v^

MADRAS UNIVBBSITY SPECIAL LECTURES

ON

INDIAN HISTORY AND ARCHiBOLOGY

SECOND SERIES

THE BEGINNINGS OF SOUTH INDIAN

HISTOEYj

PUBLISHED BY

THE MODERN PRINTING WORKS, MOUNT ROAD, MADRAS.

THE

BEGINNINGS OF SOUTH INDIAN HISTORY

AIYANGAR. S. PBOPESSOR OF INDIAN HISTORY AND ARCHEOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS

KRISHNASWAMI

MADKAS
THE MODERN PKINTING WORKS,
MOUNT ROAD.
1918

Prick Rs.

3/12.]

[5

^ n^.^.

First Editi(yn:

March

1918.

All Rights Beserved.

PREFACE.
The
following pages contain the substance of the
before the

oourse of Special Lectures delivered

University of Madras in
of this year.

January and February

I have also included in this course by

way

of introduction

two other

lectures

the

first of

these

was intended

to be the inaugural lecture for

the University and the second delivered on a previous

occasion, both of
of this course.

them bearing

directly

on the subject

In one or two cases the lecture as

revised to give
it
it

delivered

was

the necessary expanthe

sion

to

make

fuller.

Otherwise

volume

contains no more than the special course of lectures.

The

sources of matter for these lectures have

fits

often been exploited by

and

starts, for

various

purposes on occasions by different writers.

No

one,

however, made a constructive

critical

attempt to
of,

make

these yield the results they were capable

except the late Mr.

Kanakasabhai

Pillai

of
it

the

Madras Postal

Service.

His work, giving as

does

obvious evidence of great learning and considerable

VI

PREPAOB.
still fell

insight,

short in the essential particular that

each one of the sources tapped was not subjected to

a detailed criticism in respect of
its historical
it

worth.

Notwithstanding

this

defect

is

monumental
though

work which deserves

his conclusions

better of the Tamilian

all of

may

not

them
his

stand the test of

time

and

criticism,

Since

time

we have
have

advanced considerably, and most

been edited
critically

of the classics

by Pandits who deserve public

thanks for the labour and learning brought to bear

upon the work.

ble

Improvements are

certainly possiis

and

will surely

come

if

some

interest

evinced

in the results of that work.

The names

of

Pandit

Mahamahopadhyaya Swaminatha Aiyar

of

Madras,

the late Pandit Binnattur Narayanaswami Aiyar of

Kumbhakonam and
of

Pandit Kangaswami Aiyangar

special

Vaniambadi deserve
It

mention

in

this

connection.

gives

me

the greatest pleasure to

to their work. I should

acknowledge

my obligation

not forget, however, another labourer of an elder

generation, the late Mr. C.
to

W. Thamotharam
for a

Pillai

whose loving labours we are indebted

num-

ber of Tamil works which otherwise would have

been ordinarily

inaccessible.
late

In regard to the a criticism

*

Mr. Kanakasabhai's work

that his
said
*

was fashionable
It

work was
is-

patriotic'.

was Johnson that

Patriotism

PRE PAGE.
the last resort of the scoundrel.'

^11

This remark of
in

the great Doctor

his time

may have had its application and may not be altogether without it
The
I
late

in

other times.
let his

Mr. Kanakasabhai might have

patriotism get the better of his judgment on

occasions.

have carefully tried

to

avoid laying

myself open to such a heavy charge.

My
is

trouble

has been the

difficulty of

making
arrive

facts already
at.

known
not

agree with those

we may

This

a test

always applied in recent investigations and both the

statement of facts so-called, and the suppressing of
those that

may

be inconvenient, have in some cases

I

gone together.

have tried scrupulously

to avoid

both, though both errors of omission and

sion are possible.

commisattempt-

Too much has been

ed to be

made

of epigraphical evidence recently,

and

the late Mr. Venkayya's

me

in the connection.
for

name was quoted against I had known the late Mr.

his

Venkayya
obliged to

near

a score of years before

I

lamented death, and

may even
this
field

say that I

am
Mr.

him
led

for a part

of tbe inspiration that

of

ultimately

me

to

work.

Venkayya was

in substantial

agreement with

me
his

in regard to the general position, but he

had

doubts as to the Silappadikaram and Mariimekhalai

being of the same age.

am

almost certain that

had he

lived

dcw, he would have accepted, the con-

Ill

PREFACE.
I leave the

elusions I have arrived at.

reader
;

to
all

judge for himself in regard to these conclusions

I wish to state
*

here

is

that

I have not allowed

of evidence.

patriotism

'

to take

command

In regard to the evidence of this body of material

a few words

may

usefully be said here.

The whole
nature
of

collection of literature that goes

by the collective
the

name

'

Sangam

Works,'

is

of

anthologies with few exceptions.

sional poems, the objects of

They were

occa-

which were generally

the celebration

of

the

achievements of patrons.

Having regard

to this character of theirs they are

;

sometimes very outspoken

*

but generally they shew

a tendency to add another hue unto the rainbow.* It

is,

however, easily possible to allow

the poet.

for the

panegyrist

in

These poems

fall

into

two

classes

according to the conventions of Tamil Rhetoric.

Those relating

to

the

field of

action
specific

'

are direct

and connect themselves with

incidents in the
life

events and
'

of the patron.

Those
regard
to

dealing
to

with emotion
points
of

are less

direct

in

the

reference,

but they have

celebrate
of the

something connected with the achievements

actual patron addressed or that of his ancestors.

Judiciously used the

latter

provide

material
only
is

as

valuable

as

the

former does.
respect
of

The
these

compre-

parison possible in

the


PRBPACB.
lat

Homeric

lays or the

bardic

tales

of the

days of
are
this

chivalry in

Europe, or

even

India.

There
go
into

about twenty collections that will

olass.

Of these

all

but two of the more important

have been printed.

published.

The

others remain yet to be

In the use
undoubtedly
ence,
is

of this

wealth of

material,

which

of the nature of

contemporary evid'

what

is

required

is

such a general study as

*

would give an idea

of the

general
is

lie of

the land

before specific use of the material

of the

attempted.

Much
a

work that
of

is

generally done suffers from

want

this

preliminary
I

equipment.
it

In

the

following pages

have had

before
I

me

all

the

time to
success,
I take

avoid
it is

this.

How
me

far

have

achieved

not for

to say.

advantage of this preface to make clear

two points in the

p.

work which seem ambiguous.

is

On

48 Pinna
Ramaraja.

Timma
This
wi:io

referred to as the

grandson

of

latter is likely to
fell

be understood

as the

Ramaraja

at

Talikota.

The next
were

following sentences seem to confirm this impression.

Both Pinna
alike

Timma and Rama grandsons of another Bama

Pinna

of Talikota

Raja,

who

served

with distinction under Narasa and his son Vira

Narasimha.

Timma

and his brother Vittala

were

fisst

cousins of Ramaraja, and conducted the

PREFACE.

expedition to the South and organised the

Madura

Province under Sadasiva and Kamaraja.

point calling for remark here
first
is

The next

on

p.

223 where the

sentence, beginning on this page, refers to the

absence of mention of Fattini in the poem under

discussion.
It is quite likely that

this

was due

to

the fact that this

poem was

written before Sengufc-

tuvan's northern invasion and the building of the

temple

of Pattini

which came

after the 50th year

of his reign,

when

the others of his achievements

discussed had become well known

(vide Silappadika-

ram
I

canto

XXVII.

11.

118-128

&

11.

165-175).
in

have the greatest pleasure here

acknowledg-

ing

my

obligations to the Syndicate of the

Madras

University for having sanctioned the expenses of

copying for

my

use the Ahananuru manuscript in

;

the Government Manuscripts Library

to

Eai Sahib
in lending

H. Krishna

Sastrigal for

his kindness

me

the impressions and the

office transcripts of

two

valuable

Pandya grants: namely the Velvikkudi

Sinnamanur Plates
;

grant, and the larger

and to

Pandit Maha. Swaminaiha Aiyar for having been at

the trouble to copy

and supply

me

with two of the

valuable poems in the collection from his excellently

collated

text

of

the

Ahananiiru.

am

equally

obliged to Mr.
prietor of the

M. K.

Srinivasa Aiyangar, the Profor

Modern Printing Works,

having

PBBPAaB.

Xty

cheerfully undertaken the publication of this work,

and

for

having done

it

so well,

putting the work

through the Press in

of

less

than three weeks.

One

my

research students,

Mr, N. R. Sattanathan,
trouble
it

B. A. (Hons.) took the

of

preparing the

index and the errata which

to avoid

was found impossible

with which the work

owing

to the rapidity

went through
pleasure
offices.

the

Press.

acknowledge

with

my

indebtedness to him for these good

1st

Ml^ehlhs.

^-

Krishnaswami Aiyangar.

CONTENTS.

Page.

Bbsbarch

in Indian

History

...

The Value of Literature

South India a Distinct Entity

...

33
59

...

Mauryan Invasion of South India

...

81

The Dawn of the Christian Era

Chronology: Tamil Literature

...

104
161

...

The Age

of Paranar

...

211

Talaiyalanganat-tup-Pandyan

...

240
287
331

Astronomical &c. Considerations

Appendix
Conclusion

...

...

...

349

INTRODUCTORY
I

RESEARCH

IN INDIAN HISTORY
IB
*

WHAT HISTORY
*

History

is

fable

agreed
at

upon

was

how
lite-

history

was understood

one time when the

idea of history primarily as a piece of

rature held sway.

We have since
is,

gone a long

way from
to set
baffled

that position.

Without attempting
a task which
greater

forth

what history

the genius of far

men than

I am,

may make an
thereto, to

extract from one of the

leading, thinkers of the

day on matters ger-

mane
ley has
*

gain an idea of what is

actually understood by the term.

it

in his

Notes on Politics

Lord Motand History,

it,

History, in the great conception of

has

often

been compared to a mountain chain

off in

seen far

a clear sky, where the peaks

seem linked towards

one

another towards

INTRODUCTORY
An
ingenious
learned writer the
other day amplified
set
of

the higher crest of the group.

and

this famous image, by speaking of a

volcanic

islands
at

heaving themselves out of

the sea,

such angles and distances that

bird,

only to the eye of a

<5ruising

and not to a

sailor

among them, would they appear

The
sailor
is

as

the heights of one and the same submerged

range.

the

politician.

The

historian, without

prejudice to monographic

-exploration in intervening valleys

and ascendbird.'

ing slopes, will covet the vision of the

SHORTCOMINGS OP HISTORICAL STUDY

Discussing the distinction between ancient

and modern
ley passes

history on this basis,

of the

Lord Morof

on to some

shortcomings
time,

historical

study at the

present

and

makes the following observations commenting on specialization:

in the

"We may find

excess
sciolism

comfort
of

truth that

though
to

spe-

cialization is bad,

make

into
it is

system

is

worse.

In reading history

one
of

common

fault to take too short

measure

the event, to mistake some early scene in

RBSEAEGH
the play as
if

IN INDIAN HISTORY
were the
all

it

fifth

act,

and so
is

conceive^ the plot

amiss.

The event

only comprehended in

its fullest

dimensions,
like or

and

for

that

the historic recorder,

unlike the actor before

him,

needs insight

and

iinagination.'"
*
:

Further on, the same great

All agree that

authority says

we have no

business to seek

very past

itself.
:

more from the past than the Nobody disputes with Cicero
it is

when he
the
first
is false

asks

*^Who does not know that

law of history not to dare a word that

? Next, not to shrink

from a word that

is true.

No partiality,

no gru^e."

Though
?'

nobody disputes the obvious answers, have a

majority of historical practitioners complied

HISTOEY OF HINDU INDIA

These extracts are quite enough to indicate

on the one hand what

the other,

history

is

according to

the most enlightened modern opinion and on

what

difficulties

coafront a labourer

a
the

journeyman labourer
in

in

the vast fields

of that history
explored.
eagle

India as yet

but

little

Even from
if

the coveted height of

the^

one oasts his eyes upon

4
feist.ory of

INTRODUCTORY
Hindu India one
of
feels

one
see,

hardly

sees

enough even

the volcanic islands, and

the few that he might be able to

one feels
of age

he sees but too dimly through the mist

and increasing distance.
India has but
little

It is notorious

that

history of her own.

WANT OF CHRONOLOGY
It

was the

illustrious

historian of India,

Blpbinstone, that observed in 1839 that, in

regard to Indian History, 'no date of a public

event can

be

fired

before

the invasion of

Alexander; and no connected relation of the

national transaction can be attempted until
after

the

Muhammadan
Hindu

conquest.*

Oowell

extended the application of this caution to

the whole of the
did in 1868Period, writing as he

During the next half century we

this position a long

have advanced from

indeed, and

way

of India

is

Vincent A. Smith's Earhj History the most substantial vindication of

the possibility of compiling a connected history

of

Hindu

India, but even so

first

much advance
part of Elphin-

does not invalidate the

stone's dictum/

KESEAEGH IN INDIAN HISTOEY

AN OXFORD CHAIR FOR INDIAN HISTORY ONLY BRITISH CONNEOTIGN
Ife

is

nearly half a century since, that the

first

attempt was made at Oxford to institute

it,

a chair or something near

for the study

of

Indian History

but the work of this founda-

tion was, however, limited to the history of the

British connection with India.

The inaugural
1914 by the

address delivered

in

January

present occupant of this position. Rev. William

Holden Hutton,
is

b. d.,

contains the following

:

appeal anent this question

instructed by statute

He

(the

Eeader)

to

lecture

on

**

The
the
to

Rise,

Growth
Power

and

Organization

of

British

in India."

This leads

me

say what I think very

day.
It is a grievous

much

needs saying to-

weakness in the Uni-

versity's provision for learning that there is

nothing done for the study

in ancient

of

Indian History
I should like

and mediaeval times.

those

to direct the attention of

control

of

the

Chancellor's

who have the Fund to this

strange

omission.

A
is

period of the world's

history of extraordinary interest and of really

enormous importance

entirely neglected in

INTKODUCTORY
we have distinguished

our provision lor learning, education and research.

It is true tliat

scholars

who

have, from time to time, dealt

with a part of this subject, such as Professor

Macdonnell and Mr. Vincent A. Smith

the former has already
that only
his

but

a subject so wide

knowledge and energy could

it,

adequately deal with

while the latter has^

I deeply regret to say, no official position in

our midst.

NO PROVISION FOR GENERAL INDIAN

STUDIES
Purely Indian History, with
its

literature

and philosophy, Indian Geography,

historical

and

descriptive, (except so far as I

am

told

to deal

with

it)

a subject of extraordinary

fascination in

itself,

Indian archaeology, are

unprovided

for in this University.

In spite of

the generosity which created, and has, from

time to time, enriched the Indian Institute,

still fails

it

to play the important part

it

might
educa-

play,

and was intended

to play, in the

tion at Oxford.

What

the Chancellor of the

is,

University said in 1909

true.

am

afraid, stilJ

RESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTORY

THE INDIAN INSTITUTE
'

The

Institute has not in any appreciable

degree provided a meeting-ground for the East

and West, or a place

between English

of

social

intercourse
Its

and Indian students.

*

Museum
ional

has

failed

to

bring

together

typical collection of objects suited to educat-

purposes and sufficiently complete to

occupations^

give a fair idea of the industrial

domestic and religious customs of the people

subject
to our
rule;' or
*

to

present a fair

epitome of

India,

eminently attractive not

only to indologists, but to ethnologists and

anthropologists
of
all

nationalities.'

The

scheme

of constant lectures

by distinguished

Anglo-Indian administrators and Orientalists

which started under happy auspices, has

into desuetude.

fallen

The

Institute possesses
is

no
in

permanent endowment, and

respect of stafi

ill-provided

and attendance^ besides being

quite unable to extend its sphere of influence.'

INTRODUCTORY
THE DEMAND OF THE GREATEST OF OXFORD HISTORIANS (BISHOP STUBBS)
I believe that this
is

largely

due to the fact

that

we have still

left

unheeded the declaration

of the greatest of Oxford historians,

made

so

long ago as 1876,

when Mr. Sidney Owen had

for

been teaching Indian History in Oxford

eight years.

*At the present moment we

said

want',

then

the
(after

Begins Professor of
proclaiming another

Modern History
need which
unsatisfied)
is still,
:

as I think

most disastrously,

"

We

want a permanent chair

of

Indian

History.

The

labours of our friend, the present

Indian Reader, have shown us how. thoroughly

that
study,

the importance

of

which can

scarcely be over-rated by Englishmen, falls in

with the current of our University work.

say

a permanent

chair, because

that

is

subject of permanent necessity, not a subject

like palaBOgraphy or

numismatology, in which

the labours of one good professor

for

may

serve

two or three generations, and the endow-

ment of the man is of equal importance with the endowment of the chair or study."

KESEARCH IN INDIAN HISTOEY

That demand
forty years ago,
of Dr. Stubbs,
is

made nearly
I appeal
is

not yet met.

to

those whose interest in India

desire that her history should be

real,

fally

who known
she

aad rightly understood, who

the

desire that

should be recognised in her greatness'

nations,
to

amoag
and
to

Indian

princes,

Europeans who have made fortunes

of Indian History in the University

in India,

to provide for the creation of a Professorship

which

is

already so clearly linked, and could be linked

more

closely, to the Indian

Empire.

THE SAME NEED FOR INDIA

This was the demand made
years ago, already
of
for

Oxford forty

provided with some kind

this

equipment to meet
to the

particular

need.

Thanks
of India

Universities Act of 1904 and

the enlightened generosity of the Government

it

has become possible for us

now

to

think of doing something to reclaim that part

of the history of our couotry of

which the

dist-

ant Oxford Professors of History shewed themselves so solicitous nearly half a

century ago.


10

INTRODUCTORY

THE MATERIAL AVAILABLE FOR MEETING THIS NEED

The
difficulties that

have to be overcome in
this field are

any work
a wide

of research in

many

and require talents

field of

of the highest order over

study.

Broadly speaking the

sources of Indian History can be grouped into

three broad classes, namely
J.
:

Indian
;

Literaktre

{Traditionary and

Historical)

IL
III.

Foreign Literature,
(S;c,\

chiefly

the works

of travellers^

Archaeology,

Monumental,

Numi-

smatic and Epigraphic.

INDIAN LITERATURE
these classes falls naturally into
(a)

The

first of

two groups, namely,

embodying
striking find casual

Ordinary

literature,

traditional

history in

regard to

incidents

and

personalities.

These
histori-

mention in works with no

cal object of

any kind and

will be

of

invalu-

able service in the construction of history.

chief difficulty that
is

The
here
clue.

besets the subject

the absence of any

chronological


BESEAECH IN INMAN HISTOKY
which many
of the classical

11

works of Uterafeure
in our

want

generally, either in Sanskrit or

Dravidian Vernaculars.

There are some works

which, either in the preface or in a colophon at

the end of the work, give invariably the

name

and ancestors
the

of

the author, sometimes also

;

name and

ancestry similarly of the patron

of

and occasionally the date

completion of the work.
available

composition or
this

Where
of

clue

is

the

work

is

some value

to as

the historian
it is

not

generally for history

ordinarily understood, Political History

but as throwing some side-light upon a sociah

religious or other feature of general
history.

Arrangement upon a Chronological Scheme The greater part of the literature of the
country has
critically
first of all

to be carefully

studied

and

arranged on a

well- planned

chronological scheme.

This

is

true alike of

Sanskrit and Vernacular literature

difference

the

only

being that in regard to

Sanskrit

some work has already been done, while in regard to the Dravidian languages which are
of material

importance to the history of this

12

INTRGDUCTOEY
work has hardly
re-

part of the country, the

ceived attention except in very rare instances.

To
will

the aspiring historian of South India this

prove the

first

preliminary spade work

essential to

any undertaking.

He

has unfor-

tunately to deal with not any one language but

with three, four or

to the period

five languages,

according

and the

locality to

which he
It is

directs his ambition

and his attention.

combination, in

here co-operation and

the
is

shape of a school of workers in history

required,

each one

of

whom

limiting

his

ambition to contributing to the main result

without special recognition or reward for each

brick he

might have

directly contributed to

make.

Professedly Historical Works

The next department

consideration
ture
is

of the literature

of

the country that has here to be taken into the purely historical literafar

department in which, so
materials go

as the

available

India
is

is

peculiarly
it

weak, so
in India.

much

so that

we often hear
utterly

said

lihat the faculty for history

absent

Bearing in mind that history as we

RESEARCH IN INDIAN HISTORY

understand
fcbe

13

term now

is

practically the

work
still

of

nineteenth-century Europe,

we can
is

say with justice that

Europe,

well

provided with historical literature

ages and

for

many

many

countries.

So

it is

even with

China.

In regard to India

we can hardly
limit our vision
is

say the same, and

to the south

when we

we can almost say there

none
his-

such at

all.

