecuraca, indicates that there was a levelofauthority that spanned different organizationalforms. Calca presents a similarsituation. An estate belonging to Huascar has been identified in the modem town of Calca (Niles 1988:62-64; Mun1a 1986 [1615], book I, chapter 46, page 163). The Calca entry of Hernando Pizarro's award, if our identification is correct, includes the town of Calca and twelve others (Table 1). Calca was also the homeland of a people who inhabited the region before the Inca conquest. The tasa details an assessment very similar to that of Ollantaytambo, and once again, the tasa does not appear to recognize local diversity. Again, as well, there was a level of authority that articulated local organization. Whether Urcen or Tomebamba were relevant in some way to the Urubamba holdings of

Hernando Pizarro is not at all clear. What may be the case is that links between the cacique Atapoma of Urcon and the T omebamba area were the reason both groups were awarded to Hernando Pizarro. Other, external links between the various parts of Hernan do Pizarro's award are evidentin the documentation. Several of the groups awarded were involved in coca production, and because this product could be commercialized, it made economic sense to preserve a functioning productive system. Coca is the focus of our analysisbecause coca was ofgreat interest to the Spaniards. Other lowland products from the Urubamba region, such as resins, chontawood, honey, feathers, medicinal plants, animal fats, live animals, dyes, vanilla, and cacao that have been brought to highland trade fairs in historic times (Gade 1979:274) were notrequired in the tasa, though they may well have been of interest to the Incas.19 Labor to pick coca in Paucartambo was arranged by assigning two of Hernando's Urubamba Valley groups to travel there to pick it. Did this arrangement duplicate earlier links between productive units? This question willbe difficult to answer. What we can do to frameit more productively isto examine the articulation of resources evident in the tasa in light of what we know about Inca coca production elsewhere. Furthermore, there are differences in the context and scale of coca production within Hernando Pizarro's award that we should not forget. The small amount of coca produced in

19The tasa may not reflect what the Incas received from the lowlands. For Chupachos, where we know something about the Inca assessment, the lowlands provided feathers, wood, dyes, chile peppers, honey and coca. In 1549, they were giving honey, coca, chile peppers, and wax to their encomendero. The earliest tasa available, a retasa of 1552, includes coca, fruit honey, wood, and wax (Ortfzde Z6fiiga1967-1972 [16thcentury] 1:306-307,314). The difference betWeenthe Chupachos and Cusco assessmentsmay simplybe due to the nearness of a major market for coca in Cusco.

243.. Piccho for Pachacuti contrasts with the much larger quantity produced by the mitimas of the lowerAmaybamba Valley for Thupa Inca. The latter is dwarfed by the industrial..levelproduc.. tion ofT oayma. Such differences in scale and historical circumstances do not overrride a number of features common to the organization of coca production, however. One colonialadministra.. tor, Juan de Matienzo, a judge of the Charcas audiencia,described coca production in Cusco and Charcas, in 1567. He noted that particular coca fieldshad been worked for the Incas, and that the curacashad their own fieldsthat were worked at the same time. Specializedlaborers known as camayos lived perm.anently in the lowlands where coca was grown, guarding the fields,making the mats needed for drying coca, and packing coca for transport The position was hereditary; when a camayo died, someone fromhis group oforiginwas recruited to take his place (Matienzo,1967 [1567]: chapter 46, page 170; chapter 50, pages 177..178; Rowe 1982:102..105; Lyon 1995:171; Julien 1998a:131..133). A second category of labor was the mitayo. Mitayos came at harvest time and picked coca. It had to be dried, then packed for transport. The mitayoscultivated the soil around the plants and then provided transport for the coca to a delivery.point in the highlands where it was loaded onto animals (Matienzo 1967 [1567]: chapter 45, page 167). Coca, like other agricultural commodities, had seasonal labor requirements. The labor force swelledat harvest time. The regime Matienzo describes, including the recruitment of camayosand mitayos from a highland province, wasintact and functioning in the Pocona region in eastern Bolivia in the decades following the Spanish arrival in the Andes Oulien 1998a). At Pocona, industrial quantities of coca were produced. There had been attacks from lowland Indians, some sub.. stantial drops in the level of production had occurred, and private holdings had developed alongside the chacrasthat had been worked for

Julien: Inca Estates

the Incas and the curacdssince before the Span.. ish arrival, but the strUcture of Inca production survived alongside these developments. The productive organization at Pocona was clearly what Matienzo described, but it was more. It wasembedded in a much larger Inca reorganiza.. tion of the region that involved the production of industrial quantities of maize in the nearby . Cochabamba Valley and provision for defense on the eastern frontier. The reorganization . developed in a particular constellation ofhistor.. ical circumstances: Thupa Inca initiated Inca involvement in th~ Cochabamba/Pocona region and appears to have created the defensive infrastructure necessary to guarantee the secu.. rity of these Inca projects; Huayna Capac greatly expanded maize production at Cocha.. bamba (Morales 1977 [1556]; Wachtel 1982). When the Spaniards came, the maize and coca projects were producing industrial quantities of both. Pocona was staffed by camayos who resided in the lowlands and mitayos who came seasonally from the adjacent highlands, who were themselves mitimas from distant parts, including the Cusco region Oulien, 1998a). Cochabamba wasstaffed by camayosand mitayos drafted from the larger Coliasuyo region (Villa.. rias and Marin 1998). Some 6f the maize, at least, appears to have been used to support people from those same regiQns stationed by Huayna Capac at the frontier near Tarabuco.20 Developing a similar historical perspective on the Inca reorganization of productive re.. sources in the Cusco region willnot be easy,but there are some clues to followin the documents. We know that Huayna Capac's holdings in Yucay were linked to coca production at Tono and Avisca in the Paucartambo region. Inca production in Paucartambo may have been

20The list of mitimas in the encomienda ofTarabuco

practically duplicates the organization of the chacra of

Colchacollo in Cochabamba (Del &0 and Presta 1984:232. Huayna Capac was also responsiblefor organizing the frontierto protect againstincursions from the east Qulien1995:107-113).

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

initiated prior to his rule, but Spanish historical

narratives based on Inca sources associate Thupa Inca with the military conquest of this region, just before or after the time of his fa, ther's death (Sarmiento 1906 [1572], chapter 49, pages. 95,96; Cabello Valboa 1951 [1551], paragraph 3, chapter 18, pages 334,336). The presence of Canares in Toayma may also be an indication that the Toayma coca project was a late development. There were Canares in Amaybamba, associated with estates belonging to Thupa Inca, so the importation of people from.Ecuador to staff projects in the eastern lowlandsof Cusco wasunderwayduring hisrule. The same Spanish narratives associatethe lower Urubamba Valley, including Ollantaytambo, Vitcos, and Vileabamba with Pachacuti (Cabe, lloValboa 1951 [1551], part 3, chapter 14,page 300).. Before Pachacuti ventured out of the Cusco region to attack the Soras and the Lake Tititicaca region, he campaigned in the Uru, bamba Valley (Lyon 1981:4). In Ollantay, tambo, Piccho, a~d Amaybamba,we find prop' erties associated with-him. From the early tasas, the holdings of this Inca in Piccho and Amay, bamba produced coca on a much smaller scale than iIi ToayIria or even in the lower Amay, bamba Valley where a large colony of mitimas produced on a much larger scale. The difference in levels of production be, tween the properties of Pachacuti and those of his descendants may be more apparent than real, because we have no idea how the Incas organized the VitcosNileabamba region, or the lower Urubamba Valley, near Quillabamba (Figure 1). From the time Hernando Pizarro received his award, the territory beyond the Chaullay bridge was part of the Vileabamba state, as noted above. If there had been an Inca project on the lower Urubamba, it might have drawn harvest labor from Ollantaytambo or Calca, that was later diverted bythe first tasasto harvest coca in Toayma. In the retasaof Calea of 1559 the point was strongly made that these people had not been sent to harvest coca in Toaymaby the Incas (Document 12). Although Inca organization had recruited both camayos

and mitayosfrom the same province of origin,as in Pocona and Cochabamba, it was possiblefor the Spaniards to treat these geographically separate and functionally distinct units as inde, pendent units, awarding and assessing the lowland camayos as a separate entity from the highland groups and redeploying the mitayos elsewhere. One feature of the Cusco organiza, tion suggests another possibility,however. The use of Canares and Chachapoyas as camayosin Toayma and on the lower Amaybamba is an .. indication that some camayos were resettled from these northern provinces, perhaps because they were better adapted to work in the eastern lowlands. - The integration oflowland people into coca production under the Incas is also a feature of the Sonqo region, located in the yungaseast of La Paz. By the names of the Sonqo cultivators, and by the individualized subsistence holdings they held in the region where coca was grown, we can identify their lowland origins.Although the Sonqo documentation is relatively late (1567, 1570) and the reorganization of the encomienda in 1549 indicates a disarticulation of the mitayo,camayoregime established by the Incas, the organization of coca producdon in Sonqo is similar to the organization of Toayma and the lower Amaybamba Valley, in that lowland people fulfilled the camayorole.21 In both Sonqo and Pocona there is evidence for a customary delivery point for coca some, where in the highlands where it was transferred to animals for further transport Qulien 1998a: page 139, note 13, and page 150). Although how it was transported is not known, half the coca required fromAmaybamba and Picchowas to be delivered to Ollantaytambo (Documents 4 and 5). The people sent to pick the coca from Calea and Ollantaytambo had to deliver it to Cusco. There is an indication in the 1558coca

. 21Murra (1991b [1567, 1570J). The reorganization of the encomienda is described in Julien (1998a,:note20, pp.144-145).

245 ~.

Julien: Inca Estates

ordinances of the Marques de Canete that the groupswho h~rvested coca in the Paucartambo region had a transfer point near Paucartambo itself (Figure 1). There, there were to be store~ houses of maize to supply them with what they would need while they were in the lowlands (Murra 1991a:572). No mention is made in the ordinancesabout how the cocawastransported, but it is likely that these stations in the Paucar~

References Cited
Documents transcribed in appendix AGI (Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain), Charcas 56 Consulta en que el presidente de La Plata haze rrela~ion de los serui~iosy calidad de don Fernando Ayra Arriutu, 1630. AGI, Justicia 406, numero 6 El comendador Hernando Pizarro detenido en la mota y fortaleza de Medina del Campo sobre el cumplimiento de una Real Qdula, 1564. AGI, Justicia 449, numero 1 Elfiscal con los hijos herederos del capitan Pedro. Anasco sobre la situacion que este tubo en el repartimiento de yndios de Calca, 1577. AGI, Patronato 90B, numero I, ramo 43 Tasas de las encomiendas de Hernando y Francisca Pizarro, 1550. AGI, Patronato 188, ramo 20 Informaci6n de c6mo el repartimiento que, en t~rminos de la ciudad del Cuzco era de Hernando Pizarro y despu~ se encomend6 a Arias Maldonado, no estaba en la Corona Real cuando se encomend6, ni mandado para ello, 1561.
Publications

tamboValleywere transfer points where .the

cargowas loaded onto animals.

In the end, the tasasare imperfectindicators

of past practice, even where, as in the case of coca, the organization of production was in~ natelyAndean. Still, the colonialformsevolved, in largepart, from prexisting Andean ones. The bundleofInca holdings transferredbyFrancisco Pizarroto himself and his brothers through the mechanismof the encomienda included someof the most important assets of the Inca dynasty. The development of these properties was an essentialpart ofthe development ofCusco itself. Close attention to the various parts and their
.

rearticulation in the early years of Spanish

Cusco may yet provide an image of the Inca articulation. Acknowledgements The present study is a by~product of re~ search on the Inca frontier conducted in Spa:n~ ish archives and grew out of an interest in coca production in Pocona (see Julien 1998a). The author wishes to thank the staff of the Archivo General de Indias in Seville for their assistance in the archives and also the Deutsche Forschungs~Gemeinschaftfor financialsupport. Conversations with both Rafael Var6n Gabai and Ana Marra Presta have greatly affected my understanding of the pizarros' activitiesin Peru, and I acknowledge my debt to them. Several people read and commented on the manuscript, including Susan Niles, John Rowe., Patricia Lyon, and an anonymous reviewer for Andean Past. A thorough revision of the paper resulted, and I am truly grateful to have had such useful commentary.

Anonymous 1954 [1596] La memoria de los pueblos que hay dentro de las diez leguas de la jurisdicci6n de la ciudad del Cuzco. Retlista del ArchitlOHistOricodel Cuzco

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1982

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c.,~ 1689, economfa:y sociedad en el sur andino. Cusco: Centro de Estudios Ruraies Andinos Bartolom~ de las Casas. Villarias Robles, JuanJos~ and Itala de Malin 1998 EI encomendero Polo de Ondegardo y los miti~ maes del valle de Cochabamba: los interrogatorios contra 105 indios de Paria y T apacan. Anuario de Estudios Americanos 55(2):631-651. 1982

..248
Wachtel, Nathan 1982 The mitimas of the Cochabamba Valley: The
colonization policy of Huayna Capac in The Inca and Attec States, 1400-1800; Anthropology and history, edited by George A. Collier, Renata I. Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, pp. 199.235. New York: Academic Press, New York.

.'

. .,

o
&

SOhn.

Zudte.. AnIa

Figure 1. Sites mentioned in the text.

249..
Documentary Appendix

Julien:I~ Estates

The first three entries are transcriptions of the encomienda award of Hernando Pizarro.The award is transcribed in its entirety the first time; subsequently, only the Cusco portion is transcribed. To conserve space, where legal clauses or notarizations are repeated, references to the full text are inserted in square brackets. Letters,words,or passagesmissingor illegiblein the original documents
are indicated by three dots

[. . .].

1. A.G.I., Justicia 406, numero 6. El comendador Hernando Pizarro detenido en la mota y fortaleza de Medina del Campo sobre el cumplimiento de una real cedula. . ., 1564. TitUlode encomienda de Francisco Pizarroa Hernando Pizarro, Cuzco, 27 abril1539, pieza 6, ff. 51..54. EImarques don Francisco Pi~arro,adelantado e capitan general e gouernador por Su Magestad en estos rreynos de la Nueua Castilla llamada Piru e del su consejo, considerando que uos, el capitan Hernando Pi~arro, aueysseruido a Su Magestad en la pa~ifica~iondestos rreynos, asi en la toma de Tabalipa, senor destos dichos rreynos, que fue prin~ipal cabsa para questos rreynos fuesen [f. 51v] subjetos, e para que Su Magestad fuese seruido en la tierra como 10a sydo con los thesoros que se an llevado destos dichos rreynos; y en ello hezistes a Su Magestad senalados serui~ios,poniendo vuestra pers.onasienpre en las cosas de peligro, e como cauallero zelossodel serui~iode Su Magestad despuesfuistes a los rreynos'de Espana a hazer a Su Magestad rrelacion de IaScosas acaes~ederasen Ia dicha conquista e toma de AtauaIipa, e por su rreaI mandado voluistes a estos rreynos e ~os hallastes en la ~iudad del Cuzco en mi luga.rpor capitan del en el ~ercoe leuantamiento del Ynga adonde, por vuestra yndustria e trauajo, el dicho Ynga des~erco Ia dicha ~ivdad con la mucha guerra que a los enemigos hezistes, en 10qual servistes tan bien que con la defensa que l~shezistes se sostubieron todos estos rreynos y los yndios fueron ven~idose desvaratados e la tierra puesta e rredus~idaen el seruicio de Su Magestadj e porques bien que Su Magestad como catolico prin~ipeos rremunere de tan senalados servi~iosconos~iendo que rrestituystes la tierra, sosteniendo en esta ~ivdad como la sustubi~tescon tanto rriesgo [f. 52] e ventura con rriesgo despanoles, [v]porque otros se animen de servir como v.osaveys servido en nonbre de Su Magestad, vos encomiendo. En la provin~ia de Chinchasuyo el ca~ique Curiata senor de el pueblo Mayo e Sierra e T omebanba con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales a ellos subjetos y el pueblo de Vrco de ques ca~iqueCurima e otro pueblo de ques ca~iqueAtapoma con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales a ellos subjetos con los que dellos sub~edieren y del ca~ique de Tanbo con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales a el subjetos y el pueblo de Chauca de ques ca~ique Tito y el valle Comaybanba y elca~ique Xuaxca con todos 105yndios e prin~ipales e mitimaes del dicho valle e a el subjetos y el valle de Pisco con Iosca~iquesGuaxani e Choyarcoma con los a el subjetos y el pueblo de Biticos con todos sus yndios y el valle de Bilcabanva con todos sus yndioSj y en la provincia de Condesuyo el pueblo Chuco y el ca~iqueAtao y el ca~ique Huyoa y el ca~ique Axama;

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..250

y en la prouin~ia de los Canas el ca~ique Guanco y el ca~iqueTinta con todos sus yndios e principales a ellos subjetos;

y en la provin~iade Condesuyo

el pueblo de Calla y el senor de Ymamanchaca e otro pueblo que se llama Pacamarca [f. 52v] y el principal Mancho y otto pueblo Pacallata e otto Tauapaca y el prin~ipalCayasis y otto Guayacare y el prin~ipalse llama Alloa y otto pueblo que se llama Chamanco e otto Pabcarpare y el.sefiorPuilo y otro Pacomucho y el prin!;ipalMancho y el pueblo Cary el prin~ipalAtapoma e otto que se llama Curuana ques prin~ipaldel Tamara y el prin~ipal del Tamara y el prin~ipaly el principal[sic]Pishomago con todossusyndios y otto pueblo que se llama Chanpallata y el principal Cuxi con todos sus yndios
.

y otto puebloQuicha y el prin!;ipal RumaAyta

y el pueblo Candio y Parcoj yen 105y[u]ngas el valle de Toayma con todos sus ca!;iquese yndios e pueblos e prin!;ipalese mitimaes a
.

ellossubjetos;

e ottosy os encomiendo el ca~ique Atapoma senor del pueblo Vrcomarca y otto de ques 'prin~ipalChuquinga que tiene dos poblezuelos y otto que se llama Tanboquin el principal Puingachuma vel pueblo Choro y el prin~ipalMaranga con otto poblezuelo con todos sus yndios e otto poblezuelo que se llamaYquico y el prin~ipal Abiacaxa y oti'o Pansipate y otto Acoyta y otro que se llama Xuybitay el ca~ique Ynes..[f. 53] nache y otto que se llama Chilbanbaca y el prin~ipal Pubillasylla y otto que se llama Buchunga y el prin!;ipalGuaman y otro que se llama Tasmaro y el prin~ipal Caruavena y otto Pomacollo y el prin~ipalParmabate y otto que se llama Chuquicarando e donde tiene su casa Atapoma con todos 105 yndios e prin~ipales a el subjetos; y en la prouin~ia de 105Charcas, en Consara e Hurinsaya el ca~ique de Chuquiguayto y el ca~ique Yucura y el ca!;iqueAyracha y el ca~ique Aoxi y el ca~ique Canche y el ca~ique Banbaconi y el ca~ique Toco con todos 105 yndios y prin!;ipalesa ellos subjetosj

251..

Julien: Inca Estates

y mas,
la provin!jia de los Chichas:

en Vrinsaya y el ca~iqueVinchuca y el ca!jiqueChapora y el ca!jiqueCondori y el ca~que Talaua y el ca~ique Hallapa; y en Anansuyo el ca~ique Chuchulla Comasa y el ca~ique Sindara y el ca~iqueYelma y el ca~ique Tucaxa
y el prin~ipal Caritima de Cal

...

y el prin~ipal Arucapaxa mitima de Ocolla y el prin~ipal Comana Cache mitima [f. 53v] de Canche y el prin!jipalCondon Cana mitima de Pisquellata y el prin~ipalMalo.mitina[sicmitima] de Caranga y el prin~pal Chico mitima de Qriillaca y el prin~ipal Caguiaca Pariguana mitma y de Condesuyo y el prin!jfpalChuara mitima de Coleadan y el prin~ipal Ancachicha mitima del Cuzco y el prin~ipal Tirraenrrava mitima de Tanbo . y el prin~ipal Tascaga mitima de Suca con todos sus yndios prin~ipales a ellos subjetos. Con tanto que dexeys el ca~iqueprin~ipale sus mugeres e hijos de 105otros yndios para sus servi~ioscomo Su Magestad manda, e que, aviendo rreligiososque dotrinen los dichos yndios,105 traigaysante ellos para que sean ynstruydos en las cosas de nuestta rreligion cristiana, de los quales dichos yndios os aveysde servir, conforme a los mandamientos rreales e con tanto questays obligado a los dotrinar y enseiiar en l~ cosas de nuestra santa fee catolica, y les hazeis todo buen tratamiento como Su Magestad manda, e sy ansy no 10hizieredes cargue sobre vuestra con~ien~iae no sobre la de Su Magestad ni mia que en su rreal nonbre vo~105encomiendoj e si nes~esarioes, desde agora vos pongoy e por puesto en la posesion de los dichos yndios. Fecho en la <;iudad del Cuzco, a veynte e siete dias del mes [f. 54] de abril de mill e quinientos e treynta e nueue afios. El marques Francisco Pi~arro. Por mandado de su sefioria, Antonio Picado. 2. A.OJ., Patronato 188, ramo 20. En la prouin~ia de Chinchasuyo el ca~ique Curiata senor del pueblo de Mayo e Sierra e Tomebamba con todos sus yndios prin~ipales a ellos subjetos y el pueblo Hurco de ques ca~iqueCuriana e otto pueblo de ques ca!jiqueAtapoma con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales e con 105que . dellos sub!jedieren

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y el ca~ique de T anbo con todos susyndios e pren~ipales a el subjetos y el pueblo de Chauca de ques ca~iqueTito y el ualle Amaybamba y el ca~iqueXuaxca con todos los yndios e prin~ipales e mitimaes

del dichovallea el subjetos

y el valle de Pisco con los ca~iquesGuaxane e Choyorama con 10a el subjeto y el pueblo de Biticos con todos sus yndios y el valle de Bilcabamba con todos sus yndiosj y en la prouin~ia de Condesuyo el pueblo de Chuco y el ca~iqueAtao y el ca~ique Huyoa y el ca~ique Apomaj y en la prouin~ia de los Canas el ca~ique Guanco y el ca~iqueTinta con todos sus yndios e pren~ipales a ellos subjetos; y en la prouin~ia de Andesuyo el pueblo de Calca y el senor del Ymamananchaca e otto pueblo que se llama Pacamarca [f. 3] y el pren~ipal Mancho y otto pueblo Pacallata y otto T abapaca y el pren~ipalse llama Halloa y otto pueblo que se llama Puchimanco e otto Pascarpata y elsenor Pueblo e otto Pacomucho y el pren~ipalMancho y el pueblo Cua y el pren~ipalAtapoma e otto que se llama Curuana ques pren~ipal Detarama y el prin~ipal Destamara y el pren~ipal Pichomango con todos susyndios y otto pueblo Quicha y el pren~ipalRuana Ayta y el pueblo Candia y Parco y con 105yungas del balle de Toayma con todos sus ca~iques e yndios e pueblos e pren~ipales e mitimaes a ellos subjetos; e ottosi encomiendo el ca~iqueAtapoma senor del pueblo Hurcomarca y otto de que es pren~ipal Chuquinga que tiene dos pueblesuelos e otto que se llama Tanboqui y el pren~ipal Opungahuma y el pueblo Horo y el pren~ipalMaringa con otto pueblesuelo con todas sus yndios e otro pueblesuelo que se llamaYquico y el pren~ipal Abeacapi y otto Pan~ipati y otro Acoyta y otto que se llama Poybita y el ca~iqueYnelnache y otto que se llama Chilbanbaca y el pren~ipal Pucullasilla y otto que se llama Vichunga y el pren~ipal Guaman [f.3v] y otto que se llama Talmaro y el pren~ipal Canauena y otto Pomacollo y el pren~ipalParmauati y otro que se llama Chuquicarando e donde tiene su casa Atapoma con todos los yndios e pren~ipales a el subjetos.

253..

Julien: Inca Estates

3. A.G.L, Justicia 449, numero 1. Marla de Contteras con el fiscal. Cedula de encomienda de FranciscoPizarro, Cuzco, 26 abril1539, pieza 2, ff. 53..55v. Enla~oum~iadeChmchasu~ el ca~que Curiara el senor del pueblo de Mayo y Sierra e Tomebanba con todos sus yndios e prin~ipalesa ellos subjetos y el pueblo de Vro de ques ca~ique Carima e otto pueblode ... ca~iqueAtopoma con todos sus yndios e prin~ipales a ellos subjetos

con losque dellossubcediere

y del ca~ique de Tanbo con tOOos sus yndios y prin~ipales a el subjetos y el pueblo de Chauca de ques ca~iqueTito y el valle de Camaybamba y el ca~iqueXauxca con tOOoslos yndios y prin~ipalesy
.

mitimaesdel dichovallea el subjetos

y el valle de Pisco con los ca~iquesGuaxam e Choyarcoman e con los a el subjetos y el pueblo de Viticos con tOOos sus yndios y el valle de Bilcabanba con todos sus )rndiosj yen la proum~ia de Condesuyo el pueblo Huro y el ca~iqueAtas y el ca~ique Ahuyoa y el ca~ique Axamaj
y en la proum~ia de 105Canas el ca~ique Gumo y el ca~que Tima con todos sus yndios y prin~pales a ellos subjetos;

yen la proum~ia de Condesuyo el pueblo de Calla y el senor del Ymammchaca e otto pueblo que se llamaPacamarca y el prin~ipal Muncho e otto pueblo Pacallata e otto Lammanpacay el prm~ipalAlcayasis y otto Guayacaro y el prm~ipalse llama Alloa e otto pueblo que se llama Amuno e otto Pascarpare y el senor Puelo e otto Pacomucho y el prm~ipalMuncho y el pueblo Carl el prln~ipalAtapoma e otto que se llama Curbana ques prm~ipal Deplinara y el prin~ipal Destomata y el prin~ipal Pichomagocon tOOos sus yndios e otto pueblo que se llamaChaupallata y el prin~ipal Cuxi con todos sus yndios y otto pueblo Guacha y el prin~ipalRumacilla y el pueblo Candio y Paro yen los y[u]ngas el valle de Tonima con tOOos sus ca~iquese yndios y pueblos y prin~pales y mitimas a ellos subjetosj

y ottosyos encomiendo

el ca~ique Atapoma senor del pueblo Vrcomarca de ques prin~ipal Chuqumga que tiene dos poble~uelos ottp que se llama Tanboqum el prin~ipal Pimguarhuma y el pueblo Horo y el prin~ipalMarmga con otros poble~ueloscon todos sus yndios

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e otto poble~uelo con todos sus yndios e otto poble!;ueloque se llamaYquero y el prin~ipal Auiacaxa y otto Pansipate e otto Acoita y otto que se llama Xuiviray el ca~iqueYneenache y otto que se llama Chilbanbaca y el prin!;ipalPunillasilla y otto que se llama Binchingay el prin~ipal Guaman y otto que se llama Tasmaro y el prin!;ipalCaruabena y otro PomacoUoy el prin~ipalParmavate y otto que se llama Chuquierrando y donde tiene su cassa Atapoma con todos los yndiosy prin!;ipalesa el subjetos. 4. A.GJ., Patronato 90B, numero 1, ramo 43 (6),.3 folios.Tasa de Amaybamba, Los Reyes,21 octubre 1550. Yo, elli~en~iado Mercado de Penalosa,oydor de la Real Audien~ia e Chan~illeria que rreside en esta !;iudadde Los Reyes e alcaldede corte por Su Magestad, etc., a vos, Pedro de Auendano, escriuano de camara en la dicha Real Audien~ia, sabed que ante mi pares~io elli~en~iado Juan Fernandez, fiscaldesta dicha RealAudien~ia, en nombre delli~en~iado Agreda, fiscaldel Real Consejo de Yndias, e me hizo rrela!;iondiziendo que a1.derechodel fisco e hazienda rreal conuiene enbiar con ~ierta prouanza que ante mi haze por carta rre~eptoria del dicho Real Consejo en !;iertopleito que ttata con Hernando Pi!;arroe dona Fran~isca Pi~arro, su muger, sobre los yndios Vnttaslado de cada vna de.las tasas questan fechas de los rrepartimientos que la dicha dona Francisca e Hernando Pi~arrotienen encomendados, asi en el termino desta ~iudad como de la del Cuoco e Charcas, que estan en vuestro poder; pidiome os conpeliese se los diesedes en publica forma; e yo de su pedimiento Ie mand6 dar e di este mi mandamiento para vos,por el qualvosmandoque luegoque 10veaishagaissacare saqueysde cadavna de lasdichas tasas vn.tteslado, poniendo por cabe!;aen cada vna dellas este mi mandamiento, e se 10deis en publica forma en manera que haga fee para que la enbie con la dicha prouan!;~ sin por ello Ie lleuar derechos algunos atento que es cosa tocante al rreal flSCO. Fecho en Los Reyes, a tteze de mar!;ode mill e quinientos e ~inquenta e seis afios, sitando para 10 ver sacar y corregir a la parte del dicho Hernando Pi~arro e dona Fran!;isca.Elli!;en!;iado Mercado de Pefialosa. Por mandado del senor oydor,Juan de Padilla. Nos, don fray Jeronimo de Loaisa,por la gra~iade Dios y de la sante sede apostolica de Roma primero obispo y ar!;obispodesta ~iudad de LosReyesy del consejo de Su Magestad, y el li~en~iadoAndres de <;ian~a,oydor en el Audien~ia y Chan~illeria Real que por mandado de Su Magestad rreside en esta dicha ~iudad,y fray Domingo de Santo Thomas de la Horden de los Pedrricadores, por el nombramiento e comision a nos dada por el muy illustre senor elli~en~iado Pedro Gasca del consejo de Su Magestad de la Santa y General Ynquisi~ione su presidente en estos rreinos e prouin~ias del Peru para entender en fazer la tasa de 105tributos que 105rrepartimientos destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~arro, 0 a la persona que por su poder tuuiere a cargo el rrepartimiento de yuso, e avos, Juan Mayta, ca!;ique,e a los demasprin~ipalese yndios vuesttos subjetos que al presente soisy despues de vos sub~edieren en el rrepartimiento de Moybanba [Amaybamba] que esta encomendado en vos, el susodicho, e a cada vno e qualquier [f. 1v] de vos. sabed que en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magestad tiene proueydoy mandado a~erca de la tasa que se a de hazer de los tributos que 105natUrales destos clichosrreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que los susodichos sepan 10que les an de pedir e lIeuar como para que los dichos naturales sean bien tratados

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Julien: Inca Estates

e se conseruen e aumenten, se nombraron visitadores que visitasen el dicho vuestro rreparti~ miento, 105quales, como sabeis,hizieronla visita del v la presentaron ante nos; e visto e comunicado con 105'Visitadores e otras personas que pare~io que podian tener noti~ia de la dispusi~ionVposibilidadesdel dicho rrepartimiento e yndios del, por virtud del dicho nombra~ miento tasamos Vdeclaramos dever dar el dicho rrepartimiento, en tanto que Su Magestad 0 la persona que en su treal nombre 10oviere de hazer otra cosa a~erca de la dicha tasa dispone e manda, 105tributos que de yuso yran declarados por la forma e horden siguiente. [in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente, dareis vos, 105dichos cacique e rrepartimiento, al dicho vuestro encomendero en cada vna mita de las que se acostumbra a coger la coca duzientos sestos de coca del tamano Vpeso que 105 soleise acostumbrais dar, puesto la mitad de la dicha coca en la ~iudaddel Cuzco Vla otra mitad en el asiento e tambo del valle de T anbo. Yten. Dareiscada mita que lleuaredesla dicha coca al Cuzco veinte Vquatro vsangas de fruta de la que ouiere en vuestras tierras, del tamano que las soleis dar, Vla pornas en la dicha ~iudaddel CUZCOj Vquando el encomendero estuuiere en vuestras tierras Ie darevs alguna de la dicha frota.

Yten. Dareiscadamita que dieredesla coca,de xaquimascon suscabestrosV~inchascon sus

latigosde cordel Vsueltas, de cada cosa destas, veinte, Vansimismo,veinte V~inco guascaspara atar petacas, 0 cameros de a ~incobra~as cada vna, Vseis sogas del mesmo tamafto para laws V sobrecargas,Vvna arroba de cabuvapor hilar, todo esto cada mita Vpuesto en la ~iudad del Cuzco. Yten. Dareis cada mita que dieredes la coca veynte [f. 2] ovillos de hilo de algodon, de a libra cada vno, Vansimesmo veinte pares de ojotas, todo puesto en la dicha ~iudad. E porque con menDscargo Vescrupulo de con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar a 105 dichos tributos, os encargamosVmandamos que hagais dotrinar a 105Clichosnaturales en las cosasde nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar lev natural e buena poli~ia; e no auiendo clerigo0 rreligiososque 10haga, porneis vn espanol de buena vida Venxemplo que 105dotrine en 10susodicho. . E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea de comoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no av diezmosde que se pueda sustentar, vos, el dicho ca~ique e yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, dareis para ayuda a suo sustenta~ion cada ~es vna fanega de mavzVcada quatro meses vn puerco 0 en su lugar doze gallinas Vpatos, la mitad hembras, Vvna carga de sal Vvn ~esto de coca Votro ~estillode axi Vcada semana dos gallinas Vpatos, la mitad hembras, Vperdizes,V105dias de pescado, cada dia seis hueuos Valgun pescado, si 10tuvieredes,V el tienpo que huuiere ruta alguna fruta Vlena para quemar Vverua para su caualgaduraj Vel salariode dineros Votra cosa mas, si fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo 0 rreligioso,10pagareis vos el dicho encomendero 0 la parte que os cupiere. Por tanto, por el presente mandamos avos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro 0 a la persona que por su poder tuuiere a cargo el dicho rrepartimiento, e a vos, Juan Mavta, ca~ique,e a 105demas prin~ipalese yndiosvuestros subjetos, e a cada vno e qualquier de vos que al presente sovsVdespues de vos su~edieren en la dicha encomienda e rrepartimiento, que guardeis V tengais la tasa de suso contenida, e que deis en cada vn ano que corra e se quente desde el dia que os fuere notificado avos, el dicho ca~ique, en adelante por sus mitas 105. tributos e cosas en ella contenidas, so pena que si, pasado el dicho termino en que asi 10aueis de dar dentro de veinte dias mas, primeros siguientes,no 105dieredes 0 pagaredes e ovieredes dado Ventregado al [f. 2v] dicho vuestro encomendero conforme a la dicha tasa, que Ie devs e pagueis los tributos e cosas que asi Ie deuierdes e restaredes por dar Ventregar de cada mita con el doblo e costas que sobre ello se Ie siguieren e rrecre~ieren;en la qual dicha pena vos condenamos e avemos por condenado en ella, desde agora para enton~es e de enton~es para agora, e mandamos a la justi~ia mayor e hordinaria de la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco hagan e manden hazer entrega execu~ion en

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vuestras personas e bienes por el dicho prin~ipal. [5]0pena del doblo e costas conforme a derecho, y asimysmo.que vos. el dicho encomendero. ni 105que despues de vos sub~edierenen la dicha encomienda. no podais rre~ibirni lleuar del dicho rrepartimiento por vos ni por ynterpuesta persona. publica ny secretamente. direte ni yndirete. otra cosa alguna'saluo 10contenido en la dicha tasa. so las penas en la prouision rreal de Su Magestad contenydas. que es que por la primera vez que pare~iere que ayaisrre~ebido mas. como dicho es. demas de boluer a los dichos yndios 10que asi les ouiere deslleuado.pagaeysde pena del quatro tanto del valor dello para la camara de Su Magestad. e por la segunda vez. rrestituyays asymysmoa los dichos yndios 10que asi les ouiere desUeuadoe seayspriuado de la dicha encomienda deUose perdais otro qualquier derecho que tengais 0 podais tener a los dichos tributos. e mas. la mitad de todos vuestros bienes para la camara de Su Magestad. en las quales dicha penas yncurrais vos. el dicho encomendero. e qualquier persona que despues de vos sub~ediere en la dicha encomienda si exedieredes de 10en la dicha tasa contenida; e vos condenamos e auemos por condenados en ellas. desde agora para enton~es e de enton~es para agora, aplicados segun dicho eSje porque dello vos. el dicho encomendero. no pretendays ygnoran~iay sepays10que aveysde rre~ebir. e los dichos ca~iquese yndios 10que an de dart mandamos que cada vno de vos tenga en su poder este proueymiento de vn tenor. rreseruando como rreservamosen nos e en la persona que en nombre de Su Magestad 10ouiere de hazer facultad de anadir 0 quitar en la dicha tasa todas las vezes que pare~iere deverse quytar 0 anadir en ella, conforme a 10que el tienpo e posibilidad de los dichos ca~iquese

yndiospidieree rrequiriere.

Fechoen Los Reyes, a veinte e vno de otubre de mill e quinientos e ~inquenta aftos. Fray Hieronimus Archie[piscopus] de LosReyes.Elli~en~iado <;ian~a. Fray Domingo de Santo Thomas. Por mandado de Su Reuerendisi~a Senoria e Mer~edes, Pedro de'Avendano. E yo, el dicho Pedro de Avendafio, escriuano de camara e mayor de goberna~ion, de manda.miento del dicho senor [f. 3] oydore pedimiento del dicho fiscal, fiz sacar este traslado del original que en mi poder quedaj y va ~ierto y verdadero, corregido e con~ertado; y se hallaron presentes a ello Anton de Sebillay Fernando de Godoy y Antonio Quebedo; y en testimonio dello, firmo de mi nonbre. Pedro de Avendano [signedwith rubric]. E para la ver sacar, corregir e con~ertar este traslado, ~ite a Joan Sanchez de Aguirre, procurador de los dichos Hernando Pi~arroe dona Fran~isca, que ante mi tiene poder denos para sus pleitos e causas. Pedro de Avendafio [signedwith rubric]. [f.3v] Yo, Fran~iscoHortigossa de Monjaraz, escriuano de camara del Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real de Sus de Sus [sic]Magestades que rreside en la ~iudad de Los Reyes de los rreynos y prouin~iasdel Peru y escriuano publico rreal, doyfe que Pedro de Avendano, de quien este testimonio de tasa va firmado. es ansimismo escriuano de camara de la dicha Real Audien~ia, e que alas escriturase autos ftrmados de su nombre, comoesta 10es, se a dado e da entera fe e credito en juysio e fuera del como a cartas y escrituras firmadasde escriuano de camara de la dicha Real Audien~ia, fiel e legal e de pedimiento. Elli~en~iadoJuan Fernandez, fiscal de Su Magestad, di la presente, que es fecha en la dicha ~iudad de LosReyes,a veinte e tres dias del mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos e ~inquenta [e seis] anos. Por ende, flze aqui esto mi signo [sign] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscoHortigossa de Monjaraz [signature with rubric].

257.. 5.

Julien:IncaEstates A.G.I., Patronato 90B, m1mero1, ramo 43 (7),3 folios.Tasa de Piccho, Los Reves, 21 octubre 1550. [The auto of the LicenciadoMercado de Pefialosa, the legal clauses followingthe tasa itself and the notarizations are the same as for Document 1. A reference to each in square brackets has been included where they appear in the text.]

[Auto of the Licenciado Mercado de Pefialosa] Nos, don fray Jeronimo de Loaisa,por la gra~iade bios Vde la sante sede apostolica de Roma primero obispo Var~obispodesta ~iudadde Los RevesVdel consejo de Su Magestad, Vel li~en~iadoFernando de Santillan, OVdor en el Audien~ia VChan~illeria Real que por mandado de Su ~agestad rreside en esta dicha ~iudad, Vfray Domingo de Santo Thomas de la Horden de los Predicadores, por el nombramiento e comision a nos dada por el muv Vllustresenor elli~en~iado Pedro Gasca del Consejo de Su Magestad de la Santa VGeneral Ynquisi~ione su presidente en estos rreinos e prouin~iasdel Peru para entender en fazer la tasa de los tributos que los rreparti.. mientos destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, etc., avos, el comendador Heman.. do Pi~arro0 a la persona que por su poder tuuiere a cargo el rrepartimyiento de yuso, e avos Macuri, ca~ique, e a los demas prin~ipalese vndios vuestros subjetos que al presente sovsV despues de yos sub~edieren en el rrepartimiento de Piquicho [Piccho] questa encomendado en . vos,el susodicho, e a cada vno e qualquier de vos, [f. Iv] sabed que, en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magestad tiene prouevdo y mandadoa~ercade la tasa que se a de hazerde los tributosquelos naturales destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que los susodichossepan 10que les an de pedir e lleuar como para que los dichos naturales sean bien tratados e se conseruen e immenten, se nombraron v.isitadoresque visitasen el dicho'vuestro rrepartimiento, los quales, como sabeis, hizieron la visita del Vla presentaron ante nos; e visto e comunvcado con 108 visitadores e otras personas que pare~io que podian tener noti~ia de la dispusi~ionVposibili.. dades del dicho riepartimiento e yndios del, por virtud del dicho nombramiento, tasamos V declaramos poder dar el dicho rrepartimiento, en tanto que Su Magestad 0 la persona que en su rreal.nombre 10vuyiere [thus, for hubiere] de hazer otra cosa a~erca de la dicha tasa dispone e manda,.los tributos que de yuso yran declarados por la forma e horden qu~ se svgue. [in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente darevs vos, 105dichos ca~iquese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, al dicho vuestro encomendero en cada vna mita, de las que se acostumbra a coger la coca, ~inquenta ~estosde coca, del tamano Vmedida que los solevs e acostumbrais dar, puesto la mitad de la dicha coca en la ~iudad de Cuzco Vla otra mvtad en el asiento e tambo del valle de Tambo. Yten. Dareis cada mita, de las que dieredes la dicha coca, doze costalejos de axi del tamano que los solevsdar, puestos en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco. Yten. Darevs cada"mita que dieredes la coca, de xaquimas con sus cabestros V~inchas con sus latigosde cordel, Vsueltas, de cada cosa destas, diez; Vasymes~o, doze guascas para atar petacas e cameros de a ~inco bra~as cada vna Vquatro sogasdel mismo largor para lazos VsobrecargasV media arroba de cabuva por hilar; todo esto cada mita Vpuesto en la dicha ~iudad. [f. 2] Yten. Dareis cada mita que dieredes la coca diez ouillos de hilo de algodon, de a libra cada vno, V asimesmo,diez pares de oxotasj todo puesto en el Cuzco. Yten. Darevscada myra, de las que lleuardes la coca, quynze vsangas de ruta, de la que ouiere en vuestras tierras, del tamafio que las soleysdar, Vla pomevs en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco;V quando el encomendero estuuiere en vuestras tierras, Ie dareis alguna de la dicha fruta. E porque con menos cargo Vescrupulo de con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar los dichos tributos, os encargamos Vmandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en las cosas de de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar lev natural e buena poli~ia, e no aviendo

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258

clerigo 0 rreligiosoque 10haga, porneys vn espanol de buena vida y enxemplo que 105dotrine en

10susodicho.

E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea de comoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar, vos, el dicho ca~ique e yndios del dicho rrepartimyento, dareys para ayuda a su sustenta~ion cada mes vna fan[e]ga de mayzy cada quatto mesesvn puerco 0 en su lugar doze aves, gallinas y patos,la mytad hembras, y vna carga de sal y vn sesto de coca y otto ~estillode axi, y cada semana dos gallinasy patos y perdizes,y los dias de pescado cada dia seis hueuos y algun pescado, sy 10 tuuieredes, y el tienpo que huuiere fruta alguna fruta y lena para quemar y yerva para su caualgadura; y el salario de dinerosy otta cosa mas, sy fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del clichoclerigo 0 rreligioso,lo pagareysvos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que os cupiere. [f.2v]

[Legalclauses][f.3]

Fecha en Los Reyes, a veinte e vn dias" de otubre de"mill e quynientos e ~inquenta anos. Fray Hieronimus Archiepiscopus de LosReyes.Elli~en~iado <;ian~a.Fray Domyngo de Santo Thomas. Por mandado de Su Seiioria Reberendisima y Mer~edes, Pedro de Avendaiio.
[Notarizations]

6. A.GJ., Pattonato 90B, numero I, ramo 43 (8), 4 ff. Tasa de Calea, Los Reyes, 21 octubre 1550. [The auto of the LicenciadoMercado de Peiialosa, the legal clauses followingthe taSa itself and the notarizations are the same as for Document 1. A reference to-each in square brackets has been included where they appear in the text.l [Auto of the Licenciado Mercado de Penalosa].
"

Nos,doy [sic: don] fray Jeronimo de Loaisa,por la gra~iade Dios y de la sante sede apostolica de
Roma primer obispo y ar~obispodesta ~iudad"deLosReyes y del consejo de Su Magestad, y el li~en~iadoFernando de Santillan, oydor en el Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real que por mandado de Su Magestad rreside en esta dicha ~iudad, y fray Domingo de Santo Thomas de la Horden de los Predicadores, por el nombramyento e comysion a nos dada por el muy yllustte senor elli~en~iado Pedro Gasca del consejo de Su Magestad de la Santa y General Ynquisi~ione su presidente en estos rreinos e prouin~ias del Peru para entender en hazer la tasa de 105tributos que los rreparti.. mientos destos dichos rreinos an de dar asus encomenderos, etc., avos, el comendador Heman.. do Pi~arro 0 la persona que por su poder tuuiere a cargo el rrepartimyientb de yuso, e avos, Yllasa,ca~ique, e a 105demas prin~ipalese yndios e mytimaes vuesttos subjetos que al presente soysy despues de vos sub~edierenen el rrepartimiento de Calica [Calea] que esta encomendado en vos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro,e a cada vno e qualquier"de vos, sabed que, en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magestad tiene pro..[f. Iv] ueydo e mandado a~erca de la tasa que se a de hazer de los tributos que los n~turales destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que 105susodichos sepan 10que les an de pedir e lleuar como para que 105dichos naturales sean.bien tratados e se conseruen e aumente[n], se nombraron visitadores que visitasen el dicho vuestro rrepartimiento, losquales, como sabeys,hizieron la visita del y la presentaron ante nos; e visto e comunycado con 10svisitadores e ottas personas que pare~io que podian tener noti~ia de la dispusi~iony posibilidadesdel dicho rrep~rtimiento e yndios e yndios [sic] del,por virtuddel dicho nombramientotasamosy declarados[sicfordeclaramos]dever dar el dicho rrepartimiento en tanto que Su Magestad 0 la persona que en su rreal nombre 10ouiere de hazer

Julien: Inca Estates

otra cosa a~erca de la dicha tasa dispone e manda los tributos que de yuso yran declarados por la forma e horden que se sygue. Primeramente vos, los dichos ca~iquese yndios del dichorrepartimiento, benefi~iareysy cogereys para el dicho vuestro encomendero en Toayma, en cada vna niyta de las que se acosrombra coger la cocaduzientose e [sic]~inquentasestosde cocadel tamafioy pesoque las soleys.e acostumbrays dar de las chacaras que diz que alli tiene vuestro encomendero, que hasta agora pare~eque aveis acostumbrado a benefi~iar,y los pomeys en la ~iudad del Cuzco; y para el benefi~iode los dichos duzientosy.~inquenta ~estosyran los yndios que avos, el ca~ique e prin~ipalesdel dicho rrepartimiento, pare~iere ser menester, los quales cogeran la dicha coca y

benefi~iaran loscocalesdondesecogieren108 dichosduzientose ~inquenta~estos,en 10qual

estaran cada mita hasta veynte dias e no mas; e si antes de los dichos veynte dias 10acabaran, se bueluan a sus tierras y el encomendero no los pueda ocupar en otra cosa nynguna; y que, a nyngun yndio que sacare la dicha coca se Ie eche mas carga de dos ~estos, a 108quales el dicho encomendero sea obligado a dalles entre cada ochode losdichosyndiosvn ~esto [f.2] de la mysmacoca e del mysmo tama1o; y porque podrian enfermar algunos yndios que fueren a benefi~iare coger la dicha coca enbiareysvn espa1ol que sepa sangrallos y algunas medi~inas para los que asi se enfermaren. Yten, Dareys en cada vn a1o quinientas fanegas de mayzy ~inquenta fanegas de trigo y veynte y ~incofanegas de papas, de todo 10qual pomeis en el Cuzco las quatro~ientas fanegas y las demas

dareysen vuestrastierras.

Yten. Dareis cada quatro meses ochenta gallinasy patos, la mytad hembras, y cada tres meses veynte y ~inco pares de perdizes,todo puesto en casa del encomendero en la ~iudaddel Cuzco. Yten. Dareis cada semana fuera de cuaresma veynte hueuos, y en la quaresma, cada semana ~inquenta hueuos, y los dias de pescado cada dia tres libretas de pescado, todo puesto en la
~iudad del Cuzco.
-

Yten. Dareys cada vn a1o, pasado este primero a1o que se quenta dende el dia questa tasa fuere noti6cada, avos, el dicho ca~ique,en adelante quinze puercos de a1o y inedio y dende arriba,y no 105dando, dareys por cada puerco en su lugar doze gallinas y patos, la mytad hembras, puesto 10vno 0 10otto en la ~iudad del Cuzco en casa del encomendero.. . Yten. Dareys cada vn a1o doze maderos de veynte hasta veynte y ~inco pies en largo, cada vno puesto en la ~iudad del Cuzco. Yten. Dareiscadamesveyntey ~incocargasde carbonde arroba, cadavna puestasen la ~iudad del Cuzco. Yten. Dando os el encomendero junto a la ~iudad del [f. 2v] Cuzco tierra donde podays hazer teja, Ie hareys cada a1o dos mill tejas, y las pomeys en la ~iudad del Cuzco; y vos, el encomendero, les aueys de dar lasgradillas y galapagos para ellas. Yten. Sembrareys, benefi~iareysy cogereysen la ~iudad del Cuzco en las chacaras del encomendero quatro fanegas de mayzy trigo; y para [e]sto vos el encomendero les aveys de dar la semillapara ello; y si el encomendero quysiere sembrar en el Cuzco con bueyes, Ie dareys al tiempo del sembrar para que ayuden allabrador y para rregar ocho yndios, y al tiempo del deseruar y coger, cada yes veynte yndios e yndias; y dandole los dichos yndios para que ayuden al labrador, como dicho es, en tal caso no aueys de sembrar las dichas quatro hanegas de mayzy trigo que os mandamos sembrar en la ~iudad del Cuzco; y todo 10que pro~ediere y se cogiere destas dichas sementeras, sembrandolasvos, los dichos yndios, 0 ayudandolas a sembrar, aveysde dar el mayz desgranado y el trigo en~errado en espiga;y vos, el dicho encomendero, 10aueysde trillar a vuestra costa, y ayudar os an a ello algunos de los dichos yndios; Ytodo eIlo pomeys en la ~iudad del Cuzco en casa del encomendero.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..260

Yten. Dareys para serui~iohordinario de la casa del encomendero en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco quinze yndios e yndios que se muden por sus mytas, de los quales sean los tres ofi.~iales; y quando el encomendero estUuyereen vuestas tierras, Ie dareys para que lesiruan del dicho serui~ioocho yndios e yndias, de 105 dichos quynzeque os mandamos dar en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco. [f.3] Yten. Dareys para ayuda a la guarda de los ganados del encomendero, sy los tuuiere, o~ho

yndios,105 dosen la dicha~iudady losseysen vuestrastierras.

E porque con menos cargo y escrupulo de con~ien~ia,vos, el dicho encomendero, podayslleuar .105 dichos tributos, os encargamosy mandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en las cosas de de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia, e no aviendo clerigo 0 rreligiosoque 10haga, porneysvn espanol de buena vida y enxemplo que los dotrine en

10susodicho.

E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea de comoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar dareys vos, el dicho ca~ique e yndios del dicho rrepartimyento, para ayuda a [suJ sustenta~ion, cada mes tres fanegas de mayzy vna de trigo y cada tres meses vn puerco 0 doze gallinas y patos, la mytad hembras, en

su lugary vna cargade saly dos~estillos de cocay cadasemanaochogallinasy patos,la my tad

hembras, y asimesmo,perdizesy 105dias de pescado cada dia diez hueuos y algun pescado y cada dia vn cantarillo de chicha y lena para quemar y yerva para su caualgadura; y el salario de dineros y otra cosa mas, sy fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo 0 rreligioso, 10pagareys vos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que os cupiere. [Legal.clauses] [ff.3v..4] Fecho en Los Reyes, a veinte e vno de otUbrede mill e quynientos e ~inquenta anos. Fray Hieronimus Archiepiscopus de LosReyes. Elli~en~iado <;;ian~a. Fray Domyngo de Santo Thomas. Por mandado de Su Senoria Rebe~endisimae Mer~edes, Pedro de Avendano. [Notarizations] 7. A.G.I., Patronato 90B, numero 1, ramo 43 (9),4 folios. Tasa de Ollantaytambo, Los Reyes, 21 octubre 1550. [The auto of the LicenciadoMercado de Penalosa, the legal clauses followingthe taSa itself and the notarizations are the same as for Document 1; A refererice to each in square bracketS has been included where they appear in the text.]

[Auto of the Licenciado Mercado de Penalosa] Nos, don fray Jeronimo de Loaisa,por la gra~iade Dios y de la sante sede apostolica de Roma primero obispo y ar~obispodesta ~iudad de LosReyes y del consejo de Su Magestad, y el li~en~iadoAndres de <;;ian~a, oydor en el Audien~ia y Chan~illeria Real que por mandado de Su Magestad rreside en esta dicha ~iudad,y fray Domingo de Santo Thomas de la Horden de los Predicadores, por el nombramiento e comision a nos dada por el muy ylustre senor elli~en~iado Pedro Gasca del Consejo de Su Magestad de la Santa y General Ynquisi~ione su presidente en estos rreinos e prouin~ias del Peru para entender en hazer la tasa de 105tributos que 105 rrepartimientos destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~arro, 0 a la persona que por su poder tuuiere a cargo el rrepartimyiento de yusoe a ves, Chuqui Naupa, ca~ique, e a 105demas prin~ipalese yndios vuestros subjetos que al presente soisy despues de vos sub~edierenen el rrepartimiento de Tambo [OllantaytamboJ que esta encomendado en vos, [f. 1v] el susodicho, e a cada vno e qualquier de vos, sabed que, en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magest.adtiene proueydo y mandado aserca de la tasa que se a de hazer de 105tributos que los naturales destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que los susodichos sepan 10que les an de pedir e lleuar como para que los dichos naturales

261..

Julien: Inca Estates

sean bien tratados e se conseruen e abmenten, se nombraron visitadores que visitasen el dicho vuestro rrepartimiento, los quales, como sabeys,hizieron la visita del y la presentaron ante nosj e visto e comunicado con los visitadorese otras personas que pare!Jioque podian tener nod!Jiade la dispusi!Jion y posibilidadesdel dicho rrepardmiento e yndios del, por virtud del dicho nombramiento tasamos y declaramosdever dar el dicho rrepartimiento en tanto que Su Magestad 0 la persona que en su rreal nombre 10oviere de hazer otra cosa a!Jercade la dicha tasa dispone e manda los tributos que de yuso yran declarados por la forma e horden que se sygue. [in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente vos, 105dichos ca!Jiquese yndios del dicho rrepardmiento, benen!Jiareysy cojereispara el dicho vuestro encomendero en Toaima en cada vna mita de las que se acostumbra coger la coca, setenta Y [!Jincoces]tos de coca del tamano y peso que los soleys [e ac]ostumbrais dar de las chacarras que diz que alIa dene vuestro encomendero, que hasta agora parece aveis aco~tumbrado a benefi.!Jiar, y 105porneis en la !Jiudad del Cuzco;y para el benefi.!Jio de los dichos setenta Y!Jinco!Jestosde coca yran 105yndios que a vos, el cacique e prin!Jipalesdel dicho rrepartimiento pare!Jiereser menester, 105quales cogeran la dicha coca y benefi.!Jiaren los cocalesdonde se cogieren 105dichos setenta y !Jinco!Jestosjen 10 qual estaran cada mita hasta veinte dias, e no mas, e, si antes de 105dichos veinte dias 10 acabaren, se bueluan a sus tierras y el encomendero no 105pueda ocupar en otra cosa ninguna; y quea ningunyndioque sacarela cocase Ie heche mascargade dos !Jestos, a 105 qualesel dicho encomendero sea obligado a dalles entre cada ocho de los dichos yndios vn !Jestode la misma coca, e del mismo tamano; y porque podrian enfem1aralgunos yndios que fueren a benefi.!Jiar [f. 2] e coger la dicha coca enbiareisvn espanol que sepa sangrallos y algunas medi!Jinaspara la cura

de105 que asi enfermaren.

Yten. Dareis cada vn ano dozientasfan~gasde maizY!Jinquenta fanegas de trigo, de todo 10qual pomeis en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco !Jientoy sesenta fanegas Ylas demas dareis en vuestras derras. Yten. Dareis cada -quatro meses cinquenta gallinasy patos, la mitad hembras, y cada tres meses quinzepares de perdizes todo puesto en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco. Yten. Dareis cada semana fuera de quaresma doze hueuos, y en la quaresma cada semana quarenta hueuos, y cada dia de pescado dos libras de pescado, todo puesto en la !Jiudaddel

Cuzco.

'

Yten. Dareis cada vn ano pasado este primero ano que se quente dende el dia que esta tasa se [notif]icare avos, el dicho ca!Jique,en adelante [xxx puerco]s de ano y medio, y dende arribaj y no los dando dareis por cada puerco, en su lugar, doze gallinas y patos, la mitad hembras, puesto 10vno 0 10otro en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco. Yten. Dareiscadavn ano dozemaderosde veintehasta veinte y !Jincopiesen largo cada vno de los quales; porneis en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco 105ocho Y105demas dareis en vuestras derrasj y ansimismo,lIeuareis a la dicha ~iudaddoze tablas de las que aserraren los negros del dicho vuestro encomendero. Yten. Dareis cada mes diez cargasde carbon de arroba cada vna, puestas en casa del encomendero en la dicha !Jiudad. Yten. Dando os el encomendero junto a la ~iudad del Cuzco donde podais fazer teja, Ie hareis cada ano quinientas tejas, y las porneis en casa del encomenderoj y vos el encomendero les aveis de dar las gradillas y galapagosde hazellas. [f.2v] Yten. Sembrareis, benefi!Jiareisy cogereis en la !Jiudaddel Cuzco en las chacarras del encomendero dos fanegas de mayzy trigo; y para el trigo, vos, el dicho encomendero, los aueis de dar la semilla para elIo; y si el encomendero quisiere sembrar en el Cuzco con bueyes, Ie dareis al dempo del sembrar para que ayuden allabrador y para rregar quatro yndios, y al dempo del deseruary coger, cada vez,dozeyndiosy yndiasje dandolelosdichosyndiospara que ayudenal labrador, como dicho es, en tal caso no aveis de senbrar las dichas dos fanegas de mayzy trigo

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..262

que os mandamos sembrar en la dicha ~iudad; e todo 10que cogiere y pro~ediere destas dichas sementeras, sembrandolas vos, los dichos yndios, 0 ayudandolas a sembrar, aveis de dar el maiz desgranado y el trigo en~errado en espiga,y vos, el dicho encomendero, 10aueis de trillar a vuestra costa y ayudar os an a ello algunosde 105dichos yndios; Ytodo ello pomeys en la dicha ~iudad en casa del e[ncomendero]. Yten. Dareis para serui~iohordinario de la casa del encomendero en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco ocho yndios e yndias que se muden por sus mitas, de 105quales sean 105dos ofi~iales;y quando el encomendero estuuiere en vuestras tierras, Ie dareis para que Ie siruan del dicho serui~ioseis yndios e yndias de los dichos ocho que os mandamos dar en la dicha ~iudad. Yten. Dareis para ayuda a la guarda de los ganados del encomendero, sy 105tuuiere, seysyndios, los dos en la dicha ~iudad del Cuzco0 para ortelanos y 105quatro en vuestras tierras. E porque con menos cargo y escrupulo de con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar 105 dichos tributos, os encargamos y mandamos que hagais dotrinar a 105dichos naturales en las cosas de de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e gmirdar ley natural e buena poli~ia; e no aviendo clerigo 0 rreligiosoque 10haga, porneysvn [f.3] espanol de buena vida y enxemplo que los dotrine en 10susodicho. E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea de

comodasustenta~ion,en tanto queno aydiezmosde que se puedasustentar,vos,el dicho

ca~ique e yndios del dicho vuestro rrepartimyento, dareys para ayuda a su sustenta~ion cada mes dos fanegas de mayzy media fanegade trigo y cada quatro meses vn puerco, 0 doze aues, gallinas y patos,la mitadhembras,en su lugar,y vna cargade saly dos~estillos de axiy cada semana quatro gallinas e patos, la mytad hembras, y perdizes y los dias de pescado cada dia ocho hueuos y algun pescado y cada dia vn .cantarillode chicha y lena para quemar y yerua para su caualgadura; y el salario de dineros y otra cosa mas, sy fUeremenester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo0 rreligioso,10pagar~ysvos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que os cupiere. [Legalclauses] [f. 3v]. Fecho en Los Reyes, a veinte e vno de otubre de mill e quynientos e ~inquenta aiios. Fray Hieronimus Archiepiscopus de LosReyes. Elli~en~iado <;;ian~a.Fray Domyngo de Santo Thomas'. Por mandado de Su ReverendisimaSenoria y Mer~edes, Pedro de Avendano. [Notarizations] 8. AGI, Justicia 449, numero 1, pieza 3. Mana de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 136..137. Tasa de Tomebamba. Los Reyes, 18 julio 1552.

Nos, el presidente e oydores del Real Audien~ia y Chan~illeria que por mandado de Su Magestad rreside en esta ~iudad de LosReyes,etc., a uos, el comendador Fernando Pi~arro, ve~ino de la 9udad del Cuzco, e a vos, Juan Pi~arro,ca~ique,y a los prin~ipales e yndios vuestros subjetosque al presente sois e despues de uos subsredierenen el rrepartimiento de Tomebamba que esta encomendado en vos, el dicho comendador Fernando Pi~arro, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos, sabed que en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magestad tiene proueido y mandado a~erca de la tasa que se a de hazer de 105tributos que 105naturales destos dichos rreinos del Piru an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que ellossepan 10que les an de pedir y lleuar como para que sean bien tratados y so conseruen e avmenten, se nombraron visitadores que visitasen, los quales, como sabeis, os visitaron; e vista Iiivisita que hizieron e comunicado sobre [e]llo 10que conuenia e ha pares~idoque en el entre tanto que otra cosa se provee 0 manda acudais a vuestro encomendero con 10stributos aqui declarados.

263

Julien: Inca Estates

Primeramente, dareis vos, el dicho ca~ique, prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, en cada vn ano ~iento y ~inquenta fanegas de papas, puestas en la ~iudad del Cuzco en casa de vuestro encomendero, de seis en seismesesla mitad [in the right margin: cl fanegas]. Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano ~ientaues de Castilla, la mitad hembras, y sesenta e quatro pares de perdizes,puestos en el Cuzcoen casa de vuestro encomendero, de seis en seis meses la mitad [in the right margin: c, lxiii]. Yten. Le dareis en cada semana sino de quaresma vn arrelde de pescado, y en la quaresma cada semana tres arreldes de pescado, puestos en el Cuzco en casa de vuestro encomendero. Yten. Le dareis cada mes de todo el ano veinte arrobas de carbon, puestos en el Cuzco en casa de

vuestroencomendero.

'

Yten. Le dareis en vuestras tierras quatro yndios para guarda de ganados de vuestro encomendero. E para que con menos cargo y escrupulo de con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar los dichos tributos, vos encargamosy mandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en las cosasde nuestra santa fee catolica y a tener y guardar ley natural y buena poli~iaj e no aviendo c1erigo0 rreligiosoque 10haga, que pongais vn espanol de buena vida y exemplo que los dotrine en 10susodicho. E porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a los dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea de comoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no ay dezmos de que se pueda sustentar, vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipales e yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, Ie dareis para ayuda [f. 136v] a su sustenta~ion, cada mes de los que se ocupare en vuestra dotrina dos fanegas de papas y vna fanega de ma~, y cada quatro mesesvna fanega de quinoa y de oca, y cada semana dos aues, la mitad hembras, y dos perdizes,y los dias.de pescado, cada dia doze hueuos y algun pescado, y cadasemanadoscantarillosde chichade dos a~umbrescada vno y lena para quemar e yerua para su caualgaduraj'y su salario de dineros y 10demas que fuere menester para la sustentanion del dicho clerigo 0 rreligioso10pague 0 de el encomendero, 0 la parte que Ie cupiere. Por tanto, por el presente mandamos a uos, el dicho Juan Pi~arro, ca~ique, prin~ipales e yndios vuestros subjetos de el dicho rrepartimiento, y los que despues de uos en el sub~edieren que dende el dia que esta tasa vos fuere notificada en adelante en cada vn ano a los tiempos en ella dec1aradosacudais a vuestro encomendero con los tributos en ella contenidosj e a uos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro,vuestro encomendero, que no podais rre~iuir ni lleuar ni les pidaisni lleuais por uos ni por ynterpuestas personas, publica ni secretamente, direte ni yndirete, otra cosa alguna mas de 10arriba declarado ni otro serui~iopersonal ni obra, so pena que por la primera vez que pares~iere aver rres~iuido,demas de boluer al dicho ca~ique, prin~ipalese yndios [10]que asi ovieredes lleuado demasiado,pagueis de pena el quatro tanto para la camara de Su Magestad, e por la segunda vezos rrestituyan [sic:rrestituyais] 10que demas oviere lleuado demasiado y ser [sic:seais] priuado de la encomienda que de uos tuuiere e pierda toda e qualquier derecho que tenga 0 pueda tener a los dichos tributos, e mas, la mitad de todos sus bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais si ex~edieredes de 10contenido en la dicha tasa, e os condenamos en ello desde agora para enton~es, aplicado segun dicho eSje porque dello no pretendais ygnoran~iae sepais 10que aveis de rres~iuire vos, el dicho ca~ique, prin~ipalese yndios, 10que aveis de dar, mandamos que cada vnOde uos tenga en su poder vn treslado desta tasa de vn tenor, rreseruando como rreseruamos a nos facultad de aiiadir conforme a 10que el tienpo e posebilidadouiere e rrequeriere. Pecho en Los Reyes, a diez e ocho dias del mes de jullio de mill e quinientos e ~inquenta y dos mos. Elli~en~iado <;;ian~. EIdotor Brauo de Sarauia. Elli~en~iado Fernando de Santillan. EI li~en~iadoAltamirano. Por mandado de los senores presidente e oydores, Pedro de Avendaiio.

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- 264

E yo, Fran~isco de Caruajal, escriuano de camara del Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real de esta ~iudad de Los Reies e maior de gouerna~ion,hize sacar este traslado de la dicha tasa originalque [f. 137] quedaen mi poder de pedimiento de elli~en~iado Ramirezde Cartagena, fiscalde Su Magestad en la Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores della; e va ~ierto e verdadero e corregido con el original. En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reies,en veinte e siete dias del mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos e setenta e doss anos. Testigos que fueron presentes a 10uer corregir e con~ertar con el dicho original Geronimo de Andrada e Juan Velazqueze Melchor Castillo, presentes en la dicha ~iudad. En fee de 10qual fize aqui mi signa [sign] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscode Caruajal [signature with rubric].

9.

A.GJ., Patronato90B,numero1,ramo43 (10),3 folios. Tasa de Toayma,LosReyes,15 septiembre1553.

"

[The auto of the LicenciadoMercado de Penalosa and the notarizations are the same as for Document 4. A reference to each in square brackets has been included where they appear in the text.] [Auto of the Licenciado Mercado de Penalosa] Nos, los oydores del Audien~ia y Chan~illeria Real que por mandado de Su Magestad rresydeen esta ~iudad de Los Reyes, etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~rro, vezino de la ~iudad del Cuzco, e a uos, Comisaca y Coca y Parinango, ca~iquesdel rrepartimiento de Toayma e Quyzquinto, prin~ipalese yridiosvuestros subjetos que al presente soysy despues de vos sub~edieren en el dicho rrepartimiento que esta encomendado en vos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro;e a cada vno e qualquier de vos, sabed que en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magestad tiene proueydo y mandado a~erca de la tasa que se a de hazer de los tributos que los naturales [f. Iv] destos rreinos del Piru an de dar a sus encomenderos, ansi para que los susodichos sepan 10que les an de pedir e lleuar como para que 105dichos naturales sean bien tratados e se conseruen e aumenten, se nombraron visitadores que visitasen eJ dicho vuestro rrepartitniento, los quales, como sabeys,os visitaron; e vista la visita que hizieron e comunycado sobre ello 10que conuenia a pare~idoque en el entretanto que o"tracosa se prouee y manda acudeys a vuestro encomendero con los tributos aqui declarados. [in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente dareis vos, los dichos ca9ques prin~ipales e yndiosdel dichorrepartimiento,a vuestroencomenderoen cadavn ano, de laschacarrasviejasy nueuas que hasta agora aveis benefi~iadoe acostumbrado a dar tributo de coca, dos mill e noue~ientos ~estosde coca, partidos por sus mitas, que cada vno tenga diez y ocho libras de pura coca y no mas, y con ella paja y biaos, beynte e dos libras, benefi~iadosde todo benefi~io y en~estadosy en~errados, en 105buhios que estan en las chacarras de la dicha coca, e~ebto que vuestro encomendero a de hazer cojer a su costa a otros yndios la coca de los dos mill y quatro~ientos ~estosdellos y cabar la tierra donde se cogeren los dichos dos mill e quatro~ientos ~estos;y si mas coca de los dichos cocales y charras [sic:chacaras] se cojere de los dichos dos mill e noue~ientos cestos,seapara voslosdichosyndios,losqualesdichosdosmillnoue~ientosy noue~ientos[sic] ~estosde coca, despues que sean en~estados, an de estar a rriesgo de vuestro encomendero dende que se en~estaren y en~erraren en adelante. Yten. Dareisen vuestrastierrasen cadavn mesde 10sque en ellasouiereruta,doscargasde fruta, puestas en ellas a sus tiempos. Y para que con menos cargo y escrupulo de con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar los dichos tributos, [f. 2] vos encargamosy mandamos que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en:las cosas de de nuestra santa fe catolica e a tener e guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia;e no

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auiendo clerigo 0 rre!igiosoque 10haga, porneys vn espanol de buena vida y enxemplo que entienda en ello. Y porque el clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare avos, los dichos naturales, esjusto que se Ie prouea de comoda sustenta~ion en tanto que [no] ay diezmosde que se sustentar vos, 105dichos ca~iquesprin~ipaies e yndios del dicho rrepartimyento para ayuda a su sustenta~ion Ie dareys en cada mes de 105que estuuiere ocupado en vuestra dotrina, tres fanegas de mayz e veinte e dos aves de Castilla, la mytad henbras, e cada quatro meses vna fanega de frisolese dos ~estillosde axi y cada mita dos ~estosde coca del tamano que ... y a sus tienpos cuando Ia vuiere [thus for hubiere] y cada dia diez hueuos y cada semana tres cantarillos de chicha de dos acumbres, y no mas, y Iefia para quemar y lena [sicforverba]para su caualgaduraj y el salariode dinerosy 10 demas que fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del tal clerigo 0 rreligioso 10de y pague el encomendero 0 la parte que Ie cupiere. Por tanto, por el presente mandamos avos, el dicho Comysaca y Coca y Parinango, ca~iques prin~ipalese yndios vuestros subjetos,que desde el dia que esta tasa vos fuere notificada en adelante en cada vn ano y a los tienpos en ella declarados acudays a vuestro encomendero con los tributos en ella contenydos, e que vos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro, no les podais pedir ny lleuar ny les pidays ny lleueys,por uos ni por ynterpuesta persona publica ni secretamente, direte ny yndirete, ot[r] a cosa alguna mas de 10arriba declarado ny otro serui~io personal ni obras, 50pena que por la primera vez que pares~iere averlo rre~ebid, demas de boluer a 105dichos ca~iquesprin~ipalese yndios 10que [f. 2v] demas les vuieredes lleuado demasiado,

pagueisde pena el quatro tanto parala camarade StiMagestad,e por la segundalesrrestituyays .

ansimysmo10que demas les vuier[e] deslleuado demasyado y seais priuado de la encomienda que de los dichos yndios tuiuieredes y perdais otro qual[quier] derecho que tengais 0 podais tener de 105 dichos yndios, y mas, la mytad de tod6s vuestros bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais syexedieredes de 10en la dicha tasa contenido, y vos condenamos en ellas desde agora.para enton~es, aplicados segun dicho eSje porque dello no podais pretender ynoran~iay sepais 10que aveis de rre~ebir,y vos, el dicho ca~ique prin~ipales e yndios, 10que aveis de dar, mandamos que cada vno de vos tenga en su poder vn traslado desta tasa de vn tenor, -rreseruando como rreseruamosen nos facultad de afiadir e qtiitar en la dicha tasa todas las vezesque pare~iere deverse quytar 0 anadir conforme a 10quel tienpo y posibilidad de 105dichos yndios pidiere y rrequiriere. Fecho en Los Reyes, a quinze dias del mes de setiembre de myll e quinientos e ~inquenta y tres afios.El dotor Brauo de Sarauia. Elli~en~iado Hernando de Santillan. Elli~en~iado Altamyrano. Elli~en~iado Mercado de Peiialosa.Por mandado de los senores oydores, Pedro de Avendano. [Notarizations] 10. AGI, Justicia 449, m1mero1, pieza 3. Maria de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 130..131v. Tasa de Tanbo. Los Reyes, 12 octubre 1555.
.

Nos, 105oydores de la Real Audien~ia y Chan~illeria que por mandado de Su Magestad rreside en esta ~ibdad de Los Reyes, etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~arro e persona que por westro ausen~ia tuuiere vuestro poder e cargo del rrepartimiento de Tambo que en vos esta encomendado en terminos del Cuzco, e a uos, don Fran~iscoMayo Topa, ca~ique prin~ipaldel dicho rrepartimiento, prin~ipalese yndios del, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos, sabed que por vna peti~ion que ante nos present6 el dicho don Fran~isco,ca~ique, nos hizo rrela~ion diziendo que 105yndios del dicho rrepartimiento al tiempo que se visitaron y por la dicha visita se hizo la tasa de 105tributos eran ~iento y sesentaj e despues aca a causa de la altera~ion de Fran~isco Hernandez se les avian muerto algunosy lleuado otros a diferentes lugares y hecho yanaconas y

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266

andauan avsentes, y que por la tasa hecha se les mandaua benefi~iar cada mita en Toayma setenta y ~nco ~estosde coca y en elIosse ocupauan ordinariamente treinta y ocho e quarenta yndios, e avn eran pocos, y que al presente eran pocos mas los del dicho rrepartimiento e junto a los pueblos al~adosdel Ynga, los quales algunas vezes salian de guerra y 105matauan y prendian V no consentian que se benefi~iasela dicha coca, demas de ser tierra enferma donde se auia de yr a benefi~iar,y que en el dicho benefi~io,no enbargante que por la dicha tassa se les mandaua que no estUuiesenmas de veinte diasVse mudasen por sus mitas, los detenian tres 0 quatro meses,de cuya causa muchos delIOS enfermauan e morianj e pidio y suplico se prouevesse en que se desagrauiase en 105dichos tributos, pues por las causas arriba declaradas no los podian cumplir,V que para el benefi~io de la coca que oviesen de beneffi~iarno detuuiesen en el valle a 105yndios mas de diez dias por el peligroque de la vida en ello tenianj e por nos visto se prouevo que el capitan Gar~ilaso, corregidor de la dicha ~ibdad, averiguase e hiziese la ynforma~ion de todo 10 susodicho y de la falta y diminu~ionque auia avido en lo[s] susodichos yndios despues que se hizo la primera visita y tassa de los tributos y de 10que conforme a su posibilidad podian cumplir V benefi~iarV10demas que conuiniesepara aueriguar verdad, Vcon su pare~er la enbiase para que sobrelIose proveyesse10que fuesejusti~iajla qual dicha prouan~a e pare~er por el dicho don Fran~iscofue ante nos presentada; e por nos visto, en cumplimiento de 10que Su Magestad tiene proueido Vmandado a~erca de los tributos que los naturales an de dar a sus encomenderos para que sepan 10que les an de pedir Vellos Ie an de dar, tasamos Vdeclaramos quel dicho rrepartimiento deue dar a su encomendero los tributos Vbenefi~iode la coca abaxo declarado, V por laorden siguiente, en el entretanto que otra cosa se prouee Vmanda. (in the left margin: Coca) Primeramente, vos, los dichos ca~ique don Fran~isco, prin~ipalese vndios del dicho rrepartimiento, benefi~iar.eis Vcogereispara vuestro encomendero en Toayma en cada vna de las mitas que se acostUmbraa coger la coca ~inquenta ~estos de coca del pesoV tamano que los au.eisacostumbrado a dar, de las chacaras que alIi diz que tiene el dicho vuestro encomendero que son en las que pare~e auer acostumbrado a benefi~iarla,Vlos porneis en la ~ibdad del CUZCOj e para el benefi~o destos ~inquenta ~estosde coca yran veinte yndios Vno mas, los quales 105[f. l30v] benefi~iarany cogeran en los cocales y estaran en el dicho benefi~io veinte dias y no mas, y si antes de los dichos veinte dias los acabaren de benefi~ar se bolueran a sus tierras sin que ninguna persona los ocupe en otra cosa, y ansimismo,que iii tiempo que se sacare la dicha coca no se eche a ningun yndio mas carga de dos ~estos,y a los dichos yndiosque asisacarenla dichacocalesdaraeldichoencomenderoentre cadaochoyndiosvn ~estodecoca de los que benefi~iaren Vcogieren, e por ser la tierra p~ligrosadonde an de entrar e podrian enfermar algunos el encomendero sea obligadoa tener persona que 105sangre e algunas medi~inaspara sus curas. [in the left margin: Maiz] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano ~ientfanegasde maiz,puestasla mitad en el Cuzco vIa otra mitad en vuestras tierras [in the right margin: c fanegas]. [in the left margin: Trigo] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano beinte y ~inco fanegas de trigo, puestas la mitad en el Cuzco y Ia otra mitad en vuestras tierras (in the right margin: xxv fanegas). [in the left margin: Gallinas] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano setenta gallinas 0 patos, puestos en la ~ibdad del Cuzco [in the right margin: Ixx]. (in the left margin: Puercos] Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano ~inco puercos de ano y medio dende arriba,0 en su lugarpor cadapuercodozegallinas0 patos. [in the left magin: Carbon] Yten. Dareis cada ano ~inquenta arrobas de carbon, puestas en el Cuzco de quatro en quatro mesesla ter~era parte [en el margen derecha: I arrobas]. [in the left margin: Clerigo] Y porque al clerigo 0 rreligioso que se ocupare en la dotrina de 105 dichos natUrales es justo que se Ie probea de comoda sustenta~ion, en tanto que no av diezmosde que se pueda sustentar, vos, el dicho ca~ique, prin~ipales e yndios, Ie proueereis en cadavn mes

267..

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de los que os dotrinare para ayuda a su sustenta~ion dos fanegas de maiz y medio de ttigo y diezy seisgallinas 0 patos, la mitad hembras, y cada quatro meses vn puerco 0 doze gallinas 0 patos en su lugar, y vna arroba de sal y dos ~estillosde agi, [f. l30v] y cada dia de pescado ocho hueuos e algun pescado y lena para quemar y verna para su caualgadura; y el salario de dineros y otra cosa mas, sy fuere menester para su sustenta~ion, pagarlo [h]a el encomendero 0 la parte que Ie cupiere. Por tanto, por el presente mandamos que vos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~arro, y persona que por vuestro poder tuuiere a cargo el dicho rrepartimiento, e a uos, el dicho don Fran~isco, prin~ipalese yndios del, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos y a los que despues de vos sub~edieren que desde el dia que esta fuere notificada a uos, el dicho ca~ique, en adelante deis y entreguis en cada vn ano e por sus mitas a vuestro encomendero los tributos y cosas en ella declaradas, so pena que si pasado el dicho termino en que asi los aueis de dar dentro de veinte dias mas, primeros siguientes, no los dieredes y pagaredes y ouieredes dado y entregado a el dicho vuestro encomendero conforme a la dicha tassa que Ie deis y pagueis los tributos y cosas que asi Ie deuieredes y rrestaredes por dar y entregar de cada mita con el doblo y costas que sobrello se Ie siguiereny rrecre~ierenj en la qual dicha pena vos condenamos e avemos por condenados en ellas desde agora para enton~es; e mandamos a la justi~iamayor e ordinaria de la dicha ~ibdad del Cuzco hagan e manden fazer entrega y execu~ion en vuestras personas y bienes por el dicho prin~ipaly pena del doblo e costas conforme a derecho; e asymismo,que uos, el dicho encomendero, y los que despues de vos sub~edieren en la dicha encomienda, no podais rre~ibirni lleuar del dicho rrepartimiento por uos ni por ynterpuesta persona, publica ni secretamente, directe ni yndirete, otra cosa alguna saluo 10contenido en la dicha tasa, so las penas en la prouision rreal de Su Magestad conthenidas, que es que por la primera vez que pare~iere que ayaisrre~ibidomas, como dicho es, demas de boluer a los dichos yndios 10que asi les ovieredes lleuado, pagueis ?e pena el quatro tanto del valor dello para la camara de Su Magestad, e por la segunda vez rrestituyais asimesmoa los dichos yndios 10que asi les ovieredes lleuado e seais priuado de la dicha encomienda dellos e perdais otro qualquier derrecho que tengais 0 podais tener a los dichos tributos, y mas la mitad de todos vuestros bienes para la camara de Su . Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais vos, el dicho encomendero, y qualquier persona que despues de vos sub~ediere en la dicha encomienda sy e~edieredes de 10'en la dicha tasa conthenidoj ~ vos condenamos e auemos por condenado en eUasdesde agora para enton~es y de enton~es para agora aplicados,segund dicho es; e porque dello vos, el dicho encomendero, no pretendais.ynoran~ia y sepais 10que aveis de rres~iuiry los dichos ca~iques e yndios 10que an de dar, mandamos que cada vno de uos tenga en su poder este proveimiento de vn thenor. Fecho en Los Reyes, a doze dias del mes de otubre de mill e quinientos y ~inquenta e ~incoanos. El doctor Brauo de Sarauia. Elli~en~iadoFernando de Santillan. Elli~en~iado Altamirano. EI li~en~iuadoMercado de Penalosa. Por mandado de los senores oydores, Pedro de Auendano. E yo, Fran~iscode Caruajal, escriuano de camara del Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real desta ~iudad de Los Reyes e maior de gouerna~ion,hize sacar este traslado de la dicha [f. 131v] tasa original que queda en mi poder de pedimiento de elli~en~iado Ramirez de Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestad en la dicha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores dellaj e va ~ierto e verdadero e corregidQe con~ertado con ella. En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reies, en veinte e siete dias de el mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos e setenta e dos anos, testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir e con~ertar Geronimo de Andrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, e Juan Velazqueze Melchor Castillo, rresidentes en esta dicha ~iudadj en fee de 10qual fizeaqui este mi sygno [sign] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~isco de Caruajal [signature with rubric].

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

11.

AGI,Jusdcia449,numero1,pieza3. Mana de Contrerascon el Fiscal,f 142..143. Tasa

de Urcon. Los Reyes, 24septiembre 1557.

Don Hurtado de Mendo~a, Marques de Cafiete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdad de Cuenca, visorreyy capitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~asdel Piru por Su Magestad, etc., avos, 105offi~ialesde la Real Hazienda de la ~ibdaddel Cuzco, e a uos, don Hernando Ata Vlluco e don Fran~isco Curiata, ca~iques,e a 105demas prin~ipalese yndios e midmaes, vuestros subjetos, que al presente soys e despues de vos su~edieren en el rrepartimiento de Vrcos que estubo encomendadoen HernandoPi~arro, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos, sabed que por parte de 105 prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento me fue hecha rrela~ion diziendo que a causa de auerse disminuido 105yndios despuesaca que se visitaron y de los grandes danos y rrobos que rre~ibieron en las altera~iones de Fran~iscoHernandez Giron y de sus alzados no pueden cumplir ni pagar los tributos en que estan tasados; e me fue.pedido y suplicado 10mandase rremediar de manera que no fuesen agrauiadosporque los yndios no se ausentasen e despoblasen el dicho rrepardmiento; e por mi visto, e auiendome ynformado a~erca dello y 10que Su Magestad tiene mandado a~erca de la tassa que se a de hazer de los tributos que los naturales destos dichos rreinos an de dar a sus encomenderos,y comunicado 10que convenia, a pare~ido que en el entre tanto que se visita el dicho rrepartimiento e otra cosa se prouee e manda vos, los dichos ca~ique[s], prin~ipalese yndios,acudais a Su Magestad e a los dichos offi~ialesen su rreal

nombrecon 105 tributossiguientes.

[in t~e left margin: Dineros] Primeramente, dareis en cada vn ano ~ient pesos en plata de balor cada vno de a quatro~ientos e ~inquenta maravedies, puestos en el Cuzco cada seysmeses la mitad [in the right margin: c pesos]. . [in the left margin: Maiz, Trigo] Yten. Dareis cada vn ano dozientas fanegas de maiz e ~iento e ~inquenta fanegas de trigo, puesto la mitad de todo ello en el Cuzco y la otra mitad en el tambo de Viastrreal [in the right margin:cc fanegas, cl fanegas]. [in the left margin: Axi] Yten. Dareis cada vn ano quatro arrobas de agi, puestas en el Cuzco cada seysmeses la mitad [in the right margin: iiii arrobas] [in the feft margin: Costales] Yten. Dareis cada vn ano veinte y quatro costales de cabuya con sus sogas,puestos en el Cuzco cada seis meses la mitad [in the right margin: xXiiii]. [in the left margin: Carbon] Yten. Dareis cada vn ano ~ent arrobas de carbon, puestas en el Cuzco cada seis rneses la mitad [in the left margin: c arrobas]. Y porque con menos cargo y escrupulo de con~ien~iase puedan lleuar los dichos tributos vos mando que hagais dotrinar a los dichos naturales en las cosas de nuestra santa fee catolica y a tener y guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia,y no auiendo clerigo 0 rreligiososque 10haga pomeis vn espanol [f. 142v] de buena vida y exemplo que los dotrine en 10susodicho. Y porque al clerigo 0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a los dichos naturales es justo que se Ie prouea de comoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar vos, el dicho ca~ique, prin~ipales e yndios, dareis para ayuda a su sustenta~ion cada mesde losque estuuiereocupado en vuestra dotrina dos fanegas de maizy vna fanega de trigo y veinte aves de Castilla, la mitad hembras, y cada dia de pescado dozehueuos, y cada semana tres cantarillos de chicha de dos a~umbres cada vno, y cada quatro meses vn puerco y bna hanega de papas y dos ~estillosde agiy lena para quemar y yerua para vna caulagadura suva;y el salario de dineros y 10demas que fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho clerigo 0 rreligioso10pagaran 105dichos ofi~ialesa costa de Su Magestad 0 la parte que Ie cupiere. Por tanto, por la presente mando a uos, los dichos don Hernando Ata Vlluco y don Juan Curiata, y a 105demas prin~ipales e yndiose mitimaes, vuestros subjetos, que al presente soisy despuesde va'ssub~edieren en el dicho rrepartimiento que en el entre tanto que se visita el dicho

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rrepartimiento y otra cosa se proveey manda deis e acudais a los dichos ofi~ialesrreales desde el dia de la notifica~ion desta tasa en adelante-en cada vn ana e a los tiempos e mitas en eIla dec1aradoscon los tributos en ella conthenidosj y que vos, los dichos ofi~iales,no les pidaisni lIeueispor uos ni por ynterpositas personas, publica ni secretamente, direte ni yndirete, otra cosa algunamas de 10arriba declarado ni otro serui~iopersonal ni obras, so pena que por la primera vezque pare~iere averlo rres~ibidodemas de boluer a los dichos prin~ipales e yndios 10que les ovieredesIleuado demasiado yncurraisen pena del quarto tanto del valor deIlo para la camara e fiscode Su Magestad, e por la segunda vez rrestituyais asimesmo a los dichos yndios 10que demas les ovieredes lleuado y perdais la mitad de todos vuestros bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais si ex~edieredesde 10en la dicha tasa conthenido, e vos condeno en elIas de agora para enton~es y de enton~es para agora aplicados, segun dicho eSj[f. 143]y porque dello no podais pretender ygnoran~iay sepais 10que aveis de rres~ibir,y vos, los dichos ca~iques,prin~ipalese yndios,10que aveis de dar, mando que cada vno de uos tenga en su poder vn treslado desta tasa de vn thenor, rreseruando como rreseruo en mi facultad de anadir 0 quitar en la dicha tasa todas las vezesque pare~iere deuerse quitar 0 anador conforme a 10que el

tiempoe posibilidad de losdichosyndiospidieree rrequeriere. Fechoen LosReyes,a veintey quatrodiasdel mesde septiembrede mille quinientosy
"

~inquenta y siete anos. El Marques. Por mandado de su ex~elen~ia,Pedro de Avendano. E yo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara de la Abdien~ia e Chan~illeria Real desta ~ibdadde Los Reyes e mayor de governa~ion,hize sacar este treslado de .la dicha tasa originalque queda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~en~iado Ramirez de Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestad en la diChaReal Abdien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oydores dellaj e ba ~ierto e berdadero e corregido y cqn~ertado con el. . En la dicha ~ibdad de Los Reyes,en veynte e siete dias del mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos e setenta e dos anos, testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir y con~ertar Geronimo de Adrada, escriuario 4e Su Magestad, e Juan Velazqueze Melchor de Castillo, rresidentes en esta dicha.~iudadj en fee de 10qual me aqui este mi sygno [signature] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscode Caruajal [signature with rubric]. 12. AGI, Justicia 449, no. 1, pieza3, Mana de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 132..133v.Tasa de Calca, Los Reyes, 12 agoSto1559.

Don Hurtado de Mendo~a, Marques de Canete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdad de Cuenca, visorreyy capitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~iasdel Piru por Su Magestad, etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~arro 0 a la persona que vuestro poder tuuiere, e a vos, don Gon~alo Sayre, ca~ique prin~ipaldel rrepartimiento de Calca que en vos esta encomendado, yadon Diego Atau Limache, a cuyo cargo esta el gouierno del dicho rrepartimiento, e a los demas prin~ipalese yndiosnaturales e mitimaes que al presente sois e despues de vos sub~edieren en el rrepartimiento de Calca, e a cada vno y qualquier de uos, sabed que por parte del dicho ca~ique, prin~ipalese yndios del dicho rrepartimiento me fue hecha rrela~ion, diziendo que al tiempo que por orden del Presidente"Gasca fueron visitados por el ano passado de quinientos y quarenta y nueue se hallaron en el dicho rrepartimiento seis~ientosy ocho yndios, a los quales se tasaron entre otros tributos en que cogiesencada mita dos~ientos e ~inquenta ~estos de coca, y que para elIoproueyesen de los yndios ne~esariosen las chacaras que diz que eran de su encomendero en Toayma para que la benefi~iaseny cogiesen y los diesen puestos en el Cuzco, como se contiene en la partida de la dicha tassa, y que conforme a ella y cumpliendola an enbiado los dichos yndios a el dicho valle de Toayma donde la dicha coca se benefi~iay coge, de cuya causa se an muerto muchos y an venido a tanta diminu~ionpor ser el dicho valle de Toayma tlerra caliente y de

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diferente temple de su na~iol1ty que agora en esta vltima visita que por mi orden him Damian de la Vandera no se hallaron mas de quinientos y quarenta y dos yndios, y que 105demas se auian muerto y otras muchas yndias y muchachos sin el multiplico que dellos vbo pro~edido,y que sino se rremediase quitando la entrada de 105dichos naturales al benefi~ioy a~cerca de la dicha coca en breue tiempo se consumirianj e me fue pedido y suplicado les hiziese mer~ed de 10rremediar e quitar y mandar hazer nueua tasa de 105tributos que an de dar de las cosas que en sus tierras tienen, crian, cogen y contratanj e por mi visto 10suSodichoy las dichas dos visitas y las ordenan~as que a ynstan~ia del cabildode la dicha ~ibdad del Cuzco se hizieron sobre la orden que se a de tener en el benefi~iode la coca, y como soy ynformado que la dicha dimunu~ion a sub~edidode la entrada a los dichos Andes que en tiempo de los Yngasno uuieron costumbre de entrar al dicho benefi~ioy 10que Su Magestad tiene probeido a~erca del bien y conserua~ion de 105dichos naturales y a~~ecade la tasa que se a de hazer de los tributos que an de dar y 10mucho que ymporta al serui~iode Dios, nuestro senor, e descargo de la rreal con~ien~iade Su Magestad y al bien, conserua~ion y multiplica~ionde los dichos natUralesque se les quita el dicho benefi~io e acarreto de la dicha coca, di la presentej por la qual declaro y doy por ninguna qualquier tassa0 tasas que basta agora estan fechasde los tributos que los naturales del dicho nepartimiento an de dar a sus encomenderos, [f. 132v] e mando que de aqui adelante no se vse mas dellas sino solamente de la tassa que de yusoyra declarado, y que vos, los dichos prin~ipalese yndios, deis e acudais al dicho vuestro encomendero entretanto que otra cosa se probee e manda en cada vn

ano con lostributossyguientes..

[in the left margin: Plata] Primeramente, dareis en cada vn (ano] mill y do~ientos pesos de valor cada vno de quatro~ientos e ~inquenta maravedies en plata marcada y ensayada de seis en seis meses la mitad, 'puestosen el Cuzco [in th~ right margin: i U cc pesos]. [in the left margin: Maiz) Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano quinientas fanegas de maiz de seisen seys meses la mitad, puestas las trezientasy ~inquenta fanegas en el Cuzco y las ~iento y ~inquenta en vuestras tierras (in the right margin: d fanegas]. (in the left margin: Trigo] Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano ~inquenta fanegas de trigo de seisen seis meses la mitad, puestas en el Cuzco [in the right margin: 1fanegas]. [in the left margin: Papas] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano veynte y ~inco hanegas de papas de seis en seis meses la mitad, puestas en la ~ibdad del Cuzco [in the right margin: xxv fanegas) (in the left margin: Puercos] Yten. Dareis en cada vn ano quinze puercos de ano y medio para

arriba,puestosen la ~ibdaddel Cuzco(in the right margin:'xvfanegas [sic)]. ~].

'

(in the left margin: Aves] Yten. Le dareis en cada vn ano duzientos e ~inquenta gallinasy patos, la mitad hembras, puestos en el Cuzco, de seis en seys seis meses la mitad (in the right margin:
' ,

(In the left margin: Carbon] Yten. Dareis cada mes veinte arrobas de carbon, puestas en el Cuzco, cada seismeses la mitad [in the right margin: c arrobas]. [in the left margin: Teja] Yten. Dando os el encomendero junto al Cuzco tiena donde hazer teja, Ie dareis en cada vn ano dos mill tejas, y asimismogradillas y galapagos para ello, y 10pomais en

el Cuzco.
Y porque con menos cargo y escrupulo de con~ien~iase pueda lIeuar lo~dichos tributos vos, el dicho encomendero, hagais dotrinar los dichos naturales en las cosas de nuestra santa fee catolica y a tener y guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia,e no auiendo c1erigo0 rreligiososque 10haga, pomeis vn espanol de buena vida y exemplo que entienda en ello. E porque al c1erigo0 rreligiosoque dotrinare a los dichos naturales es justo que se Ie probea de comoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se pueda sustentar vos, el dicho ca~ique, prin~ipales e yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, dareis para ayuda [f. 133] a su sustenta~ion cada mes tres fanegas de maiz y vna de trigo, y cada tres meses vn puerco 0 doze gallinas y patOs,la

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Julien: Inca Estates

mitad hembras, en su lugar, y vna carga de sal y dos ~estillosde agi, y cada semana acho gallinasy patos,la mitadhembras [sic] y asimismoperdizes,y los dias de pescado, cada dia diez, y hueuos y algunpescado, y cada dia vn cantarillo de chicha y lena para quemar y yerua para su caualgadura; y el salariode dineros y 10demas que fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho c1erigo0 rreligioso10pagaran los dichos ofi~ialesa costa de Su Magestad 0 la parte que Ie cupiere. E mando a uos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~rro e a la persona que tuuiere vuestro poder para cobrar los tributos de el dicho rrepartimiento, e a uos, los dichos don Gon~o Sayre, ca~iqueprin~ipal, e don DiegoAtau Limache a cuyo cargo esta el govierno de el dicho rrepartimiento de Calca, que desde el dia de la fecha desta en adelante deis e acudays en cada vn aiio y a los tiempos en esta tasa declarado a el dicho encomendero 0 persona que sub~ediereen el clichorrepartimiento con los tributos en ella conthenidos; y que vos, el dicho comendador Hernando Pi~o, no Ie pidais ni lleueispor uos ni por ynterpositas personas, publica ni secretamente, direte ni yndirete, causa ni rrazon alguna que sea mas de 10arriba dec1aradoni otto serui~iopersonal ni comuta~ion ni obras, so pena que por la primera vez que pare~ere auerlo rres~ibidoen qualquier manera de las dichas demas de boluer a los dichos prin~ipales e yndios10 que asi les ovieredes lleuado demasiadopagueis de pena del quarto tanto del valor para la camara de Su Magestad, e por la segunda vez Ie rrestituyais asimesmo 10que demas les ovieredes lleuado y seaispriuado de la encomienda de los dichos yndios que tuuieredes e perdais la mitad de todos westtos bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais si . ex!;edieredesde 10en la dicha tasa conthenido, e vos condeno en ello desde agora para enton!;es aplicadosegun dicho eSjy porque dello no podais pretender ynoran~ia y sepais 10que aveis de rres~ibire vos, el dicho ca~ique,prin~ipalese yndios, 10que aveis de dar, mando que cada vno de uos tenga en su poder vn tteslado desta tasa de vn thenor, rreseruando como rreseruo en mi facultad de afiadir e quitir en la dicha tasa todas las vezesque pare!;iere'deuerse quitar 0 aiiador conforme a 10quel tiempo e posibilidadde los dichos yndios pidiere e rrequeriere. [f. 133v] Fecho en Los Reyes, a doze de agosto de mill e quinientos e ~inquenta y nueue anos. El Marques. Por mandado de su ex~elen~ia,Pedro de Avendaiio. E yo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara del Audien!;ia e Chan~illeria Real de esta ~iudadde Los Reies e maior de governa~ion,hize sacar este tteslado de la dicl1atasa originalque queda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~n~iado Ramirezde Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestad en la dicha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores dellaj e va ~ierto e berdadero e corregido con el dicho original. En Los Reyes, en veynte e siete dias del mes de mar~o de mill e quinientos e setenta e dos aiiosj fueron testigos a 10ver corregir e con~ertat con el dicho original Geronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, e Juan Velazqueze Melchor de Castillo, rresidentes en esta dicha ~iudadj en fee de 10qual fizeaqui este mi sygno [sign] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~isco de Caruajal [signature with rubric]. 13. AGI, Justicia 449, numero 1, pieia 3. Mana de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 140-141. Tasa de Amaybamba, LosReyes,25 septiembre 1559.

Don Hurtado de Mendo~, Marques de Cafiete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdad de Cuenca, visorreye capitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~iasdel Piru por Su Magestad, etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~arro e a la persona que vuestro poder tuuiere para tener cargo del rrepartimiento aqui dec1arado,e a uos, don Juan Cayo Topa, prin~ipal en el pueblo de Amaybamba, edemas prin!;ipalese yndios vuestros subjetos que al presente sois e despues de vos sub~dieren en el rrepartimiento que esta encomendado en vos, el dicho Hernando Pi~o, e a cada vno e qtialquier de uos, sabed que don Diego Laxa y don Alonso Ruca, naturales del dicho pueblo, por

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si Ven nombre de los demas yndiosnaturales del me hizieron rrela~ion diziendo que [e]llos estan tasados en dozientos ~estos de coca de tributo cada mita Ven ottas cosas conthenidas en la tassa que dellos esta fecha, Vque despuesque la primera vez los visitaron se an disminuido e muerto muchos de los dichos yndios e no pueden pagar tanto tributo por no les dar ya tiempo para entender en sus labran~as e sementeras para su sust~nto e de sus mugeres e hijos edemas de que por el benefi~io de la dicha coca estan los mas enfermos ordinariamente; e me fue pedido V suplicado Ie hiziessemer~ed de 10mandar proueer e rremediar de manera que ~esaseel dicho agrauio Vellos no fuesen tan molestadose fatigados e pudiesen tener algun descansso e que se moderasse la dicha tassa en aquelloque [e]110s buenamente pudiesen pagar; e por mi vista la dicha tassa Vla vltima visita que dellos se hoo e 10que della rresulta de su posibilidad e 10que Su Magestad tiene mandado a~ercade la orden que se a de tener en el tasar de los naturales destos dichos rreinos a pare~ido que en el enttetanto que por Su Magestad e por nri en su rreal nombre otra cosa se provee e manda acudais a el dicho vuestro encomendero en cada vn ano con los

tributossvguientes. . [in the left margin:Coca] Primeramente, dareisen cadavna mita al dichovuestroencomendero
de las que se acustumbran a cogerla coca ~iento Vsesenta ~estosde coca del peso Vtamano que 105aveis acostumbrado a dar, puestos los sesenta dellos en el Cuzco en casa de vuestro encomendero y los ~iento en el tambo del valle de Tambo [in the right margin: clx ~estos]. E porque con menos cargo Vescrupulo de con~ien~iavos, el dicho encomendero, podais lleuar 105 dichos tributos, os encargo Vmando que hagais dotrinar 105dichos naturales en las cosas de nuestra santa fee catolica e a tener e guardar lev natural e buena poli~iaj e no auiendo clerigo0 rreligiososque 10haga, pomeis vn espanol de buena vida Vexemplo que 105dotrine en 10 sussbdicho. . E porqueal clerig90 rreligioso quedotrinarelosdichosnaturalesesjusto que se les [sic]probea de comoda [f. 140v].sustenta~ionen tanto que no ay diezmos de que se puedan sustentar, vos, el dicho ca~ique, e yndios del dicho rrepartimiento, dareis para avuda a su sustenta~ion cada mes vna fanega de maiz, e cada quatro meses vn puerco 0 vmr [crossed out] [en su lugar] [betWeen lines] dOzehd&. [crossed out] gallinasVpatos eu ~ulugar [crossedout], la mitad hembras, e vna carga de sal e vn ~esto de coca Votro ~stillo de agi, e cada semana dos gallinas 0 pato~,la mitad
hembras [sic], Vperdizes, y los dias de pescado cada dia seis hueuos Valgund pescado, si 10

tuuieredes, e al tiempo que vbiere ruta alguna Vlena para quemar [V]verua para vna caualgadura; Vel salario de dineros y otra cosa mas sv fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del tal clerigo 0 rreligiosopagareis vos, el dicho encomendero, 0 la parte que Ie cupier~; e mando a uos, el dicho ca~ique, prin~ipalese vndios del dicho rrepartimiento, que dende el dia de la fecha desta en adelante deis e acudavs a vuestro encomendero en cada vna de las dichas mitas Ven las dichas partes 0 lugares con el dicho tributo de cocaj e que vos, el dicho encomendero, e quien vuestro poder oviere para cobrar el dicho tributo, no Ie pidais ni lleueis por uos ni por ynterpositas personas, publica ni secretamente, direte ni yndirete, otta cosa alguna mas de 10arriba declarado Vningun serui~iopersonal por via de comuta~ion ni en otra manera alguna, so pena que por la primera vez que pare~iere avello rres~ibidoen qualquier manera, demas de boluer a los dichos yndios 10que asi les lleuaredes demasiado,pagueis de pena del quarto tanto del valor dello para la camara e fisco de Su Magestadj e por la segunda vez rrestituvais asimesmo 19que les ovieredes . lleuado demasiado Vseais priuado de la encomienda que de los dichos yndios tuuieredes e perdais otto qualquier derecho que tengais 0 podais tener a los dichos yndios e tributos e ayais perdido e perdais la mitad de todos vuesttos bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales dichas penas yncurrais si ex~dieredes de 10en la dicha [tasa] conthenido, e vos condeno en ellas desde agora para enton~es e de enton~es para agora aplicado [sic],segun dicho es, las dichas penasj mando que el dicho encomendero ni otto por el no vse ni se aproueche ni pida tributos a los

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dichos [f. 141] yndios por otras tasas que hasta agora se avan fecho ni de que aya vsado sino solamente por esta, e VO por la presente las rreboco e doVpor ningunasj Vporque dello no podais pretender ynoran~ia e sepais 10que aveis de rres~ibire vos, los dichos yndios, 10que aveis de dar de aqui adelante mando a cada vno de uos tenga en su poder vn treslado desta tasa de vn tenor, rreseruando como rreseruo en Su Magestad Ven mi facultad de afiadir e quitar en la dicha tasa todas las vezes que pare~iere deuerse quitar 0 anadir, conforme a 10que el tiempo e posibilidadde losyndios pidiere e rrequeriere. Fecho en Los Reves, a veinte e ~incodias del mes de setiembre de mill e quinientos e ~m.quentaV nueue anos. EIMarques. Por mandado de su ex~elen~ia,Pedro de Avendano. E yo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara del Audien~ia e Chan~illeria Real de esta ~iudadde Los Reies e maior de governa~ion,hize sacar este treslado de la dicha tasa originalque queda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~en~iado Ramirez de Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestad en la dicha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores dellaj e va ~ierto e berdadero e corregido con el dicho original. En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reves,en veynte e siete dias del mes de mat~o de mill e quinientos e setenta e dos anosj testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir e con~ertar con el dicho originalGeronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, e Juan Velazquez e Melchor de Castillo, rresidentes en esta di~ha ~iudadj en fee de 10qual me aqui este mi sVgno[sign] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscode Caruajal [signature with rubric]. 14. AGI, Justicia 449,.numero 1, pieza 3. Marla de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 134~135. Tasa de Piccho, Los Reves, 20 julio 1560.

Don Hurtado de M.endo~a,Marques de Canete, guarda mayor de la ~ibdadde Cuenca, visorreve capitan general en estos rreinos e prouin~iasdel Piru por SuMagestad, etc., avos, el comendador Hernando Pi~arro, ve~ino de la ~bdad del Cuzco, e a la persona que en vuestro nombre cobrare los tributos de yuso declarados, e a uos, don Hernando Macori, ca~ique, e a 105demas prin~ipales e yndios naturales e mitimaes vuestros subjetos que al presente sois e despues de vos sub~edieren en e1pueblo de Picho que esta encomendado en vos, el susodicho, e a cada vno e qualquier de uos, sabed que aviendo visto la visita que vltimamente por mi mandado hoo Damian de la Vandera de los naturales de el dicho pueblo Vlos pocos yndios e posibilidades que tienen Vla tasa que se hizo por comision de presidente Gasca de los tributos que avian de dar en cada vn ailo e 10 que Su Magestad tiene proueido a~erca dello, me pare~io que en el entretanto que por Su Magestad 0 por mi en su rreal nombre otra cosa se probee e manda deis e acudais a el dicho vuestro encomendero en cada vn ano Va los tiempos en esta tassa declarados con los tributos syguientes. [in the left margin: Coca] Primeramente, dareis en cada vna mita de las que se acustumbran a coger la coca treinta e ~inco ~estosde coca de a diez Vocho libras de pura coca cada vno, Vque con el ~esto tenga beinte V[t]res libras, puestos en Tamboj Vla parte del dicho encomendero 10 rre~ibae ponga en cobro dentl'Ode ter~ero dia despues la pusieredes alli, Vno la haziendo, que pasado el dicho termino esta a su costa Vrriesgo y no de 105dichos yndios; Vtoda la demas ceca que se cogiere de los cocales sea para uos los dichos yndios como cosa vuestra propia [in the right margin: cxl ~estos]. Y porque con menos cargo Vescrupulo de con~ien~ia'se puedan lleuar 105dichos tributos vos encargo Vmando que hagais dotrinar a los diches naturales en las cosas de nuestra santa fee catolica e a tener e guardar ley natural e buena poli~ia,e no auiendo clerigo 0 rreligiososque 10 haga, porneis vn espaiiol de buena vida Vexemplo que los dotrine en 10susodicho.

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E porque al c1erigo0 rreligiosoque dotrinare 105dichos naturales es justo que se Ie probea de comoda sustenta~ion en tanto que no ay diezmosde que se puede sustentar, vos, 105dichos prin~ipale yndios del dicho pueblo, dare~ para ayuda a su sustenta~ion en cada vn mes de 105 que personalmente estuuiere en vuestras tierras ocupado en vuestra dotrina tres fanegas de maiz e veinte y dos aUes,[f. 134v] e cada dia de pescado diez hueuos y lena para quemar en su casa, e yerua para vna caualgadura suva;y el salario de dineros y 10demas que fuere menester para la sustenta~ion del dicho c1erigo0 rreligioso10pagareis vos, el dieho encomendero, 0 la parte que os cupiere. E mando a uos, el dieho comendador Hernando Pi~arro 0 dicha persona, que no pidais ni lleueis por uos ni por ynterpositas perssonas,publicani secretamente, direte ni yndirete, otra cosa alguna mas de 10arriba declarado ni otro serui~iopersonal ni comodidad ni obras, so pena que por la primera vez que pare~iere auerlo rres~ibidoen qualquier manera de las dichas demas de boluer a el dieho prin~ipal e yndiosasi les ovieredes lleuado demasiado pagueis de pena el quarto tanto del valor dello para la camara e fiscode Su Magestad, e por la segunda vez rrestituyais asimismoa los diehos yndios 10que les ovieredes lleuado demasiado y perdais la encomienda e otro qualquier derecho que tengais a 105diehos yndios e tributos e perdais mas la mitad de todos vuestros bienes para la camara de Su Magestadj en las quales diehas penas yncurrais si exc;edieredesde 10en la dicha tasa conthenidoj e vos condeno en ellas y en cada vna dellas desde agora para enton~es e de enton~es para agora aplicado, segun dieho eSje porque dello no pretendais ynoranc;iae sepais 10que aveis de rres~ibire vos, 105diehos prin~ipales e yndios, 10que aueisde dar, mandoque cadavnode uostengaen su podervn tresladodesta tasa de vn thenor, rreseruando como rreseruo en mi facultad de aftadir e quitar en la dicha tasa todas !asvezesque pare~iere deverse quitar 0 anadir, conforme a 10que el tiempo e posibilidad de los yIidiospidiere e rrequeriere. . Fecho en Los Reyes, a veinte dias del mes de jullio de mill e quinientos y sesenta anos. El

Marques.Por mandadode su exc;elenc;ia, Pedrode Avendano.

E yo, Fran~iscode Carbajal, escriuano de camara del Audienc;iae Chan~illeria Real de esta c;iudadde Los Reies e maior de governac;ionhize sacar este treslado de la dieha tasa originalque queda en mi poder de pedimiento delli~en~iado Ramirezde Cartagena, fiscal de Su Magestad en la dieha Real Audien~ia, e mandamiento de 105senores presidente e oydores dellaj e va ~ierto e ver.. [f. 135] dadero e corregido e con~ertado con ella. En la dicha ~iudad de Los Reyes,en veynte e siete dias del mes de marc;ode mill e quinientos y setenta e dos anos; testigos que fueron presentes a 10ver corregir e con~ertar Melchor de Castillo e Geronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, e Juan Velazquez,rresidentes en esta dicha ~iudadj en fee de 10qual fizeaqui este mi sygno [signed] en testimonio de verdad. Fran~iscode Caruajal [signature with rubric]. 15. AGI, Justicia 449, mlmero 1, pieza 3. Marla de Contreras con el Fiscal, ff. 144..144v. Tasa de Choco, Cuzco, 19junio 1562.

En la c;iudaddel Cuzco del Piru, a diez e nueve dias del mes de junio de mill e quinientos e sesenta e dos anos, ante mi, el escriuano publico, e testigos, 105muy magnificos senores Seuastian de Ca~alla e Miguel Sanchez, contador de Su Magestad, ve~inos desta ~iudad, en cumplimiento de bna prouision rreal de Su Magestad emanada de 105muy poderosos senores del Consejo Real de Hazienda y Estado que rreside en la c;iudadde Los Reyes en que mandan tasar 105yndios de Choco encomendados en Arias Maldonado, vezino desta ~iudad, fueron al dieho pueblo de Choco para el dieho efeto, y ellosanbos hizieron pareser ante si a los ca~iques e prin~ipalese yndios del dieho pueblo; y 105dichos senores Seuastian de Ca~aUae Miguel Sanchez eUos

275..

Julien: Inca Estates

pidieron la rrazon de los yndios [de 10]que tienen, los quales esibieron la visita de pamian de la' Vandera, en la qual pare!;eque tasso treinta e vn yndios para que tributen demas de otros viejose viejase mozosque no daban tassaj y se rrefierieron en la dicha visita de Damian de la Vandera, e!;ebtoque por ella auerse muerto tres, [v] afiadieron !;incomas casados de los que heran nifios que agora pueden tributar, que son por todos treinta e treSje auiendose los dichos senores tasadoresynformado de los dichos yndios de la posibilidad que tienen de tierras para poder tributar, y bisto que son !;ercanosa la !;iudaddel Cuzco, media legua della, e ynformadose de todo 10que convenia, para no encargar sus con!;ien!;iashizieron la tasa de la forma siguiente. [in the left margin: Plata] Primeramente, mandaron que todos 105dichos treinta e tres yndios den a su encomendero en cada bn ano en plata ensaiada e marcada treinta e tres pesos. [in the left margin: x fanegas 112mayz]Yten. Den mas todos los dichos yndios dios [sic]en cada bn ano diez fanegas e media de maiz,puestas en casa de su encomendero. [in the left margin: x fanegas 112papas] Yten. Daran mas los dichos yndios en cada vn ano diez fanegase media de papas, puestas en casa del encomendero.

[inthe left margin:xxx arrobasde carbon]Yten. Daran maslosdichosyndiosen cada bnano en casade encomendero.
treinta arrobas de carbon, puestas en casa del encomendero. [f. 144v] [in the left margin: v fanegas sal] Yten. Daran mas en cada bn ano !;inco hanegas de sal, puestas
.

[in the left margin: ill cargas verna] Yten. Daran cada dia tres cargas de verna, puestas en casa del encomendero. Yten. Daran mascada semana doss cargas de lena, puestas en casa del encomendero. Y ansi visto la posibilidad de 105 dichos yndios del dicho pueblo de Cacho [sic: Choco] por los clichossenoreSvisitadores'que conforme.y [a] su con!;ien!;iaque mandaban e mandaron que diesen e pagasen la dicha tasa 105 dichos ca!;iquese yndios al dicho su encomendero porque segun 105yndios.que tienen y tierras no se sufria echalles mas tassaj e en eso yo, el dicho escriuano, notifyque la dicha tassa a los dichos ca!;iques,prin!;ipales [e] yndios del dicho pueblo, 10squales dixeron que la consentian e consintieron e la pagarian segun e como por 105dichos senoresvisitadores se les manda, testigos que fueron presentes a ello Diego de Torres e Mateo Hernandez, estantes en esta !;iudadjy los dichos senores visitadores 10firmaron de sus nonbres. Ques fecho dia e mes e ano sobredicho. Seuastian de Ca!;alla. Miguel Sanchez. Paso ante mi, Fran!;iscoHerro de Gueuara, escriuano publico. E yo, Seuastian de Nera, escriuano de Su Magestad e publica desta dicha !;iudad hize sacar 10 susodicho de los papeles de Fran!;iscoHerro de Gueuara, escriuano publico, questan en mi poder, ante quien pareze,auer pasadoj e por ende fizeaqui este mio signa a tal en testimonio de uerdad. Seuastian de Nera, escriuano publico. E yo, Geronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad, saque este traslado de la dicha tassa que de suso se haze men!;ion de pedimiento delli!;en!;iado Ramirez de Cartajena, fiscal de Su Magestad en esta Real Audien!;ia,e mandamiento de los senores presidente e oidores della; e va !;ierto;y fueron testigos a 10uer corregir e con!;ertar con ella Rodrigo Aluarez e Alonso Gon!;alez Bustillo,escriuano de Su Magestad;y en fee dello fize aqui mio signa a tal [sign] en testimonio de verdad. Geronimo de Adrada, escriuano de Su Magestad [sigature with rubric].