The absence

of professed

tories does not necessarily

imply the absence

of historical material in literature.

There

is

much

of that kind of ore tbat

it

can be mined

in literature, but

requires the smelting fur-

nace of criticism, with plenty of oxydising

material in the shape of chronological

data

from other sources,

and slag

of

confirma-

tory evidence to separate the facts from the

figments of imagination in

embedded.

Much

of this is

which these get true even of the

few professed histories that we possess.

The
and

typical examples of such are Kalhana's Raja-

tarangini,

Baaa's

Harsha

Charitam

Bilhana's Vikramankadeva Charitam

krit,

for Sans-

the Kongudes'a Eajakkal in Tamil and

various other smaller historical pieces found

14

INTRODUCTORY
the
is

in

Mackenzie

Manuscripts

collection.

There

the Rajavalikathe in

Kanarese,

and

the various historical chronicles of Buddhist

history that

we have

for Ceylon.

Their Value as Historical Material

Various other smaller compositions might
be brought under this class,
as

they deal
the

often with topics contemporaneous with

writers

themselves.
of the

These,

however,

and

most other

works already referred to

of history as their object,

had not the writing

and would be more

that
*

liable to

the charge con-

tained in the quotation with which I started

History

is

fable agreed upon.'

On

the
oifer

-whole these two

connected sources do

to

the

critical

student valuable historical

material, neglect of

which would make any

history of the country, of a higher conception

or lower, almost impossible.

The Work that Lies Ahead

Without entering into any detailed
racter, or

descrip-

tion of the various works of a historical cha-

attempting to appraise their relative

feel called

worth as contributing to history, I

KESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

upon
to point out that the

15

work that

lies

ahead
is

here, almost
critical

immediately in front

of us,

examination of these, and their predescrip-

sentation in the form of a connected

tion, so as ultimately to lead
of

up

to the writing

a hand-book of literature for each of the

languages on
for

literatures of these Dravidian

the

lines

of

similar

works

European

languages we have in such number and variety.

When
is

this is

done

it

will be

found that the

for history

amplitude of the material available

much more than we imagine

at first-sight.

II.

FOREIGN SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Greek
Passing on to the next division,
sources of Indian History
' *

Foreign

we have here a

very large number of contributories in regular

succession beginning almost with the Father
of History,

Herodotus.
a

we have

number

of

For Northern India Greek accounts of

varying degrees of value historically from the

age of Herodotus to the days of Asoka almost,

and when

this begins to

fail,

Chinese sources
beginning of the

begin to appear, about

fche

16
Christian era.
just

INTBODUCTOBY
Of the Greek sources I may
besides

mention

Herodotus,
not
to
of

Kte^ias,

Megasthenes and

Arrian,

mention
Tyana.

Quinctus Curtius and Appollonious

Chinese
Of Chinese sources there
Father
century
is

the

Chinese

of History Ssu-ma-ch'ien in the first

B.
C.

and from that

time

a large

number of travellers came almost up to the Mubamraadan conquest. Of these we need

only mention the well-known ones, Fa-hien at
the beginning of the
fifth

century and Hiuen

Thsaug

in the middle of the seventh.

Ex-

cepting this last none of the foreign sources

cited above have anything but

an occasional
is

reference to

South India.

There

besides

the recently discovered Tibetan sources which

have not yet been adequately worked up to

be of use to the student.

For South India

Under
its

this

head South India

is

not without

own

share of illumination from outside.

Megasthenes has a few references about the

south.

There

is

the Geographer Pliny, then

RESEABCH IN INDIAN HISTORY

comes
in

17

chronological

order the

unknown

author of the Periplus o! the Erythraean Sea,

and then Ptolemy.

able to derive

Past this period we are

some valuable information from Hiuen Thsang. Last -of all there is Marco

Polo.

For periods

later

than this we have

the

Muhammadan

travellers,

some

of

them

are of very great value, such as Ibn

Batutah

and Abdur Razak.

There are besides a num-

ber of other European travellers that

came to

some part

of the

southern coast or the interior^

Nicolo^dei-Conti

who was

a contemporary of

Deva Raya
traders

I,

Varthema, the

Portuguese

Nuniz and Paes, and

others.

These Shed but Intermittent Light

With very few
is

exceptions the light that

these throw upon the history of the country

anything but continuous, and often the in-

among them can be regarded as of value only when we have other sources of information to control them. All the same we owe it to them that we have recovered a few bright chapters
of

formation that we gain of the best

South Indian History, and we must acknow-

18
ledge

INTRODUCTORY
our
obligations
to the

disinterested

labour of European savants to

is

whom

entirely

due the credit

of

having made these avail-

able to us.

MUHAMMADAN HISTORIANS
I

have so

far not

made any mention

:

of the

Muhammadan
later period of

historians as a class

For the

Hindu History

of

South India

these historians are of considerable importance

as outside sources, though hitherto they were

the only sources.

for

I class

them

as outside

none

of

them, of design, write the history

of

of

any State

Hindu

India.

Such reference
and bring

as they

make

are only incidental

them

in in the course of the history of the

particular

Muhammadan State

or States

whose

history they attempt to write.

These again

have been made available

elder generation of

for use

by us by an
though

European
for

scholars,

there
left

is

still

room

good scholarly work

upon

these.

RESEARCH

IN INDIAN HISTORY

19

Aech^bological Sources
(I)

MONUMENTAL
the sources, archaeo(1)

We

come

last of all to

logical.

These have been divided into

(2)

monumental,
graphic.

numismatic

and

(3) epi-

These monuments in the shape

of buildings,

temples and structures of various kinds throw

very considerable light upon the religion, art

and

civilization in general of the particular

period to which they belong.

418 in

They

also let

into the secrets of history in regard to

the various influences, foreign or local, that

may have had

these
exist.

operation in the production

of these monuments.

To

be

able

to study

monuments, these

monuments must
of archaeology,

So work in this branch

as a necessary preliminary, takes the character

of

an organisation

for the preservation of those

;

monuments

that are visible

then

it

requires
for

an organisation to carry on work in search

new monuments, and the

that

exposition of those

may

be available for study.

20

INTRODUCTOBY
In a vast country
ours and having

Private Effort Impossible in this Line

like

regard to the character and condition of these

monuments
itself
first

as they are, this becomes particul-

arly a branch of study

at all to private
;

which does not lend

work
to

in regard to its
it,

branch
in

the second branch of

research

work

monuments, may
is

some extent be
this

done by private workers but even in

branch organised work
utility that
it is

so

necessary for

only rich societies or Govern-

ments that can undertake the conservation

and research work

latter

satisfactorily,

where the

involve as

in

the case of the Taxila

carried

excavations, or

excavations

on

at

present at Patalipura, a large outlay of expenditure.

After a period of neglect, work upon

this branch

was undertaken by General Cunbut his work was confined

ningham
to

in the sixties of the last century as

;

Director-General

Northern and Central India.

decade

later

came on an expansion under Burgess

the whole of India was included for work.
officers

when

In either case these

and

their

staff

confined themselves to research work alone

EESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

which
logical
ig

21

embodied in the volumes

of

Archso-

Survey

XXII by

the

first,

and

XXXIII

by the second.
at

first

shy attempt was

conservation of

existing

made monuments in

1881, and ultimately, thanks to the exertion

of various influences, a

more comprehensive
are

scheme was put into

the

force at the beginning of

new

century, and

we

now on a
of

further

step forward in the development of archaBological

work as the Government

India Re-

solution on the subject indicates.

J!?UMi8MATics :
It is in the

Largely Private Effort

so FAB

second branch of arch^ological

effort is quite possible to

work that private

very large extent, and a great deal

of

work

has already been done.

There are very good

collections of coins, seals, &c., in the various

museums
all

in India

and elsewhere.

They have

been carefully studied and catalogued, in

addition to

much private work

that has already

been done.

It is possible that this

may

turn

out to be a costly fad to an individual but

under proper direction

80 costly at
all.

it

need not be quite

22

INTRODUCTOKY
Invaluable to the Cheonology of
Particulab Periods
Costly or otherwise
it is

a very useful fad and

many

parts of Indian

History have 'become

possible only by the study of coins,

and several
chronologi-

others have received

much needed

cal assistance therefrom.

EPIGRAPHY
Lastly

we come
is

to epigraphy,

which
of

for the

part of the country with which

we

are directly

concerned,
sources,

the most important

these

and which has reclaimed

to us lost

history in regard to various

periods, localities

and
very

dynasties.

For the
India.

period anterior
far,

to

A. D. 400 these records obtained so

are not

many for South

of India,

The

total for the

is

whole

both North and South,

about

1100 to 3200.

Becords Preponderate
For the period on

in

Number

in

South

India for Periods After A.D. 400

this side of

A.D. 400 the

number already brought to notice up to 1906, when the late Professor Kielhorn compiled his
indexes to the inscriptions,
is

about 700 for

KESEAKCH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

Northern India and 1090
for the South.

23

There

have since been added to these the-yearly,

collections of

which

it is

only a comparatively
before

small

number that has yet been placed

the public in a shape to be dealt with in that

manner.

Large Numbers of these Eecords

Dr. Fleet, one of the greatest authorities
in Indian Epigraphy,

has

it,

And, where-

as

new
in

records

are every

year being freely

it is

obtained in Northern India

is

known

there

Southern India a wealth

of material the

extent of which can hardly yet be gauged/

According to the same authority the collection

of transcripts

made by

Sir

Walter Elliott was

695 from the Kanarese country, besides a

considerable

number from the Telugu Districts.

in the libraries of the

These are placed

Edinburgh. Dr.

Royal

Asiatic Society, London, and the University of

Hultzsch had collected and

first

edited about 300 inscriptions in the

two

volumes

of

South Indian inscriptions, and

about an equal number has been added since

to the

same publication by the

issue of

one

24

INTRODUCTORY
of

more part
by
his

volume II and two

of Vol. Ill,

successors, the late Mr.

Sastri.

Venkayya
Mr. Rice

and Bai Sahib H. Krishna

brought out about 9000 inscriptions in the

Epigraphia Carnataka and his successor, Mr.

R, Narasimhachariar, has added a considerable

number to tdese, though he has not published them in the same form as his predecessor had
done.

Dr. Fleet has collected about 1000 and

placed

them

all in

the
*

Bombay Museum.

He

further states that

the southernmost parts of

Dharwar which abound with such materials, and some parts of Belgaum and Bijapur Districts, and the Nizam's Dominions still remain
to be explored.

And

a great mass of material

of

from the eastern parts

Southern India.'

Their Value
Apart from this copiousness these inscriptions have a historical value

which

is all

their

own.

They vary

in substance

from the simple

record of the death of a rural hero

fighting in a cattle raid
or of his
of her

who

fell

widow's

immolation on the pyre

husband, to a
If it

detailed account of a battle or a treaty.

RESEARCH
or a Brahman
details of the

IN INDIAN HISTORY

25

liappens to be a donative offering to a temple

it

not merely gives genealogical

donor and donee, but very often

of

elaborate

details

rural

administration.
of

Sometimes we come upon records

justice

how

was administered,

in these very docu-

ments.

In regard to the simpler details of

history these records describe

them

concisely
set

and accurately, and being not deliberately

out as history are
great
all

the more reliable.

number of these records are dated in some one era or another, or

precisely
in regnal

years of the sovereign for the time being.

Thus

they give us an amount of information of such

a character that ordinary histories even of a

modern character
that
it is

will

not usually give us

so

possible to construct from the ins-

criptions alone something

political history.

more

than mere

Thanks

to the exertions of

various scholars of the passing generation,

we

have

all

the various Indian eras in use equa.ted

to the Christian era

and tables constructed to

give equivalent dates.

26

INTRODUCTORY
Co-ordination of

Work
it

Desirable

These

records, available to us in such large

numbers, have made

possible to compile a

political history of India

from the

first

cen-

tury B.C.

onwards with

sufficient fullness

up

to the fourth century A. D.

fullness afterwards.

and with greater

best
yield

But

use of these records

all

make the and get them to

to

the results they are capable of yielding

this line will

work in
'

have to go hand in hand

departments of research

with work in other

in

which hardly a beginning has been made,

details

beyond a preliminary treatment, in detached

writings, of

which

will

have to be

hereafter

brought together and handled on

broader lines in connected and more easily

accessible works/

Fleet's

Two Desiderata

(i)

Research

in

Monuments
Dr. Fleet calls for two lines of work of which

we have
tically

promise, one being taken up systema-

and
in

in a

more

liberal

spirit

than
India

heretofore,

the

Government

of

Eesolution

on Archaeology, namely research

KESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

work in monuments by excavation.
very necessary
to

27
is

This

supplement
available

the
for

rather
periods-

meagre

information

anterior to A.D. 320.

(ii)

Revised Corpus of Inscriptions

to

The next desideratum

attention
corpus,
is

which he

calls

the revision and republication of

the Epigrapbic material available in a single

Corpus Liscriptionem Indicarum of which a beginning was made in the only two volumes so far published, Vol. I, The Inscriptions of Asoka by General Sir Alexander Cunningham, and Volume III, The

Gupta

Inscriptions,
certainlj' is

by

Dr. Fleet himself.

The need

very great.

Collation of other Materials

FOR History
Along with
this

work has
of
all

to go

on work

upon the collation

and unless

historical material

available in literature, numismatics, art workSj

&c.,
all

of

these

are

examined

carefully

and the material that can be drawn

from them made available in a form accessible to students of history,

no

historical
will

work

proper would be possible.

This

involve^

'^

INTRODUCTORY
of

great labour in the literatures

four or live
all

languages, in thousands of inscriptions in

these
coins

languages,

besides

the

monuments,

and works

of art generally.

Sympathetic Study op Indian Art

It is a hopeful sign of the times
last are

that these

coming
of

in for their share of attention

at the

some individuals and Governments, and what is more they are coming to
be studied with

hands

more

of that

sympathy which
In
the
It has

hitherto

was notoriously wanting.

Woodroffe
*'
:

words

of Justice

been the

fashion amongst European art- critics to decry

the merits of

Brahmanical sculpture on the

-ground of the alleged monstrosities of the

Hindu pauranic conceptions, which,

been

it

has

said, are incapable of artistic treatment.

The examples
it is

collected in this volume* will,

hoped, help to dispel such misconceptions

to refute the unjust criticisms
will

and

which they

have engendered, and

further a juster

appreciation of the fact that Indian Sculpture

is

not a freak of Asiatic barbarism, but

is

South Indian Bronaes by 0. 0. Qaneooly.

EESEARCH IN INDIAN HISTOBY

worthy representative
performance as
logical,

29

of a school of aesthetic

articulate

and highly

developed as those of any country in Europe,

ancient or modern."
Vinceiit A.

Smith's " History Fine Art in

India and Ceylon/' Havell's "Ancient and

Medieval
"

Architecture,"

Gopinatha Rao's

Hindu

Iconography," Gangooly'e " South

Indian Bronzes " and a more systematic work

upon a narrower

field of

work, only the Tamil

country, namely " South Indian Architecture

and Iconography
breuil
of

"

by Professor Jouveau-Duall

Pondicherry,

works

of

recent

years do but indicate the rising interest in

this line of work.

Universities
It
is

Shew Interest
too

therefore

none

soon that the

University of Madras, along with a few others

of her sister Universities, resolved

to utilise

the liberal annual grant of the

of

Government

India for starting a school of Indian studies

by instituting Professorships and Readerships

in

Indian History

and Languages having

reference to South India chiefly.

The success

^
interest
it

INTKODUCTORY
scheme depends upon the
it

or failure of this

can evoke and the co-operation

from among the alumni
of

can

enlist

the

University

past and present.

the University

In calling for sympathetic interest and cooperation particularly from

students here, I cannot do better than quote

from Professor Maitland the words in which

he once
study,
'

expressed the needs

of

historical

needs which are nowhere more explicit

in regard to India.'

and evident than

More more and

*

co-operation,
better

more

organisation,
for

criticism,

more advise
the need,
is
if

heginners, are needed.

And

not

met, will increase.

History

lengthening

and widening, and deepening. It is lengthening at both ends, for while modern States in

many

parts of the world are

making history

at

a bewilderingly rapid rate, what used to be

called ancient

history
;

is

no longer, by any

means, the ancientest

lonia,

Egypt, Assyria, Baby-

and even primeval man, are upon our

hands.

And

history

is

widening.

Could we

neglect India, China

and Japan, there would

be

still

America, Australia, Africa, as well as

KESEAECH
be
or
told,

IN INDIAN HISTOEY

31

Europe, demanding that their stories should

and finding men

tell

to tell

them

well
is

to

them

badly.

And
if

history

deepening.
satisfied

We

could not,

we would, be
Literature
prices,

with the battles and the protocols,

the alliances and the intrigues.

and

art,

religion

and law, rents and have no

creeds
political

and

superstitions

burst

the
to be

barrier

and

are
of

longer

expelled.

The study
is

interactions

and

interdependences

but jusc beginning and no

one can foresee the end.

done by schools of histonj
to be
:

There is

much

to he

there will be

more
easier

done every

year.'
is

Co-operation in this particular line

for us as

the

languages that

mastered are

many

have to be and the knowledge that

is

would be really useful

one or more
of these.

a deep knowledge of

The other

technical

details in the present state of

work in the subIndian

in archaeological

ject are admittedly

easy of acquisition.

talent

comes in very handy

liberally.

work and ought to be

accepted
It

offered
is

largely

and

only then that the

school of Indian studies will become a realised

32
ambition.

INTRODUCTORY
I leave
it

in

the hands of the

to-

younger members of this audience either

realise this

ambition or face the alternative

of the eternal

want

of historic sense.

II

THE VALUE OF LITERATURE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN

HISTORY
It
is

a notorious fact that Indian literature

infer-

has few professed histories, and the

ence

seems

warranted that the

historical

faculty received no development in the country.

History, as

we understand

it,

is

entirely a

product of the

nineteenth century even in

Europe. Works which constitute good material for

history have been

many, whatever their

shortcomings from the point of view of the

modern

historian.

It is in the sense of profes-

sed histories which

may

be subjected to

criti-

cism and used as material, that histories are

wanting

in India.
of constructing the history

So the problem

of India as a whole, or of

any part

of

it, is

subject to this additional defect.

it

Defective

may

be and

much more
33

so than in

European


34
countries.
left,

INTRODUCTORY
Still

there

is

ample material yet

yield

despite

much vandalism which may

if

good results

exploited systematically.

Hisbe

torical material in India as elsewhere,

may

grouped into three classes

(I) ArchcBological {including architecture).

(11) Epigraphical {including numismatics),

(III) Literature.

Of these the

first

goes back to the earliest

times reached in this country by historical

research.

What can

be gathered from this

source

is,

however, scanty though reaching

to the earliest antiquity.

The second does not

to this,

go beyond the period of the Asoka Inscriptions.

For periods anterior

we

are

thrown upon
Buddhistic.
also

literature only, both

Vedic and

With

respect

to

South India
take

archiBological

evidence

may

us

farther back, but the epigraphical does not go

back beyond the beginning of the Christian Era except for a few Asoka and Satavahana
records.

Whether

literature

will

take

us

beyond this limit may well be regarded doubtful,

as

we

are at present, but careful research

in this direction

may

take us past this limit

THE VALUE OF LITEBATUBE

and may yield us
tions.

35

results
set

beyond our expecta-

have not
it

myself to inquire here

all

whether

is

so,

nor whether

literary

evidence has been brought to bear on historical

research.
I shall only try to

show that the

made.
to

inquiry will not be in vain

if it is

This inquiry necessarily leads us

question of languages.

the

For any work

Sanskrit
is

of re-

search concerning India,

pensable.

indis-

This

is

clear from

what we know
Indian history.

of the pre-Buddhistic period of

When we come
Tamil
take

to deal

with South India,

becomes
available

equally essential.

Of the

other Dravidian languages, Telugu does not

its

literature

much
upon

anterior
litera-

to the

ninth century A.D., and this

ture

seems to be modelled
Kanarese
has

Sanskrit
a

entirely.

certainly
of the

more
of

ancient literature.

A
is

work
the

ninth cen-

tury undoubtedly

Kavirajamarga

Nripatunga*

If a

work

of poetics like this

had

been written in the ninth century, we might

presume that there was an amount

literature to require this.

of anterior

Malayalam seem s

to

have grown out

of

Tamil in the early ceiu

36

INTRODUCTORY
But Tamil which,
It hjas a

turies of the Christian Era.

aoGordiog to .some,
goes back to a
f^-r

is

the mother of these three,

greater antiquity.

wealth of literature for particular periods which

is

worth study on

scientific lines.

This body

of literature, independent.. of Sanskrit

and yet

80 closely interwoven with

it,

deserves well of

among the educated of It may not be all who their country's sons. can afford to study it, but those who can ought
those

who

wish, to be

not to neglect to do
literature,

so.