AGE EsTIMATES FOR THE PETROGLYPH SEQUENCE OF INCA HUASI, MIzQUE, BOLIVIA

Robert G. Bednarik
International Federation of Rock Art Organizations (IFRAO)

Introduction
Reliable information about the antiquity of pre,historic Bolivian rock art has remained elusive until now, as is the case in the rest of South America. We are better informed about recent rock art corpora of Bolivia, i.e., of the Colonial and Republican Periods (Querejazu L. 1992).However, for the time beforethe Spanish conquest, beginning in 1532,cluesfor the age of all Bolivia~rock art have until nowbeen limited to archaeological speculation. In 1987, I exam, ined the then,newly discovered site Cabracan, cha (Department of Santa Cruz) and attempted an approximate age estimate of its petroglyphs, using geomorphological criteria (Bednarik 1988). This led to an age estimate of 500,1000 years BP. The petroglyphs at this small site are dominatedby a distinctive 'trident' designwhich is alsoprominent on ceramic remainsin Bolivia. Such remains were subsequentlyexcavated in a stratified context at Comacho Tunal Mayu, where they occurred together with charcoal providing a radiocarbon age of 560 :t 70 years BP in 1996 (Roy Querejazu Lewis, personal communication, April 1997). This seems to confirm the estimate derived from 'direct' indi, ces,increasing confidence in the validityofsuch analytical approaches. The last ten years have seen the develop, ment of the microerosion dating methods for petroglyphs (Bednarik 1992, 1993a). These methods have been subjected to a seriesofblind tests, involving petroglyphs on several conti, nents. With the exception of the controversial COasites in Portugal, all these blind tests pro, duced results that are fully compatible with
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 277,287.

archaeological predictions or other estimates, but even at the COasites they match the results of other direct dating evidence (Bednarik 1995a, 1995b;Watchman 1995). Microerosion data are believed to provide results of great reliability,but lack precision, particularly where local calibration curves are not established, or where only one mineral component is cali, brated. However, because the results appear to be consistently reliable, and because numerical precision is not a high priority in the initial e~tablishment of a chronological fr~ework for the rock art of a region lacking such a system entirely, I consider the use of microerosion analysis appropriate in the establishment of a chronology of Bolivian petroglyphs. During March and April of 1997 I examined a seriesof petroglyph sites in the Mizque Valley, and near Cochabamba, with the specific purpose of securing data suitable for initiating a reliable chronological framework for prehispanic Boli, vian rock art. In the course of this work I suc, ceeded in acquiring such data from five sites: Inca Huasi, ToroMuerto, Kalatrancani 1 and 3, and Lakatambo 2. Of particular importance in creating such a chronology is the first,men, tioned site which is briefly described here.

The site
Inca Huasi is located 3 km from the town of Mizque, immediately above the Uyuchama River (Figure 1). It occupies the lowest end of a prominent quartzite dyke, caused by contact metamorphism, that extends in a wide sweepto the top of the mountain at whose foot the siteis situated. The dyke has resisted the erosive impact of the river, and has preserved, on its

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

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278

side awayfrom the river, a slope of softer sand.. stone averaging 230 towards NNE. Petroglyphs occur both on this slope and on the part of the dykeimmediately above it, over an area of c. 30 m by 20 m. All those on the quartzite dyke are cupules, while those on the sandstone comprise cupules,circleswith central pit, a waveline, and linear grooves. The cupules on the sandstone slope are usually arranged to form linear sets, while those on the dyke above it are apparently distributed randomly, often covering small panels completely. At an elevation higher than the uppermost petroglyphs, just above a recently constructed concrete irrigation channel, isan area ofsloping sandstone pavement covered by numerous horizontal polished grindingdishes,each around 50 or 60 cm long. These are better preserved than the petroglyphs on the sametype of rock, and are spatially separate from them. In the same area numerous artifacts occurring on the surfaceofa sediment have either been deposi.ted there, or have been washed out of the soil by rain water. Stone tDolsand ceramic fragments are found here, but are absent below the petro.. glyph panels. Most of the llthics observed are coarse..grained flakes, some with concave re.. touch, but the majority are crude, non..diagnos.. tic implements. The various modification traces on the rock surfaces of this site can readily be divided into three groups on the basisof differentmorpholo.. gies and ages.The polished dishesappear more recent than the petroglyphs on the soft sand.. stone, and these in turn are clearlyyounger than the cupules on the significantly more weathering..resistant quartzite of the dyke for.. mation. There are several other featUreson the rock surfaces that help us to create a relative time frame of various processesand events that have contributed to the present geomorphic exposures. For instance, there is a distinctive difference in the weathering of the lowermost meter or so of the sandstone slope,the zone just above the present sediment levelbelowthe site's main panel. This zone shows relatively little

surface deterioration in comparison to the rest of the slope. Almost certainly this indicates a previous higher sediment level during a long period of the past, and that the lowerpart of the slope was only exposed to weathering relatively recently. This is readily confirmed by the ab.. sence of petroglyphs at this lower level, and their commencement immediately above the conspicuous blank zone. Also, there are several areas of heat..induced exfoliation, usually also exhibiting distinctive reddening of thin edges and prominent aspects of the rock surface topography. This discoloration, also found further up on the sandstone slope, is no doubt the result of dehydration of goethite contained in the sandstone to the more stable hematite, which accounts for the distinctive change in . color from brown to red. These examples of surface heat spalling and reddening of the rock indicate almost certainly the former presence of

hearths.
Of particular importance to reconstructing the geological history of the Inca Huasi petroglyph site are distinctive erosion phenom.. ena on the SSW side of the dyke, i.e., on the near..vertical cliff facing the river, which has been pounded by fluvial erosive forces in the past. At present, the top of this cliff reaches a height of 12 to 15 m above the river in the area where the petroglyphsare distributed (Figure2). Ancient damage can be found, especiallyat the top of the rock formation, where it relates to a time when the river was at a significantlyhigher level. All vertical edges of the cliff facing the direction of water flow have been extensively battered at all levels, whereas similar edges on the 'off..side', i.e., those not exposed to the kinetic impact of the river cobbles, show no corresponding damage. Individual impact marks are often easily recognizable,and there are even caseswherethe point of percussion and radial lines remain discernible (Figure3). This raises the possibility that some of these flake scars may actually be the result ofsome anthropic action, ofquarrying

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..

278

side awayfrom the river, a slope of softer sand.. stone averaging230 towards NNE. Petroglyphs occur both on this slope and on the part of the dykeimmediately above it, over an area of c. 30 m by 20 m. All those on the quartzite dyke are cupules, while those on the sandstone comprise cupules,circleswith central pit, a waveline, and linear grooves. The cupules on the sandstone slope are usually arranged to form linear sets, while those on the dyke above it are apparently distributed randomly, often covering small panels completely. At an elevation higher than the uppermost petroglyphs, just above a recently constructed concrete irrigation channel, isan area ofsloping sandstone pavement covered by numerous horizontal polished grindingdishes,each around 50 or 60 cm long. These are better preserved than the petroglyphs on the sametype of rock, and are spatially separate from them. In the same area numerous artifacts occurring on the surfaceofa sediment have either been deposi.ted there, or have been washed out of the soil by rain water. Stone tools and ceramic fragments are found here, but are absent below the petro.. glyph panels. Most of the lithics observed are coarse..grained flakes, some with concave re.. touch, but the majority are crude, non..diagnos.. tic implements. The various modification traces on the rock surfaces of this site can readily be divided into three groups on the basisof differentmorpholo.. gies and ages.The polished dishesappear more recent than the petroglyphs on the soft sand.. stone, and these in turn are clearlyyounger than the cupules on the significantly more weathering..resistant quartzite of the dyke for.. mation. There are several other features on the rock surfaces that help us to create a relative time frame of various processesand events that have contributed to the present geomorphic exposures. For instance, there is a distinctive difference in the weathering of the lowermost meter or so of the sandstone slope,the zone just above the present sediment levelbelowthe site's main panel. This zone shows relatively little

surface deterioration in comparison to the rest of the slope. Almost certainly this indicates a previous higher sediment level during a long period of the past, and that the lowerpart of the slope was only exposed to weathering relatively recently. This is readily confirmed by the ab.. sence of petroglyphs at this lower level, and their commencement immediately above the conspicuous blank zone. Also, there are several areas of heat..induced exfoliation, usually also exhibiting distinctive reddening of thin edges and prominent aspects of the rock surface topography. This discoloration, also found further up on the sandstone slope, is no doubt the result of dehydration of goethite contained in the sandstone to the more stable hematite, which accounts for the distinctive change in . color from brown to red. These examples of surface heat spalling and reddening of the rock indi~ate almost certainly the former presence of hearths. Of particular importance to reconstructing the geological history of the Inca Huasi petroglyph site are distinctive erosion phenom.. ena on the SSW side of the dyke, i.e., on the near..vertical cliff facing the river, which has been pounded by fluvial erosive forces in the past. At present, the top of this cliff reaches a height of 12 to 15 m above the river in the area where the petroglyphsare distributed (Figure2). Ancient damage can be found, especiallyat the top of the rock formation, where it relates to a time when the river was at a significantlyhigher level. All vertical edges of the cliff facing the direction of water flow have been extensively battered at all levels, whereas similar edges on the 'off..side', i.e., those not exposed to the kinetic impact of the river cobbles, show no correspohding damage. Individual impact marks are often easily recognizable,and there are even caseswherethe point of percussion and radial lines remain
discernible (Figure 3). This raises the possibility that some of these flake scars may actually be the result of some anthropic action, of quarrying

279..

Bednarik: PetToglyphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Bolivia on the one that isfar more resistant to weather.. ing .processes. While it is possible that, the harder quartzite was sought out specifically, this alternative explanation is not convincing. Nevertheless, I am unable to offer the taphonomic version as a falsifiableproposition, hence I shall abstain from basing any further deductions on it. I am on more solid ground when I consider the characteristics of the early cupule tradition and its support surface. AI.. though the quartzite is incompletely metamor.. phosed, grains and 'cement' form a reasonably homogenous whole. The cupules lack peck marks, being rather smooth and well shaped. Under the binocular microscope the deep re.. treat of the cement is, however, amplyevident, and has resulted in a deeply eroded micro.. topography that is entirely indistinguishable from that of any adjacent, unworked surface. This applies equally to horizontal and vertical panels. Microerosion analysis (Bednarik 1~93a) is not possible becau~e no originally fractured edges are detectable, and also because someof the cupules are covered by eroding mineral accretions. A series of pH readings taken from rainwater collected in several cupules and other recesseson top of the quartzite dykerangesfrom pH 5.6 to 6.1 (mean pH 6.0). Ofparticular significance is the observation that the amount of weathering evident in the lichen..free early cupules on vertical surfacesis practically indistinguishable from the most recent of the edge..battering scars in their close proximity, when both are examined microscopi.. cally. We must therefore assume that the pro.. duction of the early cupules commenced rela.. tively soon after the river had exposed the dyke essentially as it is today. While this provides solidrelative dating information for these petro.. glyphs,it does not solve the question of the real age of this tradition: we do not as yet know at what time the river was 10..12 m above its present level. However, nearby archaeological finds would suggest that this could have been the case during the early part of the Holoceneat the latest. .

the rock as a source of stone tool material. This is, however, unlikely, because:

a .. the rock, while partially metamorphosed to

quartzite, is not of sufficient quality to serve for the production of good lithic tools; b .. the flakes removed indicate no well..directed

blows, and are usually too small for stone implements; c .. the kinetic damage occurs evenly down the
cliff and the direction of percussion is always the same, horizontally;

d ..the relative weathering of the impact scars indicates a progressive loweringof the river level; and e ..theedgesmost easilyaccessiqlefor quarrying, e.g., ori the. uppermost surfaces, have not been affected in this way,onlyvertical edges. The details so far described are only some of those observed, but they should sufficeto pro.. vide some basiC mformation concerning the recent geomorphologicalhistory ofthe site. The petroglyphscan.be chronologicallyslotted into thisrelative framework,through variousmeans. In describingthis rock art I beginwith the oldest tradition present at Inca Huasi. The early cupule tradition The most conspicuous characteristic of this tradition is that it is entirely restricted to the hard quartzite surfaces of the dyke formation, i.e., there are no similar random panels of very early cupules on the softer sandstone slope. In considering this curious distribution pattern we need to appreciate that to produce a cupule on the quartzite was vastly more difficult than to produce a cupule of equal dimensions on the much softer sandstone. The taphonomic expla.. nation to account for the extant distribution pattern, the most logicalone can offer,wouldbe that the cupules were most probablyproduced on both typesof surfaces,but have survivedonly

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,280
The polished dishes To the NNW of the 'late petroglyphs', i.e., slightly higher up the mountain slope, but on the same sandstone facies, occurs a concentra, tion of polished dish,shaped depressions,cover, ing much of an area measuring about 5 m across. Microscopic study of these perhaps utilitarian surfaces offers considerable insight into their production and weathering. The grains of this facies are mostly 70,240 j.tmmaximum size,and there is little retreat evident in the amorphous silicacement, relative to the abrasion,truncated grains. At the surface, all grains are truncated horizontally (Figure4), through abrasionwith a stone of a similar hardness to that of the bed, rock. This isevident from the waythe individual quartz grains are worn: primarily by micro, chipping from the perimeter of each grain. Striations across the ground surface of each grain are rarely observed, and where they do occur they are very faint. They are oriented in both principal directions, indicating that the pestle was moved horizontally as well as in the direction of the hill's slope. Locally, erosion pock marks are evident, measuring up to 1 rom across,but they are neither dense nor deep, and again there islittle retreat evident in the cement within them. This retreat amounts to about30% of that found in the recent petroglyph tradition at the site. The truncated grains are generallyof frosted appearance. The excellent preservation of these polished surfaces renders reliable microerosion analysis possible, particularly as the truncation surface usually forms an angle of close to 90 with the emerging side surfaces of each grain (Figure4). Care needs to be taken only to distinguish reliably between micro,chipping and actual micro,wanes. One of the polished dishes was selected randomly for metrical analysis,and an area measuring less than 20 mm2was scanned syst~maticallyat 80 x. A total of 35 micro,wane width measurements (Bednarik 1992, 1993a) was secured from this small area. They are summarised in a histogram (Figure5) showinga range of8,15 j.tm(mean 10.97 j.tm).This repre,

The early cupules on top of the ridge are generallyof averagediameter forcupulesworld, wide, and 3..21 nun deep, but there are also a few exceptionally large examples, including three of the four present on top of a free,stand, ing rock tower that marks the western end of the site. The smallest are generallyin the order of 3 em, the largest in the order of 15 em in diameter. The later petroglyph tradition In contrast to the unstructured arrangements of the early cupules at Inca Huasi, the more recent petroglyph tradition is quite structured, and appears to relate to an entirely different behavior pattern. Cupules are aligned in linear sets in most cases, and the peck marks remain distinctly recognizable despite the much softer nature of the rock. These petroglyphs are re, stricted to an area of 20 x 8 m on the sandstone slope that survived the river's erosionbecause of the protection offered by the quartzite dyke. This sandstone is subjected to granular exfoJia, tion, and under magnification,the surfaceof the peck marks is quite.eroded and exhibits a deep retreat of the silica cement. A widespreadblack deposit on these petroglyphs resembles an accretionary patina visually,but consists in fact of lichen growth comprising two distinctive species of lichen. The various linear groove petroglyphs in the same area offer a similar pattern of erosion and are very likelyto be from the same period. Because this tradition is executed on a much less weathering,resistant rock type than the early cupules, it is very difficultto estimate the relative age relationship. The absence of peck marks in the old cupules tends to emphasizethe age difference greatly, but caution is advisable here. It is quite possible that the relative hard, ness of the quartzite led to much lessdistinctive peck marks. Nevertheless, on the basis of the microscopic study I am confident in proposing that the early cupules are at the veryleast twice as old as the later petroglyph tradition, but are likelyto be several times as old.

281..

Bednarik: Petroglyphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Bolivia nent, and willbe based on a variety of analytical techniques.

sents a fairly reliable microerosion value, and if a quartz calibration curve were available for the Mizque Valley region, it could be readily trans..

The present paper, however, is guided by a less ambitious rationale. The information from Inca Huasi is presented on its own, without In the absence of such a calibration curve I seeking support in other data. In this way, resort to using the Grosio (Italy) curve, which confirmationist argument is avoided, which, I also falls within the Lake Onega (Russia) cali.. believe, is the correct way to develop a sound brationrange.Accordingly, andinfullapprecia.. . regional chronology for central Bolivian rock tion of the qualifications that apply to such art. substitution, the polished surface analysed at Inca Huasi would be EI028 j: 300 years old if In presenting the data from Inca Huasi I the Grosio calibration values are accepted as emphasize that they must not be interpreted relevant.1 This procedure deserves full confi.. without due regard for the various qualifications dence, because recendy I obtained a very reli.. that apply to them. Direct dating results are ablecalibration curve from safelydated surfaces ~cientific, not because they are thought to be in northern Portugal, taken from a Roman precise, true or factual, but because they are granite bridge in Vila Real and fromtwo Roman presented as falsifiable propositions (Bednarik inscriptions at the famous site of Pan6iiis. The 1996). They are testable without necessarily climatic conditions are reasonably similar to resorting to induction, the application of alter.. those of the.Mizque valley, and the Portuguese native methods, or other modes of reasoning, Inter.. curve is very similar to the Grosio calibration. i.e., confirmationor uniformitarianism. Therefore the results reported here are probably preting scientific data in a simplistic fashion leads to their misuse and distortion, as has mor~reliable than I am willingto accept. already happened frequendy in direct rock art Interpretation dating (Bednarik 1994, 1996). This can be avoided in the Bolivian research program by A discussion of possible relationships be.. referring readers to the extensive literature on tween the three phases of site use observed at this topic, and by stating the most obvious Inca Huasi and the various other petroglyph qualifications. sites in central Bolivia would be very useful (consider, for instance, the very similar cupule In the present paper I offer a numerical value rows at Toro Muerto and Lakatambo), but it as the possible age of one of the many polished surfaces at Inca Huasi. This does not mean that may be premature at this stage. Even though extensive direct dating evidence is now avail.. the remaining similar dished surfacesat this site able to us for several other petroglyph sites in necessarilyhave to be of a similar age, although this region, such correlations are not developed that does appear be the case. As already men.. on this occasion because they willbe discussed tioned, the 'date' given for one anthropic rock surface isnot a date in the conventional archae.. elsewhere.I should point out, nevertheless, that a tentative first chronologicalmodel of the ological sense, it must be read in the context of region'sprincipalpetroglyphtraditionsis immi.. certain logical reservations: there is the lack of a valid calibration curvej the lack of opportUnity to use a second component mineral as required under the basic methodology of microerosion arlalysis (this is not possible in siliceous sand.. 1The conventional way of stating microerosional age stone or quartzite)j and the lack of petroglyph.. estimates is to place a capital "En in front of the number to indicate that the date is erosion-derived. producing stone tools from Inca Huasi. (None
polishing action.

lated into a numerical age estimate for the

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

282

were found. These can be and have been dated independently of the petroglyphsin somecases, including in Bolivia.) Finally,there is a seriesof minor qualifications, such as those concerning the type(s) of crystalline quartz present at the site, which was not determined. It wouldbe too complex to elaborate on the potential effectsof each of these qualifications, but in considering them realisticallyI arrive at the conclusion that there is a very high probabilitythat the true age of the polished surface in question, i.e., the time it waslast treated, liesbetween E730and E1330 years BP. If a calibration curve for the region were determined, the error margin would be quantified, and it would be very significantly reduced if two mineral components could be calibrated and analyzed. . This may seem a rather large tolerance factor but this result is, nevertheless, invaluable as a first building block in constructing a sound chronology for central Bolivian petroglyph traditions. The recent petroglyphsat Inca Huasi show a cement retreat of more than three times that in the polished surfaces, which suggests that they may be in the order of two to three times as old (the solution of the cement is thought to increase with progressingrecession). Therefore we can estimate the linear petroglyphs arid arranged cupules on the sandstone slope to be roughly between 1500 and 4000 years old. Unfortunately we cannot extrapolate in a similarfashion to the age of the random cupules on the quartzite dyke of Inca Huasi, because of the significantly different lithology and the absence of any quantitative microerosion data for this tradition. However, that tradition seems almost as old as the time when the dyke was initially exposed by fluvial action. While this provides no numerical value of age, the dyke may have been first exposed during the final Pleistocene or early Holocene. The main problem with estimating the antiquity of the early cupules is that we cannot be sure whether their spatial restriction to the resistant quartzite is a taphonomic phenomenon, although this is

suggestedto be the case. If it were thus attributable to selective survival, i.e.,if similar cupules on the soft sandstone have entirely eroded, then this tradition is very likely to be of the final Pleistocene. If this assumption is incorrect, the early cupules ofInca Huasi wouldmost probably be of the early Holocene. For the time being this matter cannot be resolved but we note the recent discovery of very archaic petroglyphs in Cueva Epullan Grande, Argentina, which appear to be of the late Pleistocene (Crivelli M. and Fernandez 1996). It is to be expected that further such archaic petroglyphs, which often include cupules, willbe identified in the Americas, and I predict that they will be found either in wellsheltered locations (e.g.,caves) or on extremely weathering.;resistant rock (primarilyquartzite). It is to be noted that taphonomically determined attribute profiles of extremely old petroglyphtraditions in other continents consistently comply with this logical.prediction. The oldest known petroglyphs in the world occur on fully metamorphosed quartzite in deep caves (Bednarik 1993b; Kumar 1996), in the form of cupules. I believe that the above information concerning the apparent antiquities of the three use phases of Inca Huasi,. however limited and vague, provides reliable first glimpsesof the ages of petroglyph traditions in the central Bolivian provided that these data are used mountains

with the appropriate restraint, and are not

archaeologically misinterpreted.

Acknowledgments I thank.RoyQuerejazu Lewisfor his enthusiastic support of all my research work in Bolivia, and for taking me to Inca Huasi on two occasions. My thanks are also due to the three referees of this paper for their constructive comments.

283..
References Cited
Bednarik, Robert G. 1988 EI arte rupestre Boliviano

Bednarik: Petrogl:yphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Bolivia

1996 Only Time Will Tell: a Review of the Methodol~

ogy of Direct Rock Art Dating. Archaeometry

vista desde el exterior.

SlARB Boletin 2:22~28.

1992 A New Method to Date Petroglyphs. Archaeome~

try 34(2}:279~291.

1993a Geoarchaeological Dating of Petroglyphs at Lake

Onega, Russia. Geoarchaeology 8.(6}:443~463 1993b Palaeolithic Art in India. Man and Environment

18(2}:33~40.
Dating. Prehistoire Anthropologie

1994 Conceptual Pitfalls in PalaeolithicRock Art

Medite7Taneennes

3:95~ 102. 1995a The Age of the COa Valley Petroglyphs in Portu~ gal. Rock Art Research 12 (2) :86-103. 1995b The COa Petroglyphs: An Obituary to the Stylistic Dating of Palaeo lithic Rock-art. Antiquity 69:877 883.

38(1):1~13. Crivelli Montero, Eduardo and Mabel M. Fernmdez 1996 Palaeoindian Bedrock Petroglyphs at Epulllin Grande Cave, Northern Patagonia, Argentina. RockArt Research 13:124-128. Kumar, Giriraj 1996 Daraki-Chattan: a Palaeolithic Cupule site in India. RockArt Research 13:38-46. Querejazu Lewis,Roy, editor 1992 ArterupestT'e colonial ':Irepublicana de Bolivia':I Paises vecmos. Contribudones at EstUdiodel Arte Rupestre Sudamericano 3, La Paz: Sociedad de Investigaci6n del Arte Rupestre de Bolivia. Watchman, Alan 1995. Recent Petroglyphs, Faz COa,Portugal. RockArt Research12(2):104-108.

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285

Bednarik: Petrogl'Yphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Bolivia

Figure2. Cupuleson the top of the quartzite dyke,with the UyuchamaRivervisiblebelow.IncaHuasi petroglyphsite,centralBolivia.

ANDEAN

PAST

~ (2000)

..286

Figure 3. Impact mark on vertical edge of the quartzite dyke, with radial lines clearly visible. The impact is due to fluvial action. Inca Huasi.

287..

Bednarik: Petroglyphs of IncaHuasi,Cochabamba, Bolivia

100 JUIl

Figure4.Schematic section through polished dish surface at Inca Huasi, showing the abrasion..truncated quartz grains, the retreating amorphous silica cement, and the locations (arrows) of micro..wanes measured for analysis.

rs
1200

mean

----------800

400

10

12

14

16~m

Figure5. Histogram of35 micro..wane widths nom the polished surface analyzedat Inca Huasi, projected onto the Grosio calibration curve for crystalline quartz.

loCATING

THE PuZOLANA OBSIDIAN SOURCE: TIlE GEOLOGIC SOURCE OF AYACUCHO TYPE OBSIDIAN

Richard L. Burger
Yale University

and Michael D. Glascock

University of Missouri Research Reactor

Introduction In the study of Andean obsidiancarried out byRichard Burger and Frank Asaroin the 1970s at the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory (LBL), only two chemical types of obsidian were en, countered among the Preceramic artifacts recoveredbyAyacucho,HuantaArchaeological, Botanical Project (Burger and Asaro 1977, 1978, 1979). These were assumed to corre, spond to two geological sources of volcanic glass. One of these obsidian types,referred to as the Ayacucho Type, constituted about 12% of the 66 Preceramic artifacts fromAyacucho that were tested. Artifacts of this chemical type came from a range of Ayacucho Basin Prece, ramie sites ,located in varying habitats and temporal placements. Burger and Asaro con, eluded that the Ayacucho Type wasone of eight obsidiantypes utilizedin the Central Andes, but its geologic source remained unknown. AI, though a large sample of sites and artifacts was included in the initial study, including many specimensfrom]unfn to the north ofAyacucho and Andahuaylas to the east of Ayacucho, artifacts of Ayacucho Type obsidianwere never encountered in samples from outside of the Ayacucho Basin (Figure1). This ledBurger and Asaro to hypothesize that obsidian of the Ayacucho Type came from a "local".source within the Basin. This hypothesis,whilereason.. able, led inevitably to the question of why, if it was true, another chemical type (known as Quispisisa) from outside the Ayacucho Basin
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 289..307.

wasused throughout prehistory more frequently within the valley than the Ayacucho Type. The trace element compositionofAyacucho Type Obsidian was originally based on X,Ray Fluorescence (XRF) analysis of eight obsidian flakes from RS. MacNeish's excavations at Preceramic sites in Ayacucho. These artifacts came from the sites of Ac102 (Ayamachay), Ac158 (Puente Cave), and Ac500 (Chupas Cave) (Burger and Asaro 1978: table 4). Four 'of these same flakes'from Ayamachay, Chupas Cave, and Puente Cave also were analyzedby 10ng..Neutron Activation Analysis (NM) in order to provide precise compositions for addi, tional trace elements (Burger and Asaro 1978: table 1). Knowledge of the Ayacucho Type's chemical composition wasfurther refinedby the XRF analysis of five obsidian flakes from the EarlyHorizon mound ofChupas (Ar23) (Burger and Asaro 1982). Over the subsequent two decades, until 1999, no new information came to light on the source of Ayacucho Type Obsidian or why it was not more widely used. The present article provides empirical evidence which places the location of the source of Ayacucho Type obsid.. ian in the zone between Chupas and Cerro Campanayocc within the central Ayacucho Basin. Data are offered which confirm this identification through NAA of source samples at the Missouri University Research Reactor. The new information raises the possibilitythat the specific geologic nature of this obsidian

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

- 290

deposit with its intrinsic limitationswasresponsiblefor the source not being utilizedintensively during most of Andean prehistory. The case study of Ayacucho Type Obsidian helps us to understand the more general pattern of dominant and minor obsidian sourcesin Prehispanic Peru, and it suggests the great importance ascribed to high quality lithic material by the early setders of the Andes. Location of the source During the 1980s and early 1990s,political instability in the Ayacucho region discouraged the search for obsidian sources, but with the return of peace to the area, it was possible to pursue questions left unresolved in earlier decades. In April 1999, Burger, accompanied by Peruvian archaeologist Jose Pinilla, traveled to the city of Ayacucho to follow"up on leads concerning the location of the obsidian source known as Quispisisa (Burger and Glascock 2000). Ayacucho archaeolo~t JoseOchatoma put them in contact with mining engineer BIas Cardenas, who had an intimate knowledge of the local geology. In"the ensuing discussions, BIasCardenas referred to the presence of obsidian nodules in a layer of volcanic tuffrecognized locally as a ~olana.1 According to BIas Cardenas, this geological stratum begins at the southern edge of the city of Ayacucho and continues for many kilometers to the south. He had observed that concentrations of obsidian inclusions within the puzolanalayervaried, but they wereparticularlydense abovethe hamlet of Chupas where the geologicallayerhad been cut by the recent construction of the Cachi Canal. In his Ayacucho office, BIas Cardenas showed Burger and Pinilla examples of unworked nod-

ules from the puzolana stratum and the quality of this volcanic glass appeared to be extremely high. However, none of the nodules was larger than 4 cm on a side. On April 22, 1999 Burger, Pinilla, and Ochatoma drove to the section of the Cachi Canal described by BIas Cardenas. Chupas is located approximately 7 km to the south of Ayacucho and 7.5 km northwest of the town of Chiara at approximately 3500 meters abovesea level (masl), about 250 m in elevation above Chupas (Figure2). Numerous obsidiannodules and flakes were scattered along the flat ground that comprises the platform of the canal. Nod, ules of volcanic glass also could be observed in situ eroding out of the layer of light tuff; this stratum was over 20 meters thick (Figure 3). Most of the nodules were only 1 cm on a side but some that were 3,4 em on a side were also encountered, although they were not common. Above the layer of rhyolitic tuff was a depositof poorly sorted materials' with angular stones, which appeared to be of glacial origin. Burger, Pinilla, and Ochatoma walked for 1.5 km along the standing geological profile and confirmed that this pattern continued unchanged. There was no worked obsidian nor was there degraded or flawed volcanic glass (which typicallyshows inclusions, cracking, or bubbles). Many of the nodules had black streaking and a few 'had reddish coloration due to iron impurities. A large sample of the nodules was taken for analy, sis at the MissouriUniversity Research Reactor to determine whether their trace element chemistry matched that of the Ayacucho Type arti, facts. In subsequent discussionSat the Universidad Nacional de San Crist6bal de Huamanga several local archaeologists commented that small obsidian nodules also could be found on the slopes immediately to the south of the city of Ayacucho. On April 23, 1999, a short trip was made with archaeologist Martha Cabrera Romero to Cerro Campanayocc, located 3 km south of Ayacucho, in order to evaluate information that the northern continuation of the

1~olana (Spanish), pozzolana (English),or pottmJlana (Italian) is a type ofvolcanic ash named for the geological type deposit near Pozzuolion the Bay of Naples (OED 1999, s.t'.). Although the term is employed in Roman archaeology and in the building and cement industries to refer to construction material taken from pozzolana deposits, these usages are not evoked in the present nomenclature [Editor'snote].

291

Burger & Glascock: puzolana Obsidian Source

geological stratum of rhyolitic tuff contains obsidian nodules. Located 3 Ian northeast of the Chupas exposure and at 3400 masl,the layer looked very similar to that' encountered the day before. A road cut had exposed over 10 m of the puzolanastratum and similarinclusionswere encountered (Figure 4). Once again, most of the nodules measured approximately'1em on a side, but larger nodules of high quality obsidian 3 em on a side were sometimes found. The cut was examined for about 1 km in a southerly direction and this pattern continued. Once again, the obsidian varied from black to clear with black streaks and it was of uniformlyhigh quality. In geologicterms, it isunweathered and unretrograded. As in the Chupas exposure, no worked obsidian was found. Jay Ague, a Yale geologist specializing in petrology, had the opportunity to examine the obsidian samples taken from the Chupas and Cerro Campanayocc exposures (Figure5). He concluded that they looked very similar and, judging from the photographs of the exposures, appeared to come from the same the same deposit, although until NAA resultswere avail~ able,alternative explanations couldnot be ruled out. Ague observed that both samplesincluded banded obsidians which result from flow pro~ cesses. He also noted that the obsidian recov~ ered is basically globs of molten silicate of the kind which form in heterogeneous magma chambers containing silicate melt and crystals. The obsidian nodules have irregularsideswhich are rounded but not entirely roundj in fact, most have some flat irregular sides probably due to the conditions in which they hardened. The general rounding may have come from being blown out of the volcano. It was possible to locate the two collection sites within the region'~ geology using the INGEMMET monograph on the Ayacucho Quadrangle (Morche et al. 1995). Both groups of samples had been taken from the Miembro Inferior of the Ayacucho Formation (Nm~Ay1) in the deposit referred to as puzolana(Ibid.:81). The puzolana layer is reported to be composed

mostly of volcanic glass, quartz crystals, feld~ spars, and some pumice clasts. It is almost horizontalin positionand reaches 30~ 50 m in thickness in some spots (Ibid.:81). In the mono~ graph's account, the Formation resulted from explosive volcanic activity. This pattern of activity tends to produce viscous products such as those responsible for the obsidian nodules recovered, according to Jay Ague (personal communication, May 1,1999). On the geologi~ cal map (27~n),this formation is shown as mid~ Miocene in date, and in an appendix of radio~ metric dates (Morcheetal. 1995: 105), sevenK~ Ar dates are included for the Ayacucho Forma~ tion, ranging from 6.0:t0.6 to 7.7 :to.2 million years ago (mya). One measurement (AYA~81~ 08) is of special interest because was taken on obsidian in tuff. It yielded a date of 7.6:t0.2 mya (Megard et al. 1984). Above the Miembro Inferior of the Ayacu~ cho Formation lies the more effusiveformation known as the Miembro Superior. This appar~ ently incorporated at least one obsidian flowin the zone of Chaupiorcco (Figure 2) (Morche et al. 1995:42). The authors note that there is a conspicuousrelation of a hydrothermal anomaly in the area with the presence of a rhyolitic obsidian flow (Ibid.:40~41). At the time of Richard S. MacNeish's work in Ayacucho, MacNeish provided Burger with pieces of geo~ logicobsidian fromthe Tukumachay area 10km north of Chaupiorcco (Burger and Asaro 1978: 65; MacNeish personal communication 1999). The obsidian from near Tukumachay had been naturally altered, perhaps by hydrothermal activity, thus producing cracking and discolor~ ation. Its cloudy and opaque appearance was due to the devitrification of the original glass. This obsidian sotirce material stands in marked contrast to the obsidian collected in the older puzolana stratum to the north. The source samples from near Tukumachay would have been inappropriate for the production of arti~ facts because the structural flawsin the material prevented it frombeing chipped in a controlled

manner.2 NAA analysis (845 X BURG 60) at LBL of a sample of source obsidian collected from near Tukumachay demonstrated that its chemical composition did not match either that of the Ayacucho Type or that of Quispisisa obsidian (Burgerand Asaro 1977:39'40,65,71). In contrast, as will be seen in the following section, the samplescollected near Chupas and Cerro Campanayocc analyzed at MURR were both found to have the same compositionas the Ayacucho Type obsidian artifactscharacterized at LBL. Because the layer with the obsidian inclusions extends over a broad area,we suggest that this source of Ayacucho Type Obsidian be referred to in the future as the PuzolanaObsid, ian Source after the distinctive geologicallayer in which the nodules are encountered. Neutron Activation Analysis of puzolana obsidian samples at MURR
Sample preparation

first cleaning the surfaces using tap water and a toothbrush. Acetone and ethyl alcohol were used to remove all identification markingsmade with ink and/or fingernail polish from the sur, faces. The cleaned specimens were cut with a diamqnd,edged trim saw and gently reduced to smaller fragments of 10,25 mg sizeusing a clean ceramic mortar and pestle. Individualfragments were sorted under a magnifyingglassto remove those with inclusions, crush fractures, or metal, licstreaks. Analytical sampleswereprepared for the two separate irradiations procedures em, ployed at MURR by weighing them into the polyethylene vialsand quartz vialsused forshort and long irradiations, respectively. For the short irradiations, a 100 mg aliquot of fragments was used, and for long irradiations, a 250mg aliquot of fragments was used. In both instances, sam, pIe weights were recorded to the nearest 0.01 mg. Along with the source samples, reference standards were similarly prepared from SRM, 278 Obsidian Rock and SRM,1633a Fly Ash

(Glascocket al. 1998).

Irradiation and measurement

Two artifacts and ten source samplesattrib, uted to Puzolana were analyzedbyNAA in"this study. The two artifacts (i.e.,PUEI and PUE7) are obsidian flakesfrom the site ofPuente Cave. PUEI was found in Zone XIII (12,6), while PUE7 was recovered from Zone XII (12,5a). Garcia Cook and MacNeish (1981:105) esti, mate the date of these zones as 6900:!:150 BC and 6500:t200 BC, respectively. Both were originallyanalyzed at Lawrence BerkeleyLabo, ratory and classifiedas belongingto the Ayacu, cho Type (Burger and Asaro 1977:61). Four source samples from the Chupas exposure and sixsource samplesfromthe CerroCampanayocc exposure were analyzed for the first time for comparison with the two obsidianartifacts from Puente Cave. All twelve samplesin this study wereprepared for neutron activation analysisby

"

Neutron activation analysis of obsidian at MURRinvolvesone or two irradiations followed by one or three measurements, respectively,to measure betWeen 6 and 27 elements. The first procedure employs a short irradiation in se, quential fashion of the samples in polyethylene vials for five seconds in a neutron flux of 8 x 1013n cm,2 S'l followed by a 25 minute decay and 12,minute count with a high,purity germa, nium (HPGe) detector. By measuring the emitted radioactive gammaraysand comparison to the standards, the concentrations of up to six elements (i.e., Ba, CI, Dr, K, Mn, and Na) can be determined. This short irradiation procedure

at MURRis frequentlycalledour abbreviated,.

NAA procedure and is often satisfactory to determine sources for a large percentage of artifacts in most geographic regions (see Glascock et al. [1994] for more information). The second procedure involves a long irradia, tion of the quartz vials in batches of approxi, mately 30 unknowns along with standard refer,

2 The outcrop of obsidian at Chaupiorcco has not been sampled. but the presence of hydrothermal activity there

may have had a negative impact on this deposit of

volCanic glass.

293,
ence materials for 70 hours in a neutron flux of 5 x 1013 n cniz S.lwhich is followedby a pair of measurements. The first count afterlong irradi, ation occurs one week after the end of irradia, tion for 2000 seconds and the second count takes place about four weeks later for three hours on each sample and standard. The long irradiation procedure enables measurement of seven elements during a first count: Ba, La, Lu, Nd, Sm, V, and Yb; and fifteen additional elements during the second count: Ce, Co, Cs, Eu, Fe, Hf, Rb, Sb, Sc, Sr, Ta, Tb, Th, Zn, and Zr. Results The individual NAA data listing element concentrations for the ten source samples and the two artifacts fromPuente Cave attributed to the Puwlana Source are shown in Table 1. Table 2 lists the means and standard deviations for the specimens. It is notable that relative to other obsidian'sources in Peru, there is a greater spreadin element concentrations for the Puzola, na artifacts.3 II! particular, the elements Mn and Na often used in the abbreviated,NAA method show much larger coefficientsof varia, tion for Puzolana. Bivariate plotsofMn vs Na, Mn VB. Ba,nd Cs vs Hf are presented in Figures 6,8 showing the Puzolana artifacts relative to other obsidian sources in Peru. The plot with the short' lived elements Mn and Ba in Figure 7 differentiates Puzolana from all sources except Andahuaylas Type A. The long,lived elements Cs and Hf plotted in Figure 8 are successfulin separating Puzolana from all of the other sources. The match between the artifacts and source samples is excellent and allows the identification of the Puzolana deposit as the source of raw material for the two Ayacucho Type Obsidian artifacts tested here and the

Burger & Glascock:puzolana Obsidian Source

otherprehistoricartifactsanalyzed in the earlier LBLstudy.

Chemically heterogeneous sources have been documented previouslyin Ecuador (Asaro et al. 1994), Guatemala (Braswelland Glascock 1998), and other parts of the world (e.g.Bow, man etal. 1973). Additional fieldgeologywould be necessary to 'explain the chemical heteroge, neity observed in the Puzolana Source un, worked nodules and the prehistoric artifacts produced from raw materials recovered at this source. Nevertheless, it has been observedthat large pyroclastic eruptions resulting in massive ash,flow sheets with obsidian inclusions some, times are characterized by chemicallyheteroge, neous obsidian. This is the result of combining materials from different portions of a chemically zoned magma chamber (Braswelland Glascock 1998:359; Hughes and Smith 1993:85). The Puzolana Source may be an example of this process.
'

Discussion The evidence presented indicates that Ayacucho Type Obsidian occurs naturally in the mid,Miocene puzolanalayer in the formofsmall irregular nodules. The layer in which they can be collected stretches for at least three kilome, ters from near the southern edge of the modem city of Ayacucho to the hamlet of Chupas north of Chiara. Although the obsidian glassforming these nodules is of high quality, most are too small to be used for tools. The procurement of the largest nodules, measuring 3,4 cm, would have required considerable searching and/or excavation along eroded slopes. Moreover, even the largest of the nodules would not 'have been adequate for producing some implements. Byway of contrast, nodules from the Quispisisa source in central Ayacucho near Sacsamarca, some 85 km to the south, are often ten times the dimensions of those from the Puzolana Source (Burger and Glascock 2000). This difference would have been important for many kinds of tools, including large projectile points and scrapers. It islikelythat this sizedifferential

3 Some suggestion of the Puzolana source's chemical variability can be seen in NAA measurements reported (Burger and Asaro 1977: 65-71) for the five Ayacucho Source artifacts analyzed.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000).

..294 that the obsidianflakestested fromthe archaeo, logical site of Tukumchay all came from the Quispisisa Source rather than from the nearby low..qualitydeposit of volcanic glasssampledby MacNeish near Tukumachay or the local Puzolana Source to the north. In several. respects, the above results are consistent with the results of our ongoing work elsewhere on obsidian procurement in the Central Andes. The findings illustrate that those very few sources of high quality obsidian that exist in Peru were located and exploited at an early date (cf. Sandweiss et al. 1998) while obsidian of low quality was systematicallyig, nored by manufacturers of lithic artifacts. Despite the portrait of the early hunters and gatherers of the Early and Middle Preceramic Periods as leading circumscribed and isolated lives adapted to local resources, the obsidian .sourcingdata from Ayacucho suggestsa consid, erable degree of contact by the early occupants with areas outside the valley. . The opportunistic exploitation in Ayacucho of a local obsidian source featuring small nod, ules while at the same time favoring a more distant obsidian source which featured larger nodules issimilar to the pattern recently chroni.. cled for the Carahuarazo Valley in southern Ayacucho. Residents there exploited obsidian from the local ]ampatilla Source while at the same time importing large quantities ofvolcanic glass from the more distant Quispisisa Source (Burgeret al. 1998). In the Ayacucho Valley, the pattern of dual obsidian procurement from the Quispisisaand Puzolana sources continued at least until the Early Intermediate Period (1..500 A.D.). For example, the sample of obsidian(n = 12) ana.. lyzedfrom the late EarlyHorizon/EarlyInterme, diate Period site of Chupas (Burger and Asaro 1982, 1993:211)excavated by Augusto Cruzatt included 11 samples from late Early Horizon strata. Six of these were from the nearby Puzo, lana Source, whilefive were from the Quispisisa Source. The single sample tested from the
.

in the source material was responsible for the preference so often shown for Quispisisaobsid,

ian, despite the considerabledistance from whichit had to be brought.

Despite the inherent limitations of the Puzolana Source, it was sometimesused by the hunters and gatherers of Ayacucho during the Preceramic Period, constituting eight of the sixty,sixPreceramic artifacts sampled. This was true even for sites in the Ayacucho Basin 10' cated to the north of the modem city of the same name. The earliest evidence of exploita, tion of the Puzolana Source comesfrom Acl58 (Puente Cave) in the Thorn Forest Riverine Ecozone, where it appeared in zones VII, XII, XIII dated to 5050,4750 BC, 6700,6300 BC, and 7050,6750 BC, respectively (Garcia Cook and MacNeish 1981: figure 4,10). Obsidian from thePuzolana Source was alsoexploited by

the occupants of Ayamachayin the Thorn

Forest Scrub Ecozone from zone VI dated to the

Chihua Phase (3600,3000 Be) (MacNeish 1981: figure 5,7) and from rone D,1 of Ac500 (Chupas Cave) in the Humid Woodland &0' zone dated to 34OP,2500BC (Vierra 1981:141, figure 5..28). At the present time, we do not know the specific locus or loci where obsidian nodules were being collected, but all four of these Preceramic sites are within 25 km of the puzolanalayerin which the obsidiannodules can be recovered (Figure 9). Clearly, the exploita, tion pattern of the Puzolana Source was a local one during the Preceramic. It is equally important that obsidian from the more local Puzolana Source was not de.. tected in our obsidian artifact samplesfromfour sites (Acl00 [Pikimachay], Ac300 [Ruyru Rumi], Ac335 Uaywamachay], and Ac351 [Tukumachay]). This absence couldbe a One, tion of the relatively smallsample analyzed,but it is interestirig that the tWosites located in the High Puna Ecozone lacked obsidian from the Puzolana Source. In contrast, obsidianartifacts made ofraw material from the QuispisisaSource were present at all seven of the Preceramicsites studied in Ayacucho. It is also worth noting

Burger & Glascock: PUtolana Obsidian Source

upperEarlyIntermediate Period layercamefrom the puzolana Source. Apparently, this strategy had changed by the Middle Horizon (500,900 A.D.), judging from a large sample of obsidian flakes (n = 52) analyzed from the preeminent regional urban center of Huari (Ar 4). During this time, utilization of the local Puzolana
.

1978

Bolivia. Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory Report 6343:1-88. Berkeley. The Distribution and ProvenienceofPreceramic Obsidian Artifacts from the Central Highlands
and Coast of Peru. Contributions of the Uniwrsit'J
of California Archaeological
.

Research FadUt'J

36:61-83. Berkeley.
1979

Anlilisis de rasgos signmcativos en la obsidiana

Sourceappears to have been discontinuedin

favor of the intensive exploitation of material from the Quispisisa Source (Burgerand Asaro 1977:27, 32, 36) which accountedfor 96%of the obsidian utilized. To understand this shift wouldrequire an exploration ofthe mechanisms used for provisioning a large city such as Huari and the role of the state in these processes. Acknowledgements
1982

de los andes centrales.

Revista del Museo Nado-

1993

nal43:281-326. La procedencia de artefactos de obsidiana de 105 sitios formativos en.Ayacucho: Chupas y Wichqaha. Boletfndel Museo Nacional deAntropolog(a yArqueologfa 7:9-10. Lima. La distribuci6n y procedencia de artefactos de obsidiana durante el Periodo Inicial y.Horizonte Temprano. In Emergenciadela a_ciOn enlos Andes: Ensayosde interpretaciOn,pp. 189-232.

Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. Burger, Richard L. and Michael D. Glascock 2000 Locating the Quispisisa Obsidian Source in the

We gratefullyacknowledgethe assistanceof Jose Pinilla, Jose Ochatoma, and Martha Ca, brera during the fieldwork, and of Jay Ague in our treatment of the geological context. We. also acknowledge funding from the National Science Foundation Archaeometry Program Grant (SBR9802366) to MURR and additional support from the Yale University Provostial Research Fund. 'We also want to express our appreciation to Rosemary Volpe for producing the mapsand to Sharon Rodriguezfor assistance in the preparation of the manuscript. References Cited
Asaro, Frank, Ernesto Salazar, Helen V. Michel, Richard L Burger, and Fred H. Stross 1994 Ecuadorian Obsidian Sources Used for Artifact
.

Department of Ayacucho. Latin.Ameriain

Antiquit'J 11(3) 258-268.

Burger, Richard L., Katharina

J.

Schreiber, Michael D.

Glascock, and Jos~ Ccencho 1998 The Jampatilla Obsidian Source: Identifying the Geological Source of Pampas Type Obsidian Artifacts from Southern Peru. Andean Past 5: 225-239. Garcia Cook, Angel and Richard S. MacNeish

1981

The Stratigraphyof Puente,Ac 158. In Prehistory of the Ayacucho Basin, Pern 2: Excavations

and Chronology, edited by Richard S. Mac Neish,

Angel Garcia Cook, Luis G. Lumbreras, Robert K. Vierra, and Antoinette Nelken Turner, pp. 80-112. Ann ArboJ;: University of Michigan

Press. .

H. Cobean 1998 A Systematic Approachto Obsidian Source

Characterization. In
and Museum Science 3. Archaeological Obsidian Studies: Method and Theory, edited by M. Steven

Glascock, Michael D., Geoffrey E. .Braswell, and Robert

Production and Methods ofProvenienceAssign-

ments. Latin American Antiquit'J 5 (3) :257 -277. Bowman, H.R., Frank Asaro, and Isadore Perlman 1973 On the Uniformity of Composition in Obsidians and Evidence of Magmatic Mixing. The Journal of Geology 81 (3):312-327. Braswell, Geoffrey E. and Michael D. Glascock 1998 Interpreting Inttasource Variation in the Composition of Obsidian: The Geoarchaeology of San Martin Jilotepeque. Latin American Antiquity 9(4):353-369. Burger, Richard L. and Frank Asaro 1977 Trace Element Analysis of Obsidian Artifacts from the Andes: New Perspectives on Pre-

Shackley, pp. 15-65. Advances in Archaeological New York:Plenum Press.

Glascock, Michael D, Hector Neff, K.S. Stryker, and T.N.

Johnson . 1994 Sourcing Archaeological Obsidian by an Abbreviated-NAA Procedure. Journalof

Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry 180(1):

29-35. Hughes, Richard E. and Robert L. Smith 1993 Archaeology, Geology, and Geochemistry in
Obsidian Provenance Studies, in Effects of Scale
on Archaeological
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and Geoscientific Perspectives,

R.

edited by Julie K. Stein and Angela

Paper 283, Boulder, Colorado.

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MacNeish, Richard S.

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Morche, Wolfgang, Carlos AlMn, Julio de la Cruz, and Freddy Cerr6n 1995 Geolog(adel Cuadrangulode AyacucOO, Boletfn 61. Lima: InstitUto Geol6gico, Minero y Meta.
lt1rgico.
.

1981

Ayamachay, Ac102. In Prehistoryof the Ayacucoo Basin, Pern 2, Excavationsand Chrorwlogy,

edited by Richard S. MacNeish, Angel Garcia Cook, Luis G. Lumbreras, Robert K. Vierra, and Antoinette Nelken Turner, pp. 114.121. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. MacNeish, Richard 5., Thomas C. Patterson, and David L. Browman

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Papers of The RobertS. Peabody Founda. don 7. Andover, Massachusetts: Phillips Acad.

emy. Megard, Fran~is, Donald C. Noble, Edwin H. McKee, and Herve Bellon 1984 Multiple PulsesofNeogene CompressiveForma. rion in the Ayacucho Intermontane Basin, Andes of Central Peru. GeologicalSocietyof
America Bulletin 95(9):1108.1117.

(OED) Oxford EnglishDictionary 1999 CD. ROM version. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sandweiss, Daniel H., Heather McInnis, Richard L. Burger, Asunci6n Cano, Bernadino Ojeda, Rolando Paredes, Marla del Carmen Sandweiss, and Michael Glascock 1998 Quebrada Jaguay: EarlySouth American Mari. time Adaptation. Science28:1829.1832. Vierra, Robert K. .1981 Chupas, Ac 500, in Prehistoryof the Ayacudw
Basin 2, Excavations and Chronology, edited by Richard S. MacNeish, Angel Garcia Cook, Luis G. Lumbreras, Robert K. Vierra, and Antoinette

Nelken Turner, pp. 138.144. Ann Arbor:

University of Michigan Press.

297 ..
Sample ID RLB355 RLB357 RLB358 RLB359 RLB360 RLB361 RLB362 RLB363 RLB364 RLB365 PUEI PUE2 SamplelD RLB355 RLB357 RLB358 RLB359 RLB360 RLB361 RLB362 RLB363 RLB364 RLB365 PUEI PUE2 Sample ID RLB355 RLB357 RLB358 RLB359 RLB360 RLB361 RLB362 RLB363 RLB364 RLB365 PUEI PUEl Ba(ppm) 201 278 279 277 199 278 204 197 202 205 234 247 I.a (ppm) 18.7 21.1 2M 20.6 19.3 20.9 19.0 19.1 19.2 19.9 21.6 21.9 Eu(ppm) 0.325 0.360 0.333 0.374 0.332 0.354 0.324 0.291 0.323 0.332 0.299 0.303 Th (ppm) i4.9 14.7 14.1 14.9 15.2 14.6 14.8 14.9 15.2 15.1 15.2 15.3 Lu (ppm) 0.122 0.120 0.113 0.121 0.124 0.128 0.123 Nd (ppm) .12.4 12.9 13.2 13.8 11.1 12.8 12.3 11.7 12.0 13.6 12.3 12.2 HI (ppm) 3.81. 3.85 3.67 3.89 3.94 3.81 3.81 3.72 3.87 3.93 3.87 3.85 Zr (ppm) 114 127 115 128 123 121 129 117 121 116 129 112

Burger
Sm(ppm) 2.61 2.76 2.59 2.62 2.60 2.72 2.61 2.36 2.62 2.71 2.26 2.29 Rb(ppm) 120 116 122 118 123 146 1Z1 118 119 119 117 118 a (ppm) 674 748 647 697 767 757 726 724 646 634 589 488

& Glascock: PUtolana Obsidian Source

V (ppm) 5.29 5.37 5.53 5.45 5.50 5.52 5.66 5.70 5.81 5.82 5.59 5.83 Sb(ppm) 0.247 0.238 0.253 0.243 0.243 0.225 0.247 0.247 0.241 0.246 0.257 0.264 DJ (ppm) 1.58 0.95 1.61 1.19 1.24 1.59 1.50 1.16 1.69 1.47 0.83 1.22 Yb(ppm) 0.831 0.782 0.802 0.814 0.877 0.809 0.878 0.774 0.787 0.837 0.755 0.765 Sc(ppm) 1.78 1.75 1.65 1.77 1.82 1.73 1.77 1.63 1.80 1.81 1.57 1.59 K(%) Ce(ppm) 37.7 40.9 38.3 41.S 38.6 40.4 37.4 36.3 38.5 38.1 39.9 40.2 Sr (ppm) 52 76 67 67 46 69 SO 54 45 47 57 62 Mn (ppm) 512 496 443 491 514 489 507 476 515 514 453 461 Co(ppm) 0.123 0.161 0.154 0.161 0.127 0.161 0.129 0.143 0.126 0.129 0.159 0.15

o.m

0.122 0.124 0.110 0.117 Fe(%) 0.498 0.524 0.502 0.530 0.512 0.520 0.498 0.490 0.504 0.508 0.502 0.511 Zn(ppm) 35 35 36 36 36 35 35 31 35 3S 30 31

Cs (ppm)
3.80 3.70 3.60 3.74 3.89 3.67 3.78 3.81 3.87 3.81 3.63 3.85 Tb (ppm) 0.282 0.272 0.258 0.289 0.267 0.260 0.262 0.236 0.257 0.262 0.226 0.223

Ta (ppm)
2.06 2.03 1.95 2.06 2.09 2.00 2.06 1.96 2.09 2.08 1.90 1.89 Na (%) 2.75 3.24 3.40 2.73 3.12 2.91 2.94 3.21 3.27 3.24 3.16 3.20

. 4.32
4.04 3.58 4.64 3.81 5.27 4.31 3.61 3.50 3.66 3.83 3.62

Table 1.

Element concentrations in obsidian nodules from the ChupaSand Cerro Campanoyocc outcrops of the Puzolana Source and obsidian artifacts from Puente Cave (ppm = parts per million).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000) Element Ba (ppm) La (ppm) Lu (ppm) Nd (ppm) Sm (ppm) U (ppm) Yb(ppm) Ce (ppm) Co (ppm) Cs (ppm) Eu (ppm) Fe (%) Hf (ppm) Rb (ppm) Sb (ppm) Sc (ppm) Sr (ppm) Ta (ppm) Tb (ppm) Th (ppm) Zn (ppm) Zr (ppm) CI (ppm) Dy (ppm) K (%) Mn (ppm) Na (ppm) Table 2. Mean 233 20.1 0.120 12.5 2.56 5.59 0.809 39.0 0.146 3.78 0.329 0.508 3.84 121 0.246 1.72 58 2.02 0.258 14.9 34 122 675 1.34 4.02 489 3.0 ::t:
::t: ::t: ::t: ::t:

..298
Standard deviation 36 1.1 0.005 0.8 0.17 0.18 0.040 1.6 0.020 0.09 0.025 0.012 0.08 8 0.010 0.09 10 0.07 0.020 0.3 2 6 81 0.28 0.53 26
0.21
% Standard

Minimum 197 18.7 0.110 11.1 2.26 5.29 0.755 36.3 0.123 3.60 0.291 0.490 3.67 116 0.225 1.57 45 1.89 0.223 14.1 30 112 488 0.83 3.50 443
2.73

Maximum 279 21.9 0.128 13.8 2.76 5.83 0.878 41.5 0.185 3.89 0.374 0.530 3.94 146 0.264 1.82 76 2.09 0.289 15.3 36 129 767 1.69 5.27 515
3.40

deviation 15.5 5.4 4.3 6.2 6.5 3.2 5.0 4.0 13.5 2.3 7.5 2.3
2.1

::t: ::t: ::t:

::t: ::t:

::t: ::t:
::t:

::t:
:!: ::t: ::t: ::t: ::t: ::t: ::t:

::t:
::t:

::t:
::t: ::t: ::t:

6.5 4.0 5.1 18.0 3.6 7.9 2.3 6.5 5.2 12.0 20.9 . 13.2 5.2
6.9

Descriptive statistics for ten source geologic samples from the Puzolana Source and two artifacts from Puente Cave (ppm = parts per million).

299..

Burger & Glascock: PUtolana Obsidian Source

12'

13'

Towns
Cities

.. ObsidianSources o 20 40

. . .

80

120

160 200 km

77'

76'

75'

74'

Figure1.

MapofPeru'ssouthernhighlandsillustratingthe locationofthe PuzolanaSourceand the other geographical featuresmentionedin the text. MapbyRosemary Volpe.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..300

8548000

8S4OOOO

8S36000

8532000

8528000

8524000

576000

580000 I

584000

0
I

1 2
I I

3
I

4
I

UrbanCenter

1 Cerro Campanayocc Obsidian Sample 2 Chupas Obsidian Sample 3 Chauplorcco Obsidian Outcrop

KILOMETERS

. Village

.& Obsidian Deposit

Figure 2.

Detail map showing the loci where nodules of the Ayacucho Type we~e recovered and indicating the extent of the geologicalstratum referred to as the Puzolana Source. Map by Rosemary Volpe.

301 ..

BurgeT & Glascock: Puz,olana Obsidian Source

Figure3.

Viewed near the villageof Chupas, the thick puzolana stratum is cut by the Cachi Canal and overlain byglacialdeposits. The Ayacucho Basinis visiblein the distance. Photograph by Richard L Burger.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..302

Figure4.

At CerroCampanayocc, immediately to the south of the cityof Ayacucho,the samepuzolana

stratum was found to contain obsidian nodules similar to those recovered at Chupas. Photograph lryRichardL Burger.

303

Burger& Glascock: Puz,olana Obsidian Source

Figure5.

The largest size grade of the obsidian nodules collected from the puzolana layer above Chupas.
Photograph by William Sacco.

00 t"")

i
N a
0\

(!) t'1

~ tool

.9

Figure 6.

Bivariate plot of Mn versus Na for Puzolana Source specimens and artifacts relative to other obsidian sources in southern Peru with 95% confidence ellipses surrounding each source group except puzolana. (No ellipse has been generated for Puzolana in this graph because of the source's extreme heterogeneity.)

~ a ..p..

o o

o \J\

o o o .... o o

Andahuaylas Type B

. =C. Campanayocc
Alea
A

=Chupas

=Ae158

- o 0.0 0.0
CtS

CX) Quisplsisa

~
Andahuaylas TypeA Puzolana

Jampatilla

CD

ca

o o v o o

Chivay

~
~
C)

fi

b:J

c
350 400 450

--=:>
700 750

a
~

500

550 Mn (ppm)

600

650

l o

~
Figure 7.
Bivariate plot ofMn versus Ba for Puzolana Source specimens and artifacts relative to other obsidian sources in southern Peru with 95% confidence ellipses surrounding each source group.

r
i
V) ~ @

IX) to
<:>

.~
Andahuaylas Type B

. = C. Campanayocc
a = Ac158 Jampatilla

= Chupas

~ to

~
~
0\

'N a a

.9

a. a. J:

to

.
Alca

Puzolana

0
;:jr
0
I

ChO

JAndahuaylas Type A
"
4 Quispisisa

0
12
14

1"12

10

Cs (ppm)
Figure 8. Bivariateplot ofCs versusHf for PuzolanaSourcespecimensand artifacts relative to other obsidian sourcesin southern
Peru with 95% confidence ellipsessurrounding each source group. \.N ~

307..

Burger& Glascock: PutolanaObsidian Source

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES ANDECOLOGICAL ZONES Of THEAYACUCHO BASIN

Figure9. Location~ndecozones of Pre ceramicsitesexcavated by theAyacuchoHuantaArchaeological

BotanicalProjectin relationto thePuzolana ObsidianSource(afterMacNeishetal. 1975: figure 1).

nIB NORTHEAST CONFERENCE ON ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOIDSTORY: TIlE FIRST EIGHTEEN YEARS

Richard E. Daggett UniversityofMassachusetts, Amherst (SUNY) in October, 1998. Technical difficul~ ties caused an extended delay in the program As I recaU, it was late in the springof 1982. and an animated public discussion quickly centered on where the first meeting had been My doctoral field~work was behind me and I had held and whether the name of the conference begun the arduous task of organizing on paper the should be amended. There was a lack ofconsen.. data that my family and I had coUected during our sus on both issues. It was during a scheduled stay in Peru's Nepena VaUey. My wife, Cheryl, break that Dan asked me to write the historyof was very much a partner in this task and we were developing a shared passion for Peruvian archaeol~ the conference. I will leave it up to Dan to 01rY. Like most people in our situatiOn, we were explain why he chose to honor me.
.

Introduction

strapped financially and we knew that attending the meetings held annually in California at Berkeley and in the Midwest were beyond our means. Yet it cost us nothing to dream and we often talked about 1ww great it would be if only there was a similar meeting in the Northeast. Though we did nothing to put this dream into action, someone else did...

Donald A. (Don) Proulx headed my doc~ toral committee and one day in the Spring of 1982he gave me a copyof an open invitation he had received from Daniel H. Sandweiss(hereaf~ ter Dan) to attend the First Annual Northeast Conference 'on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory at Cornell University the coming Fall (Figure 1). I remember being stunned by the fact that this wasjust what Cheryl and I had been talking about. So struck was I by this coincidence that it became indeliblyimpressed on my mind. It isnow the Fallof 1999and I ambeginning to write the history of this conference. This was something that I thought Dan woulddo, though I had imagined him tackling the subject follow~ ing the Twentieth or the Twenty~fifthAnnual Meeting. Circumstances, however, dictated otherwise. The Seventeenth Meeting washeld at the University of New York, Binghamton
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 309~345.

Part historian, part pack rat, I have main~ tained files of mailings, hand~outs and the like which I have received over the yearsfor each of the eighteen meetings. Dan generously shared his more complete filesfor the first meeting and for the two meetings that I was not able to attend. Much of this material is reproduced at the back of this paper. Figures 1..5offercopies of documents, relevant' to the first meeting at Cornell in 1982. Appendix 1givesa chronolog~ icallist of the papers in the programs for the eighteen conferences held to date. The papers are grouped by conference. Individual papers are listed in the order that they occurred on the programs and they are numbered sequentiallyso that they may be so referenced in the text. Where known, papers not actually presented or presented by someone other than the scheduled speaker are noted. I must expressmydeepest appreciation to all who answered my call for information. These include individuals involved in the originof the
.

conference,

people who served as meeting hosts,

and selected scholars who represent an unscien~ tific cross~section of conference a~tendees. Most especiallyI would like to thank Dan who has been forthright in answering (often in

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

every four and, as luck would have it, this was the semester and Dan was in his class. Craig, too, liked the idea and he offered to ask the The Origin of the Conference Museum to pay for the initial mailing. What Dan calls the "great, great. . . great~grandlistof It was a great idea with an equally great the current mailing list" he created from the future. There were, at that time, two annual Guide to Departments of Anthropology published meetingsdevoted exclusivelyto Andean archae~ by the American Anthropological Association. ology and ethnohistory. The first, held each He put on the list anyone who expressed an January at the University of Californiaat Berke~ interest of any kind in the Andes or South ley is sponsoredby the Institute for Andean . America, as well as the chairs of the anthropol~ Studies and organized by John Howland Rowe .ogy departments in the Northeastern United and Patricia J. Lyon. The FirstBerkeleyConfer~ States and eastern Canada which had no spe~ ence was in 1961. The second annual Andean cmc Andeanists listed among their faculty. meeting is the Midwest Conference on Andean The first call for papers was announced in a and Amazonian Archaeologyand Ethnohistory, first held at Urbana, Illinois in 1973. This now letter fromthe Cornell UniversityAnthropology occurs in February at various sites in the Upper Department, signed by Dan and dated May 5, Midwest (Browman this volume, pages 345~ 1982 (Figure 1). It read, in part: 365). In 1982, however, a Northeast Confer~ "I am sending you this I~tter as an advance notice ence must have seemed a pipe dream to a group of and invitation to the 1st Annual Northeast Conferof graduate students returning from the Mid~ ence on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory, to be western meeting ~t Ann Arbor, Michigan. In held at Cornell University on Saturday, November 13, the SUNYBinghamton Department ofAnthro~ 1982. The idea for this conference derives in large part from the successful series of regional meetings held in pologyvan were Binghamton graduate students the Midwest, and a similar format will be followed. Anita Cook, Lynda Spickard, Christine Papers are invited from students, faculty, and other Brewster~Wray, Michael Brewster~Wrayand researchers concerned with Andean archaeology and Dan, an anthropology graduate student at ethnohistory. . . If there is sufficient interest, the conferCornell University in Ithaca, New York. It was ence could run over to part of November 14th... There Dan's first such regional conference and he was will be no registration fee, and everyone is invited. The conference is meant as an opportunity for Andeanists the only one in the group who did not present from the Northeast region to get together and discuss a paper (Browman 2000:353). On the return their current research in a fairly informal setting." trip the upstate New York students were both energized and exhausted and discussion often According to Dan, his decision to empha~ returned to the lament that they had to travel size the archaeology and ethnohistory of the so far to attend these meetings. The idea of Andes in the title of the conference reflected holding a local conference emerged and Dan both his interests at the time and the particular was the one who ran with it. strengths of the Department ofAnthropology at Cornell. No mention is made in this initial Dan presented the idea of a conference at - mailingof the Cornell Latin AmericanStudies Cornell to Thomas F. Lynch (Tom), then a Program (LASP). Dan subsequently circulated Professor in the Department of Anthropology. an internal memo (Figure 2) to Cornell faculty Tom liked the suggestionand agreedto promote and students dated August 16, 1982, in which it but left the details up to Dan. Dan then he states that the LASP "is sponsoring the spoke with Craig Morris of the American Mu~ event, which means that they are pickingup the seum of Natural History. At the time, Craig tab and also that there is a possibilityofpublish~ had a contract with Cornell that called for him ing the conference in their Occasional Papers to. teach a course there one semester out of

amazing detail) the many questions I posed regarding his roles as founder, host, and editor.

311.. series."Then, in his second callforpapers dated September 1, 1982 (Figure3), Dan repeated his general invitation. In addition, he specifically states that the meeting will be a two-day affair and that it will be sponsored by the LASP. Clearly something transpired between the two general mailings. The involvement of the LASP was something of an accident. Dan had attended a party hosted by fellow graduate student David Hess whose interests centered on Brazil.!In atten.. dance was the Latin American historian Dr. Thomas Holloway who was one of David's committee members and who, as luck would again have it, was the current .directorofLASP. The opportunity aroseand Dan spokewith Tom Holloway about the upcoming Andeanist con.. ference. Toni Holloway was sufficiently: inter.. ested in the idea to invite Dan to come see him at his office. Tom Lynch recalls talking with Tom Holloway and asking him to pick up the minor costs of the conference. When Dan went to Tom Holloway's office, the latter offered to have -the LASP pay the costs of running the meeting, including subsequent mailings,as well as providing coffee and donuts. Tom Holloway also asked what plans Dan had for the publica.. tion of the proceedings (somethingDan hadn't even considered) and he offered the possibility of using the LASP Occasional Papers Series to do it. Lookingback, Dan cami.otrecall actually having a plan for obtaining the money needed to run the meeting, just faith that something would work out. Successful ventures require inspiration, luck, and a lot of hard work. It wasnow time to concentrate on the thousand-and-one details that conference attendees never notice, let alone fully appreciate, unless something is forgotten or goes awry. Tom Lynch was the only faculty member of the Department of Anthropology involved in the planning stage.

Daggett:The Northeast Andean Conference His was essentially an advisory role, though he was called upon to convince the Dean's Office that the conference was "for real". The rest of the arrangements fell to Dan. The final pre.. conference mailing, dated October 20, 1982 (Figure 4), included a copy of the advance program and information on travel and lodging. Presenters also received a special information sheet (Figure5) suggesting that talks be limited to twenty to twenty..five minutes and giving instructions for voluntary submission of papers for possiblepublication in the LASP Occasional Papers Series. The First Conference The First Annual Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory (hereaf.. ter the NCAAE) washeld at Cornell University on the weekend of November 12 through 14, -1982.On Fridayevening, ethnographic filmson the Andes wereshown in 165McGraw Hall,site of the Department of Anthropology. Papers were presented on Saturday and Sunday in the Hollis E. Cornell Auditorium, Goldwin Smith Hall, in the College of Arts and Sciences. A registration desk was outside the auditorium staffed by student volunteers. Copies of the program were available, as well as copiesofa list of mailing addressesfor the speakers. Individual name tags denoting institutional affiliationwere provided. These, along with the coffee and donuts, were designed to facilitate interaction among attendees who, for the most part, were unknown to one another. Welcoming remarks were made byTom Lynch and by Dan. At some point during the Saturday proceedings, Dr. Holloway was introduced and he provided information about LASP. He also indicated that copies ofLASP publications were available free of charge at the registration desk. Dan served as moderator and he asked speakers to heed the time limit. He warned that he would flash a red light at the twenty minute mark and would then turn it on permanendy at the twenty-five minute mark until the speaker stopped. He had designated Anita Cook as t~e

InStitute.

1 Hess is now a faculty member at Rensselaer Polytechnic

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

~ 312

first speaker because she lived rather close by and, as such, he thought she would have no trouble arriving on time. This came to fall under the heading of "The Best Laid Plans of Mice and Men..." Anita arrived about an hour late, having been delayed by house guests. She was upset and began reading her paper without foreknow.. ledge of Dan's plan of deterrence. According to Dan, he flashed the red light, but it had no visibleeffect on Anita's presentation. When he turned the light on permanendy, it filled the room with a bright red glow and Anita was clearly discombobulated, though it did not stop her. Finally, William H. (Bill) Isbell, then her adviser, jumped up and demanded that Dan turn the light off. Dan agreed if Anita would stop. She quickly wrapped up her talk. It was not the most auspiciousbeginning. Fortun~tely, the reSt of the meeting proceeded without incident. Dan had organized the program to begin reporting on excavations with four papers (1..4) at the site of Huari in the South Central High.. lands of Peru. These were presented by Anita Cook, Christine Brewster..Wray, Lynda Spickard,2 and Bill Isbell, respectively. This commencement was all the more appropriate, I think, because Anita, Christine, and Lyndahad helped give birth to the idea of the conference. These papers were followed by three in which Don Proulx (7), Cheryl Daggett (5), and I (6) reported on the results of field..workwe had done in the Nepena Valley on the North Cen.. tral Coast of Peru. Clearly, whenever possible, Dan employed a thematic approach to organize the speakers. This was to set the tone for future meetings. The next two papers were on the ethnohistory of Peru (8~9). Presentations on the archaeology of Peru dominated the rest of

the meeting. Subjects were wide..ranging,and are not easily summarized. From this disparate assemblage, however, a number of papers may be highlighted.. For example, we heard the first of many field reports from Richard Burger (23),

Joan Gero (12), John Hyslop (16), Michael

Malpass (11), and John and Theresa Topic (15). Furthermore, the paper co~presented by An.. thony Aveni and Gary Urton (13) dealt with a
.

subject that would be revisited in future meet..

ings ~ the Nazca Lines.

A total of twenty~three papers was pre.. sented,3 all on Peru, with speakers representing 13 institutions in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Ontario, New York, Massachusetts, and Con.. necticut. Mike Malpass (11) was the lone speaker from outside the Northeast and, begin.. ning the followingyear, he, too, listed an institu.. tional affiliation (36) more in keeping with this geographicalcore. There were numerous oppor.. tunities to ask questions and make comments about specificpapers - during the time allotted immediately after each presentation, during scheduled breaks, and at the party held Satur.. day night at the house of Tom Lynch and his then..wife,Barbara Deutsch Lynch. On Sunday, in conjunction with the morn.. ing break, an informal business meeting was held by all in attendance to determine a loca.. tion for the next meeting. Don Proulx and Craig Morris each offered to organize the Sec.. ondAnnual Conference. After somediscussion, it was voted to hold the. next meeting in New York City. Finally, in a spontaneous show of appreciation, it was suggested that Dan be applauded for his efforts in staging the ongoing meeting. This public expression of thanks for the efforts of the current organizer(s) immedi.. ately became accepted practice. So, too, did other aspects of this first meeting.

2 This was the only paper she presented at the conference.

Lynda died on August 10, 1999 (Brown2000 (this volume):1..5).

3 Of this total, 14 (1..6, 8..11, 14, 19..20, 22) were subsequently published as collected papers of the conference (Sandweiss 1983) in the Cornell University LASP Occasional Papers Series. See also Notes 5 and 7.

313 ..
Dan created the conference as an annual weekend eventto occur in the falland he estab.. lished certain unwritten conventions to which organizershave since largelyadhered. Following his lead, the meeting has come to be character.. ized by: (a) a Friday evening event or get..to.. gether; (b) free registration at desks staffed by volunteers who provide name tags and various handouts including programsi (c) free refresh.. ments during day sessionsi (d) scheduled and. moderated single..session presentations with tirile allotted for discussion; (e) a Saturday evening event or get..togetheri and (f) a Sunday morning business meeting held specificallyfor the purpose of choosing the site of the next meeting.
. From an

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference Phase I: 1983..1991

1983 The Second Annual Meeting of the NCAAE was held at the American Museum of Natural History over the weekend ofNovember 18..20,1983. This weekend coincided with the latter part of the annual meeting of the Amer.. ican Anthropological Association and, as a result, attendance was somewhat affected. On Friday evening, Alberto Rex Gonzalez pre.. sented the Museum's second Junius BirdMemo.. rial Lecture"and it was followed by a showingof Bird's film, liTheSouth Chilean Archaeological Expedition." This was held in the Kaufmann Theater on the first floor of the Museum. The Museum restaurant, one floor below, wasopen for a by..reservation..onlydinner followingthe showing of the film. .
Twenty..one paperss were then presented on

historicalstandpoint,those of us

who attended the First NCAAE represent its charter members. We are also a base group of individuals and institutions upon which to measure the growth of the conference, to ascer.. tain its health, and to identifyits relative degree of geographic influence over time. In the ab.. sence of actual registration lists forall the meet.. ings,information provided in the programsmust sufficefor comparative analysis. Preliminary study of the programs and related information made it clear to me that the conference has experienced three distinct phases of growth characterized by ever..increas.. ing rapidity of change. I will now discuss these phases in turn. I will follow this with a general analysisof the papers presented at the meetings and conclude with some general observations.

Saturday and Sunday in the Linder Theater, located on the first floor of the museum. Craig Morris, the meeting organizer, served as moder.. ator. In this, he Wa$ assisted by D. Peter Kvietok who had also seen to the myriad pre.. conference details. There were thirteen new presenters, including the first to represent New Jersey (35). Another first was a (co..)presenta.. tlon (37) which dealt with a country other than

.. During October 8..10, 1982, a conference, entitled "Early Ceremonial Architecture in the Andes", washeld at Dumbarton Oaks in Washington D.C. A year before, it had been decided to dedicate the conference to Junius Bird, and, one month after the conference was held, Gordon R. Willey gave the inaugural paper in the Junius Bouton Bird Lecture Series at the American Museumof Natural History (Donnan 1985:4). Junius Birddied at his home in New York City on April 2, 1982 (Morris 1985: 120).

Of this total, nine (24, 29,34, 36..41) were subsequently published as collected papers of the conference (Kvietok and Sandweiss 1985) in the Cornell LASP Occasional

Papers series.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,314 als,7 seven of whom had not previouslyspoken at the conference. With the exception of our first presenter from California (55), the new speakers were drawn from what had already become the core NCAAE geographic area. Of note, IzumiShimada (46), Tom Lynch (56),and Monica Barnes (58) gave their initial presenta~ tions to the conference. Though Peru again dominated the talks, we heard papers dealing with Chile (56) and Colombia (60). On Saturday evening, conference partici, pants attended a special "sneak preview"of the exhibit, "Art of the Andes: Pre,Columbian Sculptured and Painted Ceramics from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections". The showwas on the fourth floor of the University's Tower Library. Don and Mary Jean Proulx hosted a wine and cheese reception at this, its unofficial opening. On Sunday morning, it wasdecidedto hold the next meeting at The State University of New York at Albany.

Peru; in this case Venezuela. Included among the new presenters were a number ofindividuals who would become familiar participants in NCAAE meetings: Elizabeth P. (Betty) Benson (24), Patricia Netherly (33), Dwight Wallace (39), John Murra (42), and Leon Doyon (43). William (Bill) and Barbara Conklin hosted a party at their home on Saturday evening. This occasion provided the opportunity to surprise Dolly Menzel and present her with a copy of the latest' edition of Nawpa Pacha which had been dedicated to her and to John Rowe and assembled in secret.6 On Sunday morning it was voted to hold the next meeting at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. The meeting officiallyended with the showingof the Junius Bird film, "Huaca Prieta Excavations". 1984. The Third Annual Meeting of the NCAAE was hosted by the University of Massach~setts the weekend of October 26 to 28, 1984. On Friday evening, a. special showing of the new film, "Mountain Music of Peru", waspresented by its maker, John Cohen, who provided intro~ ductory comments and later answered ques~ tions. Also shown was Cohen's film, "Qeros: The Shape of Survival". This was held in Tt1ompsonHall, Room 106,the site also chosen for the conference. Following the lead of the First NCAAE, a typed list of the names and addresses of those giving papers was made available at the registration desk.

1985
The Fourth Annual Meeting of the NCAAE was hosted by SUNY Albany over the weekend of November 1 to 3, 1985. Partici, pants gathered at Lecture Center 1 to hear twenty papers.s Dwight Wallace organizedthe meeting and served as its chair. New facesand

The meeting organizer,Don Proulx, chaired the sessionson Saturdayand Sunday. Presentations weremadebyseventeenindividu~

7 Of the total of seventeen papers presented at this meeting, nine (45, 48-52, 57, 58 and 61) were subsequently published as collected papers of the conference (Sandweiss and Kvietok 1986) in'the Cornell University LASP Occasional Papers Series. SOf this total, three (64, 68, and 69) were subsequently published in a new journal sponsored by the Cornell University LASP. With Dan Sandweiss as editor and Richard Burger,Tom Lynch, and CraigMorriscomprising the editorial advisory board, this new, open, and peerreview journal, Andean Past, retained a strongconnection with the NCAAE (Sandweiss 1987':iii-iv). D. Peter Kvietok wasAssociate Editor for Volume 2 (1988). Later Monica Barnes became Associate Editor (1992) and then Editor (1994) of Andean Past jointly with Dan and David Fleming became Graphics Editor (1998).

6 The 20th volume of Nawpa Paeha was dedicated to Dorothy Menzel and John H. Rowe (Lyon 1982:1). Included in this volume were three articles initially
presented as papers (7, 17,23) at the first NCAAE.

315..
old made presentations and our horizons were expanded to include Ecuador (74), Bolivia (75 and 91), and Chile (78). There were nine new speakers, including Kate Cleland (77) from UCLA and BillHurley (75) fromthe UniversityofT oronto. Lee Hollo.. well (66) made his first presentation to the group as well. On Saturday evening, Dwight and Carol Wallace hosted the group at their home. During the business meeting on Sunday morning it was voted to return the meeting to its roots at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York the followingyear. 1986
. Before volunteering to organize the Fifth Annual Meeting of the NCAAE at Cornell, Dan had first consulted with Monica Barnes (hereafter Moni~) who agreed to run the meeting if he should be out of the country. He foresawthis as a possibilityand, in fact, Monica did end up '(inheriting" much of the job when Dan received finandaI support for his work in Peru. Prior to heading into the field,Dan made initial preparations and he set up the guidelines for the meeting, but Monica was left to attend to the many small details.

Dagge~: The Northeast Andean Conference

Monica chaired the first two sessions, while John Murra chaired the last one. Two of the papers dealt with a country other than Peru, one each on Chile (82) and Bolivia (92). There were seven new speakers, including Helaine Silverman (88) and Clark Erickson (92) from the Universityof Illinois at Urbana and Thomas Abercrombie .(96) from the University of Chi.. cago. They were to be just the first of many speakers to represent these institutions at the NCAAE. Martha Anders (85) and Ann Peters
.

(87), both from Cornell, also made their first

presentations to the conference. An informal display of the Frank Collection of Ancient Peruvian Art was open to conference attendees in Room 150, McGraw Hall early Saturday evening. Later there was a party at the Knights of Columbus hall in downtown Ithaca. This was hosted by Cornell University and organizedby Monica and David. On Sunday morning, it was voted to hold the next meeting at Trent Univer.. sity in Peterborough, Ontario. Thinking back to that Sunday morning, I recall that concern wasexpressedabout whether Peterborough was too remote a location for the next meeting. I also recall an absence of coffee and donuts. In a commu~cation to me,Monica provided the followingexplanation:
"We had already established the 'free coffee hadbeen and donuts' custom. An adequate supply orderedfrom Cornell Catering, and theywereput out on Saturdaywithout incident. NaturaUy,when peoplereturned on Sundaymorning, theyexpected a continentalbreakfast,as usual. I could notfind thepastry, soI assumed that CorneUCateringhad messed up. Therewerecomplaints whichI fieldedas best I could. As the meetingwas breakingup, a scholar then in residence at Cornell invited those remaining to come to his housefor coffee and donuts! He claimed that he just found themin boxesoutsideone of the building'sdoorsashewas arriving thatmorning,and theyhadbeen,according to him, clearlyabandoned, sohe safeguarded them by storing them in his car! I think I wasactually lungingat him whenDavid physicallyoverpowered me, and pushedme into thecar we had rented.. .
(

The Fifth Annual NCAAE was hosted by Cornell University over the weekendofNovem.. ber 7..9, 1986. It was co..organizedby Monica and Dan and co..sponsoredby Cornell's LASP, International Studies Program and Department ofAnthropology. An informal buffetreception was held on Friday evening at the apartment Monica shared with David Fleming. As it had been with the inaugural meeting, the conference washeld in Hollis E. Cornell Auditorium, Gold..

win Smith Hall. - In addition to copiesof the

program, copies of a typed list of the names and addresses of the speakers and organizerswere made available at the registration desk. A total of sixteen papers were presented, divided into sessions dealing with archaeology, archaeological technology, and ethnohistory.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
For weeks afterwards

..316

when I heardhowgenerous chusetts the weekend of November 4..6, 1988. thatscholarhadbeento obtaindonuts for thewhole Don Proulx once again served as organizerand crowd I became livid!" moderator and, as at the third meeting, the papers were presented in Thompson Hall 106. 1987 There were twenty..three presentations, includ.. ing one each on Bolivia (127) and Ecuador The Sixth AnnualNCAAEwasheld with.. (128). There were eight new speakers. Among them were Tamara Bray (128) from SUNY out a similar incident at Trent University the weekend of October 16 to 18, 1987. It was co.. Binghamton, Patrick Carmichael (114) from Calgary, and Tom and Shelia Pozorski (118) organized and run by John and Theresa Topic and it remains the only international setting for from Texas. Cheryl and I had begun a mend.. the conference. The sixteen papers were pre.. ship with Tom and Shelia in 1980 when wehad sented in the Champlain CollegeLecture Hall. worked in the neighboring Nepefia and Casma They included talks on Ecuador (109 and 110), Valleys,respectively. Over the years,I had kept Chile (111), and Bolivia (113). Dan returned them posted on the doings of the NCME and to give a talk (98) and he was accompanied by they decided. to come from Texas: to see for his new wifeMariCarmen RodriguezSandweiss. themselves. Finally, it should be noted that There were nine new presenters, including Joan Gero (121), Martha Anders (119),9and David Fleming (110). Other first..timespeakers Mike Malpass (125) were now coming fromthe reflected the broad geographical draw of the University of South Carolina, the Universityof Calgary, and the College of William and Mary, meeting. Charles (Chuck) Hastings (107) and Warren Church (108) came fromMichiganand respectively. Colorado, respectively,whileEur.opewasrepre.. On Saturday night Don and Mary Jean sented by Michae.lCzwarno (103) and Sergio Proulx hosted a party at their home. It was Purin (101). The latter just happened to be in raining hard that evening and I recall linkingup the area and had decided to participate in the with the car driven by BillIsbell. He waslost,so conference. He was so impressed with the I confidently told him to follow me. I had proceedings that he spoke animatedlywith Don Proulx and me about hosting a futuremeeting in visited Don's'home on countless occasionsand Belgium. Wouldn't that have been great! had never had a problem. That evening, how.. ever, I did something I had never done before Unfortunately, nothing came of it.

nor have I done since - I took a wrongturn.

On Sunday morning, it was voted to hold the next meeting in New Haven, Connecticut.

On Saturday night, the Topics hosted a party at their home and made available for viewing a video on the archaeologyof Bolivia. I stillremember what a huge house they had and wondering. how they could possibly afford to heat it in the dead of winter! I also remember that, in spite of the skepticismexpressedduring discussion the year before, the meeting proved to be a complete success. On Sunday morning it was voted to hold the next meeting in Amherst, Massachusetts. 1988

1989 The Eighth Annual Meeting of the NCAAE was hosted by Yale Universitythe
weekend of October 13 to 15, 1989. The meet.. ing was sponsored by Yale's Council on Archae.. ological StUdies,Department of Anthropology, and Council on Latin American Studies. Rich..

The Seventh Annual Meeting of the

NCAAE was hosted by the University of Massa..

9 This was the last meeting at which Martha Anders presented a paper. She died on August 8, 1990 (Sandweiss 1992:1).

317.. ard Burger organized the meeting and served as its moderator. The eighteen papers were deliv.. ered in Davi~s Auditorium. Presentations on Peru continued to dominate the program, but one each dealt with Argentina (152), Bolivia, (147), Ecuador (146), and Venezuela (145). There were six new speakers, including Heidy. Fogel (143): In the absence of one speaker (149), Izumi Shimada showed slides of recent excavations at the site of Kuntur Wasi in the Northern Highlands of Peru. Mike Malpass. (138) now listed Ithaca College as his institU.. tional affiliation. On SatUrday evening many of us joined Richard and his wife Lucy at the Hamden House, a local restaurant specializingin North.. em Chinese cuisine. We then reconvened as a group on campus, at an auditorium in Kline GeologyLaboratory, to hear Tom Patterson give an invited lecture (148): This wasfollowedby a concert by the EcuadoriangroupAndesmanta. The evening ended in grand fashion with cake and champagne..-On Sunday morning, it was agreed that the next meeting wouldbe held at The State University of New York in Bing.. hamton, New York. 1990 The ninth meeting.of the col)ference was hosted by SUNYBinghamton over the weekend of October 26..28, 1990. For the first time, "Amazonian" was included in the title of the conference. On Friday evening, early arrivals were invited to gather informallyat Johnnie's Tavern in the Holiday Inn, SUNY. Bill Isbell had organized the meeting and he chaired the Saturday morning session, while Tamara Bray and Peter Stahl chaired the Saturday afternoon and Sunday sessions, respectively. All sessions were held in lectUre Hall 9 of the Lecture Hall Building.The Lounge in Science I Buildingwas

Daggett: TheNortheast AndeanConference

open throughout the meeting for relaxation

and/or collegial discussion.

Twenty..threepapers were presented, six dealing with Ecuador (156, 173..177), two with Bolivia(167..168),and the rest with Peru. There were eight new speakers, including Peter Stahl (156) and James Zeidler (175), the first person to represent the University of Pittsburgh. Anita Cook (164) and Clark Erickson (168) werenow at Catholic University in Washington D.C. and the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, respectively. Bill Isbell and his wife Judy Sigginshosted a gathering at their home on Saturday night. On Sunday morning it was voted to hold the next meeting at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. Those choosing to do so were invited to enjoy an Indian buffet at a local restaurant after the last paper had been presented. 1991 The Tenth Annual Meeting ofthe NCME washosted by the American Museum ofNatural History over the weekend of November 1..3, 1991. The museum's first floor Linder Audito.. rium served as the location of this meeting and 15 papers were presented. Craig Morris orga.. nized the meeting and he served as its modera.. tor. In addition to the usual papers on Peru, one was presented on Chile (191) and two concerned Ecuador (184..185). John Hyslop's presentation (187) was accompanied by a film, the first time one was used at the Conference in this way.11 Among the six new speakers was our first from Winnipeg (181). Those attending were invited to gather at the Whale's Lair in the Museum on ,SatUrday evening and/or to explore the Museum's Hall of South American People which remained open

10This was to be the only paper she wouldpresent to the conference. Heidy died on November 11, 1994 (Burger 1998:1).

11This was to be John's last presentation

to the confer..

ence. He died on)uly 23,1993 (Murra 1994:1).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..318 (195). In the audience was Yuri Berezkin, a member of the Russian Academy of Sciences who was travelling in the United States as a visiting scholar. The morning sessionson Satur.. day and Sunday were moderated bythe meeting organizer,GaryUrton, while Tony Aveni served in this capacity for the Saturday afternoon session.
.

until 8:45 p.m. On Sunday, it was decided to hold the next meeting at Colgate University in Hamilton, New York. At the closeof the meet, ing, John Cohen premiered his film, "Dancing with the Incas". Summary A total of 169 papers were presented at meetings of the NCAAE held during the nine years from 1983 to 1991. This comes to an average of about nineteen per meeting. First, time presenters accounted for seventy'three of these papers, or roughly forty,three percent of the total. This averages to about nine new speakers per meeting, and most came from within the northeastern geographical core established at the first meeting held at Cornell in 1982. Despite occasional, yet increasing participation, by speakers from the Midwest, West Coast, and western Canada, the NCAAE had not grown beyond its geographical core. Furthermore, the t;otal of twenty-three papers presented at the first -meet~g was never surpassed, and only twice equaled. In both re, spects, change was on the horizon. Phase n: 1992..1994

On Saturdayeveningattendeesdinedat the

Colgate Inn. This was followedby the showing ofJohn Cohen's film, "Dancing with the Incas", which also had been presented the previous year. John's film had been scheduled to be screened in the Maroon Room at the Inn. The film was actually shown to an overflowing audience in a downstairs room. On Sunday morning, it was decided that the next meeting would be held at the Carnegie Museum of Natural History in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. 1993

The Twelfth Annual Meeting of the

NCAAE washosted by the Carnegie Museumof Natural History the weekend of OctOber22..24, 1993. For the first time, a program with ab, stracts was prepared as a handout and it listed Dan as the program chair and JamesB. Richard.. son III as the local chair .12 On Friday evening, filmswere shown in the museum's Lecture Hall. This was also to be the location for the meeting. Twenty..sixpaperswere presented, a record total

1992
The Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Con, ference was hosted by Colgate University over the weekend of November 20,22, 1992. For the second time "Amazonian" was included in the title. An initial informal gathering took place on Friday evening in the Colgate Inn. Beginning on Saturday morning, a total of twenty..three papers was presented in 209 Lathrop Hall, with speakers coming from such far,away places as Missouri (197), Michigan (205), and Wisconsin (208). The University of Chicago was also well represented (199 and 201). There were eight new speakers, among them Jack Rossen (193). In addition to the usual preponderance of talks on Peru, there were papers on Ecuador (197 and 208), Bolivia (201 and 209), Argentina (207), and Chile

for the conference. A record, too, were the

12Dan had volunteered to organize the Pittsburgh meet.. ing because, the previous year, he had begun a tWo year Rea Post-doctoral position in the Section of Anthropology at this museum and he expected to be in residence there during 1993. As it happened, he applied for and was chosen to fill a faculty position at the University of Maine

at Orono. Dan moved to Orono and organized the meeting from a distance with the able help of Jim Richardson and his staff. Dan's job was to indicate what those ;irrangements should be, to set up the program, and, with Jim's help, to chair the meeting. It feU to Charmaine Steinberg, the departmental secretary at Pittsburgh, to see to most of the local arrangements. .

319..

Daggett: The Northast Andean Conference

conference went by in a blur after thatt,,14 Clearly, twelve papers which dealt with countries other than Peru. Bolivia (236, 237, 239, and 240), meeting organizers have a very different per.. Ecuador (219..222), Columbia (216..218), and spective on things. . Chile (241) were represented. We had our first. speakers from Ohio (222 and 234). The Uni.. On Saturday evening, a cocktail reception was held on the third floor of the Grand Stair.. versityof Pittsburgh was well..representedin the program (216..218)/3 as was the University of case of the Muse,um. A cash bar complemented Illinois at Chicago (231..233). There were the cocktail food which was made availableand thirteen new speakers, notably Ellen Fitz.. a number of Anthropology Halls adjacent to the Simmons Steinberg (231), JoEllen Burkholder reception were open. On. Sunday morning, it (237), and John Walker (240), each of whom .wasdetermined that the next meeting wouldbe have since become familiar speakers at the held at Ithaca College in Ithaca, New York. conference.

1994
This was one of the two meetings that Cheryl and I were unable to attend. In speaking with colleagueswho did, I was told that things weQt very well. In view of this, I find most interesting the comments that I received from Charmaine Steinberg who was responsible for seeing to the many local details in preparation for this meeting.(see Note 12). She wrote: ". . . The Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the NCAAE was hosted by Ithaca Collegeover the weekend of October 14 to 16, 1994. The meet.. ing was co..sponsored by the Department of Anthropology and Office of Conference and Event Services. Michael (Mike) Malpass was meeting organizer, and he served as its modera.. tor. Twenty..five papers were presented in Textor HaU, Room 102. This total fell one shy of tying the new record set the previous year, but definitely suggested a trend toward greater. participation. In this same vein, it should be noted that, for the first time, a noticeable num.. ber of multi..authored papers were included on the program. There were five of them (245, 249,250,252, and 253).15 As at Pittsburgh, there was a greater balance between papers which dealt with Peru and those which dealt with other South American coun.. tries. PapersdiscussingArgentina (249), Bolivia
14She also wrote, "I do remember some wonderful chats with associates of Jim's and Dan's that I had onl1 known via phone and their articles. It was an especiaU'J rewarding opportunity to finaU'J meet them . . . They provided great insights on traveling/working in Peru, which I was able to do the next summer. That was m'J first Northeast Conferena

1hadNO ideawhat -1was getting myself into! The

most difficult thing was working with the museum's cateringand audio..visualstaff. 1discoveredthefirst monung there was no overhead projectorfor Mike Malpass's talk. 1had to call variousdepartments in the museum on a Saturday to locate one (no easy taSk) and drag it back to the auditorium after

abdominal

surgery

five weeks before. Most of the

13According to Jim Richardson, the Pittsburgh meeting could not have come at a more opportune moment for the host institUtion. At the time, the Universityof Pittsburgh Department of Anthropology wa,sin the initial stages of developing its Latin American archaeologyand bilingual publication programs, which were funded by the Heinz Endowment. The Latin American archaeologyprogram is now fully endowed and is supporting six to eight Latin American students in the doctoral program at anyone time. I should also note that Jim Richardson kindly provided me with a copy of the registration sheets for the Pittsburgh meeting. Included among the 66 who signed

and I continuedto attendman'Jafter that. . ."

IS

Excludingthoseauthoredbyspouses,therehadnever

in wasa heavycontingentfromthe University of Pitts-.

burgh: 21 students ang three faculty.

been more than two such papers presented at a meeting. In fact, the average was one co-authored paper for the first twelve years of the conference.

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000) (242-244,259, and 260), Chile (253-255), and Ecuador (261..262) were included on the program. The Universities of Pittsburgh (257 and 259) and Illinois at Chicago (251-252) continued to be represented. There were seven new speakers, notably Jim Richardson (257), Jack Prost (251), IsabelleDruc (246), and TomZoubek (247). Finally, it should be pointed out that Jack Rossen (254) and Tamara Bray (263) now listed their institUtional affiliationsas the University of Kentucky and the Smithsonian Institution,respectively. Early Saturday evening, a reception with cash bar was held in the Tower Club of Ithaca College. Later, Tom Lynch and his second wife, Jane Flaherty,hosted a party at their house. On Sunday morning, it was determined that the next meeting wouldbe held at the Rhode Island School of Design in Providence, Rhode Island. Summary
",

-320
20 to 22, 1995. The meeting was co-sponsored by RISD and Brown University and it had been co-organized by Elisabeth Bonnier and Edward (Ned) Dwyer. An opening reception, sponsored by Monica Barnes and David Fleming,washeld at The John Carter Brown Library on the cam.. pus of Brown University. This venue waschosen because Monica is a former fellow and current supporter of the Library. She wanted to make conference participants aware of the John' Carter Brown Library's resources. Daniel J. Slive, who was then the Reference Librarianat the Library, gave a presentation entitled, IIRe_ sources for the StUdyof Andean Ethnohistory and Archaeology at the John Carter Brown Library".16Sessionswere held on Saturday and Sunday in the RISD Auditorium. Copies of a Program and Abstracts were available at the registration desk. As I recall, E-mail addresses were first requested at this meeting.17Copiesof a typed list of participants and their postal addresses were subsequently made available. The morning and afternoon sessions on Saturday were chaired by Tom Lynch and Bill Isbell,respectively . Tom had relocated to Texas and had made a special trip to attend the meeting, something we all appreciated. Ned Dwyer chaired the sessions on Sunday. Including a special guest lecture, a total of twenty-sixpapers were presented. With the exception of five presentations, one dealing with Chile (272)and two each dealing with Ecuador (270 and 271) and Bolivia (289 and 290), Peru was the domi-

A total of seventy-four papers were presented at the three meetings of the NCME held during the years 1992 through'1994. This averages nearly twenty..fivea meeting, up from the previous average of nineteen, and two more than the highest single meeting total for the previousten years. The programscontinued the trend toward a more balanced pan..Andean coverage. There were twenty-eight new speakers, many coming frombeyond the geographical core established during the first ten years of the conference. For the first time,' ~ meeting was held outside this core; thus, expanding it westward. There were also significantly more multiple-authored papers. These,facts suggest that the NCAAE was expanding its influence and becoming a destination meeting. Phase m: 1995..1999

16 Dan Slive is now a rare books librarian at the University of California, Los Angeles.

1995
The Fourteenth Annual Meeting' of the NCAAE washosted by the Rhode Island School of Design (RISD) over the weekend of October

17According to Mike Malpass, he began the process of collecting e-mail addresses while organizing the Ithaca meeting the year before. He did so because of various difficulties he was having in corresponding with certain individuals. He included this limited information on the master address list he then forwarded to Ned and Elisabeth. They carried the process the rtext step by including a request for e-mail addresses at registration in Providence.

321nant topic. There were ten new speakers, most of whom, unlike Elisabeth Bonnier (274), traveled far to attend the meeting. Richard Schaedel (280) came from Texas while John Rowe (281), his wife, Pat Lyon (291), and George Miller (284) flew in from California. There were also participants from other countries; Claude Chapdelaine (278) from Canada, Henning Bischoff (275) from Germany, and Juan Ossio (287) from Peru. As at the previous

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

later in the day. Betty.Benson acted as chair for the Sunday session. A total of twenty-six papers were presented at the meeting, about a quarter dealing with countries other than Peru. Bolivia (293 and 306), Chile (295), &uador (303 and 308), and Brazil (311) were represented. There were ten new speakers, including one from Pittsburgh (306), and our first from Drew University (308), the University of Western Ontario (312), and &uador (303). There were five multipleauthored papers (293, 294,311,312, and 314), one of these (293) having five secondary authors listed. A number of presenters indicated changes in institutional affiliation. Mike Malpass (294) was back at the College ofWilliam and Mary on sabbatical from Ithaca College, while Theresa Topic (301), Tom Zoubek (297), and Jack Ro~sen (314) were now at Brescia College, SUNY New Paltz, and Ithaca College, respectively.

meeting,a numberofmultiple-authored papers .

(267-270) were presented. Early Saturday evening, John Rowe gave a special guest lecture (281). This was followed by a reception at the EwingCenter for Arts and Humanities at RISD. On Sunday morning, it was agreed that the next meeting wouldbe held at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadel, phia, Pennsylvania.18 1996 The Fifteenth Annual Meeting of the NCAAE was hosted by the Universityof Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology over the weekend of October 18-20, 1996. The meeting was co-sponsored by the Museum and the University's Department of Anthropology. It was co-organized by Clark Erickson and Katherine Moore. For the first time, a World Wide Web site was established for the conference. This has since become the norm. On Friday evening, a cash bar and informal reception was held at the New Deck Tavern. The meeting took place the next two days in the Museum's Rainey Auditorium. On Saturday, the early and Jate morning sessions were moderated by Dan (Sandweiss)and Terry D'Altroy, respectively. Monica (Barnes) chaired the first afternoon session that day, while Mario Rivera assumed.this responsibility

A businessmeetingwasheld earlySaturday evening and it was confirmed that the next meeting would be held at the Universityof Maine in Orono, Maine. A "Fall BBQ"was then held at the home of Clark Ericksonand KayCandler. Immediatelyfollowing the meeting, a first-time attendee, Lloyd Anderson, reported on the conference on the AZTLAN Listserve,somethinghe has continued to do after attendingeach subsequentmeeting. 1997 The Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the
NCAAE was hosted by the University of Maine,

18It was also decided to hold the 1997 and 1998 meetings in Orono, Maine and Hanover, New Hampshire, respec,

Orono over the weekend of October 3 to 5, 1997. The meetingwassupported bythe University's Cultural AffairslDistinguished Lecture Series and College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, as wellby anonymous donors. On Friday afternoon, Jim Richardson gave a talk entided, "Collecting Pre-Columbian Peru: Archaeologi.. cal Research vs. Treasure, Loot and Booty",in the BodwellArea of the Hudson Museumin the

tively.

Maine Center for the Arts. A number of us,

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..322

who arrived earlier in the day, had a chance to hear this very interesting talk. Later that evening, the Oronoka Restaurant and Hotel was the designated gathering place for earlyarrivals to the meeting. The meeting was held in the Donald P. Corbett Building, Room 100. A program with abstracts was provided at the registration desk. Dan was the meeting organizer and program
.

1998 The Seventeenth Annual Meeting of the conference was hosted by Binghamton University (SUNY) the weekend of October 16-18, 1998. For the third time, the word "Amazonian" appeared in the title of the conference. Bill Isbell was the meeting organizer and, to some extent, he followedthe format that he had established in 1990. As before, early arrivalson Friday evening were directed to meet at Johnnie's Tavern. All talks were again held in the lectUre Hall Building,though, this time weused Lecture Hall 14. Other aspects of this meeting were very different, however. Billemployeda seriesof paired Coordinators and Speaker's Assistan~ for the Saturday and Sunday sessions. In sequential order of appear.. ance, these pairs consisted of: Peter Stahl and Greg Ketteman; Catherine Bencic and Sondra Sainsburyj RodrigoNavarette and Tom Besomj EmilyStovel and Juan Leonij and Tyler O'Brien and Greg Ketteman. By far, this was the great.. est number of facilitators to date. The program consisted of thirty..nine papers and two special presentations. The total of forty,one presenta.. tions far exceeded the previous high of thirty set the year before. The twelve non-Peruvian papers were divided among Argentina (380), Bolivia (354:.355, 378..379), Brazil(388), Chile (368), and Ecuador (349-352). The sixmultiple-

chair. A total of thirty paperswerepresented,

the most to date. Of these, one each dealt with Ecuador (326), Bolivia (332), Argentina (340), and Chile (344). There were ten new speakers, including four from the host schbol (320, 342344) and two from Canada (324 and 336). Patrick Williams (331) was the firstrepresentative from Florida to give a. talk. Other new speakers included Alexei Vranich (332), David Johnson (346), and Lloyd Anderson (347). There wereonly three multiple-authored papers (330,331,345), two of these by husband-wife teams (331, 345). Isabelle Druc' (328) now listed Yale as her institutional affiliation. On SatUrdayevening, a reception was held in the Bodwell Area of the Hudson Museum. The museum was open beyondnormal'hoursfor the enjoyment of conference participants. Of particular interest was the special exhibit, "Empires Emerging: Collecting the Peruvian Past" which had opened on September 20th. Other permanent and temporary exhibits were also open for viewing and Steve Whittington, the Director of the museum, proved an excellent host. On Sunday morning a .decisionwas made about the location of the next meeting. Dartmouth College in Hanover,. New Hampshire had been so designated, but complications made it necessary to postpone holding the meeting there for one year. After discussion,it was decided to hold the next meeting at Binghamton University (SUNY), in Binghamton, New York.19

authored papers (351,368,372,374,375, and

380) set a conference record.

19It was also decided to hold the 2000 meeting in Am, heist, Massachusetts:

The fourteen new speakers came from far and wide. Included were such places as Califor.. nia (358), Colorado (362), Indiana (388), Illinois (364), and Canada (350,359,360, and 369). Patricia Netherly (349) retUrned to the conference after a long absence and listed the Fundaci6n Alexander von Humboldt in Quito, Ecuador as her new institutional affiliation. A number of other regulars also listed a change of institutional affiliation: David Johnson (383) was now at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst; Tamara Bray (365) was at Wayne State University;JoEUenBurkholder (379)was

323.. at Indiana University of Pennsylvania; Warren Church (385) was at Dumbarton Oaks; and
Mike Malpass (375) was back at Ithaca College.

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

designated meeting place for early arrivals on Friday evening. The meeting was held in the newly reno.vated Room 104 in Thompson Hall. Copies of the program and abstracts were made available at the registration table. Booksellersadvertised their publications at the adjoining table. Don chaired the meeting and he invited participants to view the special photo exhibit by die Peru.. vian photographer, Vincente Revilla, entided uQoyllur Rit'i: In Search of the Lord of the Snow Star", which was on display on the main floor of the nearby W.E.B. Du Bois Library. A total of 37 presentations were made, including a special invited lecture (413) on Saturday evening byNilda Callafiaupa. She was introduced by Susan Bruce of the Harvard University Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. Following this talk, the annual business meeting was held. It was confirmed that the 2000 and 2001 meetings would be held at Dartmouth and Yale, respectively. Discus.. sion then centered on the fact that the expan.. sion in the number of talks the past two years had come at the expense of the discussiontime immediately followingtalks. It was concluded that those who volunteer to host future meet.. ings of the conference do so with the under.. standing that discussion is highly valued by the participants. Though a number of suggestions were offered, it was decided to leave it up to each organizer to decide how to achieve this end. Followingdinner, Don and his wifeMary Jean hosted a party at their home. The total of 37 talks presented at this meeting nearly matched the new high estab.. lished the year before. Like the previous year, there were twelve non..Peru..related talks repre.. senting five countries. In this case, Argentina (416 and 417), Bolivia (412,418,419, and 425), Chile (391 and 392), Colombia (420), and Ecuador (414 and 415) were so represented. Notably, the Universities of Chicago (397) and Pittsburgh (394and 412) continued to be repre.. sented at the conference. There were fifteen

A business meeting was held earlySatUrday evening after the supper break. Bill scheduled presentations by Jose Ochatoma P., Martha Cabrera R., and himself on an emergencysitua.. tion at the site of Conchapata, abutting the Ayacucho airport in the South Central High.. lands of Peru. The other businesswas to con.. firm the location of the next meeting. Once again, it was reported that the Hanover, New Hampshire site would have to be postponed. It was then voted to move the Amherst, Massa.. chusetts meeting forward from 2,000to 1999.20 The business meeting was followed'by two special presentations, given' by Adriana von Hagen (370) and Gary Urton (371), that dealt with recent discoveries tpade at Laguna de Los Condores in Chachapoyas, Peru. Billwas the evening Coordinator while Juan Carlos Blacker was the Speaker's Assistant. Later that eve.. ning, BillIsbell and his wifeJudy Sigginsho~ted a reception at their home. At the close of the meeting on Sunday, they invited those not leaving the area until the next day to meet at their home for the purpose of dining with them at a local restaurant.

1999
The eighteenth annual meeting of the conference was hosted by the University of Massachusetts at Amherst the weekend of October 22..24, 1999. Support wasprovided by the College of Social and Behavioral Sciences
.

and by the DepartmentofAnthropology.Don

Proulx was the meeting organizerand he estab.. lished the Boltwood Tavern in the Lord Jeffrey Inn on the town common in Amherst as the

20It was also agreed to hold the 2000 meeting in Hanover, New Hampshire, and the 2001 meeting at Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut.

ANDEAN PAST6 (2000) new speakers (391,393,399,401,403,406,411, 413,418,420,423,425, and 426), a conference record. Though most of the new speakerscame fromwithin the conference's geographicalcore, we heard our first speakers from Tennessee (418), Colombia (420), and The Netherlands (403). Finally, five of the new presenters (400, 403, 406, 413, and 420) reflected a growing international participation in the conference. Summary A total of one hundred and sixty papers were given at the five NCAAE meetings held during the years 1995,1999. The averagenum, ber presented was thirty,two. Even excluding the huge increase in papers presented in 1998 and 1999, the average was twenty'seven, two more than the preceding phase. The papers continued to provide pan,Andean coverage. There wereflfty,nine new presenters,an average of twelve a meeting, and many now came from outside the geographicalcore ofthe conference. In addition, with the exception of the meeting held in 1997, a noticeable number of papers were by multiple authors. The trend toward greater outside participation in NCAAE meet, ings noted in Phase II continued in Phase' III and this was likely facilitated by the spread of electronic communication. Discussion The four hundred and tWenty,six papers which have been presented at meetings of the NCAAE to date reflect a wide array of subject matter. Though a somewhat daunting task, it is possible to assign the great majority of these

..324 425), the Initial Period (68, 117, 118, 158,159, 179,227,248,274,276,277,297..299,307,339, 356,357,384,395,396,398), the EarlyHori, zon (38,83,140,161,339), the EarlyIntermedi, ate Period (15, 38, 45, 49, 50, 121, 163), the Regional Developmental Period (174, 270), the RegionalClassic (216), the Middle Horizon (25, 85,104,119,295,296,334,378,392,404,407, 408), the Late Intermediate Period (205, 250, 252), the Protohistoric Period (219)and the Colonial Period (58,329,366). In like manner, other papers have focused on specific archaeological cultUres. Hence, we have learned about the Cham (22, 23, 67,144, 157,246,328,341), Guafiape (276,398), Para, cas (39,87, 115, 133, 139, 140, 160,234,377), Nasca (13,19,30,31, 70, 87, 88,114,115,141, 198, 199, 279, 345, 346, 382, 383, 399, 401, 403), Recuay (7, 28, 226, 376), Gallinazo(143), Moche (7,24,101,144,224,225,278,336,338, 358,360, 377), Huari (1,4, 120, 335, 372,376, 404'407), Tiahuanaco (1'27,165,259,260,290, 293, 332, 333, 335, 378, 379), Sican (77 and 203), Chimu (8,190,204), Chiribaya (393),and Inca (16, 17, 32, 40, 41, 43, 53, 72, 90, 91, 96, 112, 122, 123, 131, 132, 134, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154, 169, 182, 207, 208, 210, 213, 221, 230,255,264,265,281,284,288,300,306,323, 329,330,348,362,367,371,409,412,415,423) cultures. In particular, we have heard anum, ber of reports dealing with the Nasca Lines (13, 30, 31, 199, 346, 383, 401, 402) and the Nasca Valley filtration systems (124, 170, 171, 345). The quipu (264,286,300,323,371), masonry techniques (90, 91, 105, 123, 285, 348, 367, 409, 411, 412), road network (16, 112, 255), and frontier (152, 207, 255, 306) of the Inca culture also have been widely discussed. Archaeological periods and cultUresmaybe viewed as forming a set of related categories. A second set of related categories concern the natural and social environment. Papers on climate (56, 74, 116,267,269,334, 344),land, scape (17, 259, 342, 343), soils (75, 113, 147), and water (17, 125, 230, 239, 297, 346, 375, 383) fall into the former, while papers dealing

papersto one or morebroadcategories.

A number of papers have dealt with a spe, cmc archaeologicalperiod. In this waywe have become informed about early and middle Holo, cene times (420), Paleoindian times (183,220, 194, 344), the Preceramic (11, 55, 137, 138, 193, 229, 268, 303, 314, 319,322, 385), the Archaic (391) the Formative (109, 142, 195, 222, 235, 247, 249, 272, 275, 380, 416, 417,

325..

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

with subsistence (11, 14, 18,21,35,50,51,55, 82, 92, 98, 125, 127, 136, 150, 168, 228, 233, 254, 262, 283, 284, 303, 320, 355, 380, 388, 417), exchange (263, 270,301,328,360,392, 394,414,418), social structure (95, 114, 132, 138, 203, 206, 216, 242, 249, 286, 301, 425), gender (121, 225, 226, 266, 292, 301, 318), ethnicity (103, 107,134, 153,211,221), iconog.. raphy (1, 26..28, 69, 141, 144, 198, 202, 224, 234, 275, 370, 400, 403, 425), ritual (59; 154, 206, 224, 274, 276, 297, 299, 333, 338, 341), symbolism (34, 103, 157, 182, 186, 188, 192, 215, 264, 286, 300, 313, 341, 371), complex society (4, 18, 20, 40, 47, 72, 118, 143, 148, 206,245,248,389), and ethnohistory (8,9,31, 33,41,42,53,54,58,94,95,97,112,154,173, 213, 238,.261, 265, 287, 288, 302, 347, 363, 387,422, 423) fall into the latter. The history of archaeology,based on archi.. val research, has been' the concern of some papers (68, 78, 102, 126, 139, 160, 167, 187, 212, 258, 273; 304, 325, 390). Many other papers have been based on current archaeologi.. cal field work. Survey reports have been given for Argentina (340), Bolivia (168, 209, 239, 240, 242, 289, 354, 355), Brazil (311), Chile (191 and 368), Ecuador (109, 128, 146, 174, 222), Peru (6, 7, 11,36,38,45,52,83,86, 107, 140, 161, 164, 178, 200, 296, 369, 382, 408), and Venezuela (37). Excavations reports have also been presented for Argentina (416, 417), Bolivia (236, 237, 293, 332, 378, 418, 425), Chile (272), and Peru (1..4,23, 25,88, 106, 108, 117..120,158,159,179,205,223,227,247,248, 268,274,276..278,294,296,298,299,312,322, 331, 336, 337, 356, 357, 360, 362, 372, 373, 376, 384, 395, 396, 398, 404..407). Promising new research tools were discussedin the survey reports dealing with low altitude aerial photog.. raphy (368) and satellite imagery (369). Finally, we have heard many technical. reports. They have dealt with architecture (2, 3, 15, 32, 33, 49, 79, 94, 105, 106, 122, 162, 163, 165, 171,247,336,389), marine shell (62 and 98), lithics (12, 63, 193), textiles (22, 44, 65,104,130,133,166,189,190,192,210,339,

366), wood (329), metal (29,46,61,64,66,93, 129,241,253,277,337), pottery (5,39,43,57, 71, 76~77, 85, 86, 89, 99..101, 108, 135, 142, 155, 176, 185, 196, 197, 203, 204, 246, 260, 270, 305, 327, 328, 330, 333, 360, 365, 379, 421), faunal remains (35, 156, 262, 283, 284, 381), floral remains (50, 51, 233, 254), and human remains (114, 115, 177, 184,231,232, 243,247,250..252,282,309,310,315,391,393, 397). The science of archaeology wasespecially demonstrated by papers dealing with stable isotopes (268), DNA (315), trace element analysis (337), X..ray analysis (101), and the electron microscope (330). Final Thoughts Dan was initially criticized for having had the audacity to include "Annual" in the title of the first meeting held in 1982. Clearly, the conference has proven to be a great successand Dan should be appiauded for having exhibited both foresightand determination. The question remains, however: why has the conference met with such success? My informants and I agree that this is due to a number of factors.
.