How

is

this

vast

both Sanskrit and Dravidian, to be

exploited to
to

any purpose, and what

is

likely
for

be

the utility of such exploitation

history?
I

began with the statement that history

literafirst

depends upon archaeology, epigraphy and

ture for its materials.

The work on the

two has been considered to belong to the province of Government, for it is beyond the resources of private work, though private
agency

may do much
the third

if

facilities are provided.

Work upon
iiteratiire

is

so far left entirely to

It is not

the patriotic lovers of literature.

as
literature

that

is

my

conoera

THE VAIiUB OF lilTBRATURE

here, but literature
for the

'37

so far as

it

can be

of use

making

of history.

That

literature

can provide

for history

needs

no proof now.

The study

of the literature of

Pali, the veruacular of a part of

Northern India

in the centuries before Christ,

opened to us a

fresh vista into the

domain

of the history of aa-

cient India.

Will the Dravidian languages

It is this

similarly open another vista ?

tion I shall attempt' to

que^

answer here, confining

my

observations to Tamil literature, the oldest

of these

and the most voluminous

southern

tongues, as they are at present. That a systematic study of this literature will yield resulta
of great value

even where one

least

expects

itr,

I can illustrate from the following incident in

the

life of

Kamanuja, the Vaishnava

apostle.

Tradition states, and the Ghiruparamparais

(histories of apostolic succession) record, that

Kamanuja constructed
of

the temple at the town

Tirupati,

and

enshrined

the

image

ol

'Govindaraja there.
to have been the

This image was believed

image

of of

Govindaraja at
the tepaple and

Chidambaram, pulled out

cast into the sea by a certain Chola king, called

8B

INTBODUCTORY
So
far as I

Krimikanta by the Vaishnavas, a persecuting

Ohola.

kaow

at

present,

there

seems to be no inscription bearing upon this

question, and the matter was believed to be
traditional

and nothing more.

the
at

It

was asserted
of

in a court of law that

existence

the

Vishnu shrine
pious fraud of

Chidambaram was due to the a Yaishnava Brahman, who

planted the image of Vishnu over night, and

duped the people, who woke up one morning

to find the of Holies).
it.,

image
If

of

Vishnu
are

in the Saiva

(Holy

the witness himself believed in

as in hoaesty

we

bound

to grant he did,

he must have been a credulous person indeed.

We
the

are not concerned with

his

credulity

or

otherwise,
tale.

but

we

are with the credibility of

i

Stanza 86

of

the Tiruchchirram-

balakkovai of Manikkavasagar states in the

words
in

of the

devotee that Vishnu was lying

the court yard of the temple at ChidamSiva, when, in response

baram supplicating
1
LfffiBiSL-iB ^rreoriifL

^tTemuirair

neSaSemQ

LfdjBfSujfr


THE VALUE OF LITEKATURB
ing the earth to
discover the
foot,

39

to Vishnu's prayer, afber fruitlessly penetratfeet of 6iva,

he displayed one
the other as

that he might
is

show
des-

well.

This

a clever

cription of the relative positions and postures

of the

two

deities in the temple.

Natesa

is

in

his self-forgetful

dance with his right foot

is

lifted

up.

Govindaraja

in his

bhogasayana

(reclin-

ing posture).

Kulasekhara

Alvar

states

regarding the

same Govindaraja that Vishnu was recumbent

on a throne,with the three thousand Brahmans
chanting
Tillai city,

his

praise

in

the

Chitrakuta

of

surrounded by cool and shady gar-

dens, smiling with flowers and tender shoots.

Next comes what Tirumangai Alvar says

about the same
:

The

first

extract

simply indicates that a

(StriB/SeoBnrss

Qetrn^^tpsufr M9ffeu

Qn^^

u6tai.LD6ifr6orQtiT u&o&oqjit

Qsit(^u a^^

40

INTRODUCTORY
The second
*

Pallava king made some costly dedications to

the temple.

that Vishnu

was in

a lying posture on his serpent

third
5

couch.

The

that the three thousand of Tillai wor-

shipped, according to orthodox rights, the

of Gods.

God

Thus, then, in the days of the two Alvars

and Manikkavasagar, the Vishnu shrine occupied the position that

it

does now.

Let us

proceed then to a later period, the period of

the later Cholas-

dated as

The Chola decline may be commencing with the death of KulotI.

tunga Chola
son

He was
;

succeeded by
he

his

Vikramachola
II,

and

by

his

son

Kulottunoa

who was succeeded by Raja

there

Raja

11.

The

poet called Ottakkufctan,

are reasons for believing, was a contemporary

4 ^0ix)fr <5z_ja/zJL Qi^i^rr

^qjH^

^tpeufT tSfffSrresr u>6a>puurTe(riT mni^iji

npsaipuuiTeo Qj&stsasjseu euestniEssniu

Q^n^^

THE VALUE OF LITEKATUKE

of all the three. to
of

41

Among

the works ascribed

him

are three ulas, as they are called, pieces

conventional, composition celebrating

patroQ as he passes in triumph through the

streets of his capital,

appealing to his vanity

of

by elaborate descriptions
duced upon the lady folk

the effects proI take

of the city.

the following extracts from the Kulottungacholaiiula

^

and Hdjarajanula
at

regarding the

Vishnu shrine
passages

Chidambaram.
iu

These two
terms
of

indicate

no

uncertain

that, in carrying out the renovation

the

temple,

Kulottunga found the

*

opportunity
'

to get rid of the

old

little

gods

which were
to this pious

obnoxious to his piety. That the Vishnu shrine

was what was particularly offensive

^QJsS
<9rJITSf-0^

LUfTITLJLl

^QJfS ^(e^muiB

Qu(Tarssi^p

^aSpjSu

L^roLoi3p

(^^Lcu2sifT^^

42

INTEODUCTOKY
is

devotee
^L^eQeo

clear from

the expression QpoieSp

*

^^(^S^i^^ which means

'.

submerging

in the sea, the former house of the author

This very idea

of his zealous

and the same act

s

patron j&nd expression in another work, the

TaJcJcayagapparani.
It
is

clear

then

that

Kulottunga
that

II,

the grandson of the

act
of

first of

name,
to

perpetrated this

pious

hostility

the Govindaraja shrine, which

led to

the establishment by

Ramanuja

of the

shrine at Tirupati town.

Last
us

of all is a Sanskrit extract

which

lets

know how

the Govindaraja temple

it is

came

to

be again where
ation from the

at present.

It is

a quot-

Prapannamritram
of

of a certain

Anantarya, a descendent

was a contemporary
of

of

Andhrapurna who Ramanuja. It is a life

end
of

Ramanuja and

his followers at the

of the
life

which the author

gives his

own

genealogy. In the course of this pedigree occurs

8 QpaarBp Ql(b^ sq^slb^ QurriL (zpar^ssTdsteo

THE VALUE OF LITERATURE

Ramaraya, who came
Tatarya.
after Krishnaraja^

43

a passage,9 which, freely rendered^ means that

once

went to Chandragiri taking with

him

his GVuru

Mahacharya
called)

(Doddayacharya,
of

as

he

is

popularly

the Vadiilagotra

at the height of

fame

for learning,

was then

in

residence

at

Ghatikachalam (Sholingar).
of

He
raja

wished to restore the temple

at

Godndawhich

Chidambaram
in

(Chitrakiita),

had been uprooted by the Chola Krimikanta.

Overcoming

argument

the

invincible

j?tr^^rf%^2 ^r^nrr

^^^

ii

44
Saivas,
this

INTRODUCTORY
great

one in learning restored

with
This Govindais

the Govindaraja temple at Ohitrakuta

the assistance of liamaraya.
raja

thus established by Mahaoharya

even

yet to be seen at Chidambaram.

These are isolated

facts gathered

from

number
brought

of works,

showing no obvious con-

nexion with each other.

together

How
used

are they to be
to

and
?

serve

the

purposes of history

The
If

first

essential to history

is

chronology.

the facts are not placed in the order in

I

which

have placed them, they

;

will

be
this

unintelligible

and to place them

in

order

more

is

required than mere individual

ingenuity.

If

the last fact of the above series

its

could only be placed before

predecessor,

the contention of the recent litigants would

find some' justification.
ever,
for

Unfortunately, how-

them
law

am

not marshalling here

but facts
investi-

facts in

for a

judge and jury,

of history for a critical student. gation of the historian ought

chronological.

The

first of all

to be

THE VAI4UE OF LITEEATURE

The date
of

45

Manikkavasagar cannot yet be Varying

with as

rega,rded as a settled fact of history.

dates are ascribed to him, as

offcen-

without evideace.
century A.D.
;

Some

refer

him

to the fifth

others to the ninth century;

others agaia to an
ascertainable.

antiquity not

definitely

That

Sundaramurtinayanar

does not iaclude him

is

among

the Tiruttondar
;

one fact

all

are agreed
of a

upon

and that he
is

w^as a

contemporary

Varagunapandyan
all

also tradition
epigraphifit
of

accepted on

hands.

The

would keep him

century

to the

Varaguna

the eighth

after

Christ.

The
the

literary critic sees quotations

and adaptation
of

from Manikkavasagar in the works

earlier adiyars of the

Saiva hagiology.

That

his

works were well known in the thirteenth

century, and the work that readily challenged

comparison with those

of

Manikkavasagar was

the Tiruvoymoli of Nammalvar are in evidence

in the following linesio of the Satagoparandadi^

amoins Qu-ULjff^ QsvsrQup QoifT^Eia&r esiSS&jeSCiQu

46
ascribed
to
for

INTRODUCTORY
Kamban, who, there
believing,
lived

are

good

reasons

in

the twelfth

cenfenry a.d.

In

this, as is

evident,

the thousand of

Kamban compares Nammalvar to a thousand

milch-cows, both to the renounced and to the

worldly
;

and the Tiruvasagam to cows which

give no milk.

We
it

are not concerned with

the judgment here, but only with the fact of

the case, although

must be

said in passing
is far

that this prince of poets in Tamil

from

being a fanatical sectarian

for

he says in

the Bamayana^^^
salvation for those

it

is

impossible to attain
dispute in ignorance

who

that

Hara

is

the greater or the world measuring

Hari.'

Regarding the two Alvars the dates are no

more

fixed than for Manikkavasagar.

They
which

are both of

them

anterior to the middle of the

a.d.,

eleventh century

inscriptions of

date refer to the works of these Alvars as

11

^rar^a,^&>s^j5ji osifluj^sem
Uffa^Qssr

cissrei\sins(^

peeDL^onfinj uif^Q^Quirio

THE VALUE OF LITERATUBE

having been held
in high esteem.

47
^^

One

of

the decades of Tirumangaialvar refers to the

occupation of Kanchi by a king called Vaira-

meghan

in

the following
is

terms.

The
in

first

being, that

in

Attahhuyagaram

Kanchi,

that was surrounded by the forces and fame of

Vairameghan

of long

garland and high crown,

entitled to the respectful

submission of the

Pallava, the ruler of the

Tondas (people

of

Tondamandalam).

It is often not noticed that

:

two

distinct personages are under reference

the

ruler of

Kanchi (Tondayarkon)

and another
Dantivarman

entitled to his allegiance, called Vairameghan.

This
king

last is in all likelihood

the Kashtrakuta

of

the name,

and not

Pallava, the son of

Nandivarman Pallavamalla. The only date so far known for Vairaniegha

of

Dantidurga
A. D.

the

Rashtrakuta dynasty
half
of

is

754.

The

latter

the eighth

century

a. d.

may,

therefore,

be

taken

as

the age of Tirumangaialvar.is

The

earlier

[(jpi^LDn^sv suaSaCoLDsek

13

Yide Obapter

XIX

of

the author's Aaoient India,

INTEODUCTORY
the latest for the

quotations would thon refer us to the eighth

and ninth centuries

A. D. at

existence of the Govindaraja temple at

Chi-

dambaram.

The next batch

inference that
of
it

of references leads to the

11,

was Kulobtunga

the son

Vikramachola and the father

{circa)

of Rajaraja

II A.D.

1133 to 1150, who uprooted

the shrine in his pious

of the great Saiva temple.

work

of
is

renovation
clear from

This

the quotations themselves

which are from

the works of a contemporary author.

Lastly, the

Sanskrit

quotation refers the

reconstruction to Doddayacharya through the

good

offices of

a Ramaraja
It

who

ruled after

Krishnaraya.
this

was

in this connetion that

teacher

(acharya)

came

in

contact

with Appaiya Dikshita, the great South Indian

scholar and philosopher.

In his commentary

on Vedanta Desika's Yadavdbhyudayavi, this scholar says that he took up the work of a

commentary on this kavya at the instance of Pinna Timma, grandson of Ramaraja. The
Ramaraja
referred to
is

clearly the

one that

fell

at Talikota. There is nothing very improbable

THE VALUE OF LITEBATUEE

in

49

Appaiya Dikshita's having been contempo-

raneous with Doddayacharya or Eamaraja on

the one hand, and with Pinna
the other.

Timmaraya on
Kumarata-

Besides the writer of the Frajpanitself

namrtam
whose
ruled
till

was a

disciple of

tarya, popularly

Kotikanyakadanam Tatachar,
was Vankatapatiraya,

patron

who

a.d. 1614. It

must therefore be some-

time before a.d.

restored.

1565 that the temple was

We

are thus able to obtain an account of the

of

vicissitudes

this
I

temple for about

five

centuries at least.

have taken this as a

simple illustration of what historical infor-

mation can be gained even from apparently

unconnected
literature.

The

facts here are all

last,

the more reliable, even including the

as

they are mere incidental references. It will

now

appear that there can be no history without

chronology, and the attempts to
of
fix

the dates

works and authors, which to

is of
is

many
now

appear

absurd,

the essence of historical research.

What
study

wanted, therefore,

for

his-

torical research is a systematic

of literature,

and organized

both vernacular aud Sans-

60
krit, in

INTRODUCTOKY
a

way

that will

facilitate

work both

literary

and

historical.

This work cannot be

done by one
requirements.
tion of a

man He

all

through for his

own

will require the

collabora-

number

of others.

student engaged
himself
in

in historical research has to

close

keep

touch with the archaso logical, epigra-

phical

and

literary

work that may be going on,

of
;

and must be something

an archaBologist
that
is

and epigraphist himself

should be
all

but

any one

the three by
in

himself

beyond
This
is

human

possibility

most

cases.

very often recogaized, and 'the two branches

are held to be
distinct.

In point of

litera-

ture

also

am

concerned with

literature

only as an auxiliary to history

of

the collection

manuscripts and documents, and the bring-

ing out of good and critical editions of works

ought to be regarded as quite a distinct branch.

Most
India

editions
till

of

the classics published

in

quite recently, both in Sanskrit

and
It

the vernaculars, were uncritical editions.

is

the

Bombay

Sanskrit Series, that set the

Our esteemed countryman, Mahamahopadyaya Swaminatha Aiyar,

fashion for Sanskrit.

THE VALUE OF LITERATURE

texts of important Tamil works.

5i

has given us a number of remarkably well-edited

The advan-

tages of this kind of editing are quite apparent.

The
also

various readings are given for the reader

;

to choose from
noted.

the variety of
this
is

comments

are

When

well

and accurthe uti-

ately done

the text editor has rendered good

iservice to the historian.

lity of

What

then

is

such editions

To

give only an example

or

two.

Tne
to

learned editor of

the Silap-

jpadliikaraMy Pundit

Swaminatha Aiyar, has

a

taken care
lines

give in

footnote thirteen
canto,

at the beginning of the second

found only in one manuscript among those

he consulted.

He

remarks in another place

that manuscripts found in the same quarter

have been
ticulars.

the most reliable in

many
refer

parto

These

thirteen

lines

Karikala as the ruler at the time, and state

that the Pattinappalai had been dedicated to

him

by

the

author,

thus confirming the

inferable contemporaneity of this ruler

with

the author of the work.

to the

There are references

works but far

same incident

in other

later in point of time.

INTRODUCTORY
Similarly in staaza fourteea of Kalidasa's

Meghaduta^ where there

Dinnaga,
it

is

the reference to
infcerprefca-

struck
whole,

me
;

that the
to

tioa of the

as applied
for in

DianagaMallinatha

oharya,

was forced

the alternative

iaberpretation

the commentator

has to omit a part of a compound word.

pundits
is

The
I

whom

consuhed consider that that

(double

no bar

to the slesha

entendre).

understand now from a

text

Bombay

edition of the

and commentary that Hemadri does not

countenance the interpretation.

The

result is

that the estimate of Kalidasa's age, based on

his

contemporaneity with Dinnaga,

far.

falls

to

the ground so

Hemadri may be

right or

Mallinatha
to building

but he

who

reads with

a view

up a hypothesis
of

in history

ought

to have

an opportunity

knowing both the

Then he formulates his hypothesis at his own risk. Further down Mallinatha lays down that the three slokas which he comments on are
commentaries.
interpolations.

He
so,

does not choose to

tell

us

why he

thinks

though his reasons would

have been valuable.

There

is

a great

and

THE VALUE OP LITEEATUEE

way
of

5S

important amount of work to be done, in the

examining

critically the texts

with a

view to distinguish the

spurious part of
It
is
it.

genuine

from the

alleged,

often

with truth, that the

historian reads his thoughts and feelings into

the writings of the past.

defect that

This no doubt

is

he has to guard himself against.

the past
is

If the record of

placed in his hands

in

an accurate form he ought to have no

excuse for making such mistakes.

arises

The

defect

from an insufficiency

of

information

which would enable him to form a complete

idea of the
with.

men and
is

of the period

he

is

dealing

This

a point that the late Professor

laid great stress

Maitland seems to have

on in

the course of his lectures.

It is in regard to

oaths and the influence that they exercised on

truthfulness of the witness that the Professor

took occasion to

make

the remark.

This defec-

tive appreciation is considerably in evidence

among a
work.
our

class of scholars
is

engaged in research
the

It

traceable to

importing

of

owH

ideas

to periods of

and the circumstances ahoutf us which we have either no, or have

H
no means
hatkatha.
of

INTRODUCTORY
having,
full

information.

To

illustrate the position I

go back to the Brwritten in Paisachi

in high esteem

The work was

and appears to have been held

by successive writers
ature, at least from the days of

of note in Sanskrit liter-

Dandi

to the

age of the Kasmirian Somadeva.

four different versions of
of
it

We

have

as our only source

knowledge

of the work.
is

The Kathasarithis
;

sagara of Somadeva,
tion;
stories

professedly a transla-

Brhatkathamanjari

collection of

from the Brhatkatha

a third version
;

or collection was obtained from Nepal

lastly a

and
an

Tamil translation

of

it,

which

is

of

antiquity which

may be prior to

that of the

now

known Sangam works. Professor Speyer, a Dutch scholar, who has made a critical study of
the Kathasarithsagara has, on the strength of
the supernatural powers ascribed to Nagarjuna
in

the w^ork,

referred the

Brhatkatha to

period between the third and the fifth century

A. D.

This

is

because the Professor thinks that

people would hardly have believed in superna-

power unless a considerable interval had The inference would certainly be elapsed.
tuial

THE VALUE OF LITEKATUBE

warranted,
sceptical to
of
if

55

all

people

were rational and

at
all

an equal degree
All

periods

history.

the

world

over,

and
play
stage

in

regard to

all

religions,

miracles
particular

an
of

important

part
;

at

development
in

and people are not wanting

twentieth century

the

enlightened
faith
it

who

have
ism.

full

in

occultism and

spiritual-

This

is

that

makes

several

Indian

works seem ridiculously absurd to European

scholars.
If

they could appreciate

in
of

the inexerts

fluence

belief

transmigration

upon the minds

closely

simple people, and

it

how

interwoven

is

in all

the varying

belief of the people in India,

they would see

is

that

what

strikes

them

as absurd

quite

obviously
ries.

believable

even by

contempora-

That

this has, as

a matter of course,
if

been the case could be proved,

Tamil

liter-

ature and literary tradition were called into

requisition.

There are several works in Tamil called mahakavyas. The translation

a
of

the Brhatkatha,

sirukappyam

or

minor

kavya

called

Udayanan

Jcadai or

Perungadai or even simply

INTRODUCTOKY
work which gave
the

'kadai, is believed to be the

the authority for the use of the word kavya.

This work

is

ascribed to the period

is,

of

middle Sangam, that

anterior to the third

Sangam, the works

number.

of

which we have in some

I have put forward

my

arguments
hence

for referring the third

Sangam

to the earlier

centuries
this

of

the

Christian

era

work

ought; to be referable

to a period

coeval with the beginning of the era of Christ.

If

only this could be established beyond a

doubt, the history of Vikramaditya and

ishka, about

Kan-

which there

is

yet considerable

divergence of scholarly opinion, would become

settled to a degree not dreamt of by

any yet
of

because,

Somadeva, the

translator

the

Brhatkatha, says in so

many

clear words that

of the

he makes no change in the matter

original

beyond the mere change

of

language

and the necessary abbreviation.