First and foremost~ the small scale of the meeting is a pure delight. One is able to speak with friends, both old and new, in a generally unhurried and informal atmosphere. Over the years a group identity has formed as manyofthe same people have returned annually to attend the gathering. If you will, a sense of extended family has emerged and this sense has been heightened by the fact that the group includes a large number of couples. Many of the spouses . have not participated formally in the meetings and many have little or no background in the Andes. Still, they all enjoy attending and this speaks for the conviviality of the conference. From the student's perspective, the confer.. ence has provided an inexpensive and easily accessible alternative to regional meetings held. outside the Northeast. Furthermore, the con.. ference has provided an opportunity to interact with professionals in an atmosphere consider..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

- 326

ably less intimidating than that found at national meetings. Students have the opportunity to make contacts and to have their ideas taken seriouslyby senior scholars. The fact that many in the group first participated in the conference prior to completing their doctorates means that students can hone their speakingskillsbefore a generally supportive audience. The early Fall isan ideal time for the conference because other meetings are rare then. In addition, because people are just returning from the field, they have new information to present and new ideas to discuss. The single session format has helped create a greater sense of group participation because we all get to hear the new information and ideas at the same time. The conferencehas alwayswelcomedfreshideas as wellas new members. & such,'not only have we heard from a growing number of speakers, but an amazing array of topics have been presented under the Andean umbrella. A fascinating .aspect of hearing particular speakers over the yeats is that you begin to see how they have developed certain ideas or perspectiv~s through time. As their knowledge advances, so too does that of the group, albeit, mostly in an incremental way. We come to expect, indeed anticipate the next "chapter" of their life's work. Tom Patterson has spoken about the evolution (20) and nature of the Andean State (40,47, 72, and 148),while Inca stonework has been the focus of LeeHollowell's presentations (66, 91, 123, 285, 348, 367 and 409 ). We have watched Gary Urton sbift from ethnographic (31,54,81,94, and 154) to symbolic (157 and 188) concerns, in general and qUipu-relatedones (264,286,300, and 371), in particular. Monica has drawn heavily from ethnohistoric sourcesfor her presentations (58, 97, 170,213, and 288), whileI have made use of the Lima press (68, 102, 126, 139, 160, 212, 258, 273 and 304) and museum archives (325 and 390) to speak about the history of Peruvian archaeology.

Archaeologically speaking, Don Proulxhas become our resident expert on the Nasca Culture (70, 141, 198, 279, and 382) while Izumi Shimada has informed us on the Sican CultUre (77,89, and 203) as well as prehispanic metallurgy in northern Peru (46, 93, 129, and 142). Heading back in time, Richard and LucyBurger have presented information about the Initial Period occupation of the LurinValley (117,158, 179,299,384, and 396) j Tom and Shelia Pozorski have done the same for the Casma Valley (118, 159,227, 248, 298, 356, 395), and Tom Zoubek has imtiated a similar study of Initial Period settlement in the VirUValley (247, 297, 357, and 398). Jack Rossen has principally concentrated on the Preceramic (193,314 and 322) and Dan's work concerns the emergenceof complex society in Preceramic times (18, 194, 245.,268, 269, and 319) and particularly the role playedby climaticchange (62,98, 116and267). The research interests of Mike Malpass overlap with those of Dan and Jack regarding the Preceramic (11, 36. 138, 229, and 321) and with others concerned with post-fonnative settlement in southern Peru (71, 86, 178, and 294), in general, and, specifically,as it relates to terraced agrlculturalsystems (52 and 125). In this way, Mike also overlaps with Gray Graffam who has spoken regarding Tiwanaku agriculture (127 and 150) as well as on metallurgy (241 and 253) and the Middle Horizon (295) in Chile. Clark Ericksonhas taught us much about Bolivian raised-field agriculture (92, 168, 209, 239,242, and 289) and he has discussedagrarian collapse during the Middle Horizon (334). The Middle Horizon has preoccupied Anita Cook (1, 26, 164, 296, and 373), JoElIen Burkholder (237, 260, 290, 293, and 379) and Bill Isbell,who has focused his attention on the Ayacucho area (4, 25, 389, and 404), Bolivia (236, 293, and 335), and the Northern Highlands of Peru (120). In the latter area, he was led to reconsider the importance of local architectural traditions (162 and 206). Such local traditions had been discussed in detail byJohn and Theresa Topic (15,49, 106, and 163),who

327

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

then shifted their attention to related ethno~ historic research in Northern Peru (153) and Ecuador (221,361, and 415).21 From the above, it can be seen that the conference has acted as a crucible of sorts, allowingfor the interplay of ideas and the cre~ ation of new perspectives especiallyconcerning the Preceramic Period, the Initial Periodand the MiddleHorizon. The conferenceoffersspeakers abundant opportUnities for feedback, both. immediatelyafter their presentations and during scheduled breaks. The conversations that are held are often intense and one can't help but be stimulated by the livelyexploration of ideas.
. During the past tWoyears, the number of presentations has reached an all~time high. This has been achieved, however, at the cost of greatly reduced opportUnities for discussion immediately following presentations. Partici~ pants have expressed dissatisfaction with this trend and future organizers have been charged with the responsibllity of restoring this valued time for discussion. How they do so, however, has been left.to their discretion.

it consists of individuals who ~njoy collegial interaction and who have learned to appreciate one another. We can boast some top peoplein their fields, many of whom are still relatively young. We have begun to plan meetings in advance and we have a solid core of individuals who have volunteered to host meetings. Again, some of these individuals are near the beginning of their professional careers. Finally, with the continued involvement of Dan and other dedi. cated members, the future of the conference looks assured.
Referencescited Browman, David L. 2000 An Informal History of the Origins and Early Yearsof the Midwestern Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory: The First 25 Years, 1973.1997. Andean Past 6:347-367. Brown, Robin M. 2000 Lynda Elliot Spickard, 1944.1999. AndeanPast 6:1-4. Burger, Richard L. 1998 Heidy Fogel, 1956.1994. Andean Past5:1-3. Donnan, Christopher B. 1985 Preface. In EarlyCeremonialArchitectureIn The Andes: A Conferenceat DumbartonOaks, 8th to 10th October 1982, edited by Christopher B. Donnan, pp. 3-6. Washington, D.C.: Dumbar. ton Oaks Research Library and Collection. I<vietok,D. Peter and Daniel H. Sandweiss (editors) 1985 RecentStudiesIn Andean Prehistory And Prorohis. tory: Papers fromthe SecondAnnual Northeast Conferenceon Andean ArchaeologyandEthnohis. tory. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Latin American Studies Program. Lyon, Patricia J. 1982' Editor's Preface and Dedication of this Special Issue. NawpaPaeha20:1-2. Morris, Craig

Overall, however, I think we should feel very good about the conference. We have had wonderful institutional support and the many special venues have added to the weekend experiences. The conference gains prestige through its association with Andeanpast22 and, in this regard, we need to acknowledge the continued support of the Cornell LASP, its current Associate Director, MaryJoDudley,and its former Directors Tom Holloway,BillieJean Isbell, Lourdes Beneria, and Debra CastUlo. Conference membershipisnot yetunwieldyand

1985

Junius Bouton Bird (1907-1982). American

Anthropologist 87:120-122.

influenced.
22

21This shift was pardy due to the uneasy political sitUa. tion in Peru during the late1980s and early 1990s which made it increasingly dangerous to continue research in the highlands. I suspect that Bill Isbell's shift to Bolivia (236) and Joan Gera's move to Argentina (249) were similarly

Murra, John V. 1994 John Hyslop 1945.1993. Andean Past4:1-7. Sandweiss, Daniel H. 1987 Preface. Andean Past 1:iii.iv. 1992 MarthaB.Anders 1949.1990. AndeanPast 3:1.

4.
Sandweiss, Daniel H. (editor)
1983 Investigations Of The Andean Past: Papers from the

First Annual Northeast Conference on Andean

Past, now that's another story...

The history of Andean

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
Archaeologyand Ethnohistory. Ithaca,New York:

..328
Sandweiss, Daniel H. and D. Peter Kvietok (editors) 1986 Perspectives On AndeanPrehistory And Protohis. tory: Papers frum the Third Annual Ncrrthuut Conference onAndeanArchaeology and Ethnohis. tory. Ithaca, New York: CornellUniversity Latin American Studies Program.

Cornell University Latin American Studies Program.

~Iogy vepar-tmen't Corne1l University 215 l~cGrav Hall Ithaca, Hev York ;1.4853 May 5, 1982

"Dear Colleague:

I am sending you this letter as an advance notice of and invitation to the 1ft Annual Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeology and Etbnohistory. to be hel.d at Corne1l University on Saturday, I.ovember 13, 1982. The idea for this conter~nce derives in large part from the successtul series of regional meetings held in the Midwest, and, a similar format will - be followed. Papers are invited trom students, faculty, and other researchers concerned with Andean archaeology and ethnohistory.' A final deadline of Septsber 30, 19~2 has been set for the receipt of titles. It there is sufficient interest, the conference could run over to part of November 14th. .
"

In order to save money, on1;y one letter

either to the first person listed

has been sent to each departmen1i,

interested in Andean
-:.

in The Guide as being

archaeology or et1inohistory, or else to the department chairman. I would appreciate it it you could bring this notice to the attention of interested colleagues and students. There will be no registration tee, and ev.eryone is invited. The conference is meant as an opportunity tor Andeanists from the northeast region to get together and discuss their current research in a fair~ informal setting. If you have any questions, feel.tree to contact me through the Department of Anthropology, Cornell University or at (607) 256-7254. I anticipate a second mailing in early September, and a short program will be sent out some time in October (after all the paper titles have been received), along with general information on travel, lodging, and so forth. "I look. forward to seeing you in November!
"

Sincerely,

D~~r;
Daniel Sand\l'eiss

Figure 1. Invitation to first NCAAE meeting dated May 5, 1982.

329

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

'1'0: ,,"-'"!ti1ropol~ GnY.1uateStudent$ a.nd'Faculty f):"'CWt~ Dan Sandtleill$ na~ l.:ndean Con!erenae p..nthropology Colloqu'.a j}"telr 16 August'l 1982

L 'rho .f'1rst.'NcrtbeastCc:d'e:rence on Andean Archaeology and Ethnoh1at.ary will be held at Cornell on No,,-ember13...14. l.nyone who tlouJ,d like to giTe a paper ~ wOUldlike t.o be involvd in the organization and running ~i the conference should let. me moo. 'the Latin American Stutlies Program ",521 be sponsoring the event.~ which meSn3 that t.bey are 'Pick L'1gup the tab ared slso that there is a possibility of publishing the contorence in their 6ccaa tonal rapers series.. 2.. Pe<.tple and su~:gestions are needed tor this year's ColloquiUlll COMf.'1ittee.. It ~'CUwont tt' helps if' there is smeone vh~ ~ourd like to hear" or if you know of anyope who wUl be in t.be area and might. like to give a talk.t please get in touch with Ann Pet.erso

Figur~2. Memo regarding the first NCME meeting dated August 16, 1982.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,330

Cornell University Ithaca, New York 14853 S'eptember 1, 1982'

..-NORTHEAST'CONFERENCE ON ANDEANARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOHISTORY... NOVEMBER13-14, 1962

215 McGrawHall

Depart~ent

of Anthropology

CORNELLUHIVERSITY

Dear Colleague I am sending you this letter as a notice o'f and invitation to the 1st Annual HortheastConference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory, to be held at Cornell University on Saturday and Sunday, 13-14 Novem~er, 1982. Papers are invited from students, ~aculty, and other researchers concerned with Andean archaeology and ethnohistory. A final deadline of October 10th has been set for the receipt.of titles. A number have already come i~h Format will be =limllar to' that of the Midwest regional
conference, with "plenary" sessions on Saturday morning and afternoon and on SUnday mornipg. Each-speaker will have 30 minutes. Talks should last about 20-25 minutes, with 5-10

minutes for

questions

and

discussion.
by the Cornell Latin American

The oonference Stud ies Program.

will be sponsored

As with the first mailing, only one oopy of this letter has baenserit to each department, although I have:also sent copies to people who have corresponded with me about the conferenc~. I bring this notice to the would appreciate it if you could attention of interested colleagues and students. There is no registration fee, and everyone is invited. The conference is

meant aa an opportunity for Andeanists from. the northeast region to get together and discuss their current research in a fairly
informal setting.

If you have any questions, feel free to writeor oallme at the Departmentof Anthropology, Cornell (607) 256-5137, or call
me at home at (607) 217-0547. As soon as all the titles are. received, by October 10th at the latest, I will mail _p short program along with general information on travel, lodging and' so Anyone who would like to be added to the mailing list forth. should send me their name and address. I.~ook forward

to seeing you ~n .November

Sincerely,

D.:J.~
Daniel Sandweiss

Figure 3.

Invitation

to the

first

NCME

meeting

dated September

I, 1982.

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

Department of Anthro"polog y 215 .McGraw Hall Cornell University Ithaca, New York 1~853 October 20, 1982

"Dear Colleague,

is a program. for the FIRST ANNUAL NORTHEAST CONFERENCEON ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOHISTORY, to be. held at Cornell University on November 13 and 14, 1982. The conference is sponsored by the Cornell Latin American Studies Program. I hope that you will be able to attend
I have also enclosed information on practical matters such as travel and ~odging. You will find a list of local 'hotels on the reverse of this sheet and a separate sheet with travel directions and campus map.. If you have any questions, please feel free to contaot me at the Anthropology Department, tel~ (601)256-5137, or at home.~qtel. (607) 277-05~1.

Enclosed

Beoause economic considerations if you could make the information your institution. Thanks. "X look forward to seeing
send this notice to everyone,

make it available

impossible
appreciate

to
it

X would really

to colleagues

in

you here!

.Sinoe:,lY,

Daniel Sandweiss
Several of the graduate Department here have visiting grad students to throw sleeping bags. These spaoes will be allocated on a firstoome~ first-serve basis; please get in touoh with me as soon as possible. X need to know arrival date (Friday or, Saturday), number in party, whether or not you will nave a car, and your phone number and address. students in the Anthropology volunteered floor spaoe for

D".;J~~

.--ATTENTION GRADUATE STUDENTS I

Figure4. October20,1982 coverletter sent to thoseattendingthe firstNCAAE.

UwEAN PAST 6 (2000)

. INFORMAtIoN -'-ORSPE~~CIfS FIRST ANNUAL NORTHEASTCONFER~E ONANDEIW-ARCHAEOLOGf AND

..332

ETHNOHISTOKr-

---

1. Please check the enclosed program. It I have made any errors or it you w~sh to make a change, let me know at least a week before the conference so that the alterations oan be incorporated in the final prcgram. . .

2.

of 30 lI1inutes alloted Each speaker wUl have a t.otal

to

" him/h~r.

The suggested length ot talks is 20-25 minutes, leaving 5-10 minute~ for discussion. Because we have so many papers, it lsvital that we stick to the schedule.

3. The room we wial be using seats about 200 hundred persons; it 15 equipped with a projection booth, 2 Kodak carousel projectors, a large screen, and a sound system! 'If you have any special requirements, let me know and I will try.to arrange for them. you might

There will be a number of empty slide carouselsavailable,though find it easier to bring your own carousel pre-loaded. 4. As part of their sponsorship, the Cornell Latin American Program has agreed to publish a volume of Selected Papers

from the conference in.their Occasional Papers series. These pUblications are offset from typescript,'softbound, and produced in limited press runs. Those who wish to do'so must sUbmit a clean copy of their paper 'by January 15,.1983. Let me emphasize
that delivering a paper at the conference does not carry any

Studies

obligation to submit a version, for publication. Details on the editorial process will be forthcoming. The Cornell ~tin American Studies Publications Committee reserves.the right to tinal apprdva~ of the collection of papers to be 'published.

me through.

It you have any problems or questions, do get in t9uch .with the Anthropology Department, tel. (601) 256-5131, or at. home, tel. (607) 211-0547.' . 5.

Thanks,

O".J~
Dan Sandwe1s~

gure 5. Information for Speakers, first NCAAE meeting..

333..

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

APPENDIX 1: ChronologicalListingOf PapersPresented At The NortheastConference

First meeting organized byDaniel H.Sandweiss, CorneuUniversity, Ithaca,New York,Nowmber 13~14, 1982.
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Aspects of State Ideologyin Huari and Tiwanaku Iconography:The Central Deity and the SacMcer byAnita G. Cook (Colgate University). Spatial Patterning and the Function of a Huari Architectural Compound by Christine Brewster~ Wray (SUNY

Binghamton).

Square Pegs in Round Holes: An Architecture of Sacred Power by Lynda E. Spickard (SUNY Binghamton). Ideological Antecedents of Empireby William H. Isbell (SUNY~Binghamton). Casma~IncisedPottery: An Analysisof Collections from the Nepefia Valley by Cheryl C. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Virahuanca Bajo:On Understanding Megalithic Sites in the Nepefia Valley by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Moche and RecuayRelationshipsin the NepefiaValley,Peru by DonaldA. Proulx (UniversityofMassachusetts

8.
9.
10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Amherst).

TheChancas ofAngaraes: 1450(1) 1765 by Paul H. Dillon (Cornell University).

~

University) .

La Lengua Pescadora: The Lost Dialect of Chimu Fishermen by Joel Rabinowitz (Johnson Museum, Cornell

The Chincha Valley Project by Craig Morris (American Museum of Natural History). Preceramic Subsistence Technologies of the Casma Valley, Peru by Michael A. Malpass (University of Wisconsin Madison). Stone Tools in Ceramic Contexts: Edges,Actions, and Shapes byJoan M. Oero (University of Massachusetts Amherst) A PreliminaryInvestigation of Order in the Nazca Lines by Anthony F. Aveni (Colgate University) and Gary Urton (CQlgateUniversity). High Altitude Land Use in the Huamachuco Area by Tom McGreevey (Trent University) and Roxanne Shaughnessy (Trent University).

15.
16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

Viracochapampa:New Informationby John R. Topic (Trent University)and Theresa L. Topic (Trent

University). Results of an ArchaeologicalSurveyof the Inka Road Systemby John Hyslop (Institute of Andean Research). The Shape of Things That Were: Landscape and Waterscape near Inca Cuzco by Susan A. Niles (Lafayette College). Ecologyand Analogy: A RevisedModel of the Origin of Complex Sbciety on the Peruvian Coast, by Daniel .H. Sandweiss (Cornell University). Huaca del Loro Revisited by Allison C. Paulson (Hartwick College). The Evolution of Andean SocialFormations on the Central Coast of Peru, 5000 to 1000 B.C. by Thomas C. Patterson (Temple University). Sierra, Selva, and Salt: The Case for a Central Huallaga Prehistory by Warren DeBoer (CUNYQueens College). The Uses, Roles, and MeaningsofChavfn~tyle Painted Textiles by Rebecca Stone (YaleUniversity). Two Villages in the ChavCnHeartland: Pojoc and Waman Wain by Richard L. Burger (YaleUniversity).

Second meeting organized byCraigManis and D. PeterKvietokAmericanMuseum of Natural History,New YorkCity, November 19~20, 1983.
24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32; The The The The Moche Moon by ElizabethP. Benson (Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California). Ayacucho Valley in the Middle Horizon by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton). Significance of the Conchapata B Deposit: I by Anita G. Cook (Colgate University). Significanceof the Conchapata B. Deposit: II by Dorothy Menzel (Institute of And~an Studies, Berkeley,

California) .

A Distinctive Supernatural Creature ofRecuay Iconography by Steven Wegner (Dumbarton Oaks). Impressions in Metal: Reconstructing Burial Context at Loma Negra by Anne~Louise Schaffer (Metropolitan Museum of Art). New Data on the Nasca Line Centers by Anthony F. Aveni (Colgate University). Ethnographic and Ethnohistoric Perspectiveson the Nasca Linesin the Plaza at Quebrada de la Vaca by Gary

Urton (ColgateUniversity).

Symbolic Structure at Inkawasi,Cafiete Valley by John Hyslop (American Museum of Natural History).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
33.

-334
.

Dualism and Ceremonial Architecture in the Northern Andes by Patricia Netherly (Cornell University).

34.
35. 36. 37. 38.
.

Written Sourceson AndeanCosmology byGeorgeKubler(YaleUniversity). A. Malpass(St.Lawrence University).

.

The Guinea Pig is Good to Eat:The Guinea Pig is Good to Think by Carolyn}. North (princeton University). Two Preceramic and Formative Period Occupations in the Cordillera Negra: Preliminary Report by.Michael Recent Archaeological Investigationsin the High Llanos and Piedmont of Western Venezuela by Charles S. Spencer (University of Connecticut) and Elsa M. Redmond (University of Connecticut). The Transition From the EarlyHorizon to the Early Intermediate Period: A Comparison of the Nepefia and
VirU Valleys by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst).

39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44.

A Re*evaluation of the Paracas Seriation by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany). Pachacamac: .The Production of Ideologyin Central Peru under the Incas by Thomas C. Patterson (f emple University) The Spanish League and Inca Sites:A Reassessmentof the 1566 Itinerary ofJuan de Matienzo through N.W. Argentina by Gordon C. Pollard (SUNYPlattsburgh). Bolivia:Progresson Andean Historyby John V. Murra (Cornell University). Machu Picchu Ceramics: HiramBinghamand the Lost City of the Incas Rediscovered by Leon G. Doyon (Yale University). Patterns/Designs of the Huaca Prieta Textiles by Milica Skinner (American Museum of Natural History).

Third meetingorganizedby DonaldA. Proulx,Universityof Massachusetts, Amherst, October 27-28,1984.

45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61.
.

The EarlyIntermediate Period Occupation of the North.Centrai Coast: An Emerging Perspective by Richard E. Daggett (University of MassachusettsAmherst). Ancient Mining and Metallurgyon the Northern Coast of Peru by Izumi Shimada (Harvard University). Pre~IncaicClass and State Formation in Peru by Thomas C. Patterson (Temple University). The Process of State Formation in the Andes: A View through Time by Patricia Netherly (Dumbarton Oaks and UniversitYof Massachusetts Amherst). Evolution of Architectural Formsin Huamachuco by John R. Topic (Trent University). . Analysis of Organic Remains 6:omHuamachuco Colcas by Coreen Chiswell (Trent University). The Archaeological Botany of a Highland Andean Site at Tantamayo Huanuco, Peru, by Lawrence Kaplan (UniversitYof Massachusetts Boston). Terrace Systemsof the Colea Valley,Peru: A preliminary report by Michael A. Malpass. Large Scale Coca*LeafGrowingin Eastern Qollasuyu byJohn V. Murra (Institute of Andean Research). The History and Geography of Origin Places in Pacariqtambo by Gary Urton (Colgate University). Differentiated Subsistence Modeof the Peruvian Cotton Preceramic Period by ElzbietaZechenter (University California LosAngeles). The Salar de Punta Negra: ClimateChange, Water Budgetsand Settlement around a Former FreshwaterLake (in Northern Chile) by Thomas Lynch (Cornell University). Topam, by Dwight Wallace (SUNYAlbany). Representations of the Cosmosby Monica Barnes (Community College of Allegheny CountY). Earth Mother, Earth Father: Ancient Shrines in Contemporary Andean Worship by SusanA. Niles (Lafayette College). An Analysis of Two Tairona Pendants by Robert Sanin. Aspects of Casting Practice in Prehispanic Peru by Stuart V. Arnold (Harvard University).

Fourth meeting organized byDwightWallace, State Universityof New York at Albany, November 2*3, 1985.
62. 63. 64. 65.
66.

Were Bronze Tools Used in Andean Stone Working? by J.Lee Hollowell.,

Choromytiluschorusin Andean Prehistory by Daniel H. Sandweiss (Cornell University). Basalt Use~WearStudies by D. Peter Kvietok (American Museum of Natural History). Manufacture of Beadsin Prehispanic Peru by Stuart V. Arnold (Harvard UniversitY). Textile Conservation in the Field by Sandra Evans.

67. 68. 69.

Chavinoid Incised Bone Implements in the Collection of the Fine Arts Museum of Long Island by Marilyn Goldstein (Fine Arts Museum of Long Island). The Excavations of Two CupisniqueTemples in Nepefia: Reconstructing the EvidenceJor Cerro Blancoand Punkurl by Richard E. Daggett (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst). The Iconography of Bats in South America by Elizabeth P. Benson (Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California).

335
70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76.

.
University).
.

Daggett: TheNortheastAndean Conference

Nasca Mythical Iconography: Some New Discoveries.by Donald A. Proulx (University Massachusetts of Amherst) Ceramics from the Colca Valley: ProvisionalIdentification by Michael A. Malpass (Washington and Lee Merchants and Markets in the Inca State and Beyond by Thomas C. Patterson (Temple University). A Reanalysisof the Copper Man by Nancy Demyttenaer. How Important is Climate in Understanding Culture History:The Case of the Santa Elena Peninsula, Ecuador, by Eugene McDougle. The Soilsof Sierra Moko, Cochabamba,Bolivia,by William H. Hurley (University of Toronto ), Gray Graffam. (University of Toronto) , and David Pereira Herrera. The Kaolin Ceramic Tradition in the Northern Sierra by Theresa L Topic (Trent University). Variabilityin Slean Blackware: Morphology, Decoration,Chronologyby Kate M. Cleland (University of California Los Angeles) and IzumiShimada (Harvard University). JuniusBird'sExcavations in SouthChile: 1936~37 byJohn Hyslop(AmericanMuseumofNaturalHistory). Architectural Features of La Centinela, Chincha by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany).

77. 78.
79.

80. .
81.

StonesIn Contemporary CachorabyRaquelAckerman.

[Tide unknown] by Gary Urton (Colgate University). (Paper not confirmed.)

Fifth meeting argankedby Monica Barnesand Daniel H. Sandweiss, Corneu University, Ithaca, New Yark, November8~9, 1~~ 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90.
91.

Transhumance Patterns in the South Central Andes by Calogero M.Santoro (Universidad de Tarapad., Arka, Chile and Cornell University). . The EarlyHorizon Period in the lea Valley:A Reassessment of the Ocucaje Sequence by Sarah A. Massey. (In absence of author, paper read by Kate M. Cleland.) EarlyRidge Top Administrative Centers and the Consolidation of Power in the Callej6n de Huaylas, Peru by Joan M. Oero (University of South Carolina). (Author did not attend; paper not presented.) Middle Horizon Ceramics from the Planned Site of Azangaro (Ayacucho, Peru) by Martha B.Anders (Cornell

University) .

The Ceramic Sequence from Chijra, Colca Valley, Peru, by Michael A. Malpass (St. Lawrence University). Images and Environments: Nasca and Paracas, by Ann Peters (Cornell University). Nasca 8 at Cahuachi: A Late Nasca Occupation at an Early Nasca Site by Helaine Silverman (Universityof Illinois Urbana). Paleteada Ceramics at Huaca del Pueblo: Chronology and Functional Classes by Kate M. Cleland (University California Los Angeles) and IzumiShimada (Harvard University). The Role of Abrasive Cutting in Inca Stonework by StUart V. Arnold (Harvard University).
Stone Deterioration and the Bolivian Pachamama by J. Lee Hollowell.

92. 93. 94.

95.

Archaeology and Development: Applied Investigation of Raised Field Agriculture in the Lake Titicaca Basin by Clark L Erickson (Universityof IllinoisUrbana). Experimental Smelting of Copper:Behaviorallnsights by IzumiShimada (Harvard University), Joan F. Merkel (HarvardUniversity), and StephenM. Epstein(University ofPennsylvania). History of an Adobe Wall from 1915 to 1985: Public ArchitectUre as Social Context by Oary Urton (Colgate

University). 96.
97.

Social Structure as CultUral Mediator in the Peruvian Highlands by Jean~Jacques Decoster (Cornell University).

The Killakain Quallasuyuand in the Audienciade Chacas: Some MethodologicalIssuesbyThomas

Abercrombie (University of Chicago). Cristobal de Albornoz and the Taki Ongoy in Soras by Monica Barnes (Cornell University) and David Fleming (Cornell University).
and Theresa L. Topic" Trent University, Peterborough, Ontario, Canada, October 17-18,

Sixth meetingarganizedby]ohnR.
1987.

98.
99.

100.

Molluscs in Peruvian Prehistory: A Preliminary Overview by Daniel H. Sandweiss (Cornell University) and Mana del Carmen Rodrfguez. Sites with Textile~Impressed Pottery from the Nepefia Valley, Peru by Donald A. Proulx (Universityof Massachusetts Amherst). Textile-Impressed Pottery from the Nepefia Valley, Peru by William H. Hurley (University of Toronto).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108.

..336

X~RayAnalysis of Moche Ceramic Manufacturing Techniques by Sergio Purin (Mus~es Royaux d'Art et

d'Histoire,Brussels).

The Pachacamac Studies: 1938~1941by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Identification of Group Identity: Explanation through Cosmography by Michael Czwarno (Cambridge University). A Middle Horizon Mummy BundleHead Covering Type from the Central Coast of Peru by Margaret YoungSlinchez (Columbia University). Inferences from Masonry, Fort A, Marcahuamachuco by H. Stanley Loten (Carleton University). Results ofExcavationsin MonumentalArchitecture at Marcahuamachuco byJohn R.Topic ([rent University). Prehispanic Ethnicity in the Eastern Andes: Wading through the Quagmire by Charles Hastings (Central Michigan University). Stratigraphy and CeramicsfromBuildingNo.1 at the Gran Pajaten by Warren Church (Universityof Colorado Boulder).
.

109.
110. 111. 112. 113.

Archaeology of the Formative Periodin the SouthernHighlandsofEcuadorby FernandoSmchez (Cornell

University). An Examination of Various Recent Research at Catarpe Mojones, Polity Boundaries, The Archaeology of Central Interpretations oflngapirca, Ecuador, 1748-1984 by David Fleming. Tambo, Chile by Thomas Lynch (Cornell University). and the Inka Road by Geoffrey Spurling (Cornell University). Bolivia by William H. Hurley (University ofToromo).

Seventh meeting organized by Donald A. Proulx, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, November 5-6, 1988.

114. 115; 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 12l. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136.

Nasca Burial Patterns: Implications for Socio-political Structuring by Patrick Carmichael (Universityof calgary). '.

Physical Anthropological Analysis of Late Paracas and Early Nasca Trophy Heads by Jose Pablo Baraybar (UniversidadNacional Mayor de San Marcos and Field Museum of Natural History). The Prehistory ofEl Nifio by Daniel H. Sandweiss (CorneD University). The Second Season of Excavations at Cardal, Lunn Valley, Peru by Richard L. Burger (Yale University) and Lucy Salazar Burger (Yale University). ~arly Complex Society in the Casma Valley, Peru by Thomas Pozorski (University ofT exas Pan American) and Shelia Powrski (University of Texas Pan American). Recent Research at Maymi, a Middle Horizon Site in the Lower Pisco Valley by Martha Anders (University of

Calgary).
Honcopampa and Huari: A Report on the First Season of Research at Honcopampa in the CalIej6n de Huaylas by William H. IsbeO (SUNY Binghamton). Early Intermediate P~riod Administration" at Queyash: A Preliminary Report on the 1988 Excavations by Joan M. Gero (University of South Carolina). Orthogonal Patterns in Inka Settlement Design by John Hyslop (InstitUte of Andean Research). Jecas: A Study of their Occurrence and Interpretation in Andean Stonework by J. Lee Hollowell. Archaeological and Historical Arguments for the Introduction ofQanat Irrigation to the New World by David

Fleming.
Irrigated Versus Non~lrrigated Terracing in the Andes: Environmental Considerations by Michael A. Malpass (College of William and Mary). Peruvian Archaeology and the Press: The Case of El Comercio. Preliminary Report, 1935~1964 by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Tiwanaku's Agricultural Legacy by Gray Graffam (University of Toronto). Archaeological Survey in Northern Highland Ecuador by Tamara Bray (SUNY Binghamton). Metallurgical Survey in the VieCtsRegion by Izumi Shimada (Harvard University). The Excavation and Preservation Considerations of Textile Material in the Acan River Valley by T. Rose Holdcraft (Harvard University). The Inca Transformation of Colla Umasuyu by Geoffrey Spurling (Trent University). Kinship and Labor in the Structure ofTawantisuyu by Michael Brewster-Wray (SUNY Binghamton). Syntax and Paradigm in a Visual System: Paracas Necropolis "Block Color" Images by Ann Peters (Cornell

University).

Inter~EthnicRelationsin Aricaat the Eveof the SpanishConquestbyJorgeHidalgoOohnCarterBrown Library).

A Cache from Chongos by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany). Origins of Herding Economies on the Puna ofJun{n by Katherine Moore (Bentley College).

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

Eighth meeting org~ed by Richard L. Burger, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, October 14~15, 1989.

137. 138. 139. 140. 14l. 142. 143. .

144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 15!.
.

New Evidence for the Cotton Preceramic in the South Central Andes by Karen Wise (Northwestern University), Elaine Huebner (Northwestern University), and Niki R. Clark (Washington University). Preceramic Houses and Household Organization Along the Western Coast of South America by Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca College) and Karen Stothert (Trinity University, San Antonio, Texas). Paracas: Discovery and Controversy by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Parncas in Nazca: The Early Horizon occupation of the Rfo Grande de Nasca by Helaine Silverman (Univetsity of Illinois Urbana). Monkeys in Nasca Art and Society by Donald A. Proulx (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Excavation of Formative Ceramic Kilns, Bat~n Grande, North Peru: 1989 by Izumi Shimada (peabody Museum, Harvar4 University); and Carlos Elera (Uriiversity of Calgary). Reconsidering the Chronology and Political Organization of the Gallinazo Culture by Heidy Fogel (Yale

University).

Decapitator Iconographyin Chavfnand Moche IconographybyAlana Cordy~Collins(UniversityofSan Diego). Prehistoric Settlement and Land Use Along the Rfo Canagu~, Barinas Venezuela by Charles S. Spenser (University of Connecticut) and ElsaM. Redmond (University of Connecticut). A Framework for the Prehistoryof the Santiag~Cayapas Basins,Coastal Ecuador by Warren DeBoer (CUNY Queens College). Archaeological Sites and Soils in Cochabamba, Bolivia: 1985~1989by William H. Hurley (University of Toronto).
Pax Incaica: Reality or Ideological Construct by Thomas C. Patterson (Temple University). Hydrology and Hierarchy in Inca Cuzco by Jeanette Sherbondy (Washington College). (Did not attend; paper not presented.) Raised Fields and Verticality of the Pakaq by Gray Graffam (University ofT oronto). Inca State F~rms in the HatUn Xauxa Region, Peru by Terence N. D'Altroy (Columbia University). A Major Inca Site in Tucumn, Argentina by John Hyslop (Institute of Andean Research). Los Primeros Augustinos and the Cultural Geography of Huamachuco, by John R. Topic (Trent University). Monkey~Men and Saints in an Andean Community Ritual and Political Implications of the Distribution and Use ofK'eros and K'usilloqs in Pacariqtambo by Gary Urton (Colgate University).

152. . 153. 154.

H. IsbeU, State Unitlersity of New Yorkat Binghamton, October 27~28,1990. Ninth meeting organized byWilliam
155. 156. 157. 158. 159. Evidence of Perishable Material Impressionon Ceramics in South America by William H. Hurley (University of Toronto). Size Constraint in the Archaeological Recovery ofNeotropical Mammal Remains from Manabt, Ecuador by Peter Stahl (SUNY Binghamton). The Bodyof Meaning in Cham Art by Gary Urton (Colgate University). Preliminary Report on the 1990Investigation at Mina Perdida, Lurln Valley, Peru by Richard L. Burger (Yale University). Administration of Intersite CommodityFlow:Evidence from Bah!a Seca and Pampa de Las Llamas-Moxeque in the Casma Valley, Peru by Thomas Pozorski (University of Texas Pan American) and Shelia pozorski (University of Texas Pan American).

160.
161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166.

The MummyBundles of the Great Necropolisof Wari Kayan by Richard E. Daggett (University of
Massachusetts Amherst). The EarlyHorizon in the Callango Basin, lca Valley by Lisa Deleonardis (Catholic University). Mortuary Monuments in the Far North Highlands of Peru by William H. Isbell (SUNY BinghamtOn). Early Intermediate Period Architecture ofHuamachuco by John R. Topic (Trent University). The Lower lca Valley Survey:A Report on the 1990 Field Season by Anita G. Cook (Catholic University). A Tiwanaku Semi~SubterraneanTemple in the Moqueg~aValley, Peru by Paul Goldstein (American Museum

ofNaturalHistory).

167. 168. 169.

The San Pedro de Atacama TextileProgram: 1990 ProgressReport byWilliam J. Conklin (Instirute of Andean Studies and American Museum of Natural History) and Barbara Conklin (Institute of Andean Studies and American Museum of Natural History). Adolf Bandelier and the ArchaeologyofSurco, 1892by John Hyslop (American Museum of Natural History). New Research on Raised Agricultural Fieldsin the Llanos de Mojos, Boliviaby Clark L Erickson (University

ofPennsylvania).

Capac Hucha in the Inca's Administration ofCoUasuyu by Thomas Besom (SUNY Binghamton).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177.

..338

Documentary Evidence for Filaation Gallery Irrigation in Spain and in the Andes by Monica Barnes (Cornell University) The Architecture of Old and New World Filtration Galleries by David Fleming. Health and History in the Alto Madre de Dios, Peru, by BeverlyBennett (Cornell University). Court, Church, and Cemetery:The case ofthe Chachi Ceremonial Center by Warren DeBoer (CUNYQueens College) The Regional Developmental Period in the Guayas Basin, Ecuador by Michael C. Muse. Radiocarbon Chronology and Stratigraphic Correlation in Northern Manab{, Ecuador by James Zeidler (University of Pittsburgh). Panzaleo Puzzle:Non.local pottery in Northern Highland Ecuador by Tamara Bray (SUNY Binghamton). High Status Shaft Tombs at the Site of La Florida,Pichincha, Ecuador, by Leon G. Doyon (YaleUniversiry).

Tenth meeting organized by CraigMorris,AmericanMuseum of Natural History,New York City, Ncwember2.3, 1991. 178.

179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192.

Reconnaissance in the Upper Camami Valley by Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca College). The Second Season at Mina Perdida by Richard L. Burger (Yale University) and Lucy Salazar Burger (Yale University). The Creation of the Hall of South American Peoples: Dilemmas and Achievements by Craig Morris (American Museum of Natural History). The Chronology of Geoglyphs. by Persis Clarkson (University of Winnipeg) .

A PreliminaryReporton the CuzcoCeque SystemProject (1990.1991)by BrianS. Bauer (University of Chicago).

Paleo.lndian Studies: A view from the northern Andes by WilliamJ. Mayer-Oakes (Texas Tech University). North Ecuadorian Burials: A Review by Qswaldo Benavides and Mana Auxiliadora Cordero. Ceramic Styles and Chronologies in the Northern Highlands of Ecuador: Dates and Contexts from La Florida, Quito by Leon G. Doyon (Yale University). Lathrap's Dual.Gaymans Revisited by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany). The Shippee.Johnson Photographic Collections at the AMNH (and Viewing of Shippee Johnson Film "Wings Over the Andes") by John Hyslop (American Museum of~atural History). The Symbolism of a Weasel Money Pouch; or, My Brother.in.Law the Weasel by Gary Urton (Colgate

University) .

Purchase) .

Making Pairs: The Logic of Andean Sling Braids by Ed Franquemont (lnstirute of Andean Studies). Considerations on Chimu Warp Pairing by William J. Conklin (American Museum of Natural History). Recent Research in the Azapa Valley, Chile by Paul Goldstein (American Museum of Natural History). Textile Texts: The Choices and Manipulation of Symbols Used by Peruvian Weavers by John Cohen (SUNY

Eleventh meeting organizedby Gary Urton,ColgateUniversity,Hamilton,New Yark, Ncwember21-22, 1992. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202.
.

Unnaces in Early Andean Culture History: The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru by Jack Rossen (Middlebury College). Quebrada Jaguay and the EarlyPrehistory of the Peruvian South Coast: Some Preliminary Observations by Daniel H. Sandweiss (CarnegieMuseum of Natural History) and Bernardino Ojeda (Lima). A Late Formative Bath in Northern Chile: Domestic Hydraulic Architecture in the Atacama Desert by Andrew Martindale (Trent University). South American Ceramic Impressionsby William H. Hurley (University of Toronto). The Ferdon Prehistoric CeramicCollectionsfromEcuador: An Exercisein Ceramic Classificationand Analysis

byEarlH.Lubensky (University ofMissouri).

203.

Representations of Humans in Nasca Art by Donald A. Proulx (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Ethnoastronomy and the NazcaFiguresby PhyllisPiduga (University of Chicago). The Lower lea Valley Ground Drawingson the South Coast of Peru by Anita G. Cook (Catholic University). The Lines of Sajama by Brian S. Bauer (University of Chicago). Foxes in South American Art and Narrative by Elizabeth P. Benson (Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California). Qasses in Perpetuity: Reflectionsof EarlyMiddle Sicin SocialStructure and Economy in Mortuary Pottery and Practice by Kate M. Cleland (Swarthmore College) and Izumi Shimada (peabody Museum, Harvard
University) ..

339
204.

Daggett:The NortheastAndean Conference

A Chronological Study ofChimu Ceramics from Chan Chan, Peru by Joan Kanigan (Author did not attend and paper was not presented) "The solution of a calendrical problem in a Huari textile" presented in this slot by R. Tom Zuidema (University of Illinois and The Center for the Study of World Religions, Harvard University). Preliminary Results of the Investigation of Pukarani, a Late Intermediate Period Site in the Peruvian Sierra (Tumilaca River, Osmore Valley)by M. Antonio Ribeiro (University of Michigan). Mortuary Monuments and AylluAntiquity by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton). The Southern Inka Empire: A viewfrom the Valle Calchaqui, Argentina by Terence N. D'Alttoy (Columbia University). Tolas and Pukaraes, Yumbosand Inkas, by Ronald D. Lippi (University of Wisconsin). Archaeological Survey and MappingofPrehispanic Earthworks in the Llanos de Mojos, Boliviaby Clark L

205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215.

Erickson(University ofPennsylvania).

Warping, Weaving, and Cultural Boundaries in Cuzco by Ed Franquemont (Institute of Andean Studies). Mapping the Huaynos by John Cohen (SUNYPurchase). The Incidental Archaeologist: Tello and the Peruvian Expeditions of 1913 and 1916 by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Eighteenth-Century Illustrations of Inca Sites by Monica Barnes (Cornell University). Social Concerns in Latin American Archaeology by Oswaldo H. Benavides. The Poetics ofCreation: Urarina Cosmogonyand Historical Consciousnessby Bartholomew C. Dean (Harvard University).

Twelfth meeting organited by Daniel H. Sandweiss and James B. Richardson III, Carnegie Museum of NatUral History, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, October 23-24, 1993. 216. 217. 218. Social Differentiation in the Regional Classic Period (A.D. 1~900) in the Valle de la Plata, Colombia by Jeffrey P. Blick (University of Pittsburgh). Archaeology of the Muisca: New Research and New Perspectives by Carl Henrik Langebaek (University of

Pittsburgh).. 219.
220. 221.

The Tairona Chiefdoms: Toward an Understanding of Spatial and Temporal Regional Variation by Augusto Oyuela-Caycedo (University of Pittsburgh). Searching for the ProtohistoricPunAeCacicazgo: The View from Ceibo Grande by Thomas F. Aleto . (Bloomsburg University). Paleo-Indian Lithic Studies at San Jose, Ecuador by WilliamJ. Mayer-Oakes (Texas rech University) and Alice W. Portnoy (Texas Tech University). The Mitmaq ofChimbo, Bolfvar, Ecuador by John R. Topic (Trent University) and Theresa L Topic (Trent

University).
222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230. 231.
232.

Coastal Formative Period Riverine Settlements in the Southern Highlands of Ecuador by Fernando Smchez (Oberlin College.). Late Prehistoric Architecture of the Northeastern Montane Rainforest of Peru: Gran Pajaten and LaPlayaby Warren Church (YaleUniversity) and EIkeCedr6n Church. Meche Myth, Rite, and Politics:What Might the Sipan Grave GoodsTell Us?by Elizabeth P. Benson (Institute of Andean Studies). Some Aspects of Gender in the Symbolismof the Moche SacrificialContext by Daniel Arsenault (University

ofSouth Carolina).

Asserting Power/Seeing Gender in Recuay Iconography by Joan M. Gero (University of South Carolina). Recent Investigations at Taukachi-Konkan, Sechfn Alto Complex, in the Casma Valley, Peru by Thomas pozorski (University of Texas Pan American) and Shelia pozorski (University of Texas Pan American). Opal Phytolith Evidence Complements Isotope Studies of Archaeological Food Residues from the Upper Mantaro Valley, Peru by Robert G. Thompson (University of Minnesota). The Early and Middle PreceramicPeriod of Coastal Peru: A Reviewby Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca College). Irrigation Practices in Cuzco and Exttemadura Compared by Jeanette E. Sherbondy (Washington College). Skeletal Traits and Grave Goods from Anc6n, Peru by Ellen FitzSimmons Steinberg (University ofIllinois Chicago).
Skeletal Pathologies as Evidence of Division of Labor in Anc6n, Peru by Karen Weinstein (University of Illinois

233. 234.

Chicago). Archaeobotany of Anc6n, Peru by Samuela Perez-Stefancich (University Illinois Chicago). The Shaman Theme in Paracas Art: Two Examples from the Cleveland Museum of Art by Margaret YoungSanchez (Cleveland Museum ofArt).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
235. 236. 237. 238. 239. 240. 241.

~340

A New View of the Upper FormativePeriod in the Lake Titi~ca Basin by Charles Stanish (Field Museum). lwawi: A Deeply Stratified Tiwanaku Center by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton). IwawiChronology: A PreliminaryCeramic Sequence by JoElIen Burkholder (SUNY Binghamton). Guaman Porna, Hieronymo de Chaues and the Kings of Persia by David Fleming (Columbia University). Prehispanic Water Control in the Llanosde Moxosof BoliviabyClark L.Erickson (UniversityoPennsylvania). Remote Sensingand RaisedFieldsin the Llanosde Moxos BoliviabyJohn Walker (Universityof Pennsylvania). Ancient Metallurgyat the RamaditasSite,Quebrada de GuatacondoChile by Gray Graffam (Trent University), Alvaro Carevic, and.Mario Rivera. .

Thirteenth meetingofganked byMichaelA Malpass,Ithaca College, Ithaca, New York, October 15~16, 1994. 242.
243. 244. 245. 246. 247.
248. 249.

RaisedField Patterning and SocialGroupingsin the Llanosde Moxosof Boliviaby Clark 1. Erickson
(University of Pennsylvania).

An Urn Burial and Its Prehispanic Context in the Bolivian Amazon by John Walker (Universityof
Pennsylvania)

Loma Ibibate: Occupation Moundsin Beni,Boliviaby MarcelIo~AndreaCanuto (University of Pennsylvania). Another Lookat EarlyMaritimeAdaptations in Peru by Daniel H. Sandweiss (Universityof Maine Orono) and James B. Richardson III (Universityof Pittsburgh). Ceramic Trade Relationshipsin the Chavfn Sphere as They Appear from Within: A Paste Analysisby Isabelle C. Druc (Universit~ de Montreal). The Formative Site of Huaca EI GallolHuaca La Gallina, Viru Valley, Peru: Ceremonial Architecture and

BurialsbyThomasZoubek(Yale University).

250. 251. 252.

A Possible Palace Structure at Taukachi~Konkan, Casma Valley, Peru by Shelia Pozorski (University of Texas Pan American) and Thomas Pozorski (University of Texas Pan American). Rethinking Household Arrangements of the Argentinian Early Formative: PrelimiQary Excavations at Yutopian, Province of Catamarca by Cristina Scattolin (Universidad de Buenos Aires) and Joan M. Gero (University of South Carolina). Anc6n, Peru: The Enigma of Porotic Hyperostosis during the Late Intermediate Period by Ellen FitzSimmons

Steinberg(University Illinois Chicago)and KarenWeinstein.

How Do Bones Grow: The Evidence from Anc6n, Peru by Jack Prost (University of Illinois Chicago). Report on a Peruvian Incisor Inlay from the Late Intermediate Period at Anc6n by Ellen FitzSimmons Steinberg .(University ofIllinois Chicago), Gordon K. Jones (Carnegie Museum), and Charmaine C. Steinberg (Carnegie

253. 254. 255. 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266.

Museum). Prehispanic Metal Smelting Along the RfoSan Salvador, Chile by Gray Graffam (Trent University), Lautaro Nufiez (Museo Gustavo Le Paige,Chile), and Francisco Tellez (Museo Gustavo Le Paige, Chile). Food For the Frontier: The Archaeobotany of the Inca Fortress at Cerro de la CompanCa,Central Chile byJack Rossen (University of Kentucky). Inka Roads in the Atacama: Effects of Later Use by Mounted Travelers through the Gran Despobladoby Thomas Lynch (Institute of Andean Research). How Do We Know the Andean Past? by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton). Reflections on Writing a PopularBookon Central Andean ArchaeologybyJames B.Richardson III (University of Pittsburgh). Tello's "Lost Years":1931~1935 by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Tiwanaku Interaction and Human/Land Relationshipsin Cochabamba, BoliviabyAlvaro Higueras (University of Pittsburgh). Early Iwawi: Ceramics and Cultural Process at a Tiwanaku Site by JoEllen Burkholder (SUNY Binghamton). Long Ago, Far Away: Use of Time and Space by Chachi Shamans (Ecuador) by Warren DeBoer (CUNY

QueensCollege).

Interpreting Ancient Mammalian Diversity from the Archaeofaunal Record in the Forested Lowlandsof Western Ecuador by Peter Stahl (SUNYBinghamton). Coca, Commerce, and the Ideologyof Reciprocity:Political Economy in the Andes Reconsidered by Tamara Bray (Smithsonian Institution). The Khipu: A Mnemonic Deviceor a Medium for Writing? by Gary Urton (Colgate University). The European Sources of FilipeWaman Puma de Ayala by John V. Murra (Cornell University). From a Sister's Point of View, by BillieJean Isbell (Cornell University).

341..
Island,October 21..22, 1995.

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

Fourteenth meeting organized by EdwardB. Dwyer and ElisabethBonnier, RhodeIsland Schoolof Design,Providence, Rhode

267. 268. 269. 270. 271. 272. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278. 279. 280.

The Origins ofEI Nifio: Round II by James B. Richardson III (University Pittsburgh). Daniel H. Sandweiss

(University Maine). andHarold B.Rollins (University ofPittsburgh).

Mid..Holocene Occupation of the Siches Site. Northwestern Peru by Daniel H. Sandweiss(UniversityofMaine) and James B. Richardson III (University of Pittsburgh). Staple Isotopes of Marine Shell and Paleoclimate on the North Coast of Peru by Sarah Nicholas (University of Maine) and Daniel H. Sandweiss (University of Maine). New Evidence for Regional Exchange and Ceramic Production in the Early Guangala Period in Southwest Ecuador by Karen E. Stothert (Yale University), Amelia S~nchez (ESPOL, Guayaquil, Ecuador). and cesar

Veintimilla (ESPOL, Guayaquil,Ecuador).

New Perspectives on Panzaleo: Contexts, Quantities, Chronologies, and Culture Areas by Leon G. Doyon (Yale

University) .

Excavations at Ramaditas, a Formative Village Site in the Atacama Desert by Mario Rivera (Andes Ecological

ConsUltants).

From Huarocmrl to Harvard: The Making of Peru's First Archaeologist by Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Earth, Fire, Stones and Uliush: Ritual at the Early Site of Piruru, Alta..Maran6n Peru by Elisabeth Bonnier (Rhode Island School of Design). Style, Iconography and Formative Chronology by Henning Bischoff (ReiB..Museum, Mannheim, Germany). Guaiiape Period Ceremonialism at Huaca EI Gallo, VirU Valley, Peru by Thomas Zoubek (Yale University). Pre..Chavin Metal Artifacts from Mini Perdida, Lurln Valley, Peru by Richard L Burger (Yale University). Investigating Urbanism at the Moche Site, North Coast of Peru by Claude Chapdelaine (UniversitE de

Montr~al).
Nasca Religion and Burial by Donald A. Proulx (University of Massachusetts Amherst). The Maximilist and the Minimalist Bias in Andean and Israeli Scholarship Over the Past Three Decades by Richard P. Schaedel (University of Texas Austin). Anarchy and Government Before the Inca Conquest by John H. Rowe (University ofCaHfornia Berkeley).

281. .
282. 283. 284. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 290. 291. 292.

Funny Bones from Anc6n byJack H. Prost (University of Illinois Chicago).

Camelids or Cuys? Primary Meat Animal in the Ancient Central Andes, by Lidio M. Valdez (University of Calgary). Fauna from the Burial Caves at Machu Picchu, by George Miller (California State University Hayward). Umbos. Bosses, Protuberances, Jetas: Bumps on Rocks by J. Lee Hollowell. The Social Life ofQuechua Numbers by Gary Urton (Colgate University). La Tercera Versi6n del Cronista Murua by Juan Ossio (pontificia Universidad Cat6lica del Peru). A Lost Inca History by Monica Barnes (Cornell University). Precolumbian Earthworks of the Baures Region of. Eastern Bolivia by Clark L. Erickson (University of

Pennsylvania).

What is in a Name? Overlapping Archaeological Categories in the Analysis ofTiwanaku CultUre by JoEllen Burkholder (SUNY Binghamton). Archaeological Interpretation and Individual Motivations: A Case StUdy by Patricia Lyon (Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California). Women in Andean States: AT est of the Engels/Leacock Hypothesis by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton).

Fifteenth meeting organked by Clark L Erickson, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology andAnthropology,
Philadelphia, October19..20,1996.
293. Excavating the Iwawi Mound, Lake Titicaca, by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton), Juan Albarradn (ECOAR, Bolivia), JoEllen Burkholder (SUNY Binghamton), Catherine Bencic (SUNY Binghamton), Tyler O'Brien (SUNY Binghamton). and Emily Stovel (SUNY Binghamton). Excavations at Sonay, Camana Valley, Peru by Michael A. Malpass (College of William and Mary), Anthony Puglisi (Ithaca College), and Jason Kerschner (Ithaca College). Middle Horizon Settlement and Economy at San Pedro de Atacama, Ch~e: Results of a Pilot Study by Gray Graffam (Trent University). Casa Vieja and the Early Middle Horizon in the Lower lca Valley, Peru by Anita G. Cook (Catholic University). Hydraulic Solidarity, Water Temples, and Initial Period Ceremonial Sites: Interdependence vs. Autonomy by Thomas Zoubeck (SUNY New Pain).

294. 295. 296. 297.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
298.

,342

The SechCnAlto Site: 1995-1996 Fieldwork in the Casma Valley, Peru by Thomas pozorski (University of Texas

Pan American)and Sheliapozorski (University ofTexasPanAmerican).

299. 300. 301. 302. 303. 304. 305. 306. 307. 308. 309. 310.

A Late Initial Period Religious Image from Mina Perdida, Lurfn Valley, Peru by Richard L Burger (Yale University) and Lucy SalazarBurger (YaleUniversity). The Milan Quipu Document: Is It another Rosetta Stone? or a Piltdown Hoax? by Gary Urton (Colgate

University).

Household, Gender and SpecializedProduction at Chan Chan by Theresa L. Topic (BresciaCollege). The Imprisonment of BiasValera: Heresy and Inca History in 16th century Peru by Sabine Hyland. Changes in Ecuadorian FishingStrategiesfromthe Preceramic until the Conquest byAmeliaS~nchez (ESPOL,

Guayaquil, Ecuador).

The Ubertad Campaign Against Tello: Setting the Record Straight by Richard E. Daggett (University Massachusetts Amherst). Signatures of Ancient and Modern Pottery by Trish8 Thorme (Cornell University). Structure and Dynamics of the Inka Frontier: New Archaeological Evidence of Inka Borderlands in the Southeastern Bolivian Chaco by Sonia Alconini (University of Pittsburgh). The Manachaqui Phase and Initial Period Montane Forest Interaction Spheres by Warren Church (Yale

University).

Circlesof Stones: New EvidenceforCulture Change in Late Prehistoric Southwest Ecuador by Maria Masucci (Drew University). Head Molding at Anc6n by Jack Prost (Universityof IllinoisChicago). Cranial Deformation at PrehistoricAnc6n and Today by Ellen FitzSimmonsSteinberg (University of Illinois
.

C~~g~.

311. 312. 313. 314. 315. 316. 317. 318.

Recent Archaeological Investigationsin the Central Amazon: Report on Fieldwork at the AcutUbaLocality, Lower Negra River, Brazilby Michael Heckenberger (Carnegie Museum), James Petersen (UniversityMaine Farmington), and Eduardo Neves (Museu'de Arqueolog{ae Etnolog{a,Universidad de Sao Paulo, Brazil). Botdes, Bones and Buildings:EvidenceofPre-columbian Cultural Dynamicsfrom the Site ofSanJos~ de Moro, Peru by Andrew Nelson (University of Western Ontario), Carol Mackey (California State University Norrhridge), and LuisJaime Castillo (Pontifica Universidad Cat6lica del Peru). The "Fabricof Time": A Re-examinationof a Peruvian South Coast Calendri~l Textile by DarrellS. Gundrum (University of Illinois Urbana). Ret~nking Preceramic Settlement and Site Structure in Northern Peru by Jack Rossen (Ithaca College) and Thomas Dillehay (Universityof Kentucky). . The Chiribaya Alta Cemeteries: Developing Genetic Models to Take Advantage of Ancient DNA by Sloan Williams (University of IllinoisChi~go). Values and Uses of the Archaeologi~l Heritage in a ~l Context: The Case of Sipw and Tucume, Lambayeque, Peru by Ulla Holmquist (pontificia Universidad Cat6li~ del Peru). Technical Studies of Painted Andean Objects: A Progress Report by EmilyKaplan (National Museumof the

American Indian, Smithsonian Institution).

Gender Related Stylistic Attributes of the Jelf Phase Complex by John Staller.

. Sixteenth meeting organized byDaniel H. Sandweiss, Universityof Maine, Orono, October 4-5, 1997.

319. 320. 321. 322. 323. 324. 325. 326. 327. 328.

Amherst).

Early Maritime Adaptations at Quebrada Jaguay, Peru by Daniel H. Sandweiss (University of Maine). Faunal Remains from Quebrada Jaguay, Peru by Heather McInnis (University of Maine). Preceramic Lomas Utilization along the Peruvian Coast by Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca College). Investigations at the Preceramic Village ofCerro Guitarra, Lower Zafia Valley, Northern Peru by Jack Rossen (Ithaca College). Quipus and the "New History" of Atahuallpa by Sabine Hyland (Columbus State University). RitUal Looting: The Emergence of the Peruvian Huaquero as Cultural Destroyer and Preserver by Rena Guendez (Wilfred Laurier University). Tello's 1915 Trip to Southern Peru and Bolivia: A First Look by Richard E. Daggett (University Massachusetts

Heuristic Devices or Wild Geese: The Use of Cultural Phases in Ecuadorian Archaeology by Maria Masucci (Drew University). Characterization of Alluvial Deposits and Initial Period Pottery from the Lurfn Valley, Peru by T risha Thorme

(Cornell University).

Ceramic Exchange at the Time of Chavfn de Huantar: The Results of a Production and Provenience Study by Isabelle C. Druc (Yale University).

343,'

Daggett: The Northeast Andean Conference

Technical StUdiesofInka and Colonial Period Painted Wooden Keros: A Progress Report by EmilyKaplan

329. 330. 331. 332. 333. 334. 335. 336. 337. 338. 339. 340. 341. 342. 343. 344. 345. 346. 347. 348. .
18,1998.

(NationalMuseumof the AmericanIndian).

Compositional Analysis of Inca Ceramics: An Exploratory Approach Using the Electron Microscope (SEM) by Leon G. Doyon (YaleUniversity) and Richard L. Burger (YaleUniversity). Burning Down the House: DifferentialPatterns of Construction and Abandonment on Cerro Ba61by Patrick R. Williams (University of Florida) and Donna}. Nash (University of Florida). Investigations at the Temple ofPumapunku by Alexei Vranich (University of Pennsylvania). The Akapana Ceramics in the ContinuitylDiscontinuity Debate: A Case of RitUal Paraphernalia during Tiwanaku N and V by Sonia Alconini (University of Pittsburgh). Climate Change and Middle HorizonAgrarian Collapse: An Archaeological Perspective by Clark L. Erickson (University of Pennsylvania). The Built Environments ofHuari and Tiwanaku by William H. Isbell (SUNY Binghamton). Variabilityin Domestic Architecture during the Late Occupation of the Moche Site by Hen4rik Van Gijseghem (Universit~ de Montt~al). Trace,Element Analysisof Metal ArtifactS&omthe Moche Site, North Coast of Peru by Claude Chapdelaine

(Universit~ de Montt~al).

Moche Prisoner CaptUreand Human Sacrificeat the Huaca de la Luna, Moche River Valley, Peru byJohn W. Verano (fulane University). (Author not present. Paper not presented.) Anc6n Textiles of the Initial Period and EarlyHorizon by Dwight Wallace (SUNY Albany). Population Scarcity in an East Andean Valley of Northwest Argentina by Charles M. Hastings (Central Michigan University). . An Orientation Towards Meaning in ChavCnIconography, Cosmology and RitUal Movement by DarrellS. Gundrum (University of IllinoisUrbana). Remote Sensing and Coastal Change in Peru: Beach Ridges in Northwest Peru by Stacy Shafer (Universityof

Maine). Maine).'

'.

Anthropogenic Preservation of the Chira Beach Ridge Plain by Daniel F. Belknap (University of Maine. Late Glacial Climate, Fire and Paleoindians in the Chilean Lake District by Patricio I. Moreno (University of
. _ .

Earthquake Damage to the Nazca Puquios by David Fleming and Monica Barnes. The Relationship BetWeen the Lines of Nazca and Water Resources by David Johnson. The Historical Chronology ofPeru: Integrating the Sources by Lloyd Anderson. River Crossing, by J. Lee Hollowell.
University (SUNY), Binghamton, New York, October 17,

Seventeenth meeting organized fryWilliamH. IsbeU, Binghamton

349. 350. 351. 352. 353. 354. 355. 356. 357. 358. 359. 360. 361.

Cultural Chronology of the Arenillas Valley, EI Oro Province, Ecuador by Patricia Netherly (Fundaci6n

AlexanderVon Humboldt,Quito).

Gourd,Form Ceramics in Valdiviaand the Transition to Chorrera: SymbolicMeanings of Gourds for the Late Formative Peoples of Coastal Ecuador by Elka Weinstein (University of Toronto). Excavations at Challuabamba, Ecuador by Terren~ Grieder (University Texas), James D. Farmer (Virginia Commonwealth University), Antonio Carrillo, and Bradford Jones. Mortuary Transpositions as Evidence for Cosmology:Interpretation of Shaft Tomb ArchitectUre and Grave Goods from the Highlands ofNorthern Ecuador and Southern Colombia by Leon G. Doyon(Y ale University). A New Look at Spatial Organization within a Prehistoric Mound Site in Eastern Ecuador (Yaunchu, Middle Upano Valley) by Arthur Rostoker (GSUC,CUNY). Prehispanic Moated Settlements in the Bolivian Amazon by Clark L. Erickson (University of Pennsylvania). Setdementand AgricultUralAbandonment in Lowland BoliviabyJohn Walker (University of Pennsylvania) Archaeo~ogicalInvestigations at the SeclUnAlto Site, Casma Valley, Peru by Shelia Pozorski (Universityof Texas Pan American) and Thomas pozorski (University of Texas Pan American). Results of the FirstSeason ofthe Huacapongo Alto Project, Vim ValleybyThomas Zoubek (SUNYNew Palu). The Search for Moche I: A Tale of Two Tombs by Christopher Donnan (University California Los Angeles). Moche Beads and Pendants: Symbolicand Technical Messages.fromthe Past by H~l~ne Bernier (Universit~ de Montr~al). The Organization of Ceramic Production at the Moche Site: A Comparison betWeen RitUal and Domestic Pottery by Alexis Mantha (Universite de Montreal). Namanchugo: The Sanctuary of Catequil by John R. Topic (Trent University).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
362. 363. 364. 365. 366. 367. 368. 369. 370. 371. 372.

..344

The Archaeology of Inca Origins: The Selz Foundation Excavations at Chokepukio by Gordon McEwan

(DenverArt Museum). Peru).

Murua and Guaman Poma in Lightof a New Manuscript by Juan Ossio (Pontifica Universidad Cat6lica del A New Vision of Cuzco PoliticalOrganization by Tom Zuidema (University of Illinois). The Art of Empire in the Andes: Imperial Inca pottery: Form and Imagery by Tamara Bray (Wayne State University). Inka,Style Unkus in the Post,lnkaPeriod: QompiWeavingand RoyalGarments in the Colonial Andes by Elena Phipps (Metropolitan Museumof Art). How the Incas Transported 100,Ton Stones Across the River at Ollantaytambo (Part 2) by J. Lee Hollowell. Low,Altitude. Aerial Photography:A Case Study from Northern Chile by Persis B. Clarkson (Universityof Winnipeg), William Johnson (SUNY College of Environmental Science and Forestry), Gerald Johnson (University of Minnesota Minneapolis),and Evan Johnson. Chachapoyan Archaeological Site Location from Satellite Imageryby Peter Bangarth (Universityof Westem Ontario). An Overview of Art and Iconographyat the Laguna de Los Condores, Peru by Adriana von Hagen. The Kipus of Laguna de LosCondores, Chachapoyas, by Gary Urton (Colgate University). A Canal in the Vicinity ofWari, Ayacucho, Peru by Lidi9M. V~ldez(Trent University) and J. Emesto Valdez (Universidad de San Crist6bal de Huamanga).

373.
374.
375.
.

D,ShapedStructuresin the HuariEmpirebyAnita G. Cook (CatholicUniversity).

A Wari Offering Context at Cerro BaUlby P. Ryan Williams (Universityof Florida), Donna Nash (University
of Florida), Johny Isla C., and Robert Feldman (Field Museum). Water, Huacas, and Ancester Worship: Traces of a Sacred Wari Landscape by Mary Glowacki (Institute of Andean Studies and Bureau of Archaeological Research, State of Florida) and Michael A. Malpass (Ithaca

College).
376. 377. 378. 379. 380. 381. 382. 383. 384. 385. 386. 387. 388. 389.
_

Changing Mortuary Patterns at the Recuay,Huari Site of Chichawas, Peru by George Lau (YaleUniversity). Paracas and Moche Equivalent Headdress Motifs by Lloyd B. Anderson (EcologicalLinguistics,Washington D.C.). Ideological Unity and Continuity in the Middle Horizon: The Temple ofPumapunku, Tiwanaku by Alexei Vranich (University of Pennsylvania). Feasting on the Tiwanaku Homefront: PossibleImplications of Vessel Shapes by JoEll,enBurkholder (Indiana University of Pennsylvania). Formative Period and Present,Day High Altitude Agriculture at Yutopian, Northwestern Argentina byJack Rossen (Ithaca Colleg~),Joan M.Gero (American University),and Cristina Scattolin (Universidadde laPlata). The Archaeological Investigationof Prehistoric Andean Ch'arki by Peter W. Stahl (Binghamton University). The 1998 Nasca Valley Surveyby Donald A. Proulx (University of Massachusetts Amherst). A HydrologicalUnderstanding of the Nasca Lines by David Johnson (University of Massachusetts Amherst). Recent Excavationsat the InitialPeriodCenter ofManchay Bajo,LurinValley,Peru by Richard L.Burger (Yale University) and Lucy SalazarBurger (YaleUniversity). Preceramic Occupations in the Northern Peruvian Ceja de Selva by Warren Church (Dumbarton Oaks). Chachi "Ranchos": Ethnohistorical and Archaeological Implications by Claire Allum (BowdoinCollege). . The Reliabilityof the Chronicle of Feman do de Montesinos byJuha J. Hiltunen (University Turku, Finland). (Author not present; decision made to distribute copies of paper to interested members.) Contemporary Agricultural Intensificationon the Amazonian Floodplain:EcologicalGeneralizations in Light of the ~ikuna of Campo Alegre by Nicholas Shorr (Indiana University). Palaces in the Andean Past: Unexpected Surprisesby William H. Isbell (Binghamton Unive1'$ity).
.

Eighteenth

meeting organiz.ed by Donald A. Proulx, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, October 23,24, 1999.

390. 391. 392. 393. 394. 395.

The Myron I. Granger ArchaeologicalExpedition by Richard Daggett (University of Massachusetts). Skeletal Paleopathology in Chile's Semiarid North: Patterns and Preservation by Maria A. Rosado (Rowan

University). University).

.
.

Long Distance Trade at San Pedro de Atacama, Chile: The Ceramic Evidence by EmilyStovel (Binghamton Archaeoparasitology of the ChiribayaCulture of Southern Peru by Daniel Holiday (Quinnipiac College). Flotsam and Jetsam: Will We Ever Find the Cargo Rafts by James B. Richardson III (Carnegie Museum). Excavations at Sechm Alto: The 1999 FieldSeason by Thomas Pozorski(pan American Univrsity) and Shelia Pozorski (pan American University)

345..

Daggett: The

Northeast Andean Conference

396. 397. 398. 399. 400. 401.

402.
403. 404. 405.

The 1999 Excavations at Mancltay Bajo, LurCnValley, Peru by Richard L. Burger (Yale University) aand Lucy Salazar Burger (Yale University). Anc6n Bones: Reflections and Speculations by Jack C. Prost (University of Illinois at Chicago) and Ellen FitzSimmons Steinberg] (University of Illinois at Chicago). VirU Reviewed: Defining the Guatiape Phases by Thomas Zoubek. Siguas Textile Traditions and Early Nasca,Style Textiles from the Department of Arequipa by Joerg Haeberli. Gold Diadems from the Far South Coast of Peru by Colin McEwan (British Museum) and Joerg Haeberli. The Relationship Between the Lines of Nasca and Groundwater Resources: New Data, Part I by Steven Mabee

(University of Massachusetts, Amherst), J. Levin (Universityof Massachusetts, Amherst), and DavidJohnson

(University of Massachusetts, Amherst). The Relationship Between the Lines ofNasca and Groundwater Resources: New Data, Part II by David Johnson (University ofMassachusetts, Amherst), StevenB. Mabee (University of Massachusetts, Amherst), andJ. Levin (University of Massachusetts, Amherst). Seasons in Nasca Gold and Pottery, Peru, 200 BC ' AD 600 by Edward K. de Bock (National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden). New Discoveries at Conchopata, Peru: 1999 by W~am Isbell (Binghamton University) and Anita Cook

(Catholic University). Recent Archaeological Excavation at the Wari Site ofMarayniyoq, Ayacucho Valley, Peru by Lidia M. V'ldez (Trent University), Katrina J. Bettcher (Trent University), J. Ernesto V'ldez (Universidad San Crist6balde
I

406~

Huamanga), and Cirilio Vivanco (Universidad San Crist6bal de Huamanga). Salvage Excavation of a Wari Burial Chamberat Seqllas, Ayacucho Valley, Peru by Katrina

J. Bettcher (Trent

University),
407. 408. 409. 410. 411. 412. 413. 414. 415. 416. 417. 418. 419. 420.

J.

Ernesto Yaldez (Universidad San Crist6bal de Huamanga), and Lidio

University).'.

M. Y'ldez (Trent

Chronology and Community at Chinchawas, North Highlands, Peru by George Lau (YaleUniversity). The Nepefia Yalley Survey: Is There More to Learn? by Cheryl C. Daggett (University of Massachusetts,
Amherst5 and Richard E. Daggett (University of Massachusetts, Amherst). The Missing Block Problem at the Fortaleza, OUantaytambo by J. L.Hollowell. The Inka State and the Ayacucho Valley, Peru by Lidio Valdez (Trent University).

The Inka OccupationofCarabaya, Peru byLawrenceS. Coben (UniversityofPennsylvania), Charles L. Stanish (University of California at LosAngeles), and Pepe Nufiez.
The Oroncota Region and the Inka Architecture of Power (Southeastern Bolivia) by Sonia Alconini (University
of Pittsburgh).

The Survival of the Warp Scaffolding Technique in the Cusco Region of Peru by Nilda Callafiaupa (Center for

the Traditional Textile, Cusco).

Short,term Vagaries of Long, and Medium,distance Exchange in North Andean Chiefdoms: Archaeological Evidence from Quito, Ecuador by Leon G. Doyon (Yale University). Catequil in Ecuador by John R. Topic (Trent University). House Chronology at Yutopian, Province of Catamarca, Northwest Argentina by Joan M. Gero (American

University) and Cristina Scanolin (Museo Etnografico, Buenos Aires).

Formative High,altitude Agricultural Systems of the Caj6n Valley, Northwest Argentina by Jack Rossen (Ithaca College), Ilana Hahnel (Connecticut College), and Jessica Striebel. Civilization on the Andean Fringe: Trade and Local Power in Icla, Bolivia by JohnW. Janusek (Vanderbilt

University).

The Involvement of Aymara People in an Archaeology Project, Bolivia by Sergio

J.

Ch'vez (Yale University)

and KarenMohrCMvez(CentralMichiganUniversity). . Ocupacioneshumanas durante el holocenotemprano y medio en un valle interandino delnoroccidente

colombiano by Neyla Castillo Espita (Universidad de Antioqu{a, Medellin, Colombia) and FranciscoJav~er Aceituno (Universidad de Antioqufa, Medell{n,Colombia).
Ethnoarchaeology in the Conchucos by Isabelle C. Druc (Yale University). Did Montesinos Record the Wari Kings? By Lloy4 Anderson (Ecological Linguistics, Washington, D.C.). Andean Planetary Names by William Sullivan.
EI "contorcionista": the "Acrobat/Contortionist" as a Category Peru by Elka Weinstein (University of Toronto). of Figure Found from West Mexico to Northern

421. 422. 423. 424. 425. 426.

Household and Community Organization of a Formative Period Bolivian Settlement by Courtney Rose.

Paracas,Topar', and Ocucaje:Topicsfromthe 50s and the 90s by Ann Peters. .

THE ORIGINS AND THE FIRST 25 YEARS (1973..1997) OF THE MIDWESTERN CONFERENCE ON ANDEAN AND .AMAzONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOmSTORY

David L Browman
Washington University .. St.
Louis

Conference Originsl The idea for the Midwest Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory (MWCAAAE) originated from some informal discussions that began in 1972. The first of these connections occurred at the 37th annual meetings of the Societyfor Amer.. ican Archaeology (SAA) at BalHarbour, Flori.. da, which were held on May 4..6, 1972. As newly minted Ph.D.s, William H. Isbell, Oor.. don C. Pollard, and I were grousingabout the fact that, even then, it was difficultto interact at the SAA meetings, that there wasno time for discussion in the arranged sessions, and just when you started having an interesting conver.. sation with someone in the corridors,one or the other of you was interrupted by a colleague,and your conversation never seemed to come to completion. Given our respective levels of poverty, we could not hope to attend regularly the Institute of Artdean Studies meetings held at Berkeley, California during the first week of January each year. We bemoaned the fact that there was no closer regional meeting of Art.. deanists, as well as one that also addressed the problems of Amazonian archaeology and the linkages between the two geographic regions.

We kicked various ideas around, but no firm

solutions were proposed.

Sol Tax called a number of Americanists together in Chicago on October 20..22,1972,to help him plan the 9thInternational Congressof Artthropological and Ethnological Sciences (ICAES), to be held in August and September of1973. At that meeting, Thomas P. Myersand I had a chance to talk in greater detail about the idea of instituting a Midwestern meeting, and we decided. that we had the necessary critical mass of Amazonian and Artdean specialistsin the Midwest to develop such a conference. Tom and I figured that we both were relatively unknown, and that if the conference wereto get off the ground, we would have better luck if we secured the sponsorship of a well..known scholar. Donald W. Lathrap, as Myers' and Isbell'sdissertation advisor, sprang immediately

to mind.

1 William H. Isbell, Ronald D. Lippi, Thomas P. Myers, Jeffrey R. Parsons, Gordon C. Pollard, and Ronald L. Weber provided suggestions on a 1996 preliminary draft copy on the conference history, allowing me to correct some omissions, and to enrich the history, which improved this paper. This Andean Pastpaper is a revised version of a presentation and bound handout given at the 25th meeting of the MWCAAAE in February of 1997 (Browman 1997).

Because I was the individual who seemedto be most concerned about forming the confer.. ence, and because I felt somewhat isolatedin St. Louis,it wasdecided that I should moveforward on this front. This was a period of intense conference organization for me. The meetingin Chicago had resulted in my agreeing with Sol Tax's suggestion that I organize and run five separate sessionson Pacific Rim research at the 9thICAES in the fall of 1973. I wasin the midst of arranging a session on the "Economic and Socio..Political Development of the First An.. dean State" for the 38th SAA meetings in San Francisco in May of 1973. Tom Myers and I also were working on developing a session .entitled "Sistemasecol6gicosprehist6ricosdelos

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 347..367.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..348
tional specific. details on the proposed first conference, including a list of all individuals invited, and a revised proposed meeting agenda (Figure 1). In the text of the cover letter of this second mailing,it wasnoted that severalrespon, dents to the first mailing had "suggestedtha~ one most valuable item could be an informal report on research in progress by individual participants". As noted in Appendix I, a total of 11 indi, viduals gave informal presentations at this first conference, although, because of the explicitly informal status, I do not have titles or topicsfor all presentations. The meeting was judged successful,and it was decided to continue it on a permanent basis. The group decided not to have the meeting hosted by the sameinstitution each year, but rather to move it around to universities or museums situated in the geo, graphic midwestj to schedule the meeting early in the spring semester, well before the SAA or other competing meetingsj and to continue the same informal format. Tom Myers offered to

Andes" for the 41scInternational Congress.of Americanists, to be held in Mexico City in September of 1974. Now during this same period, I had just agreed also to get involved in the formation of the MWCMAE. Accordingly I find in my files a series of communications relating to the birth of the organization. On October 25, 1972, I wrote Tom Myers: "I haven't talked to Don Lathrap

yet " but I need to get in touchwithhim about

the SAA meetings, 50I'll bring up the idea of a gathering of South Americanists at Urbana." In his replyof November 6, 1972,Tom encouraged me to action, saying that: liThe more I think about it, the more I would like to see a regional meeting of South Americanists at some place like Urbana. I am sure Don Lathrap would be willingto preside and we all wouldget a lot out

ofit".
The upshot of several more mail,based discussions was the development of the first formal letter of invication to participate in this newly proposed regional conference, which I sent out to 15 scholars in Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Missouri, and Wisconsin on January 17, 1973. This invitation announced that the first meeting wouldbe held on Friday,March 2, at Urbana, and that Don Lathrap wouldserve as chairman, but "because of Don's heavy obliga, tions at the Center, I have agreed to take over the preliminaryorganization ofthe conference". The MWCAAAE conference started out with an explicit emphasison informality.As the announcement indicated, liTheideabehind this conference is to try to set up a meeting in more relaxed circumstances where we can discuss various problems and research interests held in common in a more productive atmosphere than occurs at national meetings." In response to the very positive reaction and encouragement from those contacted by this first mailing, a second mailingwent out early in Februaryof 1973,now addressed to 22 individuals in 7 states (the new mailing now integrating South Americanists in Ohio and western Pennsylvania), with addi,

host the secondmeetingat IndianaUniversity ,

Bloomington, with the blessings of Wesley R. Hurt. The theme of informalitywasmaintained at the second conference. As Tom wrote in his letter of October 11,1973, sending out notice of the meeting date for the second session at Bloomington:"At last year's meeting, the format was very unstructured people just got up and talked about what they were doing, often ac, companied by slides. Most important is that there is plenty of time for discussion. We plan to followessentially the same format this year." The unstructured, informal meetingscontinued, but only for a few more years. The third meeting moved back to Urbana, and wasscheduled to be hosted byDon Lathrap. However, because of the pressures of an im.. pending grant, Don contacted me in December of 1974 to indicate that he would have to with, draw'as host and organizer. Consequently, once more a letter went out over my name, inviting

349..
colleagues to participate in the conference at Urbana.2 As the letter emphasized: liThe meetings again stress informalpresentations a chance to. explore current research problems, with plenty of give and take. This meeting is designed to provide the maximum atmosphere for discussion, to provide a forum and sounding board not available in the 'hurly..burly'of na.. tional meetings." JeffreyR. Parsonscarried this presentation format forward the next year at Ann Arbor, noting in his letter of December 6, .1976, announcing .the fourth conference: "In keeping with past tradition, I fav9r another open and informal session, with just enough

Browman: The Midwestern .Andean Conference

distributed an unofficial list of individualsplan.. ning to attend the meeting, to make sure that we could arrange sufficient time and space. By the fourth meeting, we began to prepare a "meeting program", listing presentation topics by presenter and title, and assigning specific time slots. In 1978, at the sixth conference, we officiallyestablished the last weekend in Febru.. ary as our meeting date, after having met on Fridays or Saturdays from the first week in February to the first week in March, depending on the inclinations of the host institution, for our first six meetings. The seventh meetingwas the last of the one..daysessions with the final structureto avoidchaos.II presentation not over that year until 9 p.m., it was clear that we could no longer think of the The pattern established in these initial meeting as a one day affair, where you could meetingshas continuedto be the basicphiloso..- plan to drive over eady in the morning, and phy of the MWCAAAE. The conference is return home that evening. Hence the eighth unceremonious, with. no officers,no constitu.. meeting began our present tWo..dayformat tion, and no bylaws; any necessary actions are (actually a day and a half, as we alwaystry to undertaken more or lessby consensus. Business finish up shortly after noon on Sunday). Bythe discussions at the meetingsusuallyonlylastthe eighteenth meeting in 1990, it was standard few minutes required to solicit a volunteer to procedure to request submission of an abstract host the meeting for the comingyear. The host of the paper to be presented, to help in arrang.. for each meeting attempts to put all proposed ing papers by topics, and also to provide the contributions on the program, givingall individ.. attendees with a booklet of abstracts. The very uals an equal chance at participation; thus factor which led in part to our early success, graduate students do not need to worry about open and informal sessions, with just enough competing for time slots againstsenior members structure to avoid chaos, now has been lost to of the field. the need to provide a more efficient forum for the growing number of paper presenters; we The Midwestern meetings have proven very grow more regimented and more like.the na.. successful. One of the unfortunate by..products tional.meetings each year. On the other hand, the conference has been able to maintain a of this success,however, has been the lossof the early unstructured and informal nature of the schedule with time for questions and discussion sessions. This occurred gradually:at first wejust after each presentation, something the national meetings lost a couple decades ago. Publication
2 The list of presenters for the third session is only partial, because the group discovered when it arrived on the University of Illinois campus that the meeting room reserved had "fallen through the cracks". Thus, as the designated substitute host, Ispent considerabletime on an unfamiliar campus, trying to find new facUitiesfor both morning and afternoon sessions,and did not hear all the

presentations. the gaps.

Unfortunately none of the . other

participants that I contacted had recordswhich could fill

One of the original goals of the group has yet to be met that of a publication series. On the agenda for the first meeting was the discus.. sion of the "possibilityof circulation of prelimi.. nary reports in an informal format, perhaps like Kmunob or Nawpa Pacha, perhaps some other format. II As a consequenceof this interest,I

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

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Midwestern group did not accept that proposal at the 1975 spring meeting, but I note in the invitation for the 4th meeting in Ann Arbor that Jeff Parsons suggested the group "continue our discussion on a regional journal" (parsons, December 6, 1976). At the 6th meeting in Chicago in 1978, I made a formal presentation on the status of the conference's search for a proceedingsjournal (Appendix 1), detailingthe problems of quality, institutional support, sub, ventions, and the like. The group was still actively discussingthe possibilityof a proceedings journal, or perhapsa collection of occasional papers, at its 8th meet, ing. At this session, Robert M. Bird tendered the "groupan offer to publish a small,scalejour~ nal through his Institute for the Study of Plants, Food and Man in St. Louis. After much discus, sion, the group decided it wanted a more sub~ standal publication, on a more regularbasis,and declined this offer. We had begun to explore the idea of ap' proaching the Executive Board of the SM to see if we could get them to provide a major subvention, as they had done for the Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology,resulting in the publication of the first issue of MCJA in February of 1976. We proposed the formation of a journal dedicated to all of Latin American archaeology,for we fullyrealizedthat the South American archaeological 'market' waslikelynot sufficient to support a journal limited only to that region. There was nearly 100%agreement among the membershipof the MWCAME that we need such a journal, but money for the first issues, and support facilities, was a continual stumbling block. While the group thought that we would have better luck if the proposed journal covered allof Latin America, werealized that this put more potential limits on anyone thinking ofassumingthe editorship, asit created more of a work load. Members of the Executive Board of the SM were 'buttonholed' at that spring's SM meeting in St. Louis with this proposition, but the sense of the collective response was that first they wanted to see how

contacted Dr. George E. Fay of the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Northern Colorado, the editor of the Mesoamerican KatUnobseries. Fay had noted in a letter sent out to a large number of Latin Americaniststhat he "wanted to undertake the publication of a new journal on the anthropology of South America" and that he planned in the spring of 1973to start a 'Newsletter~ Bulletin'covering all fields of South American anthropology. Fay offered to defer to the MWCAAAE (Fay,letter of March 15, 1973), but noted that he already had in place free postage from his institution (then worth ca. $1,500 a year), three year, around work,study students to helpproduce the volume, three rooms in the museum dedicated to his publication activities, and about $10,000 worth of manuscript and journal production equipment. At that point, none of us could match those facilities,so Fayopted to go ahead with his new journal, and publishedVolume 1, Number 1 of El Dorado" A Newsletter,Bulletin of South American Anthropologyin August of 1973. The first issue of El Dorado was not up to the quality that we had come to expect from John H. Rowe's Institute of Andean Studies journal,NClwpa Pacha, nor, unfortunately, were the subsequent issues. As well, after the first issue, there was a three year time lag until Volume 1, Number 2, of El Doradocame out in August of 1976. Thus, there wascontinuing discussionat the MWCAAAE meetings formanyyearsabout the possibility of a publication series of our own. For example, after the second conference meet, ing, Donald R. Sutherland investigated the facilitiesat his home institution, the University of South Carolina. He suggested"in a letter outlining his findings that he could produce an initial issue of about 75 pages, with several plates, with a run of about 300 copies; that it could be accomplished for about $400; and that he would make this offer to the next meeting of the conference in Urbana (Sutherland letter, January 29, 1975). I do not recollect why the
.

351.. the MCjA did, and second that the SM would not 'have the funds for a new venture for a few years. . In the face of the Midwestern group'sinabil.. ity to get things moving, other publication outlets by other groups were initiated. In 1978, Fay decided to quit publishing El Dorado; he wrote the MWCAAAE offeringus his subscrip.. tion list and title. However, the conference decided not"to take over El Dorado,but rather' to still attempt to develop our own publication. On April 3, 1978, Izumi Shimada sent out a letter informing Andeanists of the formation of a "North Peruvian Anthropological Research Group". ByMarch of 1979, Izumihad sent out his first NorPARG Newsletter,which,because of the response from a broad range ofPeruvianists, was changed to the more inclusive Willay in 1981. This newsletter ceased publicationin the spring of 1999. Berkeley's Nawpa Pacliais not officiallyterminated, but the lastissuepublished was in 1990, so for all intents and purposes it also has ceased to publish. Our younger sister conference, the North.. east Conference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory, founded in 1982,began a seriesof its own proceedingswith the CornellUniversity LatinAmerican StudiesProgram (Daggett2000, this volume) . After publishingpapers from the first three meetings, the format was changed to that of a regional journal and Andean Past, continuing with the Cornell Latin American Studies Program, has now published half..a.. dozen issues in the last 13 years. In 1989, the SM Executive Board, after several years of discussions,finally the launched the journal we had lobbied for without any success a dozen years earlier, Latin American Antiquity, whose first issue appeared in 1990. The MWCAAAE toyed with many publication offersand formats; the demand for publication outlets wasthere, as can be seen by Andean Past, LAtin American Antiquity, and Willay, but the conference has been unable to put together the critical mass of institutional support and human capital to launch its own publication series.

Browman: The Midwestern Andean Conference

Retrospect

I have been asked whether I think the

MWCAAAE has been successful in the mission it first proposed, and whether it will survive. As noted above, the proposal to provide a forum

where issues can be discussed, rather than a format where the audience is just lectured at, which has become the current practice at the SM, has proven to be very successful. This is no doubt the primary reason for the growth and continued vitality of the conference. In orderto comment on whether the other goalswere met as outlined in the first agenda (other than publication, which has alreadybeen addressed), I did a quick scan of the 436 papers listedfor the MWCAAAE through 1997 and compared the topics, as parsed from title only, with 1,001 papers identified for the SM for the same 25 year period.3 Figure 2 displaysthe findingsfor someofthe categories utilized in this comparative analysis. One can see that the number of papers.at the MWCAAAE has remained at an averageof ca. 10 papers/day during its existence. On the other hand, for the SM meetings, in terms of the number of papers devoted to South Arner.. ican archaeology, after a rather static period in the 1970s, the national meetings experienced a

3The count for the number of South American papers

(1,001) presented at the SM meetings may not be complete, because some South American papers were lone contributions in other thematic sessions,and I may not have identified all of them. The count for the presentations (436) at the MWCAAAE is complete, except for perhaps half a dozen missingpapers at the 3rd session. The decision to break down the 25 year period into 4 units of 6, 6, 6, and 7 years was based on empirical observation of trends in the data set. After the first 6 years, the MWCAAAE shifted from 1 day to 2 day sessions, which increased the number of papers possible, so this 6~yearperiod seemed like a useful break point for analysis. The number of papers at the SM essentially doubled in 1985, which fell between years 12 and 13 of the MWCAAAE, making the 2nd 6-year break sensible. Thus it seemed usefulto provide a 3rd break at the end of the 3rd 6-year period, in order to have units of roughly comparable size,including the last unit as a 7~yearperiod.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-352
for the near future. One issue that has arisen again, that may require resolution soon, is that as in 1979 (when the Conference waslimitedto a one day session), the number of proposed papers has once again outstripped the slots available.The solutions beingdiscussedinclude:

period of significant growth in the mid..1980s and have continued to increase in numbers. At one -level,maintaining a steady state of a fixed number of papers per day is the meansby which the MWCAAAE has sustained dialog., I think one of the indicators of success for the goalsof the original MWCAME , in terms of discussion on ideas and themes, is to note that while 'time..space systematics'have made up roughly 60% of the SAA papers,in contrast, presentations limited in this wayhave made up only 45% of the MWCAAAE contributions. These findingsindicate that conferencepresent.. ers have in fact been willing to bring 'ideas in progress'to the meetings, to 'float'new interpretations and hypotheses. As a believer in that old saw "archaeology is anthropology or it is nothing" (Willey and Phillips 1958:2), I also think it has been a healthy sign to see that 1418% 6f the papers for the conference have consistently focused upon ethnohistorical (and ethnographic) issues,providingthe analogsthat we need and employ in our archaeological reconstructions. . The Midwest conference started out explic.. itly with a strong emphasis upon things economic (see Figure 1), an emphasis reflected in the large number of papers on that theme seen in Figure 2, but in recent years the emphasishas dropped roughly to the level of such subjects at the SAA meetings. My analysisof the themes of papers at the MWCAAAE and SAA also included other categories, but these are not included in Figure 2 for two reasons: first because the numbers of papers in a category was often so small, that a paper or twocategorizedin another way could significantly change the percentile; and second because no major trends could be identified either for the SAA or the MWCAAAE for these other categories. My overall sense, looking at Figure 2, is that the MWCAAAE meets its stated objectives.

limiting the number of papers accepted to a

fixed number; expanding the number of meeting

days; or changing the format from a single general session where all participate to smaller, simultaneous sessions. No consensus has been forthcoming yet. Thus the informal procedures have begun to change. While in the earlyyears, the group tried to encourage wide-openpartiei-pation, in the last few years some host institutions have mentioned that they have had to close off the sessions,cap the number ofpapers, and turn down some applicants, based on their assessment of the importance of the proposed contribution, in order to hold the meetings to the day and a half format. With no official consensus in the conference, it maybe simplyde facto decisions by individual host institutions that Willultimately shift the nature of the meet.. ings, just as it was done earlier in arranging programs with abstracts and so on. Another issue that needs to be addressedis whether the rotating pattern of meeting loea.. tions serves the membership as wellas it should. If one looks at meetings in the second half of the 25 year period for the MWCAAAE, it will be noted that the four largest meetings were at only two places: Chicago (2 meetings), and Urbana (2 meetings), while the four smallest meetings in this same period were at locations either on the periphery of the presumed membership area, or in locations difficultto accessby public transport, at Bloomington, Indiana; Columbia, Missouri; Madison, Wisconsin; and Mount Pleasant, Michigan. This, no doubt, was the reason why at the meeting held in 2000, a serious push was made by one group of attendees to have the meetings be established on a permanent basis either at Chicago or Urbana. While the conference decided to maintain the current pattern, with the meetings in 2001

Will it continue? While I do not have a crystalball, my feelingis that the conference probablywillcontinue to have successat least

353....

Browman: The Midwestern Andean Conference

moving to Ann Arbor, this issue is bound to rise

again.
To see if the patterns of attendance at the SM meetings wouldprovide anysuggestionfor a solution, I did a quick scan of the high and low attendance meetings at the SM for South American papers for the same time period. In this case, the meetings with the greatest partici.. pation were New Orleans (2 meetings),Minne.. apoUs,Nashville, and St. Louis; those with the lowest participation (as judged by number of paper presentations) were Anaheim, Adanta, Las Vegas, Phoenix, and Pittsburgh.

The pattern of core vs. periphery seems to be just that as seen with the MWCAME. In both groups, the meetings held in geographic core area drew better participation than those on the periphery. If the issue is to maximize growth for the MWCAAAE, then perhaps establishing a permanent meeting site such as Chicago might be the appropriate solution. Overall these issues appear to be healthy signs ofvitality. I expect that the MWCAME, like the Northeast Conference and the west coast InstitUte of Andean Studies meeting,will continue to exist and fill a much needed func.. tion. Large gatherings, like those of the Society

for American Archaeology (SM), can no longermeet this need.

1. Research Reports.

Reports by participants on their own-on-going research problems. Also possible remarks on work in progress by colleagues not in attendance. 2. Topics of theoretical interest. a. Andes-Amazonia economic interaction spheres. b. Origins of the pristine state in South America. c. Archaeobotanical and palynological inputs into our ecosystem models. d. Additional topics as suggested. 3. Practical problems in research. a. Research climate in various South American countries. b. Development ofNSF projects: (1) Should they be large, multi-disciplinary designs like those of Barry Commoner, Scotty MacNeish,

etc.?

(2) Should they rather emphasize a number of small. shatply focused, and individually executed research designs? c.: Possibility of circulation of preliminary field reports in an informal format, like Katunob or even Nawpa Pocha? .

4. Additional topics of interest suggestedby individual conference participants.

Figure 1.

Proposed agenda for the 1st meeting of the MWCAAAE, Urbana, March 2, 1973.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
Average number of papers

-354
Tune-space systematics

Econorriy: tTade
and subsistence

Ethnohistoryand
ethnography

SAA 1973-1978 1979-1984 1985-1990 1991-1997 Figure 2. 21 20 42 73

MW 10 19 18 23

SM 61% 63% 60% 62%

MW 45% 41% 41% 48%

.

SAA' 24% 26% 35% 21%

MW 40% 30% 19% 18%

SAA 0% 0% 0% 0%

MW 14% 16% 15% 18%

Comparison of papers presented at the 8M and MWCAAAE for the same 25-year period.

Sources
(a) Correspondence: September 15, 1972. Sol Tax to David L. Browman. October 25, 1972. David L. Browman to Thomas P. Myers. November 6, 1972. Thomas P. Myers to David L. Browman. January 17,1973. David L. Browman to prospective conference attendees. January 1973. George E. Fay to David L. Browman. February 1973. David L. Browman to prospective conference attendees. March 15,1973. GeorgeE. Fay to David L. Browman. March 23, 1973. David L Browman to George E. Fay. July 22,1973. George E. Fay to David L. Browman. October 11, 1973. Thomas P. Myers to David L. Browman. November 25, 1973. George E. Fay to prospective subscribers of El Dorado. January 17, 1975. David L. Browman to prospective conference attendees. January 29,1975. Donald R. Sutherland to David L. Browman. December 6,1976. Jeffrey R. Parsons to David L. Browman. January 1978. Robert A. Feldman to prospective conference attendees. April 3, 1978. Izumi Shimada to NorPARG participants. January 1980. David L Browman to prospective conference attendees. November 14,1996. Ronald D. Lippi to David L. Browman.

(b) Publications: 1997 An InformalHistoryof the Origins andEarly Y~rs of the Midwestern Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeologyand Ethnohisrory:The First25 Years, 1973-1997. 31 pp. Bound paper. St. Louis: Washington University, Department of Anthropology.
Daggett, Richard E. 2000 The Northeast Conference on Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory: the First Eighteen Years. Andean Past 6:307-343.

Willey, Gordon R. and Philip Phillips 1958 Method and Theory in American Archaeology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

355.. Appendix I.

Browman: TheMidwestern AndeanConference

MIDWESTERN CoNFERENCE ON ANDEAN AND AMAzONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETIiNOHISTORY.

Papers presented. 1st.Unitlersit1 of Illinois,Urbana,1973 David Browman. Llama Trade Caravans and Tiwanaku Interaction Spheres.

Don Lathrap.AmazonianBasinSurvey.

Joanne Magalis. Topic unrecorded. Jorge Marcos. Valdivia Ceramic Sequence. Jack Marwitt and Bob Morey. Contributions to the Ethnohistory of Northwest Venezuela. Tom Myers. Ucayali. Carl Spath. Topic unrecorded. Gary Vescelius. Moquegua Survey:Loreto Viejo and Chen Chen; and Huari Survey. Ron Weber. Culture History of the Tamaya River of Eastem Peru. R Tom Zuidema. Topic unreco~ded. 2nd.IndianaUnitleTsit1, Bloomington, 1974 Dean Arnold. Reports on Excavationsat the Late Intermediate Period Lucre Site, Cuzco, and Aboriginal Earthworks, at the Mouth Ofthe RioBeni, Northeast Bolivia. . Robert Braun. Ucayali Area Archaeology. David Browman.. Llama Ethologyand Middle Horizon Trade Networks in Peru. Don Lathrap. Loma-Alta and EarlyValdivia. Jorge Marcos. Rio Verde, Rio Guaragay,and Santa Elena: Early Valdivia Materials. Nancy Morey. Venezuelan LlanosEthnohistory. Tom Myers. San Pablo Lake (OT, 11) Formative, Otavalo. Allison Paulsen. Santa Elena Peninsula Formative Sequence. Gordon Pollard. MicroscopicAnalysisof Bone in Determining Domestication of Lama sp. James B. Richardson III. Piura/Chira archaeological sequence. 3rd. UniveTsit1 ofIllinois,Urbana,1975 David Browman. Origins of Domestication in the Lake Titicaca Basin. John Earls. Ceque Systems as Agro,EcologicalRegulatory Systems. John Rick. Lake Junin Survey and Archaeological Sequence. Ron Weber. Double,Headed Serpents in the North,Central Andes. Tom Zuidema. Inca Calendar and Ceque System. 4th. Universit1 ofMichigan, Ann Arbor,1976 David Browman. Archaeobotanical and ArchaeozoologicalAnalyses of Lacustrine Adaptations in the Titicaca Basin. Michael Brown. The Llamistasof San Martin: Chanka or Chuncho? Alejandro Camino. Trade and Raidsbetween Lowland Tribes and Quechua People in the Urubamba Region: Machigenga and Piros. Sergio Chavez. The J::)awn of Peruvian Archaeology, Chroniclers and Explorers: 1524,1821. Wes Hurt. The EI Abra Rockshelter, Colombia, Revisited. Don Lathrap. Early Formative on the Ecuadorian Coast. Jeff Parsons. Prehispanic Setdement Patterns in the Upper Mantaro, Peru. Gordon Pollard. A Preliminary Perspective on the Evolution of Setdement Systems and Ethnic Interfaces in Northwest Argentina and North Chile. Jack Wynn. The Buritaca Phase in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia. Tom Zuidema. Ethnohistorical and MythologicalStudies in the Calca Region, Peru.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

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Coast.

5th. IndianaUniversity,Bloomington, 1977 Bob.Benfer. Demography and Health of Pre,agricultural Peru. David Browman. Annual Peruvian Trade Fairs and Llama Trade Caravans. Bob Feldman; The Circular Plaza:an Early Formative Ceremonial Complex from the Central Peruvian
..

Charles Hastings., Prehispanic SubsistenceStrategies and Settlement Patterns in T arma Province, Peru. Jorge Marcos. Cruising to Acapulco and Back with the Thorny,Oyster Set. Jeff Parsons. The Hydraulic Complexat Tunanmarca, Junfn, Peru: Canals, Aqueducts, and Reservoir. Deborah Pearsall. Pachamachay Ethnobotanical Report: Plant Utilization at a Hunting Base Camp. Jim Richardson. Research on Sechura Phase Sites on the Far North Coast of Peru and Historic Material from the Sarna Region (piura to Tumbes). John Rick. Pachamachay, Junfn: Permanent Archaic Puna Vicuna Herders. Frank Salomon. Entrepreneurs and Reciprocityin Highland Ecuador. Jack Wynn. Tairona as a Chiefdom.

6th. FieldMuseum, Chicago, 1978 David Browman. Possible Formation of a New Journal on South American Archaeology. David Browman and Robert Bird. DemographicMovements at the EHIEIP and EIP/MH Boundariesin Peru as Deduced from Linguistic,Botanical, and Ceramic Evidence. Chuck Hastings. Prehistoric and EarlyColonial Connections between the Sierra and Montana of Tarma,
. Don Lathrap. New Evidence for Early Pottery Use in the Guayas Basin, Ecuador. Mike Moseley. Progress Report on the Prograrna Riego Antiguo. Gordon Pollard. Prehistoric Settlement Systems in the Southern Andes: Calchaqui Valleys Survey 1977.
_

Peru.

Jim Richardson. Fog, Folly, and FuzzyThinking: Round 2 ' Climate and Cultural Change on the Peruvian Coast during the Holocene. Frank Salomon. Exchange and RedistributiveSystemsin Highland Ecuador under Inca Rule. Ron Weber. An Analysisof the Pottery of Santa Maria, Northwest Argentina.
7th. Washington University, St. Louis, 1979

Bob Benfer and Alice Benfer. Adaptation to Food Production at Paloma, Peru. Bob Bird. Early Maize on the North Coast of Peru. Marshall Durbin. The Guiana Shield as a LinguisticArea. Clark Erickson. Archaeological Surveyin the Llanos de Mojos, Bolivia. Bob Feldman. Recent Findings of the Prograrna RiegoAntiguo, Peru. Wes Hurt. Archaeological Excavationsin the SaIto Grande Reservoir,Uruguay. Jon Kent. Recent Investigations on the Domestication of South American Camelids. William Mayer,Oakes. Paradigms,Principles,Points, and Primitive Technology: Current Status in Prehistoric Highland Ecuador. Lynette Norr. Formative Archaeologyand 5,000 Years of Fluvial Geomorphology along the Central Rio Oaule, Guayas Basin, Ecuador. Jose R. Oliver. Excavations at Quebrada Balerio,Venezuela: a Preliminary Report. Gordon Pollard. Excavations in the Borgatta VillageSite, Calchaqui Valleys,Argentina. Jose Proenza Brochado. The Environment of the Marajoara Culture, Marajo Island, Brasil: Survival or Degeneration? Frank Salomon. Variations in Mound Architecture near Tulipe (Pinchincha), Ecuador. Daniel Shea. Atacama Oases: the Context of Preceramic Maize.

JackWynn. UNESCOExcavations at Islade Arriba,Uruguay.

James Zeidler. Ethnoarchaeology of an Achuar Dwelling: Some Archaeological Implications. Tom Zuidema. Architecture and Astronomy in Cuzco.

357..
8th. University of Wisconsin, Madison,.1980

Browman: The Midwestern Andean Conference

Alice Benfer. Archaeology and Mortuary Customs of Paloma. Bob.Benfer. Demography, Ecology,and PhysicalAnthropology of Paloma. Bob Bird. Early Maize Remains: Analysisand Interpretation. Tom Dillehay. Monte Verde: EarlyMan in South,Central Chile. Greg Knapp. Precolumbian Flood Control on the Peruvian Coast: the Embanked Fields of Chilea. Don Lathrap and Stephen Bunker. Contact Period Demography and Socio,Political Complexity in the LowerCentral Amazon. Ron Lippi. The Machalilla Phase from an Inland Perspective. Earl Lubensky. Exploratory Excavationsat La Florida, Ecuador. William Mayer,Oakes. Patterns of Regularity,Symmetry,and Periodicity Associated with the Conchoidal Fracturing Process. Patricia J. Netherly. Julio C. Tello's Opening to the East: the Early Recognition of the Tropical Forest Origins of Andean Civilization, a Case from North Peru. Allison Paulsen. New Chronologyof Machalilla Ceramics from Southwest Guayas Province, Ecuador. Debbie Pearsall. Preliminary Report of Botanical Remains from Panaulauca Cave, Jumn, Peru. Darrell Posey. Amerind Trade, Warfare, and Depopulation in Colonial Brazil. Louisa Stark. LinguisticEvidence for Pre,lnca Contacts between the Central and Southern Andes. LidaJ. Wagner. A Preliminary Report on the Analysis of Ceramics from Huari, Ayacucho, Peru. 9th. Universityof Missouri, Columbia, 198) Bob Benfer. The Rewards of Sedentism: Growing Old at Paloma. Bob Bird. UP9ating the Maize,Quechua,Culture History Model for the Central Andes. David Browman. .Correlations of MaizeRaces, Aymara Dialects, and Tiwanaku Expansion. Phillip Dering and Glen Weir. Plant MacrofossilRemains from Paloma, Chilea Valley, Peru. Dave Guillet. Comparative Andean,Himalayan Adaptations. Chuck Hastings. Tarma Project Update. Wes Hurt. The Tangarupa Complexof Uruguay. Kent Mathewson. Ancient Agriculture in the Guayas Basin. William Mayer,Oakes. A Typologyfor Early Man Projectile Points in South America. Allison Paulsen. A Revised Cronologyof the Machalilla and EngoroyCeramic Complexes of the South' Coast of Ecuador. Debbie Pearsall. Ethnobotanical Research at Panaulauca Cave, Peru. Jeanette Sherbondy. The Canals of Amaru, Cuzco. David Stemper. Skimming,Tapping, and Floating:Ancient Plants from a Complex Chiefdom on the Ecuadorian Coast. Douglas Ubelaker and Earl Lubensky. The Ayalan Cemetery: an Integration Period Site in the Guayas Basin Area of Ecuador. Maarten van de Guchte. Inca Sculpture and the Landscape. David Wilson. The Development of Complex Prehispanic Society on the Peruvian North Coast: a Perspective from the Lower Santa Valley.
10th. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1982

ChristinaBrewster, Wray.. HuariArchitecture:Formand Function.

Michael Brewster,Wray. Middle Horizon Settlement in the Ayacucho Basin. Anita Cook. The Iconography of Middle Horizon Expansionism. Bob Feldman and Mike Moseley. The Dynamics of Agrarian Collapse in Coastal Peru. Sue Grosboll. Canichi: a Late HorizonSite of the Southern Highlands. Charles Hastings. Middle Horizon Problemsin the Tarma Ceja de Montana, Central Peru. Elizabeth Hart. Recent Ethnohistorical Research on the Chicama Valley. . Wes Hurt. The Itaborai Site, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. BiUIsbell. Huari and the Emergenceof the Andean State.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..358

Timothy Johns. Domestication Processesin the Andean Tuber Complex. Jonathan Kent. Camelid Domesticationin the LakeJunfn and Lake Titicaca Basins. Don.Lathrap. The San Pedro Complex:a Chronological or EcologicalProblem? Darrell lalone and Mary lalone. From Command Economy to Commercial Economy in the Southern Sierra of Peru. Ron Lippi. Early Maize Recovered in Coastal Ecuador. Michael Malpass. PreceraJIrlcResourcesof the Casma Valley: Preliminary Results. William Mayer..Oakes. El Inga BroadStemmed Projectile Points: A New Horizon Marker for EarlyMan in South America. Kate Moore. Prehistoric Animal Use in Junfn: Preliminary Results of the 1981 Season at Panaulauca

Cave.
.

Pat Netherly. The Formative in the Upper Sana Valley,Northwestern Peru.

DebbiePearsall. Ethnobotanical Researchon the JUnlnPuna: Reportof the 1981FieldSeason. Dan Shea. SomeMethodsand ResultsforNorth ChileanDesertSites6,000..2,000 B.C.
Lynda Spickard. The Evolution of Huari Administrative Architecture. Tom Zuidema. Petroglyphs and PoliticalOrganization in Cuzco.
11tho Indiana UnitleTsit1, Bloomington, 1983

Tom Aleto. Recent ArchaeologicalInvestigation on Isla Puna, Ecuador. Bob Benfer. Preceramic Fieldsin tJ:~e LowerChilca Valley. Louanna Furbee. Reconstruction of the Development of AyUus in an Aymara Community. Wes Hurt. Paleoindian Migration Routes into Brazil. . Cathy Lebo. The Second Season FieldProject at the Itaborai site, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Mike Malpass and Sue Grosb6ll. Reviewof Evidence for Late Pleistocene and Holocene Climatic Shifts in Western South America. . ColinMcEwan.AmazonianTen-aPretaSoils:Clues to Prehistoric Population Dynamics in the Amazon Basin. Ann Mester. The Owl in Moche Iconography:Implications for Ethnic Dualism on the North Coast. Emilio Moran. Amazonian Ecology:Changing Notions about the Structure, Function, and Management of the Rain Forest Environment. Tom Myers. Ceramic Stylesand Unguistic Groupingson the Ucayali. Debbie Pearsall. Penon del Rio Project and the San lsidro Project. Tony Seeger. Bodies, Body Ornaments, and Moral Concepts in Lowland South America: Another Look at the Tembeta. Jeanette Sherbondy. Land and Water Rights in Upper and LowerCuzco. Maria Silva. A Topon~c Reconstruction of Indigenous Settlement on the Coast of Ecuador at the Time of the Conquest. Jane Stone. Spatial Organization of Production at Huari.
12th. Universit1 ofIUinois, Urbana, 1984

Tom Abercrombie. The Aymara Federation of Killaka and Its Post..Conquest Transformations: Disinte.. gration or Ethnogenesis? Brian Bauer. Inca and Pre..lnca Settlement Patterns in the LowerUrubamba River Valley. Lawrence Carpenter. Cultural and LinguisticCorrelates of Quichua Postulates. SergioChavez. Archaeological Reconnaissancein the Province of Chumbivilcas, Cuzco. William Denevan. Agricultural Terrace Abandonment in the Colca Valley, Southern Peruvian Andes. Carol Diaz..Granados. 'Holy' Hair Styleof the Andes, or the Prehistoric Vidal Sassoon Connection. Clark Erickson. Raised Field AgricultU~e of the Lake Titicaca Basin of Peru: Recent Archaeological Investigations. Rosa Gamarra. Tiaq Rumi: the Sitting Stones of Pucara. Paul Goldstein. Tiwanaku in the MoqueguaValley. Jo~ Isaacson. Human Occupation and Volcanic Activity in the Western Montana of Northern Ecuador.

359..

Browman: The Midwestern Andean Conference

Greg Knapp. Prehistoric Raised Fieldsof Highland Ecuador: Agronomic Functions and Economic Significance. Kent Mathewson. Alexander von Humboldt and the Origins of Andean Landscape Archaeology. John McDowell. Ethnohistory of the SibundoyValley in Colombia. David McGrath. Biomassand the Productivity of Shifting Cultivation in the Amazon. Lynn Meisch. Weaving in Tarabuco, Boliviaand the Ethnohistory of the Region. Karen Mohr Chavez. Kidder and Andean Archaeology. Karen Mohr Chavez. A PreliminaryStudy of the Production, Distribution, and Consumption of the Traditional Pottery of Raqchi, Cuzco,Peru. Tom Myers. Settlement Longevityand Development in the Amazon Basin. Cheryl Pomeroy. The Remains of an Andean Salt Operation: an Ethnographic Account of Salinas de Tomavela, BolivarProvince, Ecuador. Paul Jean Pierre Provost. Shipibo Oral Narratives: SymbolicHistorical Quipus or Psychoanalytical Insights. Jeff Quilter. Religion at EI Parafso. Frank Salomon and Sue Grosboll. The 208 Nagaxas of Post,lncaic Quito: An Approach to Culture History via Anthroponymy and Statistics. Tony Seeger. The Collection and Classificationof Lowland South American Musical Instruments: Problems and 'Possibilities. Jeanette Sherbondy. Cuzco Ethnohistory: Recent Research. John Treacy. Management of SwiddenFallowsby Bora Native Cultivators in the Peruvian Amazon. Tom Zuidema. Whip Dances of Cuzco.
13th. Field Museum, Chicago,1985 Tom Abercrombie. The Ritual Use ofWeavings in the Andes, Past and Present. Mark Aldendeifer. and Karen Wise. Preceramic Puna,Sierra Interrelationships in the South,Central Andes. Brian Bauer and Martina Munsters. The Manufacture, Use, and Storage of Stone Tools in Present Day Andean Communities. Paul Goldstein. Social and SymbolicInferences from Moquegua TiwanakuCe~amics. Sue Grosboll. Demography of Late Horizon Villagesin the Hummco Region of Peru. Chuck Hastings. Research Prospectsfor the Tulumayo, an Eastern Valley of Central Peru. Wes Hurt. The 1984 Excavations in the Rock Shelters near Bahia, Central Brazil. John Isaacson and Tom Aleto. Evidence for Contacts between the Northern Sierra and the South Coast of Ecuador during the Integration Period. Earl Lubensky. Analysis of the Ferdon Collection from Ecuador. Kate Moore. Current Research in the Animal Economy of the Central Andes: Teeth and Bones from Panaulauca Cave, Juron. Abelardo Sandoval. Changing Setdement Patterns in Formative Ayacucho. Daniel H. Sandweiss. The Santa Beach Ridges,Uplift, and EI Nifio. Dan Shea. Preliminary Discussionof Late Horizon Settlement and Population in the Colca Valley, Arequipa. Chip Stanish. The Emergence of Post'Tiwanaku Elite Ideologies as Reflected in Mortuary Practicesin the South,Central Andes. David Stemper. Preliminary Resultsof an Archaeological Study ofa Cacicazgo on the Daule River Floodplain, Ecuador. Robert Timm. Hunting Strategies in the Amazon. Terry Turner. Moiety Structure, Hierarchy, and Social Time in the Amazon and the Andes. Ron Weber. The Slit Triangle Modfin Nasca Art. Glen Weir and Bob Benfer. Maritimefferrestrial Components of Diet: 1984 Excavations at Three

PeruvianCotton PreceramicSites.

Tom ~uidema. Myth and Ritual: Huayna Capac.

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

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of Missouri, Columbia, 1986 14th. Uni"ersi~ Brian Bauer. Recent ArchaeologicalResearch in the Region of Pacariqtambo. Bon.Benfer. Tests of Paloma Stratigraphy. Bob Feldman. ProgressReport: ProgramaContisuyu. Louanna Furbee. Andean and Mayan Folk Models of Disease before the Conquest. Dave Guillet. Ritual and Social Structure in Lari, Colea Valley, Peru. Earl Lubensky. Current Developments in Archaeology in Ecuador. Ann Mester. The Pearl Oyster in Andean Culture: at the Crossroads of Archaeology and Ethnohistory. Jose R. Oliver. Preliminary Report on the Geochronology and Paleoarchaeologyin the El Jobo Basin, Western Venezuela. Debbie Pearsall. Ethnobotanical Research for the Penon del Rio Project: Identification of Maize Cultivation on Raised Fields. Maria Silva. Shungumarca: Canari..Inca Frontier Site. Carl Spath. A BriefNote on Cremated Human Remains from the Hormiga Rockshelter. Sloan Williams and Niki Clark. Investigationsin the Burial Areas of the Late Prehistoric EstuquifiaSite near Moquegua, Far Southern Peru.
15th. Uni"ersi~ of Wisconsin, Madison, 1987

Mark Aldenderfer. Archaic Period Settlement Dynamicsin the Osmore Drainage, Far Southern Peru. Clark Erickson. Raised Field Agriculture and the Indigenous Community: Applied Archaeology on the Altiplano. Chuck Hastings. Precontact Campa Occupation of the Upper Chanchamayo Valley, Eastern Peru. Alan Kolata. Recent Research in the Titicaca Basin (Lukurmata). Don Lathrap. An Overview'of the Ecuadorian Formative with Special Attentidn to the Cerro Narrfo Sequence. Ron Lippi. Coring a Deeply BuriedJungle Site in Northwestern Ecuador. Jeff Parsons. Towards a Model ofPrehispanic Settlement Systems Evolution ofJunln, Peru. Frank Salomon. Primitive Maps from La Merced Archive. Jorge Silva. The Early Intermediate Period as Seen from the Cerro Culebra Site. Helaine Silverman. Getting Ahead in Ancient Peru: a New Look at Nasca Trophy Head Taking. GeoffreySpurling. ArchaeologicalEvidence for Inka Ceramic Production at Milliraya. David Stemper. Prehispanic Ceramics,Settlement Patterns, and Raised Fields on the Daule River Floodplain, Ecuador. Mark Thurner. Four Steps toward an Ethnographic Understanding of the Great Andean Insurrections of A Preliminary Interpretation ofthe SiegeofLa Paz,1781. 1780..1783: John Treacy. Hydraulic Patterns in the Colea Valley,Arequipa. Jim Zeidler. Stratigraphy, Sediments, and Ceramic Complexes from San Isidro, Northern Manab Province, Ecuador. Tom Zuidema. Cullic Chahua, Inca Illescas,and Marsyas:Guaman Poma's Representation of 'Flayingthe Skin'.
. . ,

16th. Uni"ersi~of Michigan, Ann Arbor,1988 Mark Aldenderfer. Archaic Period Structural Remains from Asana, a High Sierra Open Air Site in Southern Peru. Brian Bauer. Cusco Pottery: New Information from the Province ofParuro. Bob Benfer. Excavations at Tres Ventanas Cave in the Puna of the Chilca Valley. Bob Benfer and Jeremy Edward. The Palomans Toasted, Then Salted their Dead. Sergio Chavez. Corbel Vaulted Structures in the Context of Titicaca Basin Settlement Patterns. Kwo-LingChyi, Karen Mohr Chavez, and SergioChavez. Physico-ChemicalAnalyses of Pucara'Style
,

Pottery, Peru.