It

would be

hyper-criticism to dispute the assertion of the

author without establishing a clear motive as

an

essential pre-requisite.

This consideration

has not always been conceded to him.

There

is

work

to be done, therefore, in the

THE VALUE OF LITEKATURE

ages,

57

co-ordination of the study of the two langu-

Sanskrit and Tamil, in the interest of

both.

In the absence
translation

of

the original,

if

the

Sanskrit

could be collated and

result

compared with the Tamil, the

far

would go
namely,

towards solving one of the most important

of ancient

problems

Indian History

the origin of the Samvat era which has had

to be accounted
for

in

so

many

fanciful

ways by great
thamanjari to

scholars.

There are references in

both the Kathasarithsagara and the Brhatkaa

Vikramaditya-Vishamasila,

who
of
us.

got rid of the

Mlecha

trouble,

and came to

be regarded an incarnation of'the divine energy

Vishnu or Siva,

it

does not matter which to

too long for discussion

This question

is

here.

My
Now
more

object

is

not. to settle disputed questions

or to formulate a

new

historical hypothesis.

that archaeological and epigraphical work

I appeal for a better, of

have made some advance,

rational,
of

and systematic study

the
to

literature

the country,

with a view

making them
capable
of.

yield the results that they are

Inscriptions

and archaeological

58

INTEODUCTORY
all

research can after

only.
ture.

provide the dry bones

All else will have to be got from litera-

Besides, there

is

a period to which ins-

criptions do not lead us.

For such periods we

have to depend upon

if

literary evidence alone^

this is available, either from Sanskrit or the

It is a

vernaculars.
to, his

duty that every one owes

all in his

country to do

power to advance
In addition to

the study of this literature.

the discharging of a duty, this study of literature will be a source of pleasure even to busy
people.

Here individual

effort
if

can take us

only a small way.

But

tbese efforts were

made

to

flow into one channel, the

volume

would be the greater and the work turned out

the larger.

CHAPTER

I.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY IN

INDIAN HISTORY.

The
sion
of

term South India as

referring

a distinct expres-

to

the

southernmost
goes

portion
to

our country,
of

India,

back
in
its

the

days

the
its

Mahabharata
authority.
all

present
it

form, for

That distinction

has maintained

through historical
present.

times

even
of

down
is

to

the

The

whole

India

north of the Vindhya Mountains

roughly

what

is

now known

as Hindustan,.

and was perhaps

the expression

in olden times

included in

Uttarapatha.

In days

when

perhaps the geographical knowledge of India

south
of

the

Vindhyas

was

somewhat

vague, the term Dakshinapatha seems to have

indicated
yas.
all

the country south of the Vindhof the

But by the time

its

compilation of

the Mahabharata in

present form, Dakshinato

patha seems to be limited

what we now

unnderstand by the term Dekhan.

59

60

BEGINNINGS OF
Sahadeva in

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

his southern expedition before

the celebration of the Kajasuya (a sacrifice

celebrated in token of paramount power) by
his

eldest

brother, conquered the

Pulindas,
into

marched

southwards

from

them

the

Pandya country.
wards towards the

After fighting a successful

battle against the Pandyas, he

moved northDakshinapatha.^ The first

Ed,

Mahabharaba Kambb.

3^.Rr^n^imH

%i^^

^ f^^r^

II

?<^

ii

^R^H^d

^mh ^m^^ #i^ IR^

(Mahabharata

II. 32. Si. 16-23.)

(See also

SI.

70-76)

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

state that he

61

went to oa

this frontier

was Kish-

kinda, (the

modern Hampi).
to
w^as
river).

that he

came

The next state Mahishmati (Mandhata

Eamayana,
I

on the Narmada
Similarly in
2

the

Sugriva

5ET?^ t%?:h

^^ ^[^ri^^cTiger^

=^

H^rviwt ^rff^f^R^iT^

II

^
o

II

3T^^^[JT5Rff =^ ^l^^rgq^^rT

II

II

Rishikaa
for Rishfcikan.

in the texfc is

an obvious

error,,

^ ^^4

^i%(lf

Rfla'm'^^dJM:

II

II

^^*^rK<^t<*i^mj|F^RHTR'T

II

II

'62

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

directing his search party to the south, gave

them the
in the

following description of that region,

beginning from the centre, the river Saravati

Madyadesa which
into

flows in a circle

and

loses itself in the sand.

He

divides this region

:

obviously

three

portions

the

region

north of the Dandakaranya and in the immediate neighbourhood

of

the Vindhyas

then

the region along the East Coast up to the river

Krishna; and then the region south

Krishna.

of

the

In the second region on the south

of the Vindhyas figured Vidarbha, Kishtika,

^iwq^r

wwm ^1^^ m^i\

^ag^^^m^

II

? v9

II

^fp%^ 3^f%: ^PcT

II

<i

II

3^

^^13 qiD^r?rt

^rTF ^^q^r

^mv.

w ?

ii

^J|^Hkd<

cT5r

^RR T%%%f^: iRo

||

^^Ri^qiFr: ^R[?r^[|[
(Vaimiki

^m^\ IR ?

II

Bamayana

III. 41. SI. 8-21.)

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

and
Mahishaka
the

63

on

the one

side,

Vanga,

Kalinga and Kausika on the other.

puts in

Then he
which
is

Dandakaranyam

in

included the river Godaveri.

Then come Then

of

in

the country of the Andhras, the Pundras, the

Cholas, the Pandyas, the Cheras.
is

^iven a description of the Kauvery passing on

to

the

hill

Malaya, the residence

is

sage

Agastya.
river,
is

Then

described the Tarnravarni

cross.

which they are advised to

Then

described the fafnous place

identified

generally

Pandya Kavatam, with Kavatapuram or

Kapatapuram
the
hill

in

Tamil-

Then

is

described

Mahendra

across the sea in an island.

The
Vayu,

older Paranas
^

such as

the Matsya,

and even Markandeya are not perhaps

parts

o clear in respect of the distinction between

the two
of

the region south of the

Vindhyas, but they give the main divisions

practically along the

same

lines.

In respect

of these works,

however,
like

it

would

be impossible to make anything

^
^
-as

a chrono-

Ch, 104 Ananda^rama Edn.

XLV

si.

70 onwards to the

end the same edition

the above.

64

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
ifc

logical inference,

though

may now

be taken a&

agreed

thafe

both the works, the Mahabharata

to be
It

and the Ramayana may have

to

referred
is

the

fifth

century B. C.

still

matter of great
is

doubt as to

what exactly

the age of any particular part of the work.

In this respect, the Ramayana, stands some-

what on a

better footing

than tbe

Maha-

bharata, and a statement

made

in respect of

any book or chapter

challenged in
respect

of these
of

works can be

any chronological
of the

datum.

Hence while the occurrence

names of the divisions stated above is a matter of some importance, the references do not
enable us exactly to
fix

the period to which

the division would have reference.

We may

state roughly, however, that these were probably divisions definitely formed

and familiarly

recognised in the fourth century before Christ.

Another class

of literary sources
is

which can

be exploited for the purpose

Jatakas

the Buddhist
generally.

and Buddhist

literature

The countries in India which figure among them have reference to about sixteen kingdoms and a few tribal republics. Arranging

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

reached
is

65

them on the map, the southernmost portion

perhaps Paitan on the Godavery in

the western extremity, Asraaka^ being the only

southern kingdom referred to there at
earliest available
all.

The
the

Buddhist literature therefore

us very

does

not

take

much beyond

Vindhya mountains, and that seems

end
of

reflected

in one beuedictory verse, which occurs at the

several of the

dramas
to

of

Bhasa.
'

The
our

verse

merely

refers

a wish

mt^j

Bajasimba
from sea to

bring
sea,

the

whole

of

the earth

and from the Vindhyas to the

rule
it

Himalayas under one umbrella, and

with success.^
Passing on

now

to another class of Sanskrit

works which can be dated closer than these,

the researches of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar show

Grammarian Panini the south was a land unknown. The countries farthest to the south mentioned by him are Kachcha,
that to the
3
(I,

63. 12)

The Mabahbarata in another place refers to A^maki a Yddhava princess married to Prachinvan
of

This would indicate the upper reaches

as at least one

the Godaveri

A^makn.

66

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
None

Avanti, Kosala, Karusa and Kalinga.^

oi these takes us south
of the

Vindhyas. Ail " these are in fact states on the back of the

Vindhyas," according to the Puranas.

The

VartikaoQ Panini

of

Katyayana who, according

to Bhandarkar, followed Panini

more than two

acquain-

centuries after, shows considerable

tance with the south.

Katyayaaa notes the

an individual
Another

omission by Panini of the name Paidya and

explains
it

as " one sprung from

of the tribe of the

Pandus

or the king of their

country should be called a Pandya."

of Panini's rules
is

extended by Katyayana to

apply to the

Oholas

and

others.

Coming

down
of

to Patanjali,

we

find a very

much more
he

intimate acquaintance in him of the geography

the south.

Of the southern places,

of

mentions Mahishmati, Vidarbha, both

in the

them
which

Dekhan and immediately south

us very near
is

of the

Vindhyas, Kauchipuram and Kerala

take
to

the extreme

south.

There

besides the

general rule that he laid

is

down
7

that a word like Sarasi

;

used to denote
it

large lakes in the south

hence

is

possible

Bombay Gaz.

Vol.

I, Parfe 2, p.

13839.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

150 B. C. the whole
to the
of

6?

lor U8 to infer that in Patanjali's time about

South ladia was known

In the time
of

noroherners.
about.

Katyawats

yana
fairly

350

B.

C, South
in

India

well-known

while

the

days

of

Panini, according to Sir R. G. Bbaiidarkar,

about the seventh century B. C. South India

was

practically

unknown.
to

Coming down
torical

more
following
at

definitely

his-

works,

the

extract

from

Magasthenes shows
knowledge
ed
tion
of the

any

rate

that

some

Pandya country had reachfrom

hearsay
informabeget
a-

him.

He

says,

obviously,

that

Herakles

daughter in India

whom

he called

Pandaia,

To

her he assigned that portion of India which

the southward and extends to
the

lies to

sea

while he distributed the people subject to her

rule in

365

villages,

giving orders that one

treasury

village each

day should bring to the

the royal tribute, so that the

queen might

always have assistance of those

turn
it

men whose

was to pay the

tribute, -in coercing those

who

for the

time being were defaulters in their

payment-

He

was further informed that this

68BEaiNNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

female sovereign had an army of 500 elephants^

4,000
cavalry
great

and

130,000

infantry,
fishery

and
for

possessed
pearls,

treasure in the

which according to Arrian were greatly

sought by both the Grreeks and the Romans.

The Arthasastra of Chanakya, referable to the same time as Magasthenes, has two references known to me to the South. Speaking of pearls and their quality, Chanakya refers to
Tamravarnika " that which
is

produced in the
6,

Tamravarni
is

"
;

Pandya Kavataka

that which

obtained in Pandya Kavata.

Sastry's Trans.)

(p.

86

of

Mr.

Shama
"this

Further in the same chapter, but speaking

time of cotton
fabrics, the Arthasastra
*

has

^
is

This Pandya Kavata,

a door-way of the

Pandyas/
of tho

a fine

commeDtary od theKavatam PaDdyanam

mountain known as Malay akoti

BamayaDa.
plains
it

The commeDbator on the Arthasastra

in

extha^

as a

Pandya

country.

It is rather of doubtful propriety thafc

a.

a place where pearls are found should be referred to as

mountain.
sion

It

seems much more

likely that the expres-

Pandya Kavafca means,

the door-way of entry into

the Pandya country from the sea and the Malayakoti of

the commentator therefore, would then be the promontory

where the Western Ghats dips into the

sea.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

reference to the fabrics of Madhura,

69

which the
southern

commentafcor explains

rightly

as

Madura, and
other places
figures

it

may

be noted also that

among
cloth

remarkable for
the Tamil

cotton fabrics

Kalinga,

name
(p.

for

generally being Kalingam.

94, Ibid).

Next

in order of time, the edicts of

Asoka do

specifically

mention the southern kingdoms,

and place them as beyond the imperial pale of

the

Mauryan Empire.

Three

of

his

rock
II,

edicts

mention these, and they are edicts

V, and
II.
S^iD,
*

XIIL
Everywhere
in
fehe

empire of King Priyadar-

beloved of the gods, as well as

among tbo^e

natioz^s

and princes that are his neighbours, such as the Chodia$,

the Pamdiyas, the Satiyaputra, the Keralaputa', Tambapa-

mni, the Yana king, called

those

Amtiyoka as well as among

who

are the vassal-kings of that Amtiyoka, everyof the gods,

where king Priyadarsin, beloved

has founded

two

(2) kinds

of hospitals,

both hospitals, for

men and

hospitals for animals.

Everywhere where herbs wholefor

some

for

men and wholesome

animals are not

found, they have been imported and sown by the king's

order.

And
of
*

wells have been dug by his order for

the

enjoyment
V.
called

men and

beasts.'

Now a

long period has passed, and the o3cial8

the Overseers of the

Sacred

Law

have formerly

70

BEGINNINGS OF
exififcef?.

S. I

INDIAN HISTORY
anointecl
thirteen-

not

Now, when

had been

yarB, I appointed Overseers oi the Sacred

Law.

They

are busy

among

all seofcs

with watching over the sacred

the welfare
also

Uw,

with the growth ot the law, and with

of

and happiness

my

loyal

subjeots,

as

among

the Yonas, Kamboyas, Gamdharas, litshtikas, Pitinikas

and

all other nations

*

which are

my

neighbours,'
of the

XIII.

But this conquest the beloved

viz.,

gods holds

the chiefest,

the conquest through the Sacred Law.

And

that}

conquest had boan made by the Beloved of the

all his

gods both hers in his empire, and over

neighbours,
of the

ewen as far as

six

hundred yojanas, where the kiug

7ona, called Amtiyoka dwells, and beyond this Amti*

yoka, where the four
(4)

Kings dwell,

viz,,

he called

Turamaya, be
called

called Amttkini% he called

;

Maka, and ho
where tho
;

Aiikasudara*

turther

in the south,

Chodas and Pamdas dwell

as far as

Tambapamni

like-

wise where the king dwells, among the Vi^as, Vajris, the

Amdhras,

and

Pnlidas

everywhere

they follow

the

teaching of the Beloved of the gods with

respect to the

Sacred Law.

Even those

to

whom

the

messengers of

the Beloved of the gods do not go, follow the Sacred

Law,

as soon as they have heard of the orders of the'

*(l) Antiochus, Theoe, of Asia,

(2)
(3)
(4)

261246 B.C. 285247 B.C. Aotigonus Gonatas, 278239 B.O.

Ptoleny II Philadelphia,

Magas

of

Gyrene,

d.

258 B.C.

(5)

Alexander of Bpirua,

272? 258

B.C.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

Law, and
follow
it

71

Beloved of the gods, issued in accordaDce with bheSaored

his teaching of fche Sacred

Law, and they

will

in future.*

(Buhler

in

Epigraphia Indioa
refer

II).

These

edicts, it of rulers

will be seen,

to

number

and by implication
into two groups

to the

regions over which they ruled.

also to be classified

They seem
:

those

that are his neighbours and perhaps in a position of subordination to him,

and those with

of indepen-

whom
to

his relations were

on terms

dence and equality.

be

Among

the former have

included the Yonas,

all of

Kambojas,

the

them along the north-western frontier. The Yonas, must have been the Greek state of Bactria and the subordinate chieftaincies thrown out from there perhaps in the Kabul Valley and elsewhere, where they
Gandharas,

might have spread

out.

The Kambhojas

are

usually located in the north-western corner of

Kashmir extending downwards. The Gandharas were the people in the region westward of

the Punjab, including the two capitals Taxila

and Pushkalavati, that

is

the region between

Kabul and India along the Kaibar way. The other two regions mentioned are the Rashtikas

72 BEGINNINGS

OF
The

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

and Pitenikas.

Rishtikas perhaps were

a vast group of people among

whom

Mahrattas

were the principal group, there being other

Rashtikas or
Rishtikas
besides.

There

is

nothing to connect them with the Arattas,

but the Saurashtras or the name Surashtra
for the

country

may

be originally

traceable
if

to them.

It is a little

more doubtful

the

same could be said of Gurjarashtra (Gujarat) and Pitenikas,^ the country round about
Paitan on the Godaveri.

We
sin

are justified by edict II quoted above,

in distinguishing the empire of

King Pryadarindependent

and

his

neighbours

the

monarchs, such as the Chola, the Pandya, the

Satiyaputra and Keralaputra in the south, and

Amtiyoka (Amtiyoks) and

the west.

his vassal-kings in

In regard to these southern mon-

archs the Cholas, the Pandyas, and the Kerala

are plain enough to us.

They

are respectively

the coast country on the east extending per9

The form Paitan from Prabhiahtaaa

philologicaliy.
:

is

considered

unsound

Sans.

Pritbishtana,

beoompossi-

ing Pabittaua thro

ble as a folk

Payittana mbo Pittaria seems

etymology or apabhram^a philology even.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

Padukotta State with
*

73

haps from the Pulikat to the Vellar in the

its capital at

TJraiyur.

The Pandya country next

following extending
line

from coast to coast along a

drawn from

perhaps the point Kalimere to Kottayam, with

its capital at

Madura, and the Kerala country

coast},

along the western

of this,

extending northwards
it

and including in

the northern half

of Travancore,

the State of Cochin and conof

siderable portions

Malabar.

The

Satiya-

putra seems obviously to refer to the region

immediately north

of this

and the name Satiya-

putra seems normally to indicate the prevalence

of the Matriarchate or Aliyasantanam

Law.
of

These are put on a

level

with the Greek

King Antiochus. Theos

friend of

(God), grandson

Seleucus Nicator (Victorious) the rival and

Chandragupta.

This edict makes

the position clear so far that these states were

beyond the boundaries

of the

empire

of

Asoka.

Coming down

to edict V,

which

relates to

the appointment of Overseers of the Sacred

Law, Asoka distinguishes between

subjects and those
people,

"My

loyal

among
all

the Yonas and other

and then

other nations his neigh-

74

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

bours," which seems to indicate that the Yonaa^

and the other people were in some sense

ordinate to

sub-^

him.

him perhaps tributary states under The Edict XIII on the contrary makes
between his empire and
all

the division

his

neighbours, and again puts Aihtiyoka and his

four neighbours on a footing similar to the

Cholas and their

neighbours the

Pandyas.

He makes the further distinction of those to whom the " Messengers of the Beloved of the Gods'* are sent, and those to whom t'ley do not
go.

The
of

best

commentary upoa

cbis arrange-

ment

his is in the

Mahavamsa

of

Ceylon

whera we

find the following

"When
brought

the Thera Moggaliputta, the

of the

illu-

minator of the religion

the
(third)

Conqueror, had

council to an end and

be-

when, looking into the future, he had

held the founding of the religion ia adjacent

countries, (then) in the

month Kattika he

sent

forth theras, one

here and one there.

The

thera Majjhantika he sent to Kashmira and

Gandbara, the thera Mahadeva he sent ta

Mahishamandala.
thera

To Vanavasa he
to

sent the

named Eakkhita, and

Aparantaka

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

the
;

75

Yona named Dhammarakkhita to Maharattha (he sent) the thera named Mahadhamhita,

marakk

but the thera Maharakkhita he

of the

sent into the country

Yoaa.

He sent

the thera Majjhima to the Himalaya country,

and

to

Suvannabhiimi he sent the two theras

Ufctara.

Sona and
the
theras

The

great fehera Mahinda,

Itthiya,

Uttiya,

Sambaia
*
:

and
shall

Bbaddasala his
he
sent

disciples,

these five theras

forth with the

charge

Ye

found in the lovely island of Lanka the lovely

religion of the Conqueror."'

(Geiger's

Maha-

vamsa p. 82). The passage refers

of

to the missions for the pro-

pogation of the faith sent under the

command
purpose

Asoka to various

localities for the

*

of carryiug the teachings of the

Enlightened

One

to those regions.

Among

the territories

mentioned here are Kashmir, and Gandhara in

neighbourhood.

Then

the next mission was

that sent to Mahishamandala,

case

which in

this

may have

to be identified with

Mahishis

mati, though the

name Mahishamandala
to

of
is

equal application

the territory whi(5h

be shown later.

now Mysore,

as

w^ill

The next

76

BEGINNINGS OF
is

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
is

region

Vanavasa, which
in the

the Banavasi,

12,000

district

southern

Mahratta

Then comes the region of the northern Konkan coast and that is Aparanta. Then comes Maharashtra then
country and Mysore.
;

comes the country

ly

of the

Yona, which probabin the

was the region somewhere

immedi-

ate neighbourhood of India, Afghanistaa or

Beluchistan.