'

Niki Clark.' Archaeological Textiles in the Socio-Cultural Context, Late Prehistoric Period, Far Southern ~ru. '

361..

Browman: The Midwestern Andean Confereru;e

Patricia Dodson. Ethnohistoric Implications of Carnival in Highland Bolivia. Clark Erickson. Prehispanic Settlement Associated with Raised Field Agriculture in the Lake Titieaca

Basin. .
Louanna Furbee. The Cognition of SoilsManagement in the Colea Valley, Peru. Kirk Frye and Chip Stanish. Investigations of the Lupaqa Kingdom. Paul Goldstein. Domestic Patterning in Tiwanaku's Provinces: The Case from Omo, Moquegua, Peru. Heidi Lennstrom and Chris Hastorf. Subsistence Production From the Early Intermediate through the Late Intermediate Periods: Excavationsat Pancan, Peru. William Mayer..Oakes. Testing the 'Fluting Hypothesis' in Ecuador. Kate Moore. Late Preceramic and Formative Herding Economies on the Puna of}uron. Joanne Rappaport. The Path of the Three Staffs of Office: Territorial Organization and History in a

NorthernAndeanCommunity.

Jorge Silva. Survey of the Chill6n Valley,Peru. Sloan Williams and Jane Buikstra. Mortuary Excavations at the Estuquina Site. Tom Zuidema. The New and CompleteVersion of}uan de Betanzos' Suma y Narraci6n de los Incas.
17th. Central Michigan University, Mt. Pleasant, 1989

Mark Aldenderfer.
.

Late Archaic Ceremonial ArchitectUre from Asana, Southern Peru.

Brian Bauer. Late Intermediate-Ceramic Production and Exchange in the Circum..Cusco.Region.

J01;geBrea. Effects of Agrarian Change in the Ecuadorian Sierra. Sergio Chavez. A Methodology for Studying the History of Archaeology: An Example from Peru (1524-

1900)..
Organization.
.

Edward de Bock. Fat Cats and Heavenly Waters, a Study on a Moche and Chimu Motif of State Martin Giesso. Settlement Patterns in the Jesuitic Missionsof Guaranies: An Archaeological Perspective. John Janusek. A Prehispanic Drainage System in the Ceremonial Precinct ofTiwanaku, Bolivia. Jim Mathews. Preliminary Investigationsof Prehistoric Raised Fieldsin the Tiwanaku Midvalley, Tiwanaku, Bolivia. Colin McEwan and Marla Isabel Silva. A Capac Hucha Burial on Isla de la Plata, Ecuador. Jerry Moore. Architectural Correlates of Social Control.of tWoChimu Settlements in the Casma Valley, Peru. Juan Ossio. Mesianismo Contemporaneo en el Peru. Mario Rivera. New Approaches for the Study of the Chinchorro Tradition in Northern Chile. Maarten van de Guchte. Ceremonial Architecture at Sayhuite (Apurlmac), Peru. Ann Webster. Preliminary Analysisof the Faunal Remains ofTiwanaku. Erik Woodard. Human Skeletal Remains at Tiwanaku, Bolivia. Tom Zuidema. A Funeral Custom with the IncaSand the Tupinamba. 18th. Universityof Chicago, Chicago, 1990 Brian Bauer. The Early Inca and Inca Subsistence-Settlement System of the Cusco Region. Richard Burger and LucySalazar-Burger. The Chronology and Function of Card ai's Public Architecture. Peter Burgi. Conjoined Inka and Lupaqa Control of the Far Southwestern Peruvian Sierra. Anita Cook. Late Nasca Settlements in the lea Valley: A Re..evaluation of Huari Presence on the South Coast. Lisa Deleonardis Holley. Paracas Ceramic Data from Non..Burial Contexts in the Lower lea Valley. Bob Feldman. A Preliminary Report on Excavations at Cerro Baul, Moquegua, Peru. Louanna Furbee and Jon Sandor. Articulation of Folk and Scientific Classificationsof Soilsin the Colca Valley, Peru. Kirk Frye and Chip Stanish. Domestic Architecture and Ceramics of Altiplano Lupaqa Period Sites. Paul Goldstein. On the Eve of Empire:Moquegua before the Tiwanaku Conquest.. Anne Helsley..Marchbanks. Puente Mayu: a Chapter in the Highland Bolivian Formative. Billlsbell. Dressed Stone Masonry at Tiwanaku and Huari: A Comparison.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

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Heidi Lennstrom. Intrasite Spatial Variabilityin the Middle Horizon/Late Intermediate: An Examplefrom the Upper Mantaro Valley. Waud Kracke. Space as Movement: The Occupation of Parintintin Territory and the Pattern of Outward Movement and Return. Lawrence Kumar. Ethnoarchaeologyof High Sierra Pastoralists, South Central Andes. Ron Lippi. Late Prehistoric Ethnic Boundarieson the Western Flanks of Ecuador's Northern Andes. Ramiro Matos Mendieta. Del camino real inka a la carretera moderna en las punas de Junfn. William Mayer~Oakes. Postform:A Lithic Concept whose Time has Come. Colin McEwan. Architectural Investigationsat the Wari Site ofPikillacta, Peru. Suzanne Oakdale. Contextualizing LifeHistory Narratives. Debbie Pearsall and Bob Benfer. The Floral Assemblagefrom Tres Ventanas.

HelaineSilverman.NascaSettlementPatternand Sociopolitical Organization:a FirstRun throughthe 1988~89 SurveyData.

Chip Stanish. Results from ProjectJuli. Cheryl Sutherland. PreliminaryCeramic AnalysisofIntensive Surface Collections at Tiwanaku. John Verano. A Cache of 48 Trophy Heads from Cerro Carapo, Peru. Ron Weber. Shipibo/Conibo Cotton Warp~FacedTextile Manufacture in Eastern Peru and its Cultural

Implications.

Melanie Wright and Heidi Lennstrom. PreliminaryAnalysis of Botanical Remains from Lukurmata, Bolivia: A Tiwanaku RegionalCenter.

19th.IndianaUniversity, Bloomington, 1991 . Brian Bauer. New Information on the Ceque System of Cuzco. Bob Benfer. 1990'SalyageExcavationsat Paloma, Chilca Valley, Peru: Overlap of Lomas and RiverValley Preceramic Occupations. Clark Erickson. The Archaeology of Raised Field Agriculture in the Llanos de Mojos, Bolivia:Recent Survey and Excavation. Crist6bal Gnecco. La Elvira: A PaleoindianSite in Southwestern Colombia. Paul Goldstein. A Tiwanaku Semi~SubterraneanTemple in Moquegua, Peru. Chuck Hastings. An Update and Prognosisfor Chanchamayo Archaeology, Eastern Peru. LarryKuznar. Faunal Attributes of Andean Pastoral Sites: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective. Darrell lalone. World Systemsin Antiquity: Andean Perspectives. Mike Marchbanks. Trace Element Analysisof Ceramics from Tiwanaku. Joyce Marcus. Community Specializationon the Coast of Peru: The Case for Cerro Azul, Caiiete Valley. John McDowell.Mythand Historyin the Sibundoy Valley.
_

Eduardo Neves. Cultural Change and Continuity in the Upper Xingu and Upper Rio Negro Basins. Janis Nuckolls. The Salt Journeys. ]effQuilter. Problems with the Preceramic:Radiocarbon Dates, Cultural Processes, and the Preceramic~ Initial Period Transition.

MarioRivera. EarlyPotteryin the SouthAndes.

Frank Salomon. The Five~GatedDam: An Andean Irrigation System in the HuarochirCMythology,in Colonial Litigation, and in Modern Ritual. Inge Schjellerup. Archaeological Investigations in the Southern Part ofChachapoyas Province,.Peru. Ari Zighelboim. An Inca Archive: Coherence and Diversity in a Collection of Quipus.
20th. University of Illinois, Urbana, 1992

Catherine Allen. The Incas Have Gone Inside: Pattern and Persistence in Quechua Iconography. Bob Benfer. A Better Foundation forArchaeological Knowledge:An Expert System CD~ROM Site

ReportforPaloma,Peru.

Shelley Burgess. Patterns of Anemia in Three Late Intermediate Period Populations from the South Coast oEPero. Kay Candler. Feathers from the Forest.

363..

Browman: TheMidwestern ArUIean Conference

John Dendy. The Development of Gender Differentiation in SQuthem Peruvian Coastal Polities Revealed by the Grave Goods at the ChiribayaAlta Cemeteries Near lIo. Clark Erickson. Prehispanic Hydraulic Engineeringin the Danos de MOjosof Bolivia. Steven Fabian. Bororo.. White Contact and the Changing Role of the Missionary. Evan Franke. Ceramic Craft Specializationat ChijiJawira: Tiwanaku Organization and Technology. Louanna Furbee. On the Decline of Terrace Agriculture in the Peruvian Andes: Too Little Time, Too

lli~fu~.

GrayGraffam and Mario Rivera. A Late Formative Period Copper Manufacturing Center in the Atacama Desert. Sonia Guill~n. Desenfardelamiento de una momia,Chancay. Alvaro Higueras. Archaeological Knowledgein Peru and its Contribution to the Formation of a National Identity. Darrell laLone. Three Perspectiveson Inca State Expansion. Earl Lubensky. Update on Analysisof the Ferdon Ceramic Collections from Esmeraldas Province, Ecuador. Jim Mathews. Some Notes on the EarlyDevelopment of the Tiwanaku State.
.

WilliamMayer..Oakes. HaloPaleoindian Complex:A ProblemAwaitingSolution.

Barra O'Donnabhain, Maria Lozada,Sonia Guill~n, and Jane Buikstra. The Removal of Skulls from an EarlyCemetery at Wawakiki, Southern Peru. Debbie Pearsall and Bob Benfer. Continuing Ethnobotanical Research at Paloma and Tres Ventanas,
,

~.

PhyllisPiduga. An Astronomical Model for the Nazca figures, Pampa de San Jos~. Susan Ramfrez..Huaca Looting on the Peruvian North Coast.. A Tale with Two Perspectives. Anna Roosevelt. Paleoindians at Monte Alegre in the BrazilianAmazon. ,Daniel H. Sandweiss. Recent Excavationsof the Late Horizon Component at Tucume, Peru. Susan Snow. Constructive Imagination and the Development of Cosmologyin the New World Tropics.

TheresaTopic. Womenand the SpanishConquest.

'

LisaValkenier. Chimu Capac and the Early Horizon Period in the Supe Valley., Ann Webster. Camelids Before and During the Tiwanaku Hegemony. David Wilson. The Formative Periodin the Casma Valley. Marta Zambrano. The Indians of Colonial Bogota. Jim Zeidler. Moundbuilders of Northern ManabC:Recent Archaeological Research in the Jama River Valley,Coastal Ecuador. Tom Zuidema. A Pan..Andean Calendar and its Colonial Impact.
21st. Washington University, St. Louis, 1993

"

Bob Benfer. Prolonged Virginity in the Coastal Peruvian Preceramic: The Economic Importance of (Fisher)Women in the Early Stagesof Andean Civilization. Lisbet Bengtsson. Architectural Characteristics of Remains Related to the Late Prehistoric Santa Mana Culture, Northwestern Argentina. Georgia Britt. An Analysis of the Ceramic Collection from Sahuacari, Acari Valley, Peru. Evan Engwall. The Lost Horizon, or the Emergence and Expansion of Chorrera Culture: A View from the . Northern ManabC,Ecuador. Clark Erickson. Ancient Field Systemsand Water Management in the Bolivian Amazon. Paul Gelles. Equilibrium and Extraction: Dual Organization in the Andes. Christine Gemignani. Huacas and Saints: The Creation of the Early Colonial Andean Experience. Crist6bal Gnecco. Early Human Occupation of the Northern Andes. John Greer. Continuing Research on the Rock Art of Southwestern Venezuela. Brigitte Holt. Plant Phytoliths from Dental Calculus. John Janusek. A Brush with Prehispanic Panpipe (Zampoiia)Specialistson the Southern Shores of Lake Titicaca, Bolivia.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..364

Jon Kent. A New Research Facilityin Andean Zooarchaeologyand Recent Investigations in Ecuador and Peru. LarryKumar. PastoraVChenopodium Mutualism and the Early Domestication of Quinua: Ethnoarchaeolo# gical Evidence. William Mayer#Oakes. A Reviewof Ecuadorian Obsidian Studies. Julie Morrow. Fauna from Puente Mayu:A Formative Period Site Near Chayanta, Bolivia. Debbie Pearsall. Jama#CoaqueSubsistence:Insights from the Pechichal Site, Manabi, Ecuador. Karl Reinhard, John Dendy, A. M. Ghazi,and Karin Sandness. Coprolites and Chemistry: Dietary Reconstruction from Corporeal Remains. Dan Shea and Mario Rivera. The Dating of the Chinchorro Mummy Complex: An Alternative Use of Radiocarbon Estimates. Lynn Sikkink. Reproducing and Balancingthe.Social Order: Competition and the Ritual ofYaku Cambio. Steven Weintz. Preliminary Report on San Bartolome, a Late ArchaiclEarly Formative Site in the Titicaca Basin. Jim Zeidler. Organizational Principlesof Valdivia VUlageSpace: Some Lessonsfrom Tropical Ethnoastronomy. Ari Zighelboim.Mountain SacrificeScenes in Moche Iconography.
22nd. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1994

John Alden. Along the Inca road: Recent Surveyin the Atacama Desert. Karen Mohr Chavez and SergioChavez. Archaeological Excavations of the'Y aya..Mama'Religious Tradition on the Copacabana Peninsula,Bolivia. Janet Earle. Brides and Battles: A ClassroomSimulation Game for Teaching Amazonian Ethnography. Evan Engwall. Mytho#HistorieRelationsbetween the Cafiaris and the.Inca Empire. Clark Erickson. The Prehispanic Human Impact on the Landscapes of the Bolivian Amazon. Rafael Gasson. Quiripas and Mostacillas:The Evolution of Shell Beads as a Medium of Exchange in Northern South Anieri~a. Martin Giesso and Michael Glascock. Obsidian Procurement and Distribution in the Tiwanaku Heartland. Frank Grollig. The Uru Indians of LakeTiticaca. Pamela Hale and Julia Wagner. LostLegacyof La Libertad: An Examination of a Ceramic Collection. . John Janusek. Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Ida Region of Chuquisaca, BOlivia. Eduardo Kohn. Yana Padreta MicujJinti: Cannibalism and Transculturation in Seventeenth Century Ecuador. . LarryKuznar. The Pastoral Core and the Herded Periphery: World SystemsTheory, Pastoral Metaphors, and Inca Expansion. Earl Lubensky. Color ClassificationSystemfor Use with Paradox and Designed for Ecuadorian Ceramics. BarryLyons. Hacienda Expansion and Indigenous Resistance in Alausi (Central Ecuador), 1589#1935. Eduardo Pareja Sinanis. Posible existencia de escuelas de ceramistas en Tiahuanaco. Mario Rivera. Arica: 10,000 AfiO$. Dan Shea and MariQRivera. The Dating of the Chinchorro Mummy Complex: An Alternative Use of Radiocarbon Estimates. Katherine Stefko. The Religiousand Social Importance of Anthropomorphic Figurines of the Lake Valencia Region. John Walker. Buildinga Landscape:Raised Field Construction in the Llanos de Moxos, Bolivia. 23rd. Field Museum, Chicago, 1995 Monica Barnes and David Fleming. Andarax and Nazca: Two Coastal ValleysCompared. Bob Benfer. The Basket Household: Life and Death at the Residence of an Extended Family,Paloma, Chilca Valley, Peru. Sarah Brooks. Maquettas in the Colca Valley: Carved Boulders on Mountain Slopes. Cl.IDstineGemignani. Ritual Dimensionsof Geographic Space in the Early Colonial Northern Andes. .

365

Broonnan: The Midwestern Andean Conference

Oark Erickson. Occupation Mounds (Lomas)in the Llanos de Moxos of Bolivia. Julie Farnum and Bob Benfer. Chemical and Dental Estimates of Weaning Age for Paloma, Peru. Paul.Gelles. Multiculturalism and Transnationalism in the Americas. Christine Gemignani. Ritual Dimensionsof Geographic Space in the Early Colonial Northern Andes. Darrell Gundrum. Tajahuana: Recent Research at a Fortified Paracas Site. Mike Heckenberger. The RepercussiveEffectsof Andean Expansionism:The View from a Distant Amazonian Frontier. Alvaro Higueras. Archaeological Strategyin the Analysis of Local and Tiwanaku Polities in Cochabamba Valley,Bolivia. JuhaHiltunen. The MontesinosChronicle Archaeology and Manipulation of the Dynastic~Historical Information, Estimates of Authencity of the Ancient Peruvian Amauta Dynasty. BillIsbell. Constructing the Andean Past, or "AsYou Like It." Ron Lippi. Ancient Trails in Northern Ecuador's Western Montafia. JeffParsons. Precolumbian Hilltop Settlements in Highland Peru: Defensive Citadels or Stages for the Performance of Public Ritual? Debbie Pearsall. Reconstructing Subsistence in the Lowland Tropics: A Case Study from the Jama River Valley,Manabl, Ecuador. Gabriela Powell. Storing the MilkyWay: A PreliminaryAppraisal of Chancay Chicha Jars as Celestial Effigies. Shelia Pozorskiand Tom Pozorski. The Initial Period Site ofTaukachi~Konkan in the Casma Valley, Peru. Ellen Quinn. George Dorsey Chancay Ceramic Collection. Susan Ramlrez; Of Fishermen and Farmers: A Local History of the Peoples of the Chicama Valley, 1524~ 1565. . Anna Roosevelt. Caverna de Pedra Pintada: A Paleoindian Site. Matt Seddon. Accel~rator Mass Spectrometry Dating of Raised Fields in the Rio Catari Subbasin, Bolivia.
~

Dan Sheaand MarioRivera. ReticulateIrrigationin the Atacama.

Izumi Shimada and B. Yamaguchi. Organization of and Symbolismin the Middle Sican Elite Shaft~ Tomb at Hu.acaLoro, Peru. Gail Silverman. Andean Cloth: A Woven Book of Knowledge. Helaine Silverman. Excavations at the Alto de Molino Site in the LowerPisco Valley. John Staller. The Jell Phase at La Emerenciana, a Late Valdivia Site in Southern EI Oro Province, Ecuador. KayokoToshihara. Moquegua ArchaeologicalSurvey: Formative Cultures of the Middle Moquegua Valley,South Peru. Ron Weber. The Dimensions of Archaeologyand Reconsideration of the Rowe and Roe Sequencing of Chavm Monumental Art.

24th.Beloit CoUege,Beloit, 1996

JohnAlden. PrehispanicRoadsin theAtacamaDesert SurveyaroundSan Pedrode Atacama,Chile.
~

Mark Aldenderfer and Cynthia Klink. Archaic Period Settlement in the Rlo Ilave Drainage, Southwest~ ern Lake Titicaca Basin, Southern Peru. Mark Aldenderfer and Cynthia Klink. Archaic Period Setdement Patterns on the Peruvian Altiplano: Comparison of Two Recent Surveysin the Southwestern Lake Titicaca Basin. Gerardo Ardila. Ethnoarchaeology and Archaeology in the lnirida River, Colombian Amazonia. Jim Belote and Linda Belote. Cafiaris,Paltas, and Saraguros: Toponyms arid Ethnic Boundaries in Southern Ecuador. Tamara Bray. Imll Imperial Inca Pottery: Form, Function, Foodways,and Class Formation. Michael Calaway. The Archaeological Zone of Guatacondo, Ramaditas Site, Northern Chile: Irrigation Methodology and Analysis. Clark Erickson. 'Pristine Forests' of the Bolivian Amazon: Archaeological Insights;

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

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Chuck Hastings. Observations on the Status of Settlement Pattern Studies in the Eastern Andes of Boliviaand Northwest Argentina. Jose L6pez,Roberto Bracco, and Tom Dillehay. Preliminary Report on the Moundbuilding Cultures (1800

~(>AD 1600)ofNortheastUruguay andSoutheastBrasil.

Jeff Parsons. Pilot Survey in the Puna de JujuYtArgentinat May,June 1995. Karen Rasmussen and Richard Sutter. Uncovering Chinchorro Burials in nOtPeru: Recent Excavations

oomY~.

Johan Reinhard. The Ampato FrozenMummies. Marco Antonio Ribeiro. The Dream,CrossedTwilight: the Descriptiont Datingt and Analysis of the Moquegua Eclipse Kerot a Tiwanaku V ceramic. Mario Rivera. Excavations at Ramaditas,an EarlyFormative Complex in the Atacama Desert: Some

Preliminary Results.

Anna Roosevelt. Initial Pottery in the LowerAmazon. Frank Salomon. Patrimonial Khipusfrom the Territory of the Huarochirl Manuscript. John Staller. Excavations of a Late Valdivia Phase Platform Mound at the Site of La Emerenciana, EI Oro

Province,Ecuador.

Richard Sutter. Verticality or Horizontality?A BioarchaeologicalSearch for Pre,Incaic Colonies in the Coastal Vallies of Moquegua, Peru, and Azapa, Chile. Robert Thompson. The Recoveryof Maize from Food Residues at La Emerenciana, a Late ValidivianSite

in EIOro Province,Ecuador. Ceramics.

.

Elka Weinstein. Cinderella's Coach, or the Odd Pumpkin: An Interpretation ofCucurbits in Chorren~

Tom Zuidema. Age Classesin Andean Culture. 25th. UniversityofWfscons~ Madisont1997 Mark Aldenderfer. Jiskanumoko: An Early Sedentary Settlement in the Southwestern Lake Titicaca Basin. Brian Bauer. The Inca Occupation of the Island of the Sunt Bolivia. Bob Benfer. Parental Investment in the Health of Children: A Story from the EarlyVillage site of

Paloma,Peru.

Deborah Blom, John Janusekt and Jane Buikstra. Rituals of Death in Prehispanic Tiwanaku. David Browman. An Informal Historyof the EarlyYearsof the Midwestern Conference for Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory. Karen Bruhns. Deconstructing An ImaginaryFrontier, or Preaching to the Converted? LisaCipolla and Cynthia Klink. An Alternative Method for Analyzing Archaic Period Surface Data in the Andean Highlands. Clark Erickson. Prehispanic Fish Farmingin the Bolivian Amazon. Rafael Gassan. The Eastern Andean Piedmont and the Western Venezuelan Llanos as Cultural Landscape. Martin GiessotSarah Brookst and Mike Glascock. Tiwanaku and Obsidian Procurement in the Titicaca Basin. Darrell Gundrum. Liquid and Light:The Essenceof Life and Death in Ancient Paracas and Nasca Society. Catherine Julien. Chiriguano Incursion from Both Sides Now. Cynthia Klink. Initial Reconnaissance in the Rfo Huenque ValleYtSouthern Peru. Franz Scaramelli and Kay Tarble. The Impact of European Colonization on Mapoyo Burial Practice in the Middle Orinoco Region: Cultural Death or Resistance? Lynn Sikkink. Landscapet Gendert and Folk Stories: Azanaques and Tunapa!funupa. John Staller. An Analysis of Cosmologicaland Gender,Related Stylistic Attributes in the Jell Phase: A Valdivia Ceramic Complex from La Emerenciana. Chip Stanish. Early Occupations on the Island of the Sunt Bolivia. Robert Thompson. Tracing the Presence of Varieties of Maize through Opal Phytolith Analysis.

367.. Practices.

Browman: The Midwestern Andean Conference

LisaValkenier. Chimu Capac Revisited:Implications for Andean Fortification Systems and Mortuary
.

Norman Whitten and Dorothea Whitten. Lowland Ecuadorian Ethnographic Commentary. Tom Zuidema. Once Again: The CosmologicalDrawing of Pachacuti Yamqui.

CURRENT REsEARCH IN ANDEAN ARCHAEOWGY

Editors' Note In this issue of Andean Past we introduce "Current Research in Andean Archaeology", a new feature. For many years, American Antiquity published similar reports, covering not just the Andes, but all of the Americas. However, no such reportshave beenpublished in American Antiquity since 1993 and scholars have been deprived of a means of quick dissemination of recent findings in a first~tierprofessionaljournal. Although plans for posting current researchreports on the American Antiquity website were announced some years ago, they are still in an experimentalphase. Hence, for the past few years, Daniel H. Sandweiss has maintained a "Current Research"section on our Andean Past web site (http://kramer.urne.maine.edul -anthroplAndean "'p/html). What follows is an edited version of thesepostings[rom their beginningto mid,

summer,2000. In contrastto theold American Antiquity section,Andean Past "CurrentResearch"

reports may be illustrated and may include a limited number of published or distributed references. In these respects, our new section is similar to the short "Scientific Correspondence" section of Nature. However, unlike the scientific letters to Nature, Andean Past "Current Research" reports are not subject to peer review. New reports should be sent to Dan Sandweiss at the University of Maine, Orono. (See inside front page for addresses.)

Daniel H. Sandweiss Monica Barnes.

CUn'ent Research (1997 1999)

~

EcUADOR Pimampiro Project Archaeological test excavations under the direction of Tamara L. Bray (Wayne State University, e,mail tamara.bray@wayne.edu) began in 1997 at the site of Shanshipampa in the Pimampiro District of northern highland Ecuador. Since 1991 this district, described in sixteenth century sources as a gateway to the eastern lowlands and an important multi~eth~ nic trade center, has been the focus of a re~ gional study by Bray. Shanshipampa is named after the present local community. With the help of the Wayne State University Archaeological Field School and personnel from the Instituto Nacional de-.Patrimonio Cultural, Bray mapped the site and tested a range of features during the 1997fteld season.
ANDEANPAST 6 (2000): 369,395.

On the basis of ethnohistoric data, previous archaeological work, and information provided by local informants, Shanshipampa has been tentatively identified as the site of Chapf. Late sixteenth century sources indicate that ChapC once functioned as an important commercial center for highland and lowland merchants, and housed a multi,ethnic population that included affiliates of eastern montaiia groups. The site was abandoned in the seventeenth century and memory of its location lost to local people thereafter. Excavations in 1997 focused on the upper portion of the site, which, according to local residents, had only been clear of forest in the past 80 years. The landowner indicated that the area was used as pasture and had never been plowed. Archaeological features include ter, races, smallcircular mounds known locallytolas, long linear mounds, and widelydispersedpetro.. glyphs. Investigations in 1997 concentrated on

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..370 Caranqui, CapuJ.{,and Panzaleo style pottery dating principally to the late prehistoric period (800,1400 A.D.), as well as some previously unrecorded blackware types. In 1999 work continued at Shanshipampa with the support of the National Science Foun, dation and the Wenner..Gren Foundation. This phase of the research is an interdisciplinary endeavor. Project eo,Principal Investigator Crist6bal Landazuri of the Pontificia Universi.. dad Cat6lica del Ecuador (Quito) directs the ethnohistorical component. Work in local archives was completed in 1999 and analysisof information on changes in local production systems,political structures, demographics,and ethnicity with the advent of colonial rule is underway.

the parallel linear features, their associated terraces, and one of the tolas. The linear featuresrun perpendicularto the contour of the slope of the site, with their uphill ends abutting unfaced terrace risers. The linear
mounds range in width from 3 to 6 meters, are approximately 1 to 1.8 meters high, and vary from 25 to 60 meters in length. There is an upper and a lower tier of these linear mounds, which are spaced at 12 to 16 meter intervals. Test excavations indicate that these mounds are comprisedofpiled colluviumwith consider, able amounts of ceramic materials mixed into the upper levels. Testing betWeenthe linear mounds yielded substantially lowerdensitiesof cultural materials. While these features re, main somewhat enigmatic, their association with terraces, their concentration in the lower elevations of the site, the lack of associated artifacts,combinedwith ethnographicinforma, tion on indigenous farming practices suggests that they may have had an agricultural func, tion, possiblyrelating to the divisionof fields. A nearby oval mound, c. 12 by 23 meters and 2 meters high, was also tested. Several possible hearths were found in its middle and lower levels. These features, in conjunction with.the ceramic evidence and the number of broken grinding stones (marws and metates) recovered, suggesta domestic function for this mound. On the terrace abutting the mound, immediatelyto the east, a dome,shaped feature of white clay with a vented, box,like structUre in its center (56 cm x 52 cm x 83 cm deep) was uncovered (Figure 1). The wallsof the rectan, gular central portion of the feature were nearly vitrified,probablyduring exposureto extremely high temperatures. Preliminary review of the literature suggests the possibilityof a furnace associated with metal,working. While gold ornaments are relatively common in this re, gion,we have no reported findsofmetallurgical production sites anywhere in the area. This makes the identification of this feature very tentative, but also potentially very important.
.

Figure 1. Domed pit feature with rectangUlar central hollow that exhibits a side vent and vitrified interior.

Initial sorting of the ceramic materials from the

1997 excavations suggests the presence of

In 1999 Bray continued test excavations at Shanshipampa with the aid of Ecuadorian and' American students from several universities including Wayne State. During that season, a magnetometer survey of the site was made, and the topographic map of the site tested. Donald Johrison of IMA Consulting, Minneapolis, Minnesota conducted the geophysical work. Through excavations, Bray's team identified several buried features including a double..

311..
coursed stone wall, an extensive cobble and sherd floor, and a number of possible house terraces. A number of large, complete storage vesselswere encountered in situ. Among the most interesting results of the 1999 season was the identification of at least three types of morniary practices at Shanshi.. pampa. The first is fairly elaborate, and in.. volves the placement of a burial pit in the center of a stone ring that was subsequendy . covered by a low mound with a circular plan (Figure2). While the human remainswerenot generallypreserved in these features,one.ofthe mounds did produce the posterior dentition of a single individual interred with a complete Panzaleo pot (Figure3). A singleradiocarbon assay of burnt material within the vessel pro.. duced a date of 250 B.P.:tl00 (Beta 136125), suggestinga fairly recent age for this b~rial.

Current Research

the site also buried individuals in funerary urns outside of these caves, possibly in association with houses. The urns are plain, and apparendy of expedient manufacture. Charred human remains inside one urn were dated to 940 B.P.:t 110 (Beta 136130). It is possiblethat this form of interment is unique in the northern Ecuadorian Highlands. The Shanshipampa mortuary data, taken as a whole, mayreflect the presence of the several ethnic groups known, from historical sources, to have been present at the site.

Figure3. Complete p~

style pot found at the base of a

burial Pit in a smaU mound (Feature 6). p~ pottery is a trade ware that was Unportedfrom the eastern tropical lowlands by people of the highlands.

Figure 2. Circularstone ring, 3 m in diameter, surrounding

burial Pit (Feature 5).

Another burial practice at Shanshipampa involved the use of small caves. Two burial caveswere identified. Each contained multiple individuals who had apparently been interred in large funerary urns. Because of the dry conditions that prevailed, human skeletal remains in a good state of preservation were recovered. Pyrolizedmaterials from one cave indicates an age of 600 B.P.:t80 years (Beta 136131). Finally, it appears that residents of

A seriesofpetroglyphs wasalso documented around the site of Shanshipampa, as offering possible evidence of trans..sierran connections. Site boundaries are, in fact, defined in relation to the petroglyphs. Two carved stone monu.. ments, both ofwhich carry imagerysuggestiveof tropical lowland fauna (monkeys and snakes), were recorded during a visit to the area in 1996 (Figures 4 and 5). These are similar to the imagery found on Tuza style (late prehispanic) ceramics. In 1997, an additional four petro.. glyphs with spiral, circular, and linear motifs were recorded and a measured plan of them was made. Two of the motifs depicted, a bice.. phalous snake..likecreature, and a monkey..like

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

quadruped with a curly tail, are identical to those observed on the flagstone pavement at the nearby site of La Mesa, salvagedby Padre Pedro Porras in the early 1970s.Similarmotifs have also been observed on rock art from the Narino district of southern Colombiaand the Quijos region of eastern Ecuador. PIeliminary analysis of the iconography suggeststhat the residents of Shanshipampa participated in a widespreadvisual system that potentially indi..' cates a shared interregionalideographicsystem, interaction sphere,or pan..regionalinformation network. The distribution ofthe petroglyphs,in an area known from historical documents to have been occupied simultaneouslyby several ethnic groups, suggests that they may have performed an ethnic boundary maintenance function as well.

prehistoric period. During the 1991archaeolog.. ical survey, seven sites containing stone..faced terraces were recorded. Crops known to have been produced on terraces in the Andes include com, coca, tubers, and local grains, whilein the montana zone, agricultural terraces were widely associated with the cultivation of coca. Coca was a key resource in the precolumbian world, and Bray has posited elsewhere that control over its production may have been central to the development of social hierarchy in this region. In 1993 initial analysis of soil samples from two sets of terraces by the Smithsonian's Tropical Research Institute indicated an abun.. dance of potentially diagnostic phytoliths. In 1997, under the aegisof the PimampiroProject, Cesar Veintimilla of the' Escuela Politecnica Superior ofGuayaquilbegan experimental work to assess the feasibility of identifying coca through phytolith analysis. Preliminary results are promising insofar as several potentially diagnosticphytoliths have been identifiedin two modem plant specimens ofErythroxylon,though initial counts of these phytoliths are low.

Hacienda La Florida, Ayalan Cemetery, Anllulla Shell Midden Mound, and Ferdon's Surface Collections
Earl H. Lubensky (University of Missouri.. Columbia, email Lubenskye@missouri.edu) reports on work at several coastal Ecuadorian sites:
HaciendaLa Florida

Figures 4 and 5. Imageryfrom petrogf.yph at the Shanshipampa site.

The Shanshipampa project also has a archaeobotanical component. The Pimampiro district was a renowned center of coca (Erythroxylon sp.) production during the late

The Hacienda La Florida is at Km 16 on the road from Santo Domingo de 105Colorados'to Quininde and Esmeraldas, at the extreme wes.. ternmost part of Pichincna Province on the Ecuadorian coastal plain. Its approximately 2,000 hectares contain at least 10archaeological sites, mostly single mounds, but there are two multiple mound sites. In 1979Earl H. Lubensky and Allison Paulsen excavated Estero Cecilia, the most prominent and complex one. Lubens.. ky also excavated the second multiple mound site, Santa Marta, which is approximately 1500

373..
m to the southwest of the Estero Cecilia site. These excavations were first reported in the ResearchReports section of AmericanAntiquity (Lynch 1981:201). The Estero Cecilia site contained at least 19 mounds. Four were quite small, five were intermediate in size, but 10 were up to 100 m in diameter and 8 m high. Except for two deviations, the mounds were arranged in two almostparallel rowshigh above, and alongside,

CutTent Research

The Santa Marta complex contained at least 13mounds, one large central mound about 30 m

in diameter and 5 m high, with the other 12 surroundingit in an ellipticalpattern, different fromthe plan ofthe EsteroCeciliasite. A 2x2 m excavation, 260 cm deep, was cut in the
center ofthe principal mound. Sherds indicated a likely Chorrera Phase association. The date from one test excavation at Santa Marta was 2950:1:80BP (Beta-43348) calibrated to 1260.. 1001 BC (Stuiver et al. 1998:1041..1083). Thus, it is. in conformity with the Chorrera Phase. Six obsidian samples, all from stratum 110.. 140 cm at Santa Marta, were submitted for X.. Ray Florescence (XRF) and neutron..activation analysis (NAA) at the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory. Resultsshow that fivesampleswere from the Mullumica source (four tested byXRF and one by NAA). One sample tested by XRF wasfrom the Quiscatola..Yanaurco source. Both sources are in the Eastern Cordillera of the Ecuadorian Andes about thirty to forty km east of Quito (Burgeret al. 1994:232, figure 1j Sala.. zar 1980:25..34, 47..52, Map Ij Villalba 1988:551). In 1999, cutting edge/mass ratio was deter.. mined for the remaining 29 obsidianbladesfrom both sites at La Florida, using a procedure developed by Sheets and Muto (1972:633jsee also Fowler 1981:323..324). This ratio was determined to be 3.42cm/g, compared to 1.75 cm/g at El Inga and 10.54 crn/g at the Ayalan Cemetery (seebelow), confirminga positiveand direct cost! distance relation to the source sites (i.e., El Inga is approximately 25 km from the source, La Florida is about 150 km, and the Ayalan Cemetery is some 500 km distant). Several possible clay source samples were collected from the Hacienda La Florida in 1993. Along with a number of vessel and figurine sherds, these clay samples were submitted to the University of Missouri..ColumbiaResearch Reactor Center. Hector Neff (e..mailNeffH@ missouri. edu) and Michael Glascock's (e..mail

the banks of the estuary (Estero Cecilia).

Excavations weremade in three moundsduring a two..weekperiod. Hacienda familymembers had excavated another previously. Figurines and figurine fragments found at the Estero Cecilia site, as wellas ceramic sherdsrecovered there, are generally diagnostic of the Jama.. Coaque Phases I and II of the RegionalDevel.. opment Period (500 B.C. to A.D. 500) (cf. Meggers 1966: figure 3,96..102) and the Inte.. gration Period (A.D. 500.to 1532)(Zeidlerand Pearsall 1994:6, figure 1.2j Zeidler and '$utliff 1994:112..113,table 7.1). According to Paul.. sen, the ceramic assemblage at Estero Cecilia contained "apparently regional variants of coastal Guangala style, dated between A.D. 300 and 600, in addition to the less well de.. fined Bahla and Jama..Coaque styles from Manabf and Esmeraldas" (Lynch 1981:201). Three radiocarbon dates from charcoal taken from two of the mounds at Estero Ce.. ciliaare950:1:60 BP (Beta..43345)calibratedto AD 1023..1207j 770:1:90 BP (Beta..43346) calibrated to AD 1216..1377jand 620:1:50BP (Beta..43347) calibrated to AD 1301..1408 (Stuiver et al. 1998:1041..1083). These dates correspond more to the Integration Period or Zeidler's Jama..Coaque II than to the earlier Regional Development Period, but older dates should come out oflower strata in the mounds, so that both Jama..Coaque I as wellas II would presumablybe represented, that isthe Regional Development Period as well as the Integration Period.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..374
age of the site. kappears that the burials were either placed in an already existing midden, or midden material was deposited during or be.. tween burial episodes.

Judging from radiocarbon dates and most of the ceramic styles, the cemetery is principallya Late Integration Period site. One date from a sample estimated by Lubensky to be from a Chorrera context is 1300~95 BP or A.D. 650 (SI..1372),long after the Chorrera Phase. Ube.. laker (1981:13..14)discussed ten other samples Lubensky and Paulsen speculated that the submitted to the Smithsonian InstitUtionRadio.. complex may have represented litheremains of carbon Laboratory. Two samples (51..3305 and a major exchange center dating as early as 800 SI 3306) gave modern dates and are presumed B.C. with some features that imply the cere.. to be contaminated. Three dates fromextended monial overtones and functions ~at character.. burials (SI..3307, SI..3308, and SI..3309) gave izesuchcenters" (Lynch 1981:201). Lubensky dates of 500 B.C., A.D. 1155 (from charcoal), . suggeststhat there may be a chronological and A.D. 1110 (from associated soil). relationship between the beginningof obsidian use dUring the Chorrera Period on the coast Five dates were produced from bone colla.. and the introduction of ceramicsin the sierra. gen from urn burials. These include A.D 730 Both occurred aiout:1d 1600 to 1500 B.C. (51..3529),A.D. 1730 (SI..3530),and a modern, (Lubensky 1999a, 1999b). As examples,Zeid.. probably contaminated, date (51..3531). Two ler et al. (1994:143..144) state that long dis.. collagendates fromprimary extended burialsare tance exchange (of obsidian) with the northern A.D. 800 (SI..3532) and A.D. 985 (SI..3534). highlands east ofQuito is clearlydemonstrated SI..3308(charcoal), SI..3309 (soil),andSI..3534 as early as 1600 B.C. Villalba (1988:241) (collagen) are from the same grave. Apart from recorded the earliest pottery at Cotocollao to two outliers (500 B.C. and 1730 A.D.), the date from 1545 ~ 200 B.C. dates are between A.D. 650 and A.D. 1155, a range of about 500 years. All dates from the Ayalan Cemetery Ayalan Cemetery are uncalibrated. Current research of the Ayalan Cemetery project is designed to augment Douglas Ubelaker's 1981 report (see also Lubensky 1974). The site is on the west bank of the Estero Salada, about 55 km southwest of Guayaquil in the Anllulla sector of the Haci.. enda Ayalan. Lubensky began excavations at the site in 1972. Ubelaker joined the project in 1973and, in addition to extending the excava.. tion grid,analyzedthe human skeletalremains, the urns used as repositories for secondary burials, and the burial goods. There is, how.. ever, considerable midden material (ceramic, metal, animal bone, shell, and lithic artifacts) that still must be reported for complete cover.. Lubenskyhas developed a typologybasedon ceramics from the upper levels of the site. These and other artifacts are on loan to the Smithsonian Institution from the Universidad Cat6lica de Guayaquil, recipient of the entire Ayalan collection. Lower levels of the Ayalan Cemetery site produced deposits apparently from the Chorrera Period, making the Ayalan Cemetery a likely Chorrera type site. Other artifacts from the site, especially a bone flute, indicate a Guangala occupation as well.. The pottery, however, is largely.fromthe Integration Period (A.D. 500..1532), specificallyfrom the tWophases, Milagro..Quevedo, found mostlyto the north and east of the Ayalan Cemetery, and

glascock@reactorlmurr.missouri.edu)conclu.. sion was that it seemed "most likely that the bulk of the pottery is locally derived,but from differently weathered sources and via paste preparation practices which modifiedthe clay's composition. In contrast," they continued, "the figurines and some of the pottery from Estero Cecilia are so compositionallydistinctfrom the 'local' pottery that they probablyare imported from somewhere else" (personal communica.. tion, Hector Neff, January 27, 1994).

CU7Tent Research

Mantefio~Huancavilca found to the west of the cemetery. & Emilio Estrada concluded (Estra~ da 1959; Lubensky 1982), the Ayalan cemetery possibly lay on a border between groups repre~

diagnosticallyinto Valdivia Period D in the

typologyof Meggers et al. 1965 or Valdivia VI~ VII in Hill's typology(HillI972~74). Theywere Punta Arenas Incised, Valdivia Applique Fillet, Broadline Incised or Carved, Nicked Broadline Incised, PebblePolished, and Zone Incisedstyles (Meggers et al. 1965), along with unclassified decorated and numerous plain sherds.

sented by the two contemporaryceramic phases.

Neutron activation analysisconducted on five obsidian samples from the Ayalan Ceme~ In the next 70 cm (70~140 cm), two types of tery at the University of Missouri~Columbia Research Reactor by Michael Glascockshows diagnostic Machalilla sherds, Double~Line
Incised and Incised and Punctate, appeared the sourcesite to be the Yanaurco,Quiscatola .

flow (see Burger et al. 1994; figure 1 for loca~

along with a number of Polished Red sherds and

tion) .
AnUuUa SheU Mound

just three Red Banded sherds, which were assumed also to be Machalilla. Along with
these, in the same 70~140 cm level, diagnostic

Excavation of the Anllula Shell Mound on the Hacienda Ayalan was an 'ancillaryproject to the Ayalan Cemetery excavations. The goal wasto determine whether the shellmound was associated with a settle~ent site related to the cemetery. Radiocarbon dates and ceramics found among the shells indicate that, on the contrary, the mound was formed.about 2,000 years earlier. While the cemeterydates princi~ pally to the Integration Period (AD 500 to 1500 or the Spanish contact) (Meggers1966: figure3), the shell mound containing ceramics (with the exception of the top 70 cm) dates to the earlier Formative Period Valdivia~Mach, alillaPhases (3000 to 1500~ 100B.C.) (Meggers 1966: figure 3). The mound stood more than 4 m high. Since excavation it has been cut down for the road around the new shrimp pond in the adja~ cent salitre. The mound was located approxi, mately 2 km to the north of the cemetery. Lubensky excavated a 2 by 2 cm cut in the center of the mound, to a depth of 4 m. The bottom strata, (370 to 400 cm) were aceramic. In the next 90 cm (280 to 370 cm) a num~ ber of plain and unclassifiedsherdswerefound. These were not positively identified to phase, but are presumably Valdivia. In the next 140 cm (140 to 280 cm deep) decorated sherds fit

Valdivia sherds, specifically Punta Arenas Incised, Valdivia Applique Fillet, Broadline Incised, and Brushed types, c.ontinued to ap' pear, suggesting a Valdivia,Machalilla overlap. Above 70 cm fro~ the top there were no more diagnostic Machalilla or Valdivia deco, rated sherds, only numerous Polished Red and Red Banded. Lubensky now assumes, after apparently tonfirming radiocarbon dates showed a dramatic chronological hiatus at about the 70 cm level (see below), that the continuing rela~ tively large number of Polished Red and Red Banded sherds above that level, along with many plain sherds, were possibly Guangala or JambelCof the Regional Development Period. The mix of Valdivia and Machalilla alongwith apparently the same Polished Red and Red Banded typesat the assumed much older 70,140 cm level isas yet unexplained. Problemsofshell mound stratigraphy and perturbation are fully recognized but not clearly solved. Strata at 'various levels of shell deposit observed during excavation and from later photos appeared level. Significant ash levels, presumably volcanic, were recorded precisely at 70 cm depth and at about 140 cm, indicating depths and times of almost dramatic ceramic and cultural ,change. Furthermore, radiocarbon assays taken from levels from 100 cm to 310 cm showed dates in

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

376

stratigraphicorder; from 100~ 110cm,3210:!:50 (BETA~108164)calibrated at 1517~1410BC (an AMS test); from 170~ 180cm,3560+95 BP (N~2908) calibrated at 2012~1741BC; from 300~310cm, 4020:1:220BP (P~2761) calibrated at 2878~2154BC. Only the date from320~330 cm, 3530:!:100 (N~2909) calibrated at 1947~ 1690 B.C. (Stuiver et al. 1998:1041~1083),is out of chronological order. A single date of 1380:t70 BP at 20~30cm depth (N~2907), calibrated at A.D. 641..761 (Stuiver et al. 1998:1041~1083)was initially . rejected as being too recent comparedto other dates from the site. However, two more dates from tests performed by BETA Analytic.were taken from charcoal samplesfrom 50~60em and 70..80 cm that were found among the Anllulla shell mound human bone samples. These also gave rather recent dates. They are 1220:t70 B.P. (BETA~21814) calibrated. to A.D. 721~956 and 1560:t90 B.P. (BETA~ 21815) calibrated to A.D. 422..637. These dates fall into a Regional Develop~ ment transition to the Integration Period, possibly'with a hiatus at around 80 em depth. The transition represented by these dates above 80 cm possibly reflects Guangala or

averaging 2030 :t210 BC, and one OstTea sp. at 1400:t 210 BC). These dates may reflect possi~ ble Valdivia~Machalilla transition periods.

A number of genera and species of shell were found in the mound, the predominant probably being OstTea (Striostrea) irridescens (Keen 1971: 84 and personal communication, March 26, 1981; Hernandez C., Secci6n de Malacologfa, Museo de Historia Natural de EI Salvador, personal communication, 1978). Other cultural artifacts included animal bone, a human mandible found in the remnant of the mound during a later visit, plant remains, and crude unworked lithic remains, mainlyhammer~ stones. No obsidian was found in the mound. A permanent home in Ecuador for the collection from this site was sought for several years while it passed from the Comisi6n de Patrimonio Arnstico del Litoral to the US Consulate General in Guayaquil, to private homes, finallyto be turned over to the Archae~ ology Department of the Escuela Superior Politecnica del Litoral (ESPOL). ESPOL's director, Jorge Marcos, was then head of the Comisi6n de Patrimonio Artfstico del Litoral. Sometime during these transitions two whole Valdivia vesselswere lost. ESPOL then moved to the suburbs of Guayaquil, presumably with the collections. Subsequent attempts to retrieve the collection for further study brought the realization that the collections were lost, per.. haps some day to be found again.
Ferdon's surfacecollections

Jambelf

Phase occupations

in the Regional

Development Period, possibly leading into Milagro..Quevedoand Huancavilca/ Mantefio phases in the Integration Period. Two thermoluminescence dates measured on ceramic samples at the Universityof Miss.. ouri Thermoluminescence Laboratory (con.. ducted by Ralph Rowlett (E..mailRowlettR @missouri.edu) also measured within the Formative Period range (at 14O..150cm, 3600 BP or 1630:t300 BC [MATL 81..1~4];and at
~ ~

Research continues at the Universityof Missouri~ColumbiaAnthropology Research

.

Laboratory on the surface collections made by Edwin A. Ferdon, Jr. in Ecuador before and 240~250 cm, 4177 BP or 2200:1:400 BC MA TL during WorId War II, under the auspicesof the 81 1 5]) . Two other thermolumenescence School ofAmerican Research, the Archaeologi~ dates were out of range. However, four shell cal Institute of America, and the Universityof Southern California. Ferdon's goals included samples dated by thermoluminescence at the same laboratory ranged betWeen600 BC and making an archaeological survey of a portion of 3,700BC (threeAnadaratuberculosa at 600:1: the northern Inca realm and excavation of a 250 BC, 1700 :1:290BC, and 3700:t860 BC, selected site (Anonymous 1945:127). Ferdon's

CU1Tent Research

work wasinterruptedby the warin September

1943)when he began to serve.. with the U. S. Cinchona [quinine] Mission. Ferdonsurveyed 118 sites of which he made many detailed maps. He collected artifacts from the surface of) or from cuts at) 62 of these sites. He also excavated the La Carolina site at La Libertad on the Santa Elena Peninsula. This excavation is the basis of Simmons) doctoral dissertation (Simmons1970). Lubenskywrotehis doctoral dissertation on the 35 sites Ferdon surveyedin Esmeraldas Province, on ceramics from 16 of those sites where collections were made) and drew qn Ferdon's analysis of "gold mining" activities at the site of La Tolita (Lubensky 1991). Lubensky presented a computerized system for analysis and recording of ceramic attributes of vessel shape) size',manufacture, and. decoration. From this he developed ce~ ramie classesand suggesteda ceramicseriation for prehistoric Esmeraldas'Province. Students under Lubensky'sguidance have completed attribute analysis of ceramics from three sites in Manabi Province and tWo in Guayas Province. Steven Velasque: prepared a draft consolidated report on the 14 sites surveyedin ManabiProvince and Jessica Coats produced a paper on the site of Jaramijo in Manabi Province. Two other Missouri stu~ dents, Pamela J. Hale and Julia Anne Wag... ner, completed analysisof the ceramic sherds from a second site at La Libertadwhere Ferdon made a surface c<?llection(Hale and Wagner 1995). Gene Keay did an initial analysis on the collection from the Punta Camera site in Guayas Province. Jessica Aberle is devising an attribute classificationof the Ferdon surface collection from the Punta Camera site on the Santa Elena peninsula. Aberle and Lubensky anticipate using her data to develop classes of ceramics involving intersection of a number of select attributes Collections from 24 additional sites from Guayas Province await analysis)as do smaller collections from Imbabura, EIOro, Pichincha, LOsRios, Tungurahua) and ChimborazoProv~

inces. Interrelationships among the sites and the collections) and possibly additional seria~ tions, will be possible with the computer pro~ gram (PARADOX) utilized for the analyses. The Ferdon surface collections are on loan to the Anthropology Museum of the Universityof Missouri~Columbiafrom the Museum of New Mexico in Santa Fe) to which the School of American Research transferred the collections. The excavated collection from La Carolina is now is also at the Museum of New Mexico in Santa Fe. In addition, the Museum of New Mexico has the collections Ferdon purchased on behalf of the School of the Americas and the collections of whole vessels presented to him by

the owner of the Hacienda La Tolita on the occasionofhis visitto the hacienda.
References Cited
Anonymous
Ferdon's Work in Ecuador. El Palacio 52(6): 127. (School of American Research, The Mu, seum of New Mexico, and the Archaeological Society of New Mexico, Santa Fe). Burger, Richard 1., Frank Asaro, Helen V. Michel, Fred H. Sttoss, and Ernesto Salazar 1994 An Initial Consideration of Obsidian Procure' ment and Exchange'in Prehispanic Ecuador. Latin American Antiquity 5(3):228~255. Estrada Ycaza, Emilio 1959 Apuntes d~ Guayaquil y su prehistoria. El Tele, grafo (Guayaquil, Ecuador) 16 February. Ferdon, Edwin N., Jr. and John Maxwell Corbett 1941 Depsitosarque6logicos de laTolita. Bolednde fa AcademiaNacionalde Historia21(57):5,15 (Qui, to: Ecuador). Fowler, William Roy, Jr. 1981 The Pipi~Nicarao of CentTal America. Ph.D.
.

1945

dissertation, The University of Calgary, Calgary,

Alberta, Canada.
.

Hale, Pamela

J.and Julia

Anne Wagner

Lost Legacyof La Libertad. PUMA 1(1):42,50 (Department of Anthropology, University of Missouri, Colombia). Hill, Betsy 1972,74 A New Chronology of the Valdivia Ceramic Sequence from the Coastal Zone of Guavas Province, Ecuador. Nawpa Paella 10,12:1,32 plus 7 plates. Keen, A. Myra 1971 Sea SheIls of Tropical West America. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. .

1995

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)
Lubensky, Earl L 1974 Los Cementerios de Anllulla: Informe prelimil nar sobre una excavaci6n arqueol6gica. &lett'n de fa Academia Nacional de Historia 57 (123): 161

..378
Zeidler, James A. and Deborah M. Pearsall 1994 The Jama Valley ArchaeologicallPalaeoethnol botanical Project; An Introduction in Regional Archaeology in Northern Manab~EcuadorVolume 1j Environment,Cultural Chronology,andPrehisl toric Subsistence in theJama River Valley, edited by James A. Zeidler and DeborahM. Pearsall, pp. 1112. University of Pittsburgh Memoires in Latin

1991

23, plus plates 1119. (Quito, Ecuador). TheFerdon Collectionsof PrehistoricCeramic Vessels and Sherdsfrom Esmeraldas ProoM, Ecuador. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Missouri1Columbia, Missouri. Ann Arbor Michigan, University Microfilms.(Now a divil sion of Bell &.Howell Company.)
.

AmericanArchaeology 8.

Lynch, Thomas F.
1981

Current Research,Andean South America.

American Antiquity 46(1) :201. Meggers, Betty J. 1966 Ecuador. London: Thames and Hudson. Meggers, Betty J., Clifford Evans, and Emilio Estrada 1965 Earb Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 1. Salazar, Emesto

Zeidler, James A. and Marie J. Sudiff 1994 Definition of Ceramic Complexes and Cultural Occupation in the Jama Valley. In Regional Archaeology inNorthemManabt, Ecuador,Vow 1; Environment,Cultural Chronology,and Prehisl toric Subsistence in theJamaRiver Valley,editedby James A Zeidler and Deborah M. Pearsall, pp. 1111130. University of Pittsburgh Memoirs in Latin American Archaeology 8.

1980

Tal1eresprehist6ricos

en 105altos Andes del ECUtlI

The followingunpublished papers may be obtained directlyfromthe author uponrequest.

dor. Cuenca, Ecuador: Universidad de Cuenca.

Earl H. Lubensky 1408 Bradford Drive Experiment in Lithic Technology. Science Columbia, Missouri 6520312302 175:6321634. . Phone: (573) 44315576 Simmons, Michael Patrick 1970 The Ceramic Sequence from La Carolina, Santa Lubensky, Earl H. Elena Peninsula, Ecuador. Ph.D.dissertation, 1982 The Huancavilcas in the Guayas Basinand their Relationship with Neighboring Peoples. Paper The University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona. Ann Arbor Michigan, University Microfilms. presented at the 47th Annual Meeting of the SocietyforAmerican Archaeology,Minneapolis, (Now a division of Bell &.HowellCompany.) Minnesota. SWiver,M., P.}.Reimer, E. Bard, }.W. Beck, G.S. Burr, 1999a Obsidian Exchange in Ecuador. Paper presented K.A Hughen, B. Krammer, and F.G. McCormac,J. v.d. at the 27thMidwest Conference on Andean and Pliebt, and M. Spurk Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory, 1998 INTCAL98 Radiocarbon Age Calibration, Central MichiganUniversity,Mount Pleasant, 24,00010cal BP. Radiocarbon 40:104111083.
Ubelaker, Douglas H. 1981 TheAyalanCemetery:A LateIntegrationPeriod Burial Siteon theSouthCoastof Ecuador. Smithl sonian Contributions to Anthropology 29.

Sheets,PaysonD. and GuyMuto . 1972 . PressureBladesand Total CuttingEdge:An

Michigan.
1999b Artifacts fromSea to Selva in Northern Ecuador: Similaritiesand Relationships. Paper presented at the 64thAnnual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Chicago,Illinois,March 24128.

Villalba0., Marcelo Ecuador.

..

1988 CotoeaUao: una aIdea formativa del Vallede

Quito. Quito: Museosdel BancoCentral del Zeidler, James A, R.L Giauque, F. Asaro, and F. H. Stross 1994 Trace Element Analysis of Obsidian Artifacts fromthe San!sidroSitein Regional Archaeology in NorthernManab, EcuadorVolume 1; Environment, CulturalChrooology, andPrehistoric Subsistence in theJamaRiverValley, editedby James A Zeidler and Deborah M. Pearsall, pp.1411144. University of Pittsburgh Memoirs in Latin American Archaeology8.

Pichincha Province Ronald D. Lippi (University of Wisconsin ' . at Marathon County, e,mail rlippi@uwc.edu) directs a long..termregional survey of the west, ern flank of the Andes in Ecuador's northern Pichincha province (immediately west of Quito). The preliminary stage of this project concluded in 1999 with the publication of a lengthy monograph on all the work conducted since 1984. The book, Una Exploraci6n

. 379, Arqueo16gica delPichincha Occidental, Ecuador, wasco'publishedby the MuseoJacintoJij6ny Caamafio of the Pontificia Universidad Cat6lica del Ecuador, the Consejo Provincial de Pichincha, and the Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, and is on sale through the au.. thor or at the above museum in Quito. Lippihas joined forceswith an Ecuadorian, based environmental foundation, Fundaci6n

CU1Tent Research

Maquipucuna,and will narrow the focus of .

much of the future archaeologicalwork in the 6,000 square kilometer Western Pichincha region to the area within and immediately surrounding the cloud forest reserve that was established several years ago by Maquipucuna. Some ofthe mostinteresting archaeological sites in the entire region are located within this area and include two fortresseswith an appar,
.

They are also working on the very complex problem of assuring the preservation of the Tulipe 'pool complex. The partial restoration and limited research on the site by Museo del Banco Central personnel in the 1980swas not followed up by the construction of a site mu.. seum nor by the protection of the site, because the Banco Central abandoned most of its cuI, tural programsin subsequent years. This unique site, first identified by Frank Salomon (Univer, sity of Wisconsin at Madison) and later studied by Holguer Jara (Banco Central del Ecuador), has been deteriorating in recent years. Reach, ing agreement with the various property owners on the site has been complicated and somewhat frustrating, but a concerted effortisunderwayto

preservethe site. PERU

ent Inca occupation, several pyrami4aland

conical mound complexes, physicalvestigesof ancient trails,. the abandoned ancient "salt town" (Cachillacta), the Tulipe pool complex, and many habitation sites spanning the Forma, tive, Middle, and Late Prehispanic Periods as
welras the Early Spanish Period (ca. 1500 BC '

Batan Grande, ~mbayeque Valley In collaboration with Izumi Shimada (Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, e, mailishimada@siu.edu),Julie FarnUm (Univer, sity of Missouri,Columbia) has been studying the Sican skeletal material excavated from Batan Grande, in the Lambayeque Valley. She was in the field during part of 1997, 1998, and 1999. Her analysis of Sican burials, ofboth the elite and commoners, forms a major part of her doctoral dissertation, a comparative study of health and diet of prehispanic populations from coastal Peru. Zafia..Niepos Project Jack Rossen (Ithaca College, e,mail JROSSEN@ithaca.edu) conducted excavation in July and August 1997 at Cerro Guitarra, a preceramic village in the lower Zafia Valleyon Peru's north coast. The first two weeks con.. sisted of theodolite mapping of the site and its topographic surroundings. The locations of 83 houses were.documented on three site levels: hill base, slopes, and summit. Also mapped were a stone..lined public plaza in front of the hill, the dry riverbed adjacent to the site, and

AD 1660). While the Maquipucuna Founda, tion is primarilyfocused on cloudforestpreser, vation and study as well as carefullydeveloped. ecotourism, it is working closelywith Lippi to develop plans to protect and study various archaeological complexes and to foment "archaeo,tourism" by way of vehicular and pedestrian site tours, a field school, and a possibleregional archaeology museum.

In the summer of 1999,Lippi was in the region creating topographic maps of three pyramidal mound sites and of one of the two Inca forts (Pukara de Palmitopamba) as a prelude to future research. He and Fundaci6n Maquipucuna have negotiated the purchase of the land containing the bulk of the Pukara de Palmitopamba to ensure its preservationand to facilitate excavations at the site in the coming years.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..380

various paths and stairways that connected ported the EI Nifio hypothesis. One discovery different house clusters. The finalthree weeks concerned the anthropogenic influence on were used to excavate eleven semi..subterra.. recent ridge..buildingat Chira. In addition to nean houses and test excavate the publicplaza the field studies, Belknap consulted with offi.. dais from the oil industry and local utilities in area. A large quantity of lithic remains,fauna, plant materials, and spedalsamples were Talara concerning possiblegeomorphiceffectsof recovered. Artifact and sample analyses are the then..predicted1997..98 El Nino. Funding came from the Peruvian Archaeology Research underway. Fund at the University of Maine and the UniThe research was successfulin gaining an versity of Maine Institute for Quaternary Stud.. understanding of a previously poorly..under.. . ies. stood phenomenon: the hillside preceramic villagesof northern Peru, with their expected References Cited dates of about 3000..4000B.C. Site layout is Sandweiss Daniel H., K. A. Maasch, Daniel F. Belknap, now understood as a series of interconnected James B. Richardson III, and Harold B. Ro1lins house clusters, and the structure of individual 1998 Discussion of: Lisa E.l Wells, 1996. The Santa houses as primarily two..room,semi..subterra.. Beach Ridge Complex, Journal of Coastal Research 12(1), 1-17. Journal of Coastal Research nean, elliptical, thatched roof structures in14(1):367-373. cluding lithic raw material storage areas and Shafer, Stacy H. hearth niches. Preliminary analysisindicates 1999 Image Processing I!nd GIS Analysis of Peruvian the site contains a varietYof cultivated plant Beach Ridges: EI Nino and Seismic Components remains. The research will ultimately docu.. of Coastal Change. M.S. Thesis, Quaternary Studies, University of Maine. ment sodal structures and village formations that accompanied earlyplant cultivation in the Villa Salvador and Huaca Pucllana, Lima region. The public plaza may also represent early public ceremony and formation of group Kate Pechenkina (University of Missouri.. identities. Columbia, e-mailpechenkina@yahoo.com) has discovered two different groups in the human Beach Ridges, Santa Valley remains from the earlyEarlyIntermediate siteof In June, 1997, Dan Sandweiss (University Villa Salvador near Pachacamac (Lurin Valley, ofMaine, e..maildan.sandweiss@maine.maine. central coast of Peru). These two groups differ. edu), geologistDaniel F. Belknap (University in deformation, physicalsize,and stressmarkers. These contrast with similar groups she studied of Maine, e..mail belknap@maine.edu)and from Huaca Pucllana in the Miraflores neighStacy H. Shafer Rogers (e-mailSROGERS@ borhood of Lima. EpsilonAssodates.com) and Jeffrey N. Rogers (e-mail jrogers@geosyntec.com) (both then graduate students at the Universityof Maine) Manchay Bajo, Lurin Valley spent several weeks studying the beach ridge During the summer of 1999, Richard Bur.. sets in northern Peru that emanate from the mouths of the Chira, Piura, and Santa Rivers. ger (e..mailrichard.burger@yale.edu)and Lucy The visit was intended to assessthe hypothesis Salazar Burger (both of the Peabody Museum of El Nmo involvement in ridge formation ofNatural History,YaleUniversity) directedthe (Sandweiss et al. 1998) and provide ground.. s~cond season of excavations at Manchay Bajo, truthing for Shafer's remote sensing-based a U-shaped center on the north bank of the study of ridge formation processesfor her mas- LurfnRiveracrossfromCarda!. The investigations focusedon the central staircaseand atri.. ter's thesis in Quaternary Studies (Schafer 1999). In general, the field observations sup.. urn, the monumental wall, and the domestic

381..

CU1Tent Resean;h
.

area to the northwest of the monumental

architecture. The work on the main mound
documented a series of superimposed atria, one

of which was decorated with polychrome friezes. It also revealed a sequence of eight superimposed.stairways.The research on the monumental wall confirmed that the 750.. meter long construction dates to the Initial Period. Work there also provided information on its masonry construction and renovation. The massivewall appears to have functioned as a dam against debris flowstriggeredby EINiiio events. Work in the northwest section of the site confirmed the presence of dwellingsmade of perishable materials, attested to by post.. holes, hearths, and refuse. It also provided evidence of what appears to be an area of ceramic production. Finally,work in this area and testing in the plaza allowed a sedimentary study of the flood deposits that have buried the Initial Period sIte. . La Paloma, Chilca Valley Bob Benfer (Universityof Missouri,email benferr@missouri.edu) has completed the virtuai reality component of the PalomaWorId Project, which is an intelligent digital library that one day will include all the research ma.. terials from the Paloma Project. Benfer's web site at present has only a small content com.. ponent, but it can be visited at http://gonk.atc. missouri.edu/paloma.

Figure 6. Antibdlsite (3600masl), upperChilca Valley. Peru.

Well..preservedhuman remains were found with ceramics that are consistent with one early date from the southern extent of the site. Excavators expect that analysis of cores by Duncan of modem and ancient corrals, as well as from areas outside corrals will shed light on Deborah Pearsall's (anthdp@showme.missouri. edu) hypothesis, which is supported by Law.. rence Kumar's ethnoarchaeological work, of a co..evolutionary relationship between herding and the cultivation of certain plant species. A map of the part of the site where later components are present has been published by an earlier researcher (Engel 1984:77). A map which Ojeda and Benfer completed in 1999 extends coverage from the southwestern extent of Engel's map. A study, almost ready for publication, that summarizes work on diet and health in pre..
historic Peru was done in Benfer's lab done over

Antibal, Chilca Valley

Data analysisisunderway aftertestexcava.. tions in July 1999 at the site of Antib:il, at the head of the Chilca Valley. Antib:il is a multi.. component site with an Early Initial Period occupation and chuUpas from later periods. The excavation team consisted ofBob Benfer, Neil Duncan (e..mail c720256@showme. missouri. edu), Kate Pechenkina (all of Uni.. versityofMissouri..Columbia)and Bernardino Ojeda from Lima, Peru.

the past three summers. It includes work by Izumi Shimada has been prepared by Farnum, Pechenkina, and Benfer. Modeling of non.. specific indicators of stress (NSIS) exhibited in Peruvian skeletal series that span 6,000 yearsof prehistory permits Benfer's team to examine diachronic change in adjustments to the chal.. lenges of changing resource availability and population density that affected childhood diet and health. Benfer et al. find that differencesin non..specific indicators of stress varied signifi..

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..382 spread growth of the Chavi'n cult. Krzysztof Makowski Hanula (Pontiflcia Universidad Cat6lica del Peru, e..mailkmakows@pucp.edu. pe) and Mercedes Delgado Agurto (MuseoNa.. cional de Arqueologia, Antropologfa e Historia del Peru, e..mailmdelgado@pucp.edu. pe) also participated in this research. Nazca Drainage Donald A. Proulx (UniversityofMassachu.. setts, e..mailproulx@anth.umass.edu), assisted by graduate student Ana Nieves (Universityof Texas, e..mail nievesana@yahoo. com) and Henry Falc6n Amado and Miriam Gavilcin Roayza (UniversidadNacional San LuisGonza.. ga de lea), undertook an archaeological survey of the lower Nazca River, from Usaca to the confluence with the Rio Grande, and then down the Rio Grande, past Coyungo to the Maijo Grande oasis. This work. was supported by a grant from the H. John Heinz III Charitable Trust.
.

candy among sites, even when differingage or sex distributions were taken into account. Comparisons of NSIS and demographic vari, abIesindicated that prehistoric diet and health of Peruvian children generally followed the trends expected with increasing population density, agriculturalreliance, and socialstratifi.. cation. However, elites enjoyed considerably better childhood diet and health than did people from previous, le&s stratified cultures. A few unexpected trends emerged. AI.. though high rates of anemic lesionswerefound at all of the sites, coprolite analysesfailed to document the presence of parasites. These data suggestthat anemia wasnot related to this type of infection. Because dietary studies indicate an adult diet rich in protein and iron frommarine resources for most ofthese groups, it seems likely that the high rates of anemia in children were at least partially related to ~ul, tural practices such as prolonged breast,feed.. ing, possibly exacerbated by dependence on iron,poor cultigens stich as squash and maize. Refere~ce Cited
Engel. Frederic Andre

1984

Prehistoric AndeanEcology:Man, Settlementand

Environment in ~ Andes: Volume 5 Chilca. Papers of the Department of Anthropology, Hunter College of the City University of New

York.

Asia Site University of Missouri..Columbia graduate students Kate Pechenkina and Julie Farnum have collected data from Cotton Preceramic Period Asia site skeletons. They willuse these data to assessa hypothesis under investigation by Joe Vradenburg and Bob Benfer (Univer, sity of Missouri..Columbia).that there was a new treponemal disease introduced to the central, western flanks of the Andes from the Amazonian region in the late Initial Period (second millennium B.C.) that brought about the end of certain cultural phenomena associ.. ated with this period and permitted the wide..

The 1998 research had four major objec.. tives. The first was to record systematicallyallof the sites in the survey are~ in an attempt to complete the coverage of all the major portions of the Nazca drainage. Second, we hoped to find evidence ofNasca habitation sites, which could lead to a better interpretation of the socio.. political organization of Nasca society. These data could later be compared to other parts of the drainage to develop a better understanding of the settlement patterns and resource areas. Third, in collaboration with David Johnson (e..mail johnsond@idsinet), Proulx's team wanted to examine possible correlation of sites with water sources (natural springsor puquios [pukyus], the latter alsocalled"filtrationgaller.. ies"), and these in turn with the "Nazca Lines" or geoglyphs. In 1996 Johnson announced a strong correlation between certain ground drawings (geoglyphs)and subterranean aquifers that conducted water along geological faults. He argued that the ancient people in this drain.. age were mapping the location of water sources

383.. with the geoglyphs and that these in turn wouldlead to archaeological sites. Finally, Proulx and his team wanted to investigate the major routes connecting the interior agricultural areas with the coast. Success would demonstrate the role of mari.. time resources in the Nasca diet. Proulx hoped to find archaeological evidence to support the concept of a mixed economy based on both intensive irrigation agriculture and products fromthe ocean and river. Proulx's team purchased a set of Peruvian National Aerial Photography Service (SAN) photographs at a scale of 1:10,000. These were attached to a board and covered with a trans.. parent mylar overlay on which sites were re.. corded as they were found. They al$oused a complete set of topographic maps at scales of 1:50,000 and 1:100,000 along with a Global Positioning System (GPS) instrument that provided the exact latitude and longitude of each site recorded. This information was transferred to the topographic maps. In addi.. tion, NASA 1:100,000 scale satellite maps provided wonderful detail on the geologyand hydrologyof the region. Site TaUy..UJwerNazca ValleySurvey
Culture
Early Horizon

CU1Tent Research

valley to the confluence with the lUo Grande and then returning to cover the basin as far as the Quebrada Usaca. A total of 13 sites was recorded in the Usaca area and another 51 in the Nazca River proper. Later project members moved to the Rio Grande, gradually working down..valleythough Mal Paso, Batanes, Coyun.. go, and LasBrujas on the way to Maijo Grande. Sixty..foursites were found on this Rio Grande segment, making a total of 128sites recorded on the survey. Proulx and his team later discov... ered that a short segment of the Rio Grande, from Changillo at the juncture of the Ingenio River and the Rio Grande, down to Vincente near the mouth of the Nazca River had never been completely surveyed. Although students from the San Luis Gonzaga University had indicated that they had completelysurveyedthis sector, they had recorded only a few selected sites. Thus a little additional work needs to be done to make the survey of the drainage com.. plete. Surface collections of artifacts were made at each site, especially diagnostic ceramics for accurately dating other remains. These artifacts were cleaned, numbered, and photographed prior to storage in cloth bags. Nine cartons of artifacts were deposited at the Museo Regional de Ica at the end of the season. Analysis of the survey data continues, and results must be compared and correlated to the data from surveys conducted in other parts of the drainage. Belowis an account ofsomeofthe preliminary findingsand questions raisedby the research. The 128sites recorded ranged in date from the Early Horizon (900..200B.C.) to the Late Horizon (1476..1532A.D.). Sites were numbered sequentially as they were recorded in each of the river valleys.RN refers to sites in the Nazca River Valley while RG designates sites in the Rio Grande. Early Horizon sherds in small quantities werefound in a total of 13 sites, mosdy in the lower Rio Grande area. The majority of these vesselswas utilitarian with decoration consisting of incised

Number of Sites.
900.200 B.C.

Early Intermediate Period Middle Horizon

Patacas! Tajo Nasca

13cemetery 6 habitation 77cemetery 31 habitation 18cemetery 1habitation

200B.C.. A.D.650 650-900A.D.

Late Intenne. diate Period

Late Horizon

N.9, Atar. co,Soi. songo Epigonal Carrizal. Poroma Inca .

900-1476 A.D. 1476.1532 A.D.

58cemetery 31habitation 5 cemetery 1habitation

* The numbersexceed128 because many siteswere multi. occupational

Survey began in the lower Nazca River, ~th the team working their way down the

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..384

triangleswith punctation,circlesand dots, or braided handles. Whether these ceramics should be called Paracas or Tajo is more a matter of semantics than of major cultural
differences.A beautiful Ocucaje 8 or 9 interior decorated bowl, found in the Atarco Valleyby an agricultural worker, was coveredwith killer whales with incised outlines and resin paints. Others like it have been found at various sites in the valley. ,Proulx's survey did not reveal any major EarlyHorizon ceremonialsites, only several small multi..occupational habitation areas and cemeteries where Early Horizon sherds were part of the assemblage. Of the 128 sites recorded, a majority (89) had some level of Nasca occupation. Most of these sites were cemeteries (77), but several unexpected' features were noted. Previously, Nasca graves were described as unlined pits in the sand in which a seated mummybundle and funerary offerings were placed, then covered with a roof of huarango beams and/or adobes. Proulx's te;lm discovered a wide variety of Nasca grave forms,including manywith adobe walls, and some with thatch roofingmaterial. Judging from recent discoveries of very deep elite Nasca tombs made at La Mufia in the Palpa Valley, it appears that there was more variation in Nasca graves than once thought. Unlooted elite graveswillbe soughtforexcava.. tion to elucidate the nature of Nasca political organization. Contrary to the expectation of finding cemeteries separate and isolated from habitation sites, many of the cemeteries were adjacent to, and an integral part of, Nasca
settlements.

.-. .--
~ .1

...-..-

Figure

7. Map of the lower Nazca Valley. Thick black lines

and hachures indicate the suwey area.

Proulx had hoped to find severallargeNasca urban centers in the course of the survey.Sur.. prisingly, most of the 31 sites containing evi.. dence of Nasca habitation could be describedas hamlets. The only exteption was the multi.. occupational complex ofsites numbered RG..25 , ..56,..57,and..58 opposite the town of Coyungo that appears to be one huge urban center with associated cemeteries. Judging from the nature of the architecture and the prevalence of Late Intermediate Period pottery over the site, in addition to occasional groupings of Nasca pot.. tery, the majority of these structures are late (LIP). However, there appears to have been a substantial Nasca occupation here aswell.Many of the smaller Nasca habitation sites were 10" cated near springs where water seeped from geologicalfaults, providing a year..roundsource of water. These sites were particularly prevalent in the lower Nazca Valley in the area around Santa Clara, Agua Dulce, and Los Colorados, but there are also a number of springsin the Co.. yungobasin. Survey results should be compared with the work done by colleagues in the other tributaries of the Nazca drainage in order to ascertain whether there is an anomaly in Proulx's survey area, perhaps with the larger

385.. urban centers being situated in the more agri.. culturally productive portions of the drainage, or whether small settlements are the rule in Nasca society. Another surprisewas the paucityofMiddle Horizon sites in the survey area. Perhaps con.. tinued analysis of the surface pottery collec.. tions and a better refinement of the ceramic collections will increase this number in the future, but sites with diagnostic "Epigonal" designsare very sparse. Eighteen Middle Hori.. zon cemeteries were recorded, most displaying the characteristic cotton mummy wrappings that are frequently found from this time. Several elaborate Middle Horizon tombs with white painted, plastered wallswith niches were

CU7Tent Research

lumped into the category "Late Intermediate Period." There are 31 Late Intermediate Period habitation sites in the survey area, including several covering more than one square kilome.. ter. RN..15,RN..17,RG..9,and thecomplexRG.. 25, ..56, ..57, and ..58 fall in this category. The huge settlements ofRN..15, ..17,and RG..9were constructed on the slopes of hills, near springs overlooking the valley below. The Coyungo complex (RG..25,..56,..57,and ..58)wasbuilt on the pampa adjacent to the river. The distin.. guishing feature of these late cities is the use of cobblestones as construction material. Struc.. tures of varyingsize"alongwith huge open plazas are present. Obviouslythis was a time ofpopula.. tion growth and the concentration of people into large centers. In addition to the habitation sites, 58 Late Intermediate Period'cemeteries were recorded, sometimes mixed with the graves of earlier cultures. Tombs tend to be large, deep, and rectangular in shape, often with adobe linings. These tombs often have the best preserved and most numerous organic remains such as mum.. mies, slings, and other textiles. Perhaps due to the increase in population, the sizes of Late Intermediate Period cemeteries are larger than those of earlier periods. Proulx's team only recorded nine sites with Inca pottery~The most interesting is RG.. 7, at the area at the base of Cerro Colorado near the confluence of the Nazca River with the Rio Grande. There a peasant revealed a fine Inca aryballoidjar found nearby. Proulx suspectsthat many more of the sites surveyed are Late Hori.. zon or include Late Horizon components, but that local people continued to make their char.. acteristic LIP pottery even under Inca su1;>juga.. tion, as was the case in the lea Valley (Menzel 1976). The Inca controlled the Nazca drainage from the site of Paredones on the outskirts of the modem city of Nazca. Here one can see Cuzco style stone walls and niches and find more Inca elite pottery. The extent of Inca

found at RN..33.The Middle Horizonsites seemto be concentratedin a'smallareaon the westside of the lowerNazcaRiverjust down river from the confluence of the Quebrada Usaca with the Nasca'River. Only one site seemed to have Middle Horizonhabitation
remains. More numerous Middle Horizonsites have been found in other parts of the drainage, including the north side of the Rio Grande V~ey near Cabildo. The Late Intermediate Periodproduced the second largest concentration of sites (after Early Intermediate Nasca sites) and the only ruins that could truly be called urban centers. David Robinson divided the Late Intermediate Period ceramics into two groups, Carrizal and Poroma{Robinson 1957). In the lea Valley, Menzel built on her earlier designations of Chulpaca and SOniche, which were roughly comparable in time to Carrizal and Poroma, to construct a lO..phasesequence that she called the Ica style (Menzel 1976). Others, pointing to the similaritybetween these Late Intermedi.. ate Period ceramics and those of the Chincha Valley to the North, refer to the style as Chincha..lea. Until the exact politicalrelation.. ship between these various valleys is better known, and until Proulx can studyand seriate the Late Intermediate Period pottery from his survey area, ceramic variations are simply

ANDEAN'PAST 6 (2000)

,386 ongoing. Nevertheless, differences in the distri, bution of sites from various cultures and phases are already evident. The third objective of the survey was to investigate the correlation of the sites discov, ered with water sources, geological faults, and geoglyphsin conjunction with David Johnson. This research wasalso successful.Concentrating primarilyon the Nasca period sites, the location of non,riverine water sources was carefully
.

control was over this region, and how many sites were built by the Inca must be established from the results of various unpublishedsurveys which have been conducted in the Nazca drainage. The second objectiveof the survey,to shed light on the nature ofthe socio,politicalorgani, zation of the Nasca Culture during the Early Intermediate Period, will require additional analysisof data from the other surveysunder, taken in the drainage to provide valid answers to long,debated questions. However, the lack of large Nasca urban centers in the lower Nazca River and Rio Grande sectors, as noted above, supports the now widelyaccepted the, ory that Nasca society was organized into a series of local chiefdoms rather,being a primi, tive state controlled by a central government. Sharing a common religion and symbolicsys, tern, these local political. entities ruled from regional centers in critical locations iti the various tributaries. The only possiblecenter of such activity in"Proulx's survey area would have been the large complex at Coyungoin the lowerRio Grande Valley (sitesRG,25, ,56, ,57, ,58). Other centers existed in the more agricul, turally dominant parts of the drainage, along the Palpa, Ingenio, middle RioGrande, Tierras Blancas, Aja, and Taruga Valleys. The local leaders ruling from these centers had dual functions as religious leaders (shamans) and secular warriors. The role of warrior,chief seems to have become more important begin' ning in Phase 5 when well,documented droughts (dating between A.D. 540,560 and 570,610) caused much social upheaval and changes in settlement patterns (Schreiberand Lancho 1995:251). Warfare took place among the many political units to obtain scarce agri, cultural land and water resources, as well to provide a source of victims for ritual decapita, tion, especiallyin Phases 5, 6, and 7. Proulx'ssurveydocumented concentrations ofNasca 5 sites in the Usaca area where several geologicalfaults conducted subterranean water to'the area. Settlement pattern analysisis still

noted by the archaeologists.Once the survey

was completed, Johnson and his team of geolo, gistsplotted the location of the geologicalfaults

adjacent to each site and the presenceand

location of any geoglyphs.A strong correlation was found betWeensite location, faults, springs, puquios, and other non, riverine water sources, and large geometric geoglyphs. Analysisis also ongoing, but some of the data have been pre' sented Oohnson 1999). Finally, Proulx hoped to explore the role of the sea in Nasca society through an examination of the sites discovered in the lower portion of the Rio Grande. Some researchers, such as Patrick Carmichael and Brenda Kennedy, have questioned the importance of maritime re, sources in the diet of the Nasca society, cor, recdy pointing out ,the distance of most Nasca sites from the ocean and the primacyof agricul, tural plants in their everyday lives.The ceramic iconography clearly depicts a variety offish,sea mammals, birds, and fishermen, yet someschol, ars have argued that these representations were symbolic rather than representational. Our research uncovered large amounts of sea shells, fish nets, sea urchins, and other maritime re, mains at Nasca sites all along the lower Rio Grande and up into the other tributaries aswell. Obviously the inhabitants of these small sites had access to the sea and were utilizing mari, time resources on a regular basis.Observationof modem fisherman making regular trips to the shore, especially to the vicinity of Puerto Ca,ballas, and a study of the routes taken to these locations have provided valuable new insights into the activities of the ancients.

387.. In summary,Proulx's majorresearch objec.. tiveswere realized. Although someof the sites in Proulx's survey area had been previously visited by other archaeologists, Proulx and his team studied and documented over 128 sites for the first time, obtaining valuablenew infor.. mation on settlement patterns and laying the foundation for an extensive studyof the corre.. lation between the archaeologicalsites, water sources, and geoglyphs.Future work will con';' centrate on examining specific sites in the surveyarea and on testing the validityofJohn.. son's hydrological theory. ' References Cited
Johnson, David 1999 Die Nasca,Linien als MarJderrungenfilrunter, iridischeWasserkommen. InNasca: Geheimnis, volle Zeichenim Alten Pem, editedby Judith Rickenback, pp. 157,164. ZOrich: Museum Rietberg. Menze~Dorothy 1976 PotteryStyleand Societyin AncientPern. Berke, ley: University of California Press.

CU1Tent Research

in Arequipa (Universidad Cat6lica Santa Marla Madre y Maestra). CIPS and the University operate under an agreement by which both the fieldwork and the laboratory/storage facilityare joint endeavors.
The California Institute for Peruvian Studies

had several groups in the field in 1998. One headed by CIPS president Francis A. Riddell returned to the Chala region on the south coast in August to continue archaeological site sur.. veys. The team consisted of Riddell, Marie Cottrell, Richard Brooks, Lidio Valdez, and Alina Aparicio, Sheilagh Brooks, and crew members Sandra Asmussen, J. Arthur Freed, and students William Fowlks and Zasha Trivi.. sonno. Utilizing Valdez's report (1990), a resurvey was undertaken of the Quebrada de Chala and its branch, Quebrada Huanuhuanu. In the survey new sites were discovered and
recorded. Additionally, surveys were conducted

Robinson,DavidAdair
1957

An Archaeological Surveyof the Nasca Valley, Peru. Master's Thesis, in Anthropology,Stan' ford University, Palo Alto, California. Schreiber, Katarina and Josfie Lancho Rojas 1995 The PuquiosofNasca. l..atin AmericanAntiquity 6:229,254.

southeast of Chala, down coast, in Quebrada Huaccyaco and in the Chaparra Valley as re.. ported by Valdez (1998) and by Aparicio (1998). Although the visitswere brief, ten siteswere recorded in the HuaccYacodrainage. Of these, nine were aceramic and may be preceramic in age. No excavation was attempted, but the surface occurrence ofmarws and a metate (grind.. ing stones) at several of the sites, as well as an abundance of basaltic debitage, indicates that the pattern of cultural content as well as geo.. graphic location deviate from the late sites that have extensive architecture, abundant midden, and a heavy presence of potsherds. Rock rings at several sites suggest house remains, but this cannot be confirmed without excavation. Further investigation is planned for August 2000.
.

California Institute of Peruvian Studies on the South Coast The earthquake of November 12, 1996, in southern Peru devastated the facility of the . CaliforniaInstitute forPeruvian Studies (CIPS) at Bella Uni6n, Arequipa. Fortunately, the collections were salvageable but needed to be moved. This was accomplished in March of 1997 through the efforts of CIPS President Francis A. Riddell (e..mail:fariddell@netzero... net) assistedbyarchaeologistsRichard Brooks, Anna Noah, Alina Aparicio, and forensic anthropologist Sheilagh Brooks. Sandra Asmussen and J. Arthur Freed were support.. ing crewmembers. Some 200 cartons of sped.. mens were transported to the CIPS laboratoIy and storage facility at the Catholic University

In the Chaparra Valley the team recorded 15 archaeological sites. All appear to be of the Late Horizon, although some may be of the Colonial Period, as well. Here, too, continued investigation by CIPS field teams are scheduled for 2000.

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

-388
had only tested an area 6 meters square. No data on early Paracas style pottery, at least in such volume, had been obtained in the 40 years since the first excavation. Textile analyseswere undertaken byWallace, Grace Katterman, and Oscar BendezUj the collections are housed in the Museo Regional de lea (MRI). With a view of beginning field research in the coming years Catherine Julien (Western Michigan University, e-mail catherine.julien@ wmich. edu), under the auspices of CIPS, made a"reviewof archaeological sites in the Atiquipa region Oulien 1999). She had not been in the area since 1972and wanted to familiarizeherself with the recorded and unrecorded sites.She was accompanied by archaeologist Alina Aparicio and student Margaret Enrile. Their first visit was to Quebrada de la Vaca where they made a series of observations and took photos of the present condition of the architecture. Of spe~ cialinterestwasthe conditionof the qochayuyo (seaweed) growingon the rocks below the tidal surge. It wasabundant, thus suggestingthat one of the marine prod~cts harvested, processedand stored by the Inca at Quebrada de la Vaca was qochayuyo. The three~person team visited the ruins at Cerro Coco and took photos and notes of vaulted structures, some of which were burial chambers. One had an interior measurement of 1.5 by 2 m and was located inside a walledpatio which, in turn, measured about 4.5 by 4 m. The roof of the vaulted structure was closed with slabs that span a meter at the most. There was a course of stones above the slabs of the roof and earth above that. On a clear day the ocean can be seen from the heights of Cerro Coco. Evidence of ancient agriculture was manifested by eroded terraces upon which non~diagnostic pottery fragments were noted. At Aiparipa more vaulted structures were noted, in one instance some twenty such structures were seen, and project membersnoted five

In February and March of 1999meinbersof the California Institute for Peruvian Studies returned to the south~centralcoast to continue site surveys and collections studies. The team was headed by CIPS President Francis A. Riddell and was composed of archaeologists Richard Brooks, Alina Aparicio, forensic an~ thropologist SheilaghBrooks, museumspecial~ istFrances Durocher, and crewmembersJohn Schaller, J. Arthur Freed, and Nathan Parker. Members of the community of Atiquipa were interviewed for site locations and information on the sites in that locality. The sites of Aiparipa, Jihuay, Quebrada de la Vaca, and Taimara were visited and photographsmade of architectural features. The local people re~ vealed the location ofa "bellrock"nearAtiqui~ pa that produces a ringing sound when struck. Local interest suggeststhat this fe.atureserved as a "shrine" in ancient times. The CIPS fieldteam alsomade an archaeo~ logical site survey of a portion of the Santa Luda River (also known as Quebrada Jahuay) which flowsinto die ocean at Lomas(Schaller 1999). Several sites produced sherds of utility ware, and in some instances sherds of Nasca 3 pottery were noted. Due to a high water condi~ tion at the time of the survey it was not possi~ ble to accomplish a more thorough review of the area.
Two members of the survey team, Schaller

and Durocher, made a one~daysurvey of a segment of the Quebrada de Acaville,a major tributary of the Yauca River. Four sites were recorded, of which one produced Late Acarl pottery sherds. The limited reviewsuggeststhe four sites were Late Intermediate and/or Late Horizon.
" "

Another team of CIPS/UCSM investiga~ tors, Dwight Wallace, Julio Manrique, and Alina Aparicio, undertook excavations at Cerrillos, lea in May and June of 1999 (Wallace et al. 1999). Wallace had previously excavated here in 1958. The present project was proposed because the original excavation

389.. in another group. A dense concentration of structures was made of a relatively fine pink.. white granitic material that is more abundant and of a better quality than seen at Cerro Coco. The structures are rectangular and have rounded interior comers. Somehave subterra.. nean cists. A number of mortars and batanes (grindingstones) were observedin conjunction with these ruins. Julien and the two other team members alsovisited the ruins of Pueblo Viejowith local guide and informant, Juan Segura. The pres.. ervation of these ruins is remarkable. The architecture'is quite similar to that of Quebra.. . da de la Vaca and the other neighboringruins in this region. At Pueblo Viejo, the com.. pounds seem to enclose an open space with a single entrance near one end, with vaulted structures at the opposite end. There are subterranean cists within these compounds,or open areas. Some of the enclosures (com.. pounds) have sqUarepillar..footingslike those to be found at Quebrada de la Vaca. These pillars appear to have supported roofed areas along the enclosure walls. Upon their arrival at the site, the team found small vaults.that were recently opened, exposing multiple burials. Abundant textile fragments and cordage were found on the surface, some of cotton and some of wool. At the time of their visit local peoplewerethere to collect qochayuyo. Juan Segura stated that people spread the qochayuyoon the ground inside the enclosures to dry. The team's visit to the nearby ruins of Ocopa demonstrated that more detailed work is needed here to fully record the somewhat dispersed architectural features. More vaulted structures were seen, some with adjoining circular enclosures with walls more than 1 m high. Evidence of agriculture wasin the form of terraces with, associated diversion canals, dams and small reservoirs. Rock shelters were noted, one of which had a stone wall at least 1.5 m high across its opening.

Current Research

Julien and her team made a brief visit to the Chala Valley. This included a stop at Chala la Vieja. In the limited amount of time available it was not possible to record the extensive architectural features to be seen in this part of the valley. References Cited
Note: CIPS reports are available for a smaIl handling charge. Contact Frances Riddell for information (456263rd Street, Sacramento, Califoriua 95820). Aparicio, Alina 1998 Project Report, July-August, 1999. Sacramento: California Institute of Peruvian Studies. Julien, Catherine 1999 Notes on FieldWork in Arequipa, August, 1999. Sacramento: California InstitUte of Peruvian StUdies. SchaUer,John 1999 ArchaeologicalSurveysinthe QuebradasJahuay, Acaville, and Chala and the Atiquipa Regionof the South Coast of Peru. Sacramento: California InstitUte of Peruvian Studies. Valdez, Lidio 1990 Informe de los Trabajos de Campo de la Temporadade 1990 del "ProyectoArqueol6gico Acari, Yauca, Atiquipa y Cbata. Sacramento: California InstitUte of Peruvian StUdies. 1998 A Field Report on the Archaeological Explora.. tions in Cbala and Vicinity, Arequipa, Peru. Sacramento: California InstitUte of Peruvian Studies. Wallace, Dwight, Julio Manrique, and Alina Aparicio
.

1999

Excavations at Cerrillos, lea.

Sacramento:

California InstitUte of Peruvian Studies.

Chivav, Colca Valley. Dan Sandweiss (University of Maine, e.. mail dan_sandweiss@maine.maine.edu), geolo.. gistHal Borns (e..mailborns@maine.edu) (both
University of Maine) , and archaeologist Bernar..

dino Ojeda spent several weeks inJune 1998in and around Chivay, on the Colea River in Are.. quipa Department, with support from the Uni.. versity of Maine Vice..Provost for Research and. Graduate Studies and the University of Maine Institute for Quaternary Studies. Their goalwas to assess the hypothesis that the Chivay obsid.. ian source was ice-covered during the Younger Dryas period (ca.ll,OOO..10,OOO HCyears ago).

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)'

~390
University of Maine, e..mail hmcinnis@ darkwing.uoregon.edu), and Trevor Ott (Uni.. versity of Calgary, email tohott@calgary.ca). and field technician Osvaldo Cho%o.Financial support was provided by TIMEX Corporation, the H. John Heinz III Charitable Truse, and the Curtiss T. and Mary G. Brennan Foundation. Excavations were centered at Quebrada Jaguay 280, an EarlyPreceramic site discoveredin 1970 by Frederic Engel (1981:45). A suite ofradiocar.. bon dates on charcoal from the site now con~ firms that there was a Terminal Pleistocene occupation dating between about 11,000 and 10,000 BP (uncalibrated) and an Early Holo~ cene occupation dating between 9500 and 7500 BP. (uncalibrated). Fish and shellfish provided nearly all of the animal protein during both occupations, indicating great antiquity for maritime adaptations in the region (Sandweiss et al. 1998). Full cover surveyof the surrounding region (5 km to the northwest, 5 km northeast, and 10 km to the southeast) identified more than 60 sites,mostlypreceramic. Comparisonof surface remains and dates on basal materialfrom shovel tests show that the sites represent two preceramic periods, one between ca. 9500 and 7500 BP and one centered around 4000 BP.A few ceramic..bearingsites were also found. During June and July qf 1999, Dan Sand~ weiss resumed excavations at the Early Pre.. ceramic fishingsite of Quebrada Jaguay.Finan.. cial support for the season came from Thor Heyerdahl. The field crew included archaeolo~ gist Miguel Cabrera, undergraduate students Arturo Santos (San Marcos University) and Ted McClure (Indiana..Purdue at Fort Wayne, e..mailEichrodt@ aol.com), graduate students Ben Tanner (University of Maine, e~mail ter.303@compuserve.com) and Fred Andrus (University of Georgia. e..mail cftal@ peachnet.compuscwix.net), and fieldtechnician Oswaldo Chozo. The field lab was run by archaeologist Julissa Ugarte. Field work in the 1996 season showed that Sector II was Terminal Pleistocene in age and included possiblepost..holes.The recent excava..

This source was identifiedby both Richard Burger and Sarah Osgood Brooks from a
location at about 5000 masl, upslopefrom the town of Chivay (Burger et al. 1998b:204, note 4; Brooks et al. 1997). Excavation of Younger Dryas age deposits at Quebrada Jaguay,on the coast, had found only Alca source (ca. 2850 masI; see Burger et al. 1998a) obsidian even though the Chivay source is a similardistance fromQuebrada Jaguay. Had the Chivaysource been ice~coveredduring the early occupation at Quebrada Jaguay,it wouldbe unnecessaryto seek more complex explanations forits absence at that site. Field observations in the Colca Valleyindicated that during the lastglaciation, ice reached the town of Chivay, some 1400 below the obsidian outcrop. However, surface exposure age dating currently in process is necessary to determine the timing of ice ad~ vances. The team did note that pieces of Chivay source obsidian previouslyobserved in the sediments underlying the town of Chivay werebrought there as glacialtill rather than by fluvial action. . References CitedBrooks, Sarah Osgood, Michael Glascock, and Martfn Giesso 1997 Source of Volcanic Glass for Ancient Andean

Stross 1998a The Alca Obsidian Source: The Origin of

Raw Material for Cusco Type Obsidian Artifacts.AndeanPast5:185,202. 1998b
The Chivay Obsidian source and the Ge~ logical Origin ofTiticaca Basin Type Ob, sidian Artifacts. Andean Past 5:203,223.

Tools. Nature 386:449,450. Burger, Richard 1., Frank Asaro, Paul Trawick, and Fred

Quebrada Jaguay In 1996, Dan Sandweiss (University of Maine, email da~sandweiss@umit.maine. edu) carried out excavations and survey at Quebrada Jaguay, near Camana on the south coast of Peru. Project members included co~ director Rolando Paredes, archaeologists Bernardino Ojeda and Maria del Carmen Sandweiss, students Heather McInnis (then

391..
tions confirmed the presence of multiple post..

CU1Tent Research

holes and other features dating to several momentsduringthe TerminalPleistocene.

Archaeologists Dave Sanger (Universityof Maine, e..mail sanger@maine.edu) and Bernardino Ojeda spent severaldayson site as part of their related project inspecting early lithic collections in Peru and northern Chile.. Ongoing analyses include work on the lithics by Dave Sanger and Ben Tanner; phytolith, . starch grain, and pollen analysisby Dolores Piperno (Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute, e..mail pipernod@stri.org); caliche analysis by Fred Andrus; faunal analyses by Heather McInnis (University of Oregon, e.. mail hmcinnis@ darkwing.uoregon.edu) (Mcinnis 1999),Elizabeth Reitz (Universityof Georgia, e..mailereitz @arches.uga.edu), and Fred Andrus; and radiocarbon dating of bulk samples by Howard Melville (Jaan Terasmae Radiocarbon Laboratory, Brock University, e~ mailhmelville @ spartan.ac.brocku.ca). Bruce Smith (Smithsonian Institution, e..mailsmith. bruce@ simnh. sLedu) has recentlycompleted study of three EarlyHolocene gourd fragments uncov~red during the 1996 season. References Cited
Angel, Fr~d~tic Andr~ 1981 Prehistoric Andean Ecology Volume 2: Man, Settlement, and Environment in ~ Andes. The Deep South. New York: Humanities Press for Hunter College. McInnis. Heather

sity of Missouri..Columbia,is beginning ~ pro.. gram of research using dental traits to establish the major outlines of the peopling of South America. He will use Peruvian central coastal materials as well as dental materials from as wide a geographical spread as possible.

BOLIVIA Taraco Project

During May through August 1996, 1998, and 1999 the Taraco Archaeological Project, co..directedby Christine Hastorf (Universityof California, Berkeley, e..mail hastorf@SSCL. berkeley. edu) and Matt Bandy, (Universityof California, Berkeley), conducted research at Chiripa, a site on the southwest shores of Lake .Titicaca in Bolivia. The core team membersare Lee Steadman (e..mail steadman@aol.com), Kate Moore (University of Pennsylvania), WUliam Whitehead, a graduate student at UC.. Berkeley (email whitehea@SSCL.berkeley. edu), and Jose Luis Paz, an archaeologist from the University of San Andres in La Paz. Addi.. tional help in the field came from Melissa Goodman (Cambridge University, e..mail magl008@cus.cam.ac.uk), Ian Hodder (Stan, ford University, e..mailihodder@sranford.edu), Donald Johnson of the Institute of Minnesota Archaeology Consulting, and six students. Further specialist help has come from John Southon of the Lawrence LivermoreLaboratory Dating Lab. Susan D. de France (Florida Museum of Natural History, e..mail sdef@ anthro.ufl.edu) is studying small animal bones. David W. Steadman (Florida Museum ofNatu.. ral History, e..maildsteadman@flmnh.ufl.edu) is analyzingbird remains. Kate Moore (Dniver.. sity of Pennsylvania, email kmmoore@sas. upenn. edu) has responsibility for large animal bones while Deborah Blom (University of Vanderbilt, email deborah.e.blom@vanderbilt. edu) will work on human bones.
.

1999 Subsistence and Maritime Adaptations at

..

Quebrada Jaguay, Camana, Peru: A Faunal Analysis. M.S. thesis, QuaterrtaryStudies, University of Maine, Orono. Sandweiss, Daniel H., Heather McInnis, Richard L. Burger, Asunci6n Cano, Bernardino Ojeda, Rolando Paredes, Mana del Carmen Sandweiss, and Michael Glascock 1998 Quebrada Jaguay: EarlySouth Ametican Mati.. timeAdaptations. Science 281:1830..1829.

Dental Research Rick Sutter (e..mail C569310@showme. missouri.edu), a 1997 Ph.D. from the Univer..

1996 was the second field season of this

project (the first was in 1992), although Wen.. dell Bennett in the 1930s, Alfred Kidder and

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

..392
completed in 1996. The ceremonial areas, Llusco, the mound, and Santiago, make up less than one hectare. There seems to have been a substantial residential area on all three terraces surrounding this central precinct. The Project has been trying to uncover evidence of domestic ateas and activities, but this is proving difficult. Excavations in 1996 took place in two areas, north and south of the mound. However, both areas, Llusco and Santiago, have yielded large (approximately11 by 13m) semi,subterranean stone,walled enclo, sures. The investigators believe these to be ceremonial (gathering)areas rather than habita, tion zones. Llusco wasfirst excavated by Clau, dia Rivera in 1992. Excavations by Jose Luis Paz followed in 1996. It is on the uppermost terrace and dates to the Late Formative.Period, or what we call Late Chiripa, about 800 to 600 B.C. The Lluscoenclosure has patches of white plaster on its.floor and a drainage canal in the lower, northwest comer. To the north, and on the first terrace, Santi.. ago directly overlooks the lake shore. This area was opened first by Sonia Alconini and Sigrid Arnott in 1992 and substantially expanded in 1996 by Emily Dean and David Kojan. This part of the site is a complex of use and rebuild, ing layers dating throughout Formative times. There are surfaces that seem to be fairlyclean, and in some cases have yellow or white plaster Human pit burials cut through this plaster in many places. It seems that ritual burial and feasting occurred in this section at least, but there could also have been some habitation quite close. This area of the site is extremely important, yet still mysterious as to the total types of activities that occurred there. The stratigraphy is complicated .and will be illumi, nated by MelissaGoodman's microstratigraphic analysis. In 1998, work continued in Santiago, again under EmilyDean but with Bill Whitehead also working to the west. The plan was to further refine understanding of the chronology and

GregorioCordero Miranda in the 1950s, Maks Portugal Zamora in the 1960s, and David Browmanand Max Portugal Ortiz in the 1970s have excavated there previously. From their work at Chiripa, we know about the existence of the site's central mound. This 0.36 ha construction has at least three building levels and probably dates from 1400 B.C. through Tiwanaku times (or to approximately A.D.

1000) .

The mound visible on the surface is a Tiwanaku I monolith,lined courtyard that shows continuity with the earlier structures. The Formative site spans 7 ha surroundingthe mound, upon three created terraces that slope down to the lake plain. The mound is on the middle terrace. Chiripa isespeciallyinteresting to Andeanists because of its proximityto impe.. rial Tiwanaku. Tiwanaku was an important center for almost 800 years beginning around A.D. 300 and therefore Chiripa is considered one ofTiwanaku's primary precursors. Chiripa flourished during the earlier Formative Period of Bolivian prehistory, with a ritual center overlooking Lake Titicaca and the string of snow, peaked mountains to the east. The Formative Period, as it is called in Bolivian archaeology, ranges between 2000 B.C. and A.D. 400 according to Charles Stanish's inter.. pretion of the regional sequence, with Chiripa dating to the Middle and Upper Formative Periods. The Taraco Project's research goals are several. While trying to understand the For.. mative Period in the south..central Andes, including detailed artifactual changes, project members are especially interested in the early dynamics of increasing political scale and
.

subsistencechanges, particularlyagriculture.
At Chiripa Formative sites, these activities are clearly intertwined with intensive ritual ac, tions, traces of which are also under ihvestiga, tion. The site's importance is seen in the results from systematic surface collections that were

393,
function of the very early semisubterranean enclosure encountered in the Santiago area, called Choquehuanca. This enclosureis 13by 14 m. Its excavation involved several long trenches. From analysisof these trenches two important facts emerged. First) the enclosure wasdefinitely constructed in the MiddleChiri, pa Phase (1000,800 BC). The builders cut through several meters of EarlyChiripa strata

CU7Tent Research

may have been substantial) but no structures are untouched and complete. Ten structures) however, are probably in good condition. The. evidence suggeststhat these were not inhabited, but were more likely ceremonial structures, keeping special and sacred items and housing sacred activities. The bins do not seem to have held quantitiesof crops,as did Inca collca, and the bins could not have been entered.

to sterile soil) then leveled the groundwith .

Middle Chiripa fill, laid a claybase,and built a fineyellowflooracrossthe surface. This was used in the Middle Chiripa times, and once abandoned, dense Late Chiripa fillwas placed in it. The northern and eastern walls are poorly preserved, while the southern and western walls are deeper and in better condi, tion. Team members exposed 28 square meters of the floor and collected samplesthere. They are beginning to study the plant, a~al, ce, ramic, and lithic remains, in addition to the micro,depositional history. Full details of the trapezoidal Middle Chiripa enclosure remain undetermined. However, Hastorf's team have
.

. learnedthat

set in its east wallthereis a small

storie niche, about one meter in length. It contained nothing visible. This could be what is seen later on the mound, and at Pukara,

Eachstructurewasperhapsusedbyan ayUu, or an extended family associated with a terri, tory. With two groups of seven on each side there is a strong sense of moieties. These struc, tures are made of adobe and stone, with plas, tered surfaces' on the walls and floors. Four superimposed structures were seen in the east, em profile. Each structure has a seriesof yellow plaster floors. Between each re,flooring there is evidence of ritual sealing) with sterile soil or sand laid down, often accompanied by a fire. Further evidence of such floor treatment also was seen in the cleaning of historical fill along the south face of the mound. Most floorslook, ed clean, although the top "LowerHouse" floor had lots of fish remains and pottery. One hearth Wasalso encountered.
In 1996 Melissa Goodman of Cambridge University joined the project briefly to collect microstratigraphic samples of all areas. This research should show what types and intensities of activities were undertaken in these mound structures. In collaboration with John Southon and the Lawrence Livermore Laboratories, the Project has run a seriesof AMS dates for eachof these floors)to understand the timing and scope of the re,flooring events in the mound. Unfortu, nately, the curve at this time in the past willnot be able to separate out this time span for us.

Tiwanaku,and even in Inca enclosures' wall

niches that held important sacredobjects. Part of the inner stone wall was plastered. The Llusco and Choquehuanca enclosures are the earliest in their region discovered to date. The final goal of the 1996 archaeological project was to understand better the Formative portions of the mound. Matt Bandyundertook several cleaning operations. His main task was on the east side of the mound, which had been cut back by the community in the 1960s to
build a football field.

There he uncovered clear evidence of the "Upper and Lower House" Formative levels in his profile. Previous work on the mound sug, gested that there were hetween 14 and 16 structures surrounding a sunken plaza. We have now confirmed that there are 14. Some

Advancing another main goal, to under, standbetter the FormativePeriodoccupation of the site, the Taraco project undertook test excavationsin four areasidentifiedin the 1996 systematicsurface collection program. These excavations located two more Late Chiripa stone foundationenclosureswith the potential

ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

,394
Thus, by excavating in this area we hoped to obtain a sample of the deposits which originally lay below the mound, thereby avoiding the difficult, destructive, and even possiblydanger~ ous task of excavating through severalmetersof mound deposit in order to reach them. Below the top fill level we encountered the remainsof an adobe wall. This wall runs north~south for the entire length of the trench. We now knowit was at least 11 meters long, and we did not find the northern comer of it. This wall, approxi, mately 70 em in width, exhibits a peculiar construction technique. It is composed of very large "pillow"adobes, 70 cm long by 20~40cm wide, made of sterile red clay. These red adobes
.

for more subsurface walls as well as a Middle Chiripa mud~brickwall. In the two northern areas,near Choquehuanca there areportionsof beautifullymade stone canals. One isattached to the corner of what seems to be a large Late Chiripa enclosure, although enoughhas not yet been uncovered to confiim this hypothesis. At the Alejo area, the river cobble, stone~lined canal runs more than 4 meters down slope, with a cover stone where the waterentered the canal. There is a comer of a cut~stonestruc~ ture with a double~sided canal also running downslope on an angle. To learn about these areas beyond the test pits, a magnetometer and resistivitysurveyof the central part of the site's surface was undertaken by Don Johnson. This sub~surfacesurvey located some possiblewalls at Quispe as well as near Choquehuanca. This will help construct a complete catalog of all Formative Period architecture. at the site, because all of the site, except the mound, lies under fieldSand is extremely difficultto exca~ vate. The results suggest that excavations in the Quispe area should be expanded to under~ stand better the enclosure apparently found there. Especiallyinteresting about this founda~ tion at Quispe are the differencesof the stone work compared to that of the other enclosures. This evidence allows the hypothesis that vari~ ous groups made these structures, creating their bounded space in their own styles. Another goal of the 1998and 1999seasons was to learn about the lowest deposits under the mound, which date to the Middle Chiripa Phase. The Montfculo 1 area is located along and near the southern section of the exposed eastern face of the mound. A trench measur~ ing 4 m north~south by 6 m east~west was opened there. This was the section of the profile that was cleaned in the 1996 season. Two thin units were excavated in 1996,expos~ ing remains of Lower House Level structures. In the 1999 season, we expanded what was discovered in the 1998 excavation. The area just to the east of the fence used to be part of the mound, but was cut back during the haci~ erida period, probably sometime in the 1940s.

are in turn placed within a dark, organicmud

matrix mortar. Interesting about these fromthe 1999 excavations was the fact that each brick

wasburned on the top, as if to harden it. Only

the lowermost course of the wall was preserved,

so it is uncertain whether the entire heightof .

the wallwasconstnicted in this manner. Never~ theless, this technique has not been observedin any other structure excavated at Chiripa to date, and in no other structure in the Titicaca Basin to my knowledge. Once again we are seeing a wide range of building techniques. We now have two differe~t building techniques for the Middle Chiripa Phase and at least three for the Late Chiripa Phase. An additional cleaning was undertaken along the south side of the mound(upslope) in 1999, reopening up a modem mixed area that we investigated in 1996. We needed to extend our earlier trench to try to determine the num~ ber and placement of upper house structUresas well as the location of the opening into the inner courtyard. We made a long twelvemeter profile there and determined that there wasno structure in the middle of this side of the mound at that late Late Chiripa time, meaning there was an opening upslope to that side of the community. Hence we now believe that there were 14 structures in this final phase, making this two setS of seven houses each. The discovery of physiqtl evidence for moieties in the in the Late Chiripa Phase wonderful.

395.. Lee Steadman oversawthe ceramicanalysis as well as ran the laboratory everyfieldseason. Not only do the ceramics hold the key to the dating and seriation of the site and its relation.. ships to other villages within the region, they are critical for identifying the activities on the site, such as cooking, storage, and ceremonial and burial practices. Given that a detailed
ceramic sequence has not been fully formed for

CUfTent Research

activities in the area, noting that the Aymara language extends back in time. The Taraco Archaeogical Project has been supported byThe National Science Foundation, the National Geographic Society, and the Stahl Fellowship of the University of California, Berkeley.

this part of the Titicaca Basin,Steadmanis . completing essentialworkon theFormative..to..

Tiwanaku phases in the southern Titicaca Basin. Three ceramic phases are defined for the Chiripa occupation of the site, based on observabledifferencesbetween the ceramicsin the stratigraphic levels and 14 new absolute dates. The terms used by th~ Taraco Project have been employed before by Karen Mohr Chavez, who based her work on Kidder'sexca.. vations. The Taraco froject phases are ad.. justed slightly earlier. New absolute dates and ceramic analysis have indicated phases that date to EarlyChiIipa..1500..1000BC,Middle Chiripa .. 1000..800 BC, and Late Chiripa ..
800..100 BC (calibrated).

William Whitehead, Rene Ayon, and Franz Choque have overseen the collection, processing, and sorting of the soil flotation samples from the excavations. The Project followeda blanket collection strategyof 10liter bulk (point..provenienced) samples. Further.. more, in midden and surface contexts, average soilsampleswere also collected, to improvethe representation of those contexts. In aU, 384 soil samples were collected and processed. These are important for the recovery of plant remains but also for fish bones and other small animal remains, and they provide a quantita.. tive sample of all artifacts. Concurrent with the Taraco Project exca.. vations in 1996, Mario Montano Arag6n worked on a toponymic map of the local catch.. ment area in and around the modem commu.. nity of Chiripa. He discovered hundreds of place names that link to past and present

Addresses of Authors

Addresses of Authors Robert Bednarik: International Federation of Rock Art Organizations (IFRAO), P.O. Box 216, Caulfield South, Victoria 3162, Australia E.mail: robertbednarik@hotmail.com David Blower: University of Calgary, Department of Archaeology, 2500 University Drive NW, Calgary, Alberta T2N IN4, Canada E.mail: dblower@ucalgary.ca David L.Browman:Anthropology,CampusBox 1114,One BrookingsDrive, Washington University in St. Louis,St. Louis,Missouri63130,4899 E.mail: dbrowma@artsci.lwusd.edu

RobinM. Brown:36 WashburnSt., Watertown,MA 02472

E.mail: robin_brown@terc.edu Richard S. Burger: Peabody Museum,Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut 06511 E.mail: richard.burger@yale.edu Richard L. Daggett: lOBBoynton Road East, South Deerfield, Massachusetts 01373 E-mail: daggett@admin.umass.edu

Tom D. Dillehay: UniversityofKentucky, 330VirginiaAvenue,SteA, Lexington,KY40504,2675

~mail: dilleha@pop.uky.edu
Michael D. Glascock: University of Missouri, 223 Research Reactor, Columbia, Missouri 65211
.

E.mail: glascock@reactor.murr.missouri.edu

Catherine Julien: Department of History, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan

49008,5020
E.mail: catherine.julien@wmich.edu

David K. Keefer: U.S. GeologicalSurvey, 345 Middlefield Road, MS 977, Menlo Park, California 94025 E.mail: dkeefer@usgs.gov Maria A. Masucci: Drew University,Faulkner House, Department of Anthropology, Madison, NJ 07940 E.mail: mmasucci@drew.edu
Michael E. Moseley: University of Florida, Department of Anthropology, Gainesville, Florida 32611,

9500 E.mail:moseley@ufI.edu

Anne Paul:!49, Allee des Vergers,F,54600 Villers,les,Nancy, France E.mail: Pierre.Vuillemot@antares.iecn.u.nancy.fr

ANDEAN PAST 6 (2000)

Jack Rossen: Ithaca College, Ithaca, New York 14850 E..mail:JROSSEN@ithaca.edu Dennis R. Satterlee: 402 East Maple Street, Gillespie,Illinois 62033 John Edward Staller: 1250 Hood Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60660..2512 E..mail:jstaller@uic.edu Jorge E. Tapia A., American GeologicalInstitute, 4220 King Street, Alexandria, Virginia 22302 E..mail:jtapia@agiweb.org Thomas A. Zoubek: State Universityof New York, New Paltz, NY 06820..5336
E..mail: tzoubek@aol.com

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ANDEANPAST 6 (2000)

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November 12, 2000