Then comes
which
is

the country called

usually
identified
of

Suvarnabhumi,
with
the

gold-producing

province

the
(the

Malaya Peninsula
Chryse
important of
history of

and

Tennassarim
;

of the classical writers)

all

last

and most
it

Ceylon, because
in

is

the

Buddhism

Ceylon that

is

the

subject of the treatise.

This enumeration of

countries seems to go so far only to confirm

our classifications of the territories referred to

in the

Asoka

edicts as(l)those of his empire pro-

per, (2) of the

(3)

dependencies of the empire and

of states in

independent diplomatic relareferred to here

tions. If the

Mahishamandala

stands for the country of the Mahishakas round

Mandhata, on the Narbada,

very

for

which there
is

is

good

reason,

then Banavasi

the


SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY
southerniDOst
limit,

77

and

we

find

India

south of the fourteenth degree of latitude out

of the pale of imperial rule.

This

is

confirmed in another way though

somewhat less directly from the Mahavamsa Duttagamani Abhaya on the occasion itself.
of laying the

foundation-stone of the great

Stiipa (Thupa)

had called

for

an assembly

of

most of the leading Buddhists from the various Buddhist centres. In response to this invitation there assembled
:

Bhikhus from
1 Indagutta

with 80,000 Bajagaha (Bajagraha capifear

of

Maghada).

Dhammasana

12,000 laipataoa (the Dear-Park in

Beoares.

3 Fiyadassi

60.000

,,

Jatarama-vihara(Viharaoufc
side of SraTasti in

Nepal

Tharai.)

4 Urubuddharakkhite 80.000

Mahavana

(in Vai^ali.)

5 Urudhammarakkhita,, 30.000 6 Urusamgharakkhita 40.000

Ghositarama (In Ko^ambi)

Dakkhinagira-vihara
in

Ujjeni (Ujjain in Malva.)

7 Mittinna

160,000 A^okarama in

Pupphapura

(Pataliputra or Patna.)

XJtti^ria

280.000 Kashmir.

78

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
Pallavabbogga(tbe Eief o! the
Pallavas
Gujarat,

9 Mahadeva

460.000

probably
also

in

regions of

tbe Indus).

10 yonamahadbammarakkbita
,.

30,000

Alasanda,

the city

of

the

Yonas, Alexandria of the

Yonas which may be one

of the

many

Alexandrias,

Alexandria

near

Kabnl,

Alexandria near the junction

of

tbe

Jhelum and
or

tbe

Indus

Karachi^

which

was

itself

one

of

tbe Alexandrias.

11 Ubtara

.,

60.000

Eoad

of the

n d b y a n

forests.

12 Gbittagupfca

30.000

Bodhimanda-vibara
Bodhgaya).

13 Cbandagupfca

80.000

Vacavasa country (Banavasi

in the

Dharwar

dist.)

14 Suriyagufcba

96.000

Great Kelaaa-vibara probably

Kailasa-vibara

which

may

be from tbe region of

in

Ellora

the

present
or

Nizam's

dominions,

Amaravati, Guntur.
(Opusciti pp. 193, 194.)
1

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

Here again
it

79

will

be noticed that the famous

Buddhififc centres

do not come beyond Vana-

vasa, and this has reference to the period A.B.

382

to 406, or 101 to 77 B.C.

on the basis of

B.C. 483 for Buddha Nirvana.

This position

is

confirmed by what we can

derive from early Tamil literature but before

passing on to that, we
this Ceylon chronicle.

may

say a word about

is

This

a chronicle

of

the history of Buddhism maintained in one of

the

many

monasteries of the Buddhists, and

in its present form in the

was put together

,

sixth century A. D. by the Sthavira

monk,

Mahanaman, Tnat was done obviously in commentary upon the earlier, but somewhat
less classical

Dipavamsa which was composed

it

in the fourth century A. D. as

stops short

in its account with the reign of Mahasena,

who came to 306. Even

have derived
the

the throne sometime about A. D.

this
its

Dipavamsa

is

believed to

material from various Attaka-

thas (Sans. Arthakatha, stories in exposition

of

meanmg
gospel).

of various

portions
it

of

the

Buddhist

Thus while

is

possible

that the reference has contemporaneous autho-

80

BEGINNINGS OF
we could have
any rate

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
doubt that
it

rity,

little

belongs
if

at

to the fourth century A. D.,

not

earlier.

This fourth century authority goes

is

only to confirm what

indicated in the edicts

and what perhaps

in early

is

unconsciously expounded

Tamil

literature.

We

shall pass

on

to this last now.

(^.HAPTER
Till recently

II.

MAUKYAN INVASION OF SOUTH

it

INDIA.

was held doubtful that the

references to the Choi a,

in Asoka's edicts,

Pandya and Kerala had anything more in them

of the

than a mere boast on the part

Buddhist
edicts at

Emperor.
vara
hill in

The

discovery

of

his

Siddhapura, Brahmagiri and Jatinga Rames-

Mysore

in

1892 did put the edicts

in respect of

upon a somewhat better footing

their veracity.
of a

The

discovery two years ago

copy

of Asoka's edicts in

Maski, in the

Nizam's dominions, gave new and powerful

support
to

the

contention

of

those

that

maintained

that Asoka's

territory

actually

extended to the frontiers of Mysore.

last

This

discovery

is

of

the highest

historical
of

value, as the edicts

are almost a replica

those at Sahasram

and therefore

of

a time
^

somewhere about

his thirteenth year.

later.

The

Mysore
1

edicts

seem

If then,

as the

Hyderabad Arcbselogical
81

Series

No.

1.

p. 3.

82

BEGINNINGS OF
edicts

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
was a
southern

Maski

shew,

there
if

province of Asoka, and

the Suvarnnagiri, the

capital of the Aryaputta and the

Mahamatras,
itself or in
2

has to be looked for round Maski

the territory
of- the

Ancient Kuntala,

when

was South India conquered and how

the conquest go actually ? Light
this darkness from an unexpected
is

far did

shed upon

source,

and

that

is,

classical

Tamil Literature.
let this

Before proceeding to
necessary to

light in,
is

it is

know what

exactly

the present

position of historians in regard to this matter.

Mr. Viucent A, Smith in his Early History of

India (Third Edition),
his
''

which

is

later

than

monograph on Asoka, has on page 163

States extending'to the extremity

The Tamil

of the Peninsula,

and known as the Chola and

certainly were independent

Pahdya kingdoms,

as were the Kerlaputra and Satiyaputra states

on the south-western, or Malabar Coast.

southern frontier of the empire

The

may

be des-

cribed approximately as a line drawn from the

mouth

of the

Pennar River, near Nellore on

2 Para. 1. Ibid.

MAUEYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

the south of Cbitaldroog (North,
lat.

83

the Basbern coast through Guddappah and to 14

13*,

F. Long. 76 24) to the river Kalyanapuri on

the west coast (about N. Lat. 14), which forms

the northern boundary

probably
representing

of the

Tuluva country,
southern

the old kingdom of

this

Satiyaputra.''

In

regard to

boundary the limits marked out in the extract

are substantially
correct

on the information
This correctness
is

furnished by epigraphy.

confirmed by what we are able to glean from

Tamil

literary sources except in regard to the

eastern limit of this line.

The Tamils markcorruption

Vel.
trees). 3

ed out the limit

of

Tamil land at Pulikat,

which

is

the

Anglo-Indian
(old forest of

of Palaverkkadu

This
ture

is

referred to in Ancient

Tamil
the

litera-

as

Verkkadu,
'

withouG

adjective

for *old

standing before the name.

This

eueoGeu^ afTili^ewcSr ^il.(Su)uiT

Mamular

in

Kurcmtokai 11,

84
is

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
Vadukarmunai, the
*

usually described as

*end of the Northerners

territory.

When
changes

this limit is passed the language also

(Molipeyartem,^ the country where the spoken

language changes to another).

the other side
is

The

limit on

given as the Tulu land or

Konkanam

^,

the territory o the chief

Nannan
which

in the first century of the Christian era,

Mamulanar

in

Aham.

210/11,

Mamalanar
5

in Ibid 31.

Aham

16.

&

Narri9ai 391.

ufTs&inn ea>SLj uea>p<s sLLi^eSji

Q/Sireas StneSitjg^^
ihntljL^earear.

Aham.
QufTGfTuQ
GairsKircSiircsr
jBGarcar

15.

Mamulanar

emeariQ/Z.

ojwQfffT

i3d^Qp

ueuCoff.

Naryiriai 391. Palaipadiya

Perungadungo,

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

85

was broken into by a new people Ko^ar, as a result of a war in which Nannan obviously
suffered defeac^

and

lost his state elephant.*^

Thus

then,

Tamil

literature

ascribable to

about the

first

century of the Christian era

line consti-

supports the statement that this

tuted the southern boundary of the Mauryafi

except for a difference of half a degree in the

eastern end.

The Dekhan,

or Peninsular India,

approximately the latitude of

down to Nellore, must

it

therefore apparently have been subjugated by

either

Chandragupta or Bindusara, because

was inherited from the latter by Asoka, whose only recorded war was the conquest of Kalinga;
and
it is

more probable that the conquest

his busy father.'

of
ifc

the south was the work of Bindusara than

was effected by

Mr. Vincent

A. Smith also notes that the Tibetan historian

Taranatha (Scheifner p. 89) attributes to Bindusara and Chanakya the conquest of the
country between the eastern and western seas,
6
potest

Qeurrear^ Qwrrt^a G<g5T*ii" Quireo.

Paraoar

in

Kuruntogai 73.

86

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HIBTORY
of

The

fact of the conquest

far

the south ha&

Femained so

an inference and no more. In

first

regard to the question which of the

three

Mauryas did actually make the conquest there

is

no

further

direct
lio

information

than the

inference

we

extent of
of

make from the known Asoka*s Empire and the statement

are left

Taranatha regarding Bindusara's conquest,

unless the last two lines quoted by Dr. Fleet

from the Mahavamsa he held to imply Asoka's

conquest
'^

of the south.

Among

the poets the

to tradition,

Madura we find Brahman scholar whose name,

who constituted, according famous third Academy at the name Mamulanar, a

as an author, is

held in very high esteem in the Tamil world

^

9c^ =^fe ^^%ft ^9R^

J?1T2?#

(J.
'

B. A. S. 1909

p. 29).
'

Having attained the

BoIe sovereignty

in four years

of the first line need not

have exclusive reference to the

if

efanghter of his brothers

hiatorioal fact.

such could be held to be a

it is

As a matter of fact
is

very doubtful
a fact

if

the massacre of the brothers

edict

at

all

as rook

(Vincent A. Smito*s Asoka,

p.

162,

note 4)

refers to hie brothers

and

sisters.

MAURYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

even now.
of fugitive

87

His works were

of the

character

poems which
all of

are found scattered in

various collections,

them generally
'

re-

garded as having had the

San gam (Academy)

his

imprimatur.

Without basing
his

antiquity

upon the

fact, that

works are found inis

cluded in these collections, there

internal evidence to

enough
elder

show that he was an

of Paranar,

contemporary perhaps

and an exact

contemporary
of
*

of the

Ghola ruler Karikala and

killer
'.

Nannan, the

Woman

He

is

re-

garded as a separate person from the Tirumular

of

the 'Saiva School.'

of

This author has a

invasion of the

number

references

to the

south by the Mauryas, who, according to him,

must have advanced,

at least as far

south as

Madura and

Podiyil Hill. This author, accord-

ing to Nachchinarkkiniyar, the commentator,

was a Brahman belonging

Sage Agastya, and
of

to the family of the

belonged

to
his

the

part

the country hallowed

is

by

presence,

that

the

country

round

the

Podiyil

Hill in the Western

of

Ghats

in the

South-West
parts of the

Madura and the neighbouring

Tinnevelly District of the Madras Presidency.

88

BEGINNINGS OF
The
first

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
this

reference

ia

author to

call

^or notice is in

Aham

15

where the author

tribe called

refers

to the entry

of a

warlike

Kosar into

the
of

Tulu

Nadu

of

Nannanagain

Aham

251

the same author refers

to these

Kosar and states that these people

crushing defeat

admihistered a

upon

their

enemies near Podiyil HUl.^

sion, says the

On
not
*

this occa-

poet,

Mohur

having sub-

mitted,

the newly-installed

Mauryas came
the rolling

up

at the

head

of a

great army,'

^ Vide note 3.

eSeareffffaaS'

Qpa^iasu^u i3t^^^nsk}&^

G^il^^esr S^GTi^^^ |5T^V)n) GlDT Ak.il U

uesSiuneoLLoSp
ueaia^'^eoeutsfi

waQs(Lp^n'2QST etiUiU GuDdfPiuir

G^eoiii^ Q^&refrQ^eS luesitQeatTiLiihun

Aham
text obligingly copied by him.)

261. Mamijlanar.
Iyer's

(Mahamahopadbyaya Pandit Swaminatha

MAURYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

oars
of

89

which had to come up cutting their

hill slopes.

way along
refereace

The same poem has a

of

to

the

enormous wealth
is ^^ of is

the
refe-

Nandas, to which again there

rence in

another

poem 265
passage

the same collection.

additional

In

this

given the

information, which

is

reminiscent of the revo*

lution in Patalipura, that

the wealth of
first

the
in

Nandas, which having accumulated

Patali, hid itself in the floods of the
*

Ganges-*
'

Hence the expression Vamba Moriyar the Maurya novae hominae is justified in respect
of this author,

and his contemporaries.

Poem

10 LfeaaaSp Qua/siS eSiueoeS^ihLj^iB^

i^ga<Jiiu^

^stDLOnj,?

Q-9^QjU(SB)n

inn^iEiQsrT&oQedn

Mamalanar Abara 264

(Madras
Govt;.

Msa. Library Copy.)

Compare

wifcb fehia, fche

same author's Aham. 126/127.

Qutreir Q^60uit6id&) euuSa QiDifL^rrihu

Q&JtTGsr^ Qjfr6\)iS(sapiud(^<RDQj ^(juafr/DQi

90

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
same work, contains
These
last

281^^ of our author, in the

another reference to the same incidents with

one or two additional

(1)

details.

are

that the Mauryas

in front.

came south pushing the

literally,

Vadukar
in
ples)

(Northerners

but

later times the

;

Telugu and Kanarese peo-

(2)

that they cut their

way

across a

high

hill

which barred
suggests

their way.

The

ex-

pression used actually in regard to

detail

the

latter

even

tunnel

being

cut

through.

Leaving aside the texts

points
calling
for

for the present

the

consideration
to the

in

these

references of
(1)

Mamulanar

Mauryas are
South by
of

The

fact of the invasion of the

the Mauryas, the southernmost point reached

being Podiyil
11
s'2eifT(^ff

Hill

in

the

S.W. corner

eSios=S(^tr eSoDirQs^eop c72fewr

Vide

laafc

two

lines of note 9.

Abam,

281.
text.)

(Maham

Swaminathaiyar'g


MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA
Madura.
(2)

91

The advance party

of the inva-

sion was composed of a warlike people called

Kosar in one case and Vadukar in another.

(3)

The

point of time to which these invasions

are referrable.

In regard to point
are

1,

the texts of this author

quite

clear

and unmistakeable.

He

is

supported in regard to this statement by two

others.

One

of

them

is

called Paranar accord-

ing to one manuscript, but the mauuscript in

the Madras Government Oriental Manuscripts

Library

of

Aham

69 ^^ shews the author's

of the

name

as

Param Korranar. The language

is

reference

equally clear, and quite similar in

regard to the cutting of the

hill for

the car to pass.

way through a Poem 17'5^^ of Puram

su(SS)iruSp(h ^siarpsortrfTttit^

Qustecu J7a.

Aham
13

69. Paramkorranar*.

eS6aarQuiT0 Qis(Bfh(^<5SiU.aSujQp QniriBajw*-

Puram
* Another reading
:

175. Kallil A^-tirayanar

Gutt^ ujir.

92

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

by

Kallil Attiraiyanar, celebrating the patrdn

Adan Ungan has an equally clear to the army of the Maury as cutting
middle
ously
of the world.

reference
their

way

"through rock to let the road go through the

The commentator

obvi-

was not able

to understand the refer-

ence, and adopted in consequence a reading

Oriyar for Moriyar, making the passage seem
legendary.

The
is

far-fetched character of his

<3omment
reading.

unmistakeable evidence of misof reference in all passit

The manner

ages under consideration, makes

this
*

clear that

cutting' (whether a tunnel or no) was

at a great distance from the Tamil country.

The

reference in the majority of the passages

is to a lover

who had gone away from

this cutting
is
*

his

sweetheart,

and

brought in
her

much

in
is

the manner of Shakespeare's

husband

to Aleppo gone.' All the references

are in the past tense

and give evidence

of

the event having been of recent

occurrence.

historical

In respect

of the

Kosar and the Vadukar

we have

other confirmatory evidence.

One

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

passage
^^

9S

in Paranar,

a contemporary poet

with

Mamulanar,

states

that

this

warlike

tribe entered

Nannan's

territory after a battle

in

which Nannan

lost

his
is,

state

elephant.
to

This

Nannan's

territory

according

certain
15)

poems, the Tulu-country {Vide

Aham

and according to others (Narriuai 391),

for

Konkaaam (Tamil
Indian, Konkan).

Konkanam,

or Anglo-

That

this territory actually

took

in
is

parts

of

Konkan and
by the
fact

Canara
that

or

Tulu

borne out

one

of his famous hills Elilmalai^^ exists to-day as

Saptasaila or Elilmalai about 16 miles north of

Cannanore. The Kosar then entered Nannan's

territory

through Konkan, and had a south-

east trend in their

movement through Kongu,

(Aham 195 and Siliappadhikaram, Kongilangosar) till they reached the Podiyii Hill much
farther south.

These Tamil works

refer

to

these Kosar in association with the

Mauryas,

almost as constituting the advanced guard of

1*

Kurumbogai

73.

See

nofce 4.
3.

15 Narrinai

391. See Note

Mont D'Ely

of

fche

medieval writers. Yule's Marco. PoIo Bk. III. Cb. 24. note 1.


94

BEOINNINGS OF
army

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
The Ramayana con-

their

of invasion.

tains a reference to a people, called Kosakara^

the

equivalent

of
:

the Tamil Kosar, in the

following passage

(IV. 40. 121 &o.

Kumbakonam

Edn.)

The among
party.
of

city

of

the Kosakara finds mention

the states towards the east to which

Sugriva directed one section of his great search

The commentary

explains the centre

reference

to have been the 'Saravati/

in

river in

Rajaputana which flows

itself

a circle
If
it

and

loses

in

the

sands.

is

permissible to locate this on the basis of the

data available to us in
the

this,

the habitat of

Kosakara

will
is

correspond to Assam.
explained by the com-

The term Kosakara

mentary called Tilaka, as a people engaged in the work of rearing silk- worms and manufacturing
silk.

If this interpretation

is

correct,

then there must have been in Bast Bengal a

warlike people whose usual peaceful avocation

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA 95

was
silk

manufacture and who might have

of the

formed part
to be these
hill

Mauryan army. It seems people who had laid hold of the

fort

Pali of

Nannam

from which these

were dislodged by the Ohola king, Neydalamkanal Ilaajetchenni, identical in

lity
all

probabi-

with the father of Karikala, the great

Chola.
referred

In this connection these people are

to as

Vada Vadakar (the Northern Northerners) in Puram 378,^^ and Vamba Vadukar (the new Northerners) in Aham
375.
^^

It is
of

again the same general movethat

is

ment

the northerners

reflected

16 0^sBrLJ/r;a>/f iSieo

s=tTiu

earppp a&raB^

Qs^fTLfisar

QsnuSei,
in

Puram

378.

Uupodi Payungudayar

honour

of

IlaDJo&obenni destroyer of P^i or S^ruppali,

17
QjFiripiT

Qu^ioaasT

QfmLfpip

Ljffl<oB><S=U

UFTlf S^fS

Aham

375/7i by Idayan Saadao Korranar.

96
in

BEGINNINGS OF
Narrinai 170,
of
^^ is

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

where the Malayaman

said
to

chief

Mullur

have
*

sallied

out

and defeated single-handed the

seige

Aryas

'

that had .laid

to

the

fort.

We
and to

have

already referred to

Pulikat

as the limit of
the-

Aryan land
change
of

in

Kuruntogai

11,^^

language when one passed either

hill

this or the

Venkata

(Tirupati).20

These

taken together seem to warrant the inference

that there was
a series of

Aryan invasions

under the Mauryas and their successors the

Andhras, as distinct from Aryan settlements
previous to these, and that the Tamil kinga

and

chiefs

stemmed the

tide of

invasion suc-

cessfully so far as to rank

the great

among the allies of Mauryan Emperor Asoka on terms

have
edicts.

of equality, as in fact they are referred to

been in the Asoka

it

In this connection

deserves to be noted that the

18 ernpLSJQ&yrnpi^Qes^iEj QarrQpfBpatTss

same poet

ueO0L^ear Aifi^^

QeijirarQirrar Lofeoujear

Narririai 170, author Dot known..

19 See note (1)

20

Aham

16 & Narrinai 391. See note

3.


MAUEYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

97

Mamulanar refers, in Aham 115, ^i to a chieftain Erumai of Kudanadu (parts of Mysore and Coorg). The chief's name seems to have stuck on to the country so far as to make it
referrable in
of

Tamil

literature as the

territory

Erumaiyuran.

Hence Asoka's Mahishaof

mandala which is a good translation mainadu might still refer to this

state,

Eru-

frontier
satis-

notwithstanding
indentification

Dr.
of

Fleet's

factory

Mandhata on
was a
the
city

the

Mahishmati with Narmada. Mahishmati

for

the
is
it

city of Kartavirya-Arjuna

but there

good

authority

equating

name with

that of the people Mahishathe meaning that

is

kas and giving

given.

usually

The connection with modern Mysore

is

town
is

or state,
to

not quite proved though

it

possible

understand

that

the

whole

country 'or any part thereof might have been

known Mahishamandala. way now.

This

is

only by the

What
the

is

relevant to the question

is

that

references to

the Vadukar and Aryar in

Aham
7

15/14 Mamulanar.

98

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
contemporaneous

this latter batch are to either

or to almost

contemporaneous events.

The

defeat of the Aryar by the

Malay aman on the

of Pali

one

side,

and the destruction

and the

crushing of the
lished

Vamba Vadukar
there by

(newly estabIlanjetchenni

norDherners)
refer to the

cannot

same

early period as the

Maurya invasions

of

Mamalar. These have an

organic connection with the defeat of the Aryas

by Imayavaramban Perumseral Adan,^^ Pand-

yan Aryappadai Kadanda Nedum Seliyan

22 ^iftojir

^^

^atmfSuj QuiBeiD^

oSloluld

Padirruppattu I

(i)

2325 &

II.

^^^^

Ljsa/D^H'

spL9p QpeSfiosr^LuTa^L^tu

earasrSiLi^ eSp^i^'^uu

CcariB^CffifujsSr

Silappadikaram XXIII. 11. 14-15.

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

and
Karikala^*
over
the

99
to

who

all

lay

claim
to

victory

Aryas,

and

having

erected their respective emblems the bow, the

fish

and the
'^^^

tiger

'on the face of the Hima-

layas.

All these

seem

to refer to action

taken

by the Tamils in concert, when the Central

power in the North began

being perhaps in
hostility to the

to weaken, to beat

back the Northerners from the South, there

Hindu Northern Buddhism. Taken toit

also the

Southern

gether the references seem to warrant the inferences

(1)

chat

the Mauryas carried

;

their

invasions to the farthest south of India

(2)

that

they were in uostile occupation of forts in the

northern borders
24
(^65)ifiiiJ

of

the Tamil land extending

<#^LDiuu iS'uif^^gsoa

ajjemfDii-l^

G^(BGijlPGujiijn5(S QsfT&freiDsuSp (c)uujiTQ&]tTjb(^

QaneuBesip QsnQ^^s Qsfrjhpu ui^(7^LD

lds^

[BeisT^LL(bi QjiT&rQjrruj

Qojik^m

Ibid. V. L.

98 & Commentiary thereon.

35 siuQ<sO(LgSiu

eBuiiu

^lEjb^aS

Opue.

cifc.

XVII.

11. 1

&

2.

100

BEGINNINGS OF
and

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

from Pulikat in the east to almost Goa in the

west
;

(3)

that these Aryans were

beaten

back when the Mauryas and their successors

at headquarters

become too

feeble or too

much

occupied to be able to retain their hold on the

distant south.

Coming down
any
direct lead.

to point 3 regarding the time

of these invasions our sources

do not give us

invasions are

The references to the Maurya^ all of them in the past and do

of

not warrant inferences of contemporaneity,,

though the character

unmistakeably
to
into
line,

these

references

is

historical.

We are almost able

through Tulu
is

see

the

line of

advance

Kongu,

Therefrom there

double

one south-eastwards through Tirukkovithe Chola country perhaps as a further

lur, to

objective,

though we have no evidence

far
;

of

its

having gone so

and the other through the

the

famous

historical

route through

Palnis

(Tarn Podini) into the Pandya country up to

the Podiyil Hill.

These invasions must have

of the

taken place in the heyday

Mauryan

power

after

Chandragupta had entered into

the definitive treaty with Seleucus I of Asia

MAUEYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

(Nicator).
It

101

may

be that he himself eft'ected

the conquest, or his son^^ as his father's viceroy,

at

The invasion must have come through the later BurhanpurEoad, the ancient
Vidisa.

Dakshinapatha, leading from Avanti through

Vidarbha into the Dekhan, and must have gone

along the

Western Ghats into

the

Tamil

country avoiding Dandaranyam as the Tamils

called
it

(Sans.

Dandakaranyam .)
(1)

The infer-

ence

is

supported by

the Tamils regarding

the country north of Pulikat-as having been

foreign
in

language,

(2)

their regarding the

locality as a border land in

which

cattle forays
(3) their

could be committed with impunity,

regarding

Dandaranyam

as having been includ-

26

The surname

Amifcrachafees
fchafe

(Gr. for Amitraghata)

greafc

for Bindusara indicafces

he was a

conqueror,

as the Greeks
his

knew him by

this

surname rather than by

name. The point

of Dr. Fleet's objection in regard to

the word Amitraghata not being a

could not have been a name.

name

is

not clear.

It

In the Ramayaria
(VI.
for

Kum60.

bhakarna

is

described

as

Amitraghatin

97

Kumbh.

Edition.)

We

have no precedents

Gangai-

konda, Akalavarsha, Ahavamalla &c.,nor

(J.R.A.S.

for Ajataisatrn.

1909

p.

34 &

p.

42f.)

102

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

ed in the Aryan land as in the Padirruppattu^'^

and

in the Periplus of the

Erythr^an

Sea^^.

The Maiirya invasion and

occupafcioa of the
referred to the

the afctempt at

Tamil country should be

the treaty

period intervening

between Saleucus and Ohaadragupba, and the

thirteenth year of Asoka.

Their dislodgnrienb

from the south must be referred to the period

27
R:&srpLC)S<ssr

psmL^naof^iu^^m

QaiTLl.uLLL^Qi06S)u.6a)uu/i

Q^rroaofu^iLiLiL^i^ QaiT.<Siui3^^u u(TiTLJuiT(Td(^.

Commentary.

Padirrupattu. VI.
28

u^sth,
extends in

Bayoad Barygaza the adjoining

;

coaBfc

a straight line from north to south

is

and so this region

language of

called Dachinabades, for dachanos in the

the natives

means " south

".

The inland country back

from the coawt toward the east comprises

regions

many

desert

and great mountains

and

all

kinds of wild

beasts

leopards, elephants, enormous

of
;

serpents, hyenas,

and baboons

many sorts and many populous nations,

W.
Schoff's

as far as the Ganges.

Edn.

p.

43.

MAURYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

of

103

internal

weakness and foreign invasions

fall of

between the

the Sungas and the rise of

the Andhrabhrtyas of the Puranas which period

various lines of evidence
indicate as

being

capable of inclusion in the period of

and others
Madura.

of the

third

Mamulanar Tamil Academy of

CHAPTER
J.

III.

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

South Indian Commerce
of the

India the wonderland

even now
as
it

east,

as

it

is

called,

was made known

to the west,

never was before, when the world con-

queror, Alexander the Great, forced open her

gates on the norfch-west.

Our knowledge

of

India at

all of

a definite character

may

be

said to extend no farther than this period, as,

according to the most recent authority, his

connection with India was not

than a great

raid.

It

is

much more matter of common

of

knowledge that he had to give up his idea

carrying his conquests right up to the eastern

limits of the land, (according to his
of the configuration of the earth),

own

notion

owing to a
his

mutiny among
cavalry

his

soldiers

headed by

commander Koinos.

Before leaving

India, however, he divided his conquests

this side of the

on

Indian Caucasus into three

viceroyaUies as follows
101

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EKA

I.

105

Paropanisadae, the country west of the

Indus, with Oxyartes, the father of Eoxana,

for its viceroy.
II.

The Punjab including

and that
of

in

it
;

the kingdom
that
of

of Taxila,

Porus

the

Sophytes together with the

territories of the

Oxydrachoi and the Malloi, under the Viceroy

Philip,

son of Machetas

leaving the civil

administration in the hands of the

princes.
III.

natfVe

Sindh including the kingdom

of

Mouof

sikanos,

Oxykanos, Sambus and Maeris

of

Patalene under Peithon, the son

for its viceroy.

Agenor,

Philip was murdered in a mutiny, before the

death

of

Alexander, and his place was

till

taken
called

by Eudamos who remained in India

away

in

317 B.C. to help Eumenes against

of Asia, the

Antigonus

most powerful among

the Diadochi.

When the

Macedonian Empire
in 321 B-C.

was partitioned a second time

regent

(consequent on the death of Perdiccas, the

of

the

first

partition,)

the
left

Indian
out of
to the

province, east of the Indus, was

account,

as Peithon

had

to

withdraw

100

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
river.

western bauk of the great

About 305
to

B. C.

Seleucus Nikator

made an attempt

revive the empire of Alexander in this region,

but had to relinquish his hold-upon the whole

of

Afghanistan, and enter into a humiliating

treaty with Cbandragupta, the

of India.

Maurya emperor
believed to have

This personage
of

is

been in the camp

arid,

Alexander in the Punjab^

thrown upon his own resources as the

great

Macedonian turned away from the banks

advantage of the confusion

of the Eavi, he took

resulting from the departure of

Alexander to

overthrow the Greek provinces in India, and

the ruling

Nanda

in

Magadha, before he
In the course

set

himself up as the first Emperor of India, hitherto

known

to history.
to

of fifteen

years he was able

make himself

so strong

as to fight Seleucus, not

only on equal terms

but also to extort from him such a valuable

cession of territory as

Afghanistan up to the
generations
this

Hindu-Kush.
dynasty
held

For
its

three

power
the

undiminished.
great

His grandson

Asoka,
India,

Buddhist
hold his

Emperor

of

was

able
of

to

own

with the

successors

Seleucus,

and

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

thus begun by his grandfather.

107

maintained with them the diplomatic relations

It

seems to

be well attested that both Seleucus Nikator

and Ptolemy Philadelphus had sent ambassadors to the courts of Chandragupta and Bindusara,

although scholars are not wanting yet

consider the particular edict of Asoka a
boast.

who
mere

230 B. G.

With the death of Asoka about the Mauryan empire loses its hold
powerful and
of

upon the more

vassals,

distant

of

its

and the days

the

dynasty are

numbered.

From

this event

to

the year A.D. 319 the

of the
is

date of the rise to power

Imperial
yet
quite

Guptas, the

history of India

uncertain, although

we

are able to gain

a few

glimpses as
history
of

to

the general features of

the

that period.

The

Asiatic empire

of the Seleucidae

was attacked simultaneously

by the Eomans and the Gauls from the west

and north-west, and the Parthians from the

east.

About the
B.

beginning
Parthia

of

the second

century

C,

made

good

her
I,.

independence under Arsakes

Mithridates

108

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

and Baktria under Eukratides.^ This was but

the reflex action of the

movements

of

the

nomad tribes in the far-off plains of Mongolia. The great tribe of the Hiung-nu fell with all
the hostility of immediate neighbours upon the

Yueh-chi, and dislodged them from their then

habitat
in

the
fell

plains

of

Zungaria.

These

in their turn

upon the Wu-sung,

battle,

killed the

Wu-sung
further
of the Se,

chieftain in

and marched
had to make
of the

upon the region then

in the occupation
last

Sok or Sakas. These

room for.them along the right bank

Caucasus.
defeated by
chieftain.

Oxus

and occupy the country protected by the Indian

The

Yueh-chi
of

were themselves
the late
fell

the son
his

Wu-sung
in
battle

When

father

he found a secure asylum

nu,

with

the

Hiunglost

who now helped him

It

to regain his

patrimony.

was

in

the course of these

movements that the Sakas and possibly some of the Hiung-nu moved down the
Kabul valley into India, and occupied the
country on the right bank of the Indus, another

V. A. Smith, Early History of India,

p.

210

ff.


THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA
body
one
the
109

probably from

fehe

region of

Seistan
It is

occupying right down even to Gujarat.

of their out-settlements

on the Jumna that

of

coins

and other antiquities

Muttra

would seem to warrant.

While

all

this

Was taking place across the

itself

borders of India, in India

there was going

forward a revolution of no

less

consequence.

The Mauryan empire

was overthrown

by

Pushyamitra Sunga, the Maurya general, in

spite of the loyalist minister, a brother-in-law
of

Yegnasena Satakarni

of the

Dekhan.

The
:

usurper's strength was tried by a triple war

(1)

against Menander, ruler of Kabul

(2)

against
(3)

Kharavela, the Kalinga ruler of Orissa;

against the loyalist
of

Yegnasena and in behalf

to the

a counter-claimant
of

throne of the
for the

kingdom

Vidharba.
all

Though
these,

time

successful against

the empire had

suffered vital injuries.

The Dekhan kingdom

or viceroyalty

becomes so powerful that the

Andhras establish an imperial position themselves,

and render their quota

of service

by

holding out against the Saka invaders from

the north-west and west.
It

must have been

no BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
the occasion

in the course of these wars that

should have arisen for the founding of the era

which now goes by the name

of

Vikramaditya

and that under the name

there
is

of Saka.

As

to both

these eras and the circumstances of their origin,

very considerable diflEerence of opinion

among
chi,

scholars.

In the course of the political

shiftings

described above, a clan of the Yuehits

by name Kushana, was able to push

into
India,

way
in

and

establish

kingdom

the

Punjab
ruler

including

Kashmir.

The

greatest

among them,

whose empire

came

into touch with the Chinese

Empire on
is

the one side and the Parthian on the other,

Kanishka, the Constantine

of the greater vehicle

of

the

Buddhism

Learned scholars
eras above
others,

(Mahayana Buddhism). associate him with both the

while there are yet

referred to,

who would dissociate him from either and refer him to a period later than both. None of them, however, take him beyond the
period I have marked at

the beginning.

At

the very beginning of the Christian era then

the Punjab and the frontier province, including

Kashmir, were under the Eushanas or their

THE D^VWN OF THE CHKISTIAN EEA

immediate

1}1

predecessors or their successors.

Gujarat and Malva> including northern Konkan, were under the Sakas.

During the period marked out above, we

have been
passing from the supremacy of
(if

Buddhism
tion of the

such an expression can

all),

be

re-

garded as appropriate at

through areasserto a final

Brahman ascendancy, on

compromise, ending on the one side in Mahayanist Buddhism,

and on the other,

in

the

Hinduism
maintains,

of the Gita.

For as Professor Kern

of the

on the authority

Tibetan

historian Taranatha and the

darika, the founder of the
of

Baddharma-punschool
disciple of the

Madhyamika

Buddhism, Nagarjuna, was a

Brahman Rahulabhadra who was much

no
less

indebt-

ed to Sage Krishna. Paraphrased, this means

than that these teachers drew a part

Gita.^

of their inspiration from the

This

is

borne out by the importance that attaches to

Bhakti (devotion) in Mahayanist Buddhism

and

later

Hinduism.
all

During

this period

of

active

mutations

^ Manual of ladian

Baddbismi

p. 122.

1J2

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
South India would

both in religion and

politics,

appear to have been out

of this great vortex.

This

is

a delusion due more to lack of

of history.

infor-

mation than to a lack

Pandya,
Kerala,

The
and

edicts of

Asoka, as was stated already, mention the Cholav

Satiyaputra

Ceylon
into

among
his

those

diplomatic

whom relations. He
with

he entered

thought

it

worth
put

while to send his

missionaries.

son and

daughter ta
facts
it

Ceylon as

These

beyond a doubt that there was some communication between

by

way

of

Magadha and Ceylon, generally the sea. It is now clear from

-the

Chapter II that
also brought into

neighbouring coast was>

touch with the north, by

The Ceylonese tradition, as embodied in the Mahavamsa, is quite Between the in support of this conclusion. Maharashtra and Malva there was a great
of

way

land.

trunk road notwithstanding the great forest

region between

them.

This road

it

is

that

has given us the

patha).

name
by

Most

likely this

Dekhan (Dakshinaroad wound its way

of

over

the

hills

way

Burhanpur into
the

western Malva,

The^middle region was

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

forest,

113

which

it

continued to be even up to the

days

of

Harsha.
period,

During this

and

for a long

time

after,

Hindustan

(the country, north of the

Viudhyas)

kept touch with the outer world by

way

of

land mainly

the south kept

itself in

contact
of

with the rest of the world chiefly

the sea.

by way

That the Hindus did not always

is

wait for others to come to them for goods

in

evidence in a variety of ways.

There

is iirst

the statement of Cornelius Nepos,

who says
driven

that Q.Metellus Celer received from the king of

the Suevi some Indians,

who had been

This
is

by storm into Germany in the

voyage of commerce.
fact,
^

course of a

quite a precise

and

is

borne out by a number of tales of

voyages with the horrors attending navigation

depicted in the
liveliest

colours

in

certain

classes of writings both in Sanskrit

and Tamil.
the latter

Among

the

places mentioned in

classes of sources are those in the

East Indian

Sambhava (Karpurasambhavam), Kataha (Sumatra), and

Archipelago, suchas Java(Savham),
3 1 Maori ndle, AncieDt India, 8
p.

110.


114

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Kalahm (Burma) not to mention China. It may now be taken for certain that in the
sixth

and

fifth centuries

B.C. there was consi'

derable

intercourse

with

Babylonia

and
this

through her with Assyria and the further West.

The Baveru Jataka is certain intercourse by way of the sea.

appear that there was some
able activity
in

proof
It

of

would thus

very consider-

maritime commerce. They

lighthouses
to

used to

have
is

warn

ships

and one such

the

described at the great port at

mouth
oil

of the

Kavery, a brick tower or a

it

big palmyra trunk carrying on the top of

huge
the
that

lamp.
classical

The

geographers, the author

of

Periplus

and

Ptolemy the geographer,

80 and
division

date respectively about A. D.

A.D. 150, exhibit

of the

knowledge

of a

country almost the same as the three

I.

divisions indicated in chapter

of

The author

The
4

Periplus

begins his account of the

The Early Oommerce of Babylon wifeh India 700 300 B.C. by J. Kennedy J.R.A.S. 1B98. pp. 241288.
:

edited by

The Periplus of the Erythraean Saa W. H. Schoff. Sees. 42 to 66.

translated

and

THE DAWN OP THE CHRISTIAN ERA

west of India with the Indus (Sinthus).

115

He
On
of
of

says that the river had seven mouths, shallow

and marshy, and therefore not navigable.

the shore of the ceatral channel was the seaport

Barbaricum with a capital in the interior

the Scythians called Minnagara.
the

(The city

Min, Scythians)

the port Barbaricum

has not generally been identified.

It seems to

be the Sanskrit Barbaraka (belonging to the

country
of

of

the Barbara, and therefore the port

the people, Barbara, perhaps the same as the

Gk. barbarian). Passing down from there, the

Periplus comes

(Syrashtrene)
sailing across

down the Surashstra coast and the Rann of Couch (Eirinon)

is

what

the Gulf of

Kambay, he

takes us to Barygaza (Sans. Barukacha, Mod.

Broach),
'^

With

this is

supposed to begin Ariaca

of

which

is

the beginning
0/ aZZ

the kingdom of

Nambanus and

India.''

This division
is

of that part of the

country into Ariaca

also

made by Ptolemy, and

this portion of Ariaca

in the ports given along

both Ptolemy and the

t-he

Periplus agree except for

in the latter.
is

omission of some

The southern limit of this coast Tindis according to both. The corresponding

116

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
is

portion of the country inland

described in

the Periplus as Abhira, the coast portion being

Surashtra, as was already stated. This part of

the country

is

described as a fertile country

rice,

producing wheat,
butter
;

sesame

oil

and

clarified

cotton and coarser sorts of cloth

;

made

therefrom

pasturing of cattle seems an import-

ant occupation and the people are described as

of great stature

and dark

in colour.

The

chief
this

point to note here in connection with

statement

of the
is

Periplus

is

that the coast

under reference
of the

described as the beginning

kingdom

of

Nambanus and

of all India.

The

latter expression

indicates clearly that

at the

whoever Nambanus was, he was

that the Periplus was written

time

known

to the

outside world as the king of India.

In otherof

words,

it

seems to have been the days

of

the

Andhra empire
banus
itself is

Magadha.

The name Nam-

a correction of the text which

has Mambarus, and Mambarus might well be

the

Lambodara

of

the pauranic

list

of

the

Satavahanas or the Andhras

of the

Dekhan.
these

The chronology

of the early rulers of

-Satavahanas cannot yet be regarded as being

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

definitely settled

117

and
of

at

any rate the expression

the
diffi-

in the text to identify

seems

very doubtful application

Nambanus with Nahapana,

ruler.

Kshaharatta

After describing the

culties of navigating

up

to the port of

Broach
for

and the arrangement made by the ruler

piloting the vessels
safely into the port,

the

Periplus proceeds to give the countries inland

set over against that coast

between Barbari-

cum

at the

mouth

of the

Indus obviously and

of

Broach.

He

gives

among them Arattas

(Sanskrit,

the Punjab, the Arachosii of

istan,

Southern Afghan-

the
the

Gandaraei
people
in

Gandhara)

and

of Poclais

(Sans.

kalavati) both

the region
in

Pushbetween the

Kabul and the Indus

the

Northern Afghanisthe city

tan including also the Northern portions of

Punjab,

where

was

also

of

Alexandria.

Bucephalus located very near the

Jhelum. Beyond these he says were the warlike Bactrians.

He

gives an

interesting fact

that in his day coins bearing Greek inscriptions or

Greek legends were prevalent in the

they contained,

country round Broach, and

according to the Periplus, the devices of the

118

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

Greek Bulers succeeding Alexander, among

them Apollodotus and Menander.

further East
of

Coming
as the for-

from these countries he speaks

Ozene

(Ujjain),

and

refers

to

it

mer

royal capital.

Passing over

all

that he
is

says about the trade of Broach which

not to

our present purpose, we come

another statement which

in Sec. 50 to

He

is of interest to us says " beyond Barigasa the adjoining coast

extends in a straight line from north to south

and so

this region is called

Dachinabades, for

Dachan
*'

in the language of the natives

means
desert

south."

The inland country back from the

coast towards the east comprises

many
and
all

regions and great

of wild beasts,

mountains

kinds

leopards,

tigers,

elephants,,
of

enormous serpents, hyenas, and baboons

many

sorts,

and many populous nations as

far

as the Ganges."

This clearly indicates that

he describes the whole of the region known a&

the Dakshinapatha or the Deccan,

and the
;

Dandakaranyam
modern
describes
division

of the Sanskrit writers

the-

central region of India corresponding

of

to our
thert

the Dekhan.

He

the interior marts of Paitan and

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

Tagara,
coast

119

and
he

of

the

sea-ports

along

the

till

reached
of

Naura and Tindis,

as

the

first

marts

Damirica

he

calls

them
valent

(Sanskrit Dramidaca^ the correct equiof

the

Greek).

Damirica,
is

some-

times written by error Lymirica,

krit

the Sans-

Dramidaca which the author must have

It
is

heard in contradistinction to Ariaca.

perhaps a

little

far-fetched to see in

it

Tamito both of

lakam.

With Tindis began according

Ptolemy and the Periplus, the kingdom

next port of importance we come
miles from Tindis again at the

Cherabothra (Cheraputra or Keralaputra). The

to,
is

50

mouth of

a river

the port called Muziris

(Muyiri or Musiri of

the Tamils, the modern

miles
further

Cranganore). Fifty
the
sea-port
of

south was
late

Nelcynda which the

Mr. Kanakasabhai
with Nirkunram in

Pillai correctly identified

the country of the Pandyas.

This place was

situated about ten or twelve miles in the interior

with an out-port at the mouth of the

as

river,
it

the village Bacara-Vaikkarai,

we know

now.

The kings

of

both these market towns,

interior.**

the Periplus says " live in the

The


120

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
*'

imports into Muziris are given

quantity of coin
;

as

great

topaz, thin

clothing, not
coral,

much much
dealt

figured linens, antimony,

;

crude
but as
;

glass, copper, tin, lead

wine not

much

as at Barigaza

realgar

and orpiment
for this
is

and wheat only

in

for the sailors,

not

by

the

merchants

there."

The

exports from this place are the " pepper coming

from

Kottanora (Kuttu Nadu in the

interior)
silk

" great quantities of fine pearls"

cloth,

ivory,

spikenard

from

the

Ganges,

Mala-

bathrum from the

of
all

interior, transparent stones

kinds,

diamonds
"

and

saphires

and

tortoise-shell.

That from the Chryse island

(golden) and

that taken from

lands along the coast of

so far

among the isDamirica." One may

:

compare

this statement with the follow-

ing two extracts from Tamil Literature

sifi^Q/SfTessf^ujiTiTS setoff

Qfns^ik^

L^iSBreoikisefteiB^ Quir&d!Bfiniis(^LLQjsar

uaeami,

Puram 343.

THE DAWN OF THE CHBISTIAN ERA

Beyond Vaikkarai, the Periplus
the dark-red mountains and
of the

121
to

refers

district

(stretching along the coast towards the south

^Taralia" generally
Pural,
coast)
is
;

taken as
first

equivalent to
in
this

the

port

coast

region

what he

calls Balita, identified

with

Varkkali or Janardhanam,

which

in those

days had
sea-shore.

a fine harbour and a village by the

Then comes Kumari with a cape

It
is

and a harbour.

also referred to as a
is

holy bathing place,

and the coast region

then described as extending eastwards

till it

reaches Korkai " where the pearl fisheries are,"

and the Periplus

offers

the interesting piece

of information, " that

they are worked by con-

demned

criminals."

Then

follows

another

coast region with a region inland called accord-

ing to the Periplus Argaru, taken to

equivalent of Uraiyur.

be the
of

These two regions

the coast country are somewhat

differently

named

in

Ptolemy.

He

called

the
s&>ld

region

uueueisriT ;SiB ^eStesarLDrreaaiear

&i&r(ki(olsQQp

<9rffiiijffiTLjQuear^

6snLL^iT^;lfrijjfEiS6sar6safsa7 .

Ah am

148.

122

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HI8T0KY

between Nirkunrum and Camorin as in the

country of Aioi.
the region

(Tamil Aay).
he
calls

Then
of

follows

which
Karaiyar,
coast
is

Kareoi (Tamil
fisherfolk)
;

Karai or

a class

and
in

the

country

extending
of

from

Korkai upwards

spoken

by

Ptolemy
of

two

divisions.

The

country

the

Batoi

(Tamil Vettuvar) and Poralia in the

country of the Toringoi (error for Soringoi,

Cholas).

The exports from this

:

region according
'^

to the Periplus are

the pearls
at

gathered from

part of what
7
**

is

brought

any time from

Pliny says

(Chap.
glory

IX 5458.)
having pearls suspended from
of

Our

ladies

in

their fingers, or
ears,

two or three

them dangling from

rattling

their

delighted even

wif.h the

of the pearls

as

they knock against each other; and now, at the present

day, the poorer classes are even affecting them, as peopleare
in

the

habit of saying, that

'

a pearl

worn by a

woman
ber.'
feet,
all

in public is as

good as a
this,

lictor

walking before

Nay, even more than

it is

they put them on their

of their sandals

and that, not only on the laces

;

but

over the shoes

not enough to wear pearls, but

they must tread upon them, and walk with them under
foot as well,

once saw Lollia Paulina, the wife of the Emperor it was not at any public festival, or any solemQ< oeremonial, bub only at an ordinary betrothal entertainI

*'

Caius

THE DAWN OF THE CHBISTIAN ERA

The most important
region
(identified

123

there and a kind of fine muslin called Argaratic.

ports mentioned
are
in
this

by the Periplus

three

Caniara

with Kaveripatnam), Poduca (may

it

be a Puduvai) and
stands for
vicinity.

is

doubtful whether
a place
in

it

Pondicherry or

the

or

Then Sopatma (Tamil Sopattanam fortified port). There come ships from
he
calls

what

Damirica

and

from

the

north for the exchange of commodities. Here

the Periplus has an
meDb
in

important statement to

covered
wreaths,

with emeralds and pearls, which shone

her

alfcernafce

layers
in

her

upon her head, in her her neck, ears, upon

fingers,

hair,
in

in

her

hracelets,

and on her
in all to

and the value

;

of

which

amounted
prepared

40,000(000 sesterces
prove

indeed she was

receipts and acquittances.

showing the any presents made hy a prodigal potentate, hut treasures which bad descended to her from ,her grandfather, and obtained by the spoliation of the provinces. Such are the fruits of
at

once to

the fact, by

Nor were

these

plunder and

extortion

It

was

for
all

this

reason that

M.

Lollius was held so infamous

over the East for

;

he extorted from the kings the which was, that he was denied the friendship of Caius Caesar, and took poison and all this was done, I say, that his granddaughter might be seen, by the
the presents which
result of
;

of forty millions of sesterces

glare of lamps, covered all over with jewels to the "

!

amount

124

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

make
of the

in respect of the capacity for navigation

Tamils.

In these ports that

he men-

tions, he says were ships of

two kinds, those and

intended for coasting voyages as far as Damirica,

as

he

calls it;

these were

small

large

and are called by him Sangara-

Those

intended however, for the voyages to Chryse

and

to the

Ganges were

called,

according to

him, Colandia, and are described as very large.

The term Chryse which in Greek

lent of gold,
in Sanskrits

is

the equiva-

seems to

refer to

Suvarnnabhiimi
with the
Periplus
it

and has been

identified
of

Malaya Peninsula, spoken

in another place as an

by the

island.

That

indi-

cates the region about the

is

Malaya Peninsula
in

clear from

what he says
;

regard

to

the

direction of the land

"just opposite this river

(Ganges) there

is

an island in the ocean the

world
;

last port of the inhabited

to
it

the
is

east

under the rising sun

itself

called

Chryse
of
all

and
the

it

has

the

best

tortoise-shell

places

on the

Erythraean Sea.
these

There are said to be imported into

ports everything that
" the
greatest
is

made
what

in
is

Damirica
got

part

of

from

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN EEA

Egypt.''

125

Then

he

proceeds

to

mention

Palaesimundu, "called by the ancients Taprobane."

Further north from

this,

according to

him, was the region Masalia and further north

of this

Dosarene (Sans. Dasarna).

Ptolemy
the

however interpolates between the Chola coast

and Maisalia (Masalia

country
of the
of the

of

the Periplus)

Arouvarnoi or Arvarnoi (the

Tamils) whose country was

Aruvalar

known

to the

Tamils in two divisions Aru-

vanadu and Aruva

Aruva) which would
close

Vada
of

Talai

(northern
or
less

take us

more

to the
of

mouth

the Krishna river, the

Maisalos

Ptolemy,
of this coast, the

Of the trade
ant ports are

most importto
set

the

three referred
of

already,

and

the

imports

trade

are

down

"Everything made in Damirica and the greatest

part of what

is

brought at any time from

Egypt comes here together with most kinds of all the things that are brought from Damirica

and

of those

that

are.

carried through

Paralia."

We
at

have similar reference to the imports

in the

Kaveripatam

Tamil work Pattinap-

126
'pali

BEGINNINGS OF
*'

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
from distant lands

horses were brought

seas,

beyond the

pepper was brought in ships,

stones

gold and precious

came

from, the

northern mountains, sandal and akhir came

from the mountains towards the west, pearls

from the southern seas and coral from the

eastern seas.

The

produce of the
;

regions

watered by the Ganges

all
;

that

is

grown on
from
of

the banks of the Kavery

articles of food

llam

or Ceylon in

and the manufactures

This looks

Kala-

kam
ment

Burma."^

like a re-state-

in a

somewhat expanded form

of

what

is

found

briefly stated in the Periplus.

Such was

the condition of industry and commerce of this

land as far as
this condition
us.
II.
it

is

possible for us to picture

from the evidence available to

Internal condition

political, industrial dc.

To

take up the political geography of south

India as a whole then, the country south of

the Krishna was divided

among
later.

'

the

three

crowned kings

'

and seven

chieftains, with

an

eighth coming somewhat

8

There were

Pattinappalai

II.

127

ff.

and Mr. Kanakasabhai's

^Tamils 1,800 years ago,

p. 27.

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EKA

It
is

127

a host of minor chieftains of lesser repute.

the coast region aad the more

open

country that belonged to the kings, while the

middle regions of

hills

and

forests

belonged to

the chieftains, and perhaps even a few tribes

(Nagas and others).

The

east

coast

from

near the mouth of the Krishna to the south

of

Kamnad, belonged to the Chola, although midway between

Tondi
in

the Zamindari of

the kingdom proper and

alty
of

its

northern viceroy-

Kanchi lay the hill-country round

possession
of

Tirukoilur, in the
chieftains

a class

of

named Malayaman, very

of

often loyal

supporters

their

suzerain,

occasionally
of the

truculent and rebellious.

Chola kingdom lay that of the Pandya, which extended from coast to coast, and embraced
within
its

South

borders

Madura and

modern districts Tinnevelli, and the State

the

of

of

Travancore, taking in also a part of Coimbatore and Cochin.

chieftaincies
of

This incllided in

it

the

Aay
hill

(the Aioi of Ptolemy)

in the western ghats, of

round the Podyil

and

of

Evvi round about the port

There were

Korkai
the do-

in Tinnevelli,

besides

128

BEGINNINGS OF
of

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
fche

mains

Pehan
their
of

round
sphere

Palnis which,
influence
as

comes under
well.

of

North

this

and along the western

right across the

ghats on the sea-side lay the territory of the

Chera a
:

territory stretching

Palghat gap through Salem and Coimbatore.

South Mysore was parcelled

out

among
was

number

of

chieftains

corresponding
allegiance

to the
at

modern Palayagars, whose

their neighbour kings.
of

the disposal of either, but the more powerful, of

Such were the Irunga

Arayam, Pari

of

Parambunad,
of these

Adiyaman
of the Kolli-

of

Tagadur (Dharmapuri) and Ori

malais.

The

first

was

within the
of

Mysore
his

territory proper,

and to the east

domain lay the Gangas, and Kongu

to the

The northern frontier of the Tamil land was held by Nannan of the Tulu country in the West, and Pulli of Vengadam (Tirupati)
south.
in the
east, the

further north

having been

the land of the Aryas (Vadukar) and

Dandaconten-

ranyam
tion

(Sans.

Dandakaranyam).
of

These chieftaincies were the bone

between the
Cholas

and the Cheras.

When

the period under treatment begins, the

THE DAWN OF THE CHBISTIAN ERA

Cholas
ascended
are
fche

129

supreme under
throne, probably

Karikala,
affcer

who

defeating

the Chera and

Pandya

in a battle at
in the

Vennil
Tanjore

(Koilvenni as
district.

it is

now called)

He was

a remarkable sovereign who,

in

many

ways, contributed to the permanent

welfare of his subjects, and has consequently

been handed

down

to posterity as a beneficent

and
port

wise

monarch.
for the

He

constructed

the

embankments
coast.

Kavery, and his chief

of the east

Puhar was the great emporium

His reign was long and,
of his

taken along

with those

two predecessors and the

the

successor next following him, constitutes

period of the
south.

fiirst

Choi a ascendancy in the

of his

In the reign

successor

a great

catastrophe befell Puhar,

port were both destroyed.

and

the

city

and

This was a hard

the Cholas.

blow to the ascendancy

of

But

Karikala had, after defeating his contemporary

Chera, given one of his daughters in marriage
to

the

son of his vanquished

stood

rival.

This
stead-

alliance

the

Cholas

in

good
reign

Karikala's successor began his

victory,

with a
him,

which

his heir-apparent

won

for

130

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
at

against the Chera and

Pandya combined,

Kariyar, probably in the Salem district.

When

Puhar was destroyed there was a civil war, owing perhaps to liUe uatimely death of the young Ghola prince
region.
;

and the Chera ruler

for

the time being, advanced through the central

He

intervened in favour of his cou-

sins with effect, as against the rival claimants

of royal blood,

and restored the Ghola dynasty

;

to

some power

but the ascendancy

to the Chera.

surely

enough passed from them

Chera
in the

The

ascendancy

under

the

Eed-Chera
;

(Senguttuvan) lasted only

reign of his
greater
defeat

one generation

successor

the Pandyas

rose

to

importance

and the Chera

at

suffered

and

imprisonment

his

hands.
lasted

This

Pandya ascendancy probably

till

on somewhat longer
in

about the rise of

the

Pallavas

Kanchi.
of

This
gravity
in

course
in

of

the political ern

centre

south-

India

is

borne out

very important

particulars by the Ceylon Chronicle, called the

Mahavamsa,

According

to

this

work,

the
of

Choi as were naturally the greatest enemies

the Singalese rulers.

There were usurpers from

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

the Chola country in Ceylon in the
first

131

century

B.C.; and there were invasions and counterinvasions as well.

On one
to

occasion the Chola

invaders carried away 12,000 inhabitants of

Ceylon and

set

them

work
it. ^

at

'

the Kavery

'

as the Chronicle

has
of

This looks very

it

much

like

an exploit

Karikala seeing that

was he who

built the city of Puhar.

King

Gajabahu

of

Ceylon was present at the invitathe

tion of the Eed-Chera, to witness the celebration of a sacrifice

and the consecration

'

of

temple to the

'

Chaste Lady

(Pattini Devi) at

Vanji, on the west coast.

The ascendancy
Pandyas
^

of

the

Chera,

however,
to

passed away, as already mentioned,

the

in the course of one single generation.

his

The Eed-Chera was succeeded by

the Chera of the

son,

elephant look,
at

'

who was
figured

his father's

viceroy

Tondi,

and

prominently in the wars

the middle region.

of his predecessor in

He was

defeated and taken

prisoner in a battle, which he had to fight

with the contemporary Pandyan,

the victor, at Talayalanganam.
9

designated

With

this

Upham'8 Mahavamsa,

Vol.

i,

p.

228.

132

BEGINNINGS OF
to

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
ascendancy

mishap

the ruler the Chera

passes away.
their

The Pandyans

of

Madura bake
the

turn now, aad coatiaued to hold

position of

hegemony up

to the time that the

Pallavas rise into importauce.

This, in brief

and

iu very general
of

terms, was the political

history

South

India

at

the

beginning

and during the early centuries of the Christian

Era.

Passing on from the political to th^ industrial

condition of India,

we have already
If,

des-

cribed the

principal sea-ports,

both on the
as has been

western and eastern seaboard.

pointed out, there were so
and,
if

many
of

thriving ports

foreign

merchants sought these for

pirates and,
if

trade

at

considerable risk
so

there was

much

enterprise

in sea-going
itself,

among

the inhabitants of the country

is irresistible

the conclusion

that the country

so,

had a prosperous industry, and

nation,
it

on examihave been.

appears certainly,
of

to

Apart from the complaints

fashionable

Petronius that

Roman
'

ladies

exposed

their

charms much

too immodestly

by clothing
wind', as he

themselves in the

webs

of

woven

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN EEA

says that

133

called the muslins imported from India, Pliny-

India

drained

the

Eoman

empire

annually to the extent of 55,000,000 sesterces,

equal to ^486, 979^0 sending in return goods

which sold
India.^i
^

at

a hundred times their value in

also

He

remarks in another place,

for

this is the price

we pay

our luxuries

and

our women.'

That the

industrial arts

had received attenis

tion and cultivation in early times in India

in evidence to the satisfaction of the
tical

most scep-

mind. The early Tamils divided arts into

:

six groups

ploughing (meaning thereby agri-

culture), handicrafts, painting,

commerce and
re-

trade, the learned arts,

and

lastly the fine arts.

Of these, agriculture and commerce were

garded as
of the first

importance.

Flourishing

trade pre-supposes a volume of industry, the

principal of

which was

weaving then,

as

iti

also has been until recently.

Cotton, silk and

materials that

wool seem to have been the

10

Mommben

gives tha

fcofcal

11.000,000, 6,000.000

lor Arabia,
11

5,000,000

for India.

Malabar Manual. Vol.

1.

pp. 150-1.

184

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

were wrought into cloths. Araong the woollens

we

find
of

mention
rats,

of

manufactures

from the
parti-

wool

which

was regarded as
are

cularly
of
silks

warm.

There

thirty

varieties

mentioned, each with a

its

distinctive

appellation of

own, as distinguished from

the imported silks of China which had a separate name.

The character

of the cotton stuffs

that were manufactured

is

indicated by the

comparisons instituted between them

*

and,

sloughs of serpents' or

vapour from milk'

of these

and the general description

fine textures the thread of

as

'

those

which could not be

followed even by the eye.'

The

chief exports from the country, as the

*
:

author of the Periplus says, were these

The

produce of the
of

soil like

pepper, great quantities

likewise

the

best pearl

are

purchased
from

here, ivory, silk in the web,

spikenard

the Ganges, Malabathrum from the countries

further to
all sorts,

the east,

transparent

stones

of

diamonds, rubies and tortoise-shell

golden Chersonese
the coast
of
of

from the
islands off
all

or

from
This

the
is

Damirike.

from the port

Muziris on the west coast.

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

He
goes on to say
*
:

135

There

is

great resort

of shipping to this

port for

pepper and mala-

bathrum

the

merchants bring out a large

quantity of spice, and their other imports are

topazes, stibium, coral, flint, glass, brass,
lead, a small

and

quantity of wine as profitable as

at

Barugaza, cinnabar, fine cloth, arsenic and

wheat, not for sale but for the use of the crew.

That Pliny's complaint about the drain was

neither

imaginary nor hypersensitive

is

in

evidence in a passage descriptive of Muziris

in one of the ancient classics of
ture.^2 ^Musiri to

Tamil

litera-

which come the well-rigged

bringing gold

ships of

the

Yavanas,

and

taking away spices in exchange/

Regarding the trade

of

the east coast, here

follows to imports into of

Puhar

' :

Horses

were brought from distant lands beyond the

seas,

pepper was brought in ships

gold and

precious stones

came from the northern moun;

tains towards the west

pearl from the southern

seas

and

coral

from

the eastern seas.

The
;

produce

of the region

watered by the Ganges

12 See note 6 p.

120 above.

; ;

136
all

BEGINNINGS OF
that
is

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
of the

grown on the banks

of

Kavery
and the
i^

articles

of food

from Ilam (Ceylon)

manufactures

Kalaham

(Burma),

^ere

brought there for sale as was stated already.

The products
Tondi
in the

of

particular importance receiof

ved in the port

Tondi

(East

or

Chola

Eamnad

Dt.) are

aghir (a kind

of black aromatic wood), fine

silk

silk,

camphor,

stuff (from China), candy, sandal, scents

and
teams

these

articles

and

salt

were

carried

into the interior by

means

of

wagons drsiwn by
along through

of oxen, slowly trudging

town and village,

effecting exchanges with

com-

modities for export.

Tolls were

paid on the

way, and the journey from

the coast up the

plateau and back again occupied

many months.

brisk

and thriving commerce with the cor-

responding volume of internal trade argues

peace,

and the period

to

which the above

description will apply must have been a period

of general peace in the Peninsula.

They
of

did

not forget in those days to maintain a regular

customs establishment, the

13

officials

which

PaUiaapalai, 127

ff,

aad The Tamils 1800 years

go

p. 27.

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EBA

piled

137

up the grain and stored up the things

that could not immediately be

appraised, leaving

measured and

them

in the dockyards care-

fully sealed with the tiger signet of the king.^^

The Tamils buih

seem
to

their

own

ships; and

in the other crahs of the

skilled artisan they

have

attained

some

proficiency,
of

though they availed themselves

from distant places.

experts

In the building of the

skilled

royal palace at Puhar,

artisans from

Magadha,
racta),

mechanics from
^^

Maradam (Mahtogether with the

smiths fiom Avanti (Malva), carpen-

ters

lom Yavana, worked

artisans of the
of a

Tamil land.

There

is

mention
In

temple of the most beautiful workmanship

in the

same

city, built

by the Gurjjaras.^^
and
in

the building of forts

of

the

providing

them with weapons and

something
like

missiles,

both for

offence and defence, the Tamils had attained

to
perfection.

Twenty-four

such weapons are mentioned among the defences of Madura.

14 Pattioappalai, 134-6. 15

Manimokhalai, Canto
I,

xix,

11*107 and

ff.

16 Ibid xviii.

145.

138

BEGINNINGS OF
and

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Passing from the industrial to the literary^

social

religious

condition of the south,

far

which we have

so

been considering, we

have again to do with the three kingdoms,

each with a capital city and a premier port.

The Cholas had their capital at Uraiyur, with Puhar for an alternative capital and chief
port
;

the

Pandyas

had

their

capital

at

Madura, with the port and premier viceroyalty

at

Korkai; the Cheras had their capital at

Vanji, with the principal port and viceroyalty

at

Tondi.

The Cholas had

their

premier

viceroy,

who was

generally the heir apparent,

or at least a

prince of the blood, at Kanchi.

ports, therefore,

These towns and

bulk very

largely in the literature

of

and

literary traditions

the

period.

The road from Kanchi

Trichinopoly
(i.e.

to

Trichinopoly appears to have passed through

Tirukkoilur.
to

From

UraiyQr)

Madura

it

lay along the

more

arid parts of
in the state

the Tanjore district to

of

Kodumbai

Pudukotta, and thence to

Nedumgulam
three branches.
close to the

from which place the road broke into three,

and

led

up to Madura

in

Prom

this last

town a road kept

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

banks
of the river
it

139

Vaigai up to the Palnis

hills

and from there

went up the

and down

again along the banks of the Periyar to the

town
least,

of

Vanji,

situated

near

its
;

mouth.
one at

There were also other roads besides

thence on to Tirukkoiliir.

from Vanji to the modern Karoor and

These roads were not

there

safe in

all

parts alike,

being certain

portions

of

them that

passed through desert regions, inhabited by

wild tribes,

who were

a cause of terror to the

wayfarers, particularly those

who had some-

thing to

lose,

notwithstanding the fact that

robbery was punished with nothing short of

impalement.
frequent
for

Journeys were none

purposes
of

the
or

less

pilgrimage,
or

in

search of patronage for

profits of

learning,

for

the

commerce.
held before

The

rulers in those days

them

high ideals of

government.

Their absolute
*five

authority was limited by the

blies,' as

great assem-

they were called, of ministers, priests

(spies),

generals, heralds,

and

ambassadors.

These may be the same as the Pancha-mahapradhanas

of Sanskrit,

and may be the same

140

BEGINNINGS OF
Mahamatras

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

as the

associated with the prince-

ly viceroys of

the Asoka Inscriptions. There

perroit
for

appear to have been a general

learned

Brahman
;

durbar

to speak his mind in any and these Brahmans often gave out

their opinions

most

fearlessly.

This privilege

was similarly accorded

also to

men

of learning.

I give a few instances in illustration.

A Brah-

man

pilgrim from the Chola country happened

to be present at the

Chera court, when the

set

Chera King gave orders to his ministers to

his

army

in

motion to avenge an insult that

princes, he

some northern
him.

was

told,

had given
the

The

minister's remonstrance and

reluctance of the general were overruled. This

Brahman

got up and pointed out, in a speech,

fifty

that he had warred for the

years of

his

reign in order to safeguard his earthly interests

but had done very

in the
life

little to

provide for himself

to come.

Of course the expedition

the king began
to

was

countermanded, and

make

provision for the future.

A young Pandya
it

king of the next generation showed himself

too enthusiastic for war, and
of
fell

to the lot

one

of

the poets at court to wean

him

of

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

this

141

war

craze.

In a poem of 850 lines he

^"^

conveyed the hint to the king.

If

language

can be conceived as the art of concealing

thought, here
is

an instance par excellence.

us to the court
of

The next

instance takes

Vaiyyavikkonperum-Pehan who neglected his wife Kannaki. A number of poets of the first
rank interceded and restored him to her.
next case that I will mention here
poet,
is

The

that of a

who enjoyed
rulers.

the patronage of successive

Chola

He

found that

aCt

the end of
to

a civil war the victorious Chola

was about

put to death his vanquished cousin.

The

poet

pointed out that the victory tarnished the good

name
defeat,

of the

Cholas,

quite as

much

as the
to

and that he did not know whether

Chola or weep

rejoice for the victorious

for the
cei'-

vanquished one.
tainly effective.

The
These

intercession was
illustrations

show

in

addition the respect that learning

I shall permit myself one

commanded.
refer-

more

illustration to

show
17

this respect.

The warlike Pandya

known
as

red to already,
This
is

came

to the throne young.

He

the famous piece

Maduraikkaoji,,

one

of the Pattuppafetu collection.

142

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
war against a combi-

had immediately

to go to

nation of his two neighbours and his court was

naturally anxious as to the result.

The young

prince in a poem,

full of

poetic grace assured

them
that

that he
if

would return
fail,

victorious and
his court

he should

the poets of

including Mangudi Marudan, might

attend.

cease to

The
their

ideal of justice set before

them

in those

days was something unattainable. They strove

utmost to attain
;

to the sublimity of their

ideal

and a king was judged good

'

or bad

upon

the degree of success he achieved in this particular branch of his duties.

to

Oh the
is

king he

is
if

blame

it

the

rains

fail

he

to

blame

woman
estate,

go astray.
except

What

is

there in a king's
anxiety,
of a

perpetual

that

people should
for!'

envy the position

king

Learning went in search

of patronage.

There must have been a very considerable

output of literature.
It

was doubtless

to

check

the growth of the weed of learning that a body

of censors called the

Sangam must have been

are

instituted.

It is a

number of works, which

believed to have received the imprimatur of

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

all this

143

this learned body, that has been the source of

information

regarding

this

period.

This

is

not the place to enter into the question

of

of the origin

Tamil

literature
;

or

of

its

independence or otherwise
with the literature
of

or of its connexion

Sanskrit.

But

may
to

remark in passing that Tamil literature (as

distinct

from language) cannot lay

its

claim

that independence that

for it

votaries

demand

with more zeal than argument. Learning

was somewhat widespread and much sought

after.

Women

had

their share of learning, as

the number of

women

poets indicates.
to

Nor
of

was
^

this learning confined

the

Brahman
the

although he was the

northern
lore.'

sole

custodian

In matters religious there was a happy confusion.

Jains, Buddhists,

Brahmans, Saivas,

Vaishnavas, and people of other persuasions

both major and minor,

peace with one another.

all
*

lived together

and at

There were splendid

temples in the city dedicated to the worship

of the celestial tree Kalpaka, (the wish
tree),

giving

the celestial elephant Airavata, Vajrayu-

da

(the

thunderbolt

of Indra),

Baladeva,

144

BEGINNINGS OF
Chandra,

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
Subramanya, Sata-

Surya,

Siva,

vahana, (Aiyanar in Tamil or Sasfca in Mai.

and Sans
of love),

:)

Jina or Nirgratha,

Kama

(god

and

Yama
viharas

(God

of death).

There

were
built

seven

reputed to

have been

by Indra, the king

of the gods, in

which

dwelt no less

than 300 monks (Buddhistic).

The temple

of

Yama was

outstide the walls of

of

the town, in the burial

ground in the city

Puhar, the capital of the Cholas.

rival

The

three
of

systems

of the

Brahmans, and those

the Jains

and Buddhists flourished together

its

each with

own

clientele

unhampered by
its

the others in the prosecution of

rights.

own holy

The Brahman was not regarded an

of the

inconvenience, but the general feeling was that

he was indispensable to the prosperity

state.

A devout

Buddhist and an ascetic Jain

prince both speak of

him with

great

respect.

He was the
the Veda)
fire,

custodian of the hidden

lore,

{i^^Py
sacred

he was the guard an

of the

the source of material prosperity to the

;

state

he

was

the

person
to

who
the

perfordifficult
rain..

med

the sacrifices according

rites,

orthodox

and who brought timely

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

145

These are the terms in which these heterodox He had a function in writers refer to him.
society

and he discharged
of the

it

faithfully.

The
was

whole attitude both

of

orthodox and also

religious,

the

heterodox,

in matters

the pity of the one for the ignorance of the

other
;

but nothing more

bitter, as

Max

Muller

has very well pointed out.

Animism seems
ant
parti in

to have played

an import-

the religious system of those days.

'

There was a temple consecrated to the

Chaste

Lady
band.

'

(Pattini Devi), as she

was

called,

who

died in consequence of the murder of her hus-

Her images

are preserved

in

temples
Dr.

up

to the present times for, according to

of the

A.K. Kumarasami,^^ some

images depict-

ed in illustration of the ancient art of

are of this deified

Ceylon
vogue,

women.
only
to

Sati

was

in

but under well recognised limitations.

This

was
upon,

permitted
natural

woman,
to

who had
fall

neither

guardians
to bring
for

back
it

nor

children

up.

That

was not
i8

uncommon
p.

young women

to

J.E.A.S. 1909,
10

292.

146

BEGINNINGS OF
by

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
is

return to their parents widowed

for

vouched

a comparison that a poet institutes

the approach of darkness

between

and the

return of the widowed young

husband had
festivals

lately

fallen

were celebrated

woman, whose war. Annual with great eclat, and

in
cele-

one

of the grandest

was that to Indra

have gathered

brated at Puhar-

my

facts

from a vast body

recently

of

Tamil literature only

made

available to the student. I

now

proceed to consider the sources of the information,

which are the Tamil

classical

writers,

Indian
the

literature,

and

Sanskrit,
first

and

Ceylonese chronicle. Of the

group, Strabo
;

wrote in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius

Pliny published his geography in A.D. 77
the
Periplus of the Erythraeaean

Sea was

written in the first century A-D. probably A.D.

60 but not
his

later

than A.D. 80

Ptolemy wrote
;

geography about A.D. 150

the Peutin-

gerian Tables were composed

in

A.D. 222.
later,

There were other writers who wrote

but
I

we

are not concerned with

to

them

directly.

would draw attention

from the works

three

points,

taken

of classical writers.

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

Pliny remarks
are
'
:

147

At the present-day voyages

and companies
the

made

to India every year,

of archers are carried

on board, because
pirates'.
is

Indian seas are infested by

Later on
desirable

he says
place of

*
:

It

(Muziris)
pirates

not
in

call,

being

the

neigh;

bourhood,

who occupy
it is

a place called Nitrias

and besides
for traffic'.

not well supplied with

wares

This was before A.D. 77. Ptolemy

regarded this port Muziris as

an emporium,
Aioi

and places
Bakarai.
division

the

country

of

south of

Though Ptolemy does mark the of the Konkan coast extending northNitra (Nitrias of Pliny)
is

wards

of

and up

to

the port of Mandagara, which

identified with

some place not yet

definitely accepted in

the
as

southern Mahratta country north of Goa,

Ariake Andron Peiraton, meaning the Ariaka

of

the pirates
;

in

his

time,

says

no

more
piracy,

of pirates at all

meaning there was no

&c.

The

Periplus on the contrary does

make
its

mention

of the piratic character of this coast

and gives a straightforward account of

tbctive prevalence at the

time in regard to the

ports in

the

neighbourhood.

The

bearing


148

BEGINNINGS OF
we

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
The Peutintwo

of this

shall see presently.^^

gerian Tables state clearly that

1^
is

Roman

The following

account;

from Marco Polo

of this coasfc

worth DotiDg

"There go forth every year more than

cruise. These pirates and children, and stay out mer. Their method is to join in fleets of pirate vessels together, and then they

hundred cor-

sair vessels

on

take with

their wives

the whole

them sum-

20 or 30 of these form what they

an

call a sea

cordon,

that

is,

they drop

off till there is

interval of 5 or 6 miles between ship and ship, so that

fehey

cover something

like a

hundred miles

of sea,

and

no merchant ship can escape them. For when any one corsair sights a vessel a signal is made hy fire or smoke, and then the whole of them make for this, and seize
and plunder them. After they have plundered them they let them go, saying, Go along with you and get more gain, and that mayhap will fall But now the merchants are aware of this, to us also !'
the

merchants

and go so well manned and armed, and with such great Still mishaps ships, that they don't fear the corsairs.
do
befall

them

at times."

He
'*

also notes in
:

respect of the

kingdom

of

Ely the

following
If

any ship enters

their estuary

and anchors there,

*

having been bound for some other port, they seize her and plunder the cargo. For they say, You were hound
for
us,

somewhere
so
it is

else,

and

'tis

God has
all

sent you hither

to-

we have
no

a right to

your goods,'
this

And they
if

think

sin to act thus.

And

naughty customa;

prevails all over the provinces of India, to wit, that

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN EEA

for the protection of

149

cohorts were maintained in the same town

Eoman commerce.
elaborate

Mr.

Sewell,

who has made an

study of the

Roman

coins

found in India,

considers that an examination of the coin-finds

lead to the following conclusions
1.
i^o

There was hardly any commerce between

during the Consulate.

Rome and India

With Augustus began an intercourse which, enabling the Romans to obtain oriental luxuship
is

driveo by stress of weather into soroe other port

to

than that
plundered.

which
if

it

Bat

a ship
it

was bound, it was sura came bound originally

all

to

bo

to the
it

place, they receive

with

honor and give

due

protection."
It
it

would be interesting

to note as

Yule remarks that

was in this neighbourhood that Ibn Batuta fell into the hands of pirates and was 'stripped to the very drawers.* That region continued to be piratical up to the days of Clive and Watson as we know. In the days of Sivaji it
continued to ba piratical
Teplied to
also, as he is said to have an English embassy protesting against this
'*

it was againat the laws of Conchon any ship or goods that were drivan ashore." The central Asian ambassador Abd-er-Razzak has something to say of pirates near the Calicut coast,

piracy

that

"

to restore

Marco. Polo

Yale and Cordier (3rd Bdn.) Ill Chap.

pp. 385-392.

XXIV

and

XXV.

30 J.R.A.S., 1904, p. 591.

150
ries

BEGINNINGS OF
during

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
the empire,

the early days of

culminated about the time

of Nero,

who

died

A.D. 68.
3.

From
till

this time forward

the trade de-

clined
4.

the date of Caracalla, A.D. 217.

Prom

the date of Caracalla

it

almost

entirely ceased.
5.

It revived again,

though

slightly,

under
the

the Byzantine emperors.

He

also

infers

that the trade under

in

early emperors

was

luxuries

under the

later ones in industrial products,

and under the

Byzantines the commerce was with the southwest coast only, and not with the interior.

He
tion

differs

from those who find an

explana-

of this

fluctuation in the political

and

social condition of India itself,

ties or their

and the

facili;

absence for navigating the seas

is

and considers that the cause

for in

to

be

sought
of

the political

and

social

condition

Rome.

From an examination

of

the second class of

my

sources of information alone,

we

find that

there was a period

under great

rulers,

when South India was who gave the country peace

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

151

and thus provided the indispensable security This period can be shown to for commerce.
correspond to that of the

Eoman

empire from

Augustus to Garacalla.
find the
flux.
least,

After this period,

we
at

country in a condition of political

So then
of

we may
most

still

find one,
of

the

potent

causes

this
of

commercial decline in the internal condition

India
itself.

Pliny and Ptolemy do not mencohorts at Muziris which the

tion the

Eoman

Feiitingerian Tables do.

The
is

first

exploit of

Eed Chera's father the Kadambu^i tree on

the

the destruction of

the sea coast. Another

compliment that the poets never miss an opportunity of bestowing upon this Eed-Chera himself is

that the Chera fleet sailed on the waters

of that littoral

with a sense of dominion and

is

security.
21
(1)

The Kadambu mentioned above

ueOiT QLLfj&isQ^iTU) LSuu^ff&r L4,i&aL-ix)i5*sSr

SL^lLjetDL^
(JfiQp

Qfi^gHuSluuQQjdj.

II. 11. n. 12-13.

(2)
sL-u>Lj

Qp^pu^ih^ a(Si(^^ear QoiisQfi.

II. 12
1.

3.

(3)

S>^'^<S i^^0eiaL^uj iDirssL^G^sQd

II. 17. U.

56.

152

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

explained as a tree of extraordinary power

which could not be cut down by ordinary man.

I rather think from the context that
it

has

reference to a piratical rendezvous of the tribe

of people
later.

who became known

as the

Kadambas
page which

This view seems to be directly countenlast

anced by the extract 3 on the

says in efiect that he crossed the sea, destroyed

the

Kadambu and
^^

brought his
If this

enemies to

subjection to him.

view be correct,

the advent of the said Chera brought along

with

it

security.

This would be in conformity

with Ptolemy's reference to Aay, who was one

of the
^

seven chieftains known to literature as

the last seven patrons'.

Prom

the body of

works known to Tamil scholars as Sangam

works their contemporaneity could easily be

esfcablished.

have examined this question

elsewhere (in the Appendix on

22 It
tree,

The Augustan
if

had been the tree-totem of this tribe. One tree in particular might have been regarded aa peculiarly sacred by the tribe like the famous Oak at Dodoaa of the ancient Greeks or the slightly less famous 0<ik trunk of the Saxons of tihe days
the country-date or
it

would be nothing surprising some tree like

the

Kadambu

of

Charlfimagne.

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

Age Aay
of

153

Tamil Literature), and

distinctive

fiud the

name

name

of

two individuals,
a
older

and not quite

of a family.
of,

The Aay must have

or
little

been the contemporary

than, Ptolemy, and the age of Ptolemy

practically be the age of the

would

Ked-Chera, and

the Chera ascendancy.

This conclusion only

confirms what has been arrived at independently

of this class of evidence.

Gajabahu

of

Ceylon,

who

visited the
reign,

Ked-Ohera almost
according to

at

the end of his

ruled

the

Ceylonese chronicle from A. D. 113 to 135.

Allowing

for

the

difference

between
of the

the

Ceylonese date

of the

Nirvana

Buddha,
Gaja-

and that arrived

Fleet,

at

by modern scholars, as Dr.

years, that date for
to 193.

namely sixty

bahu would be A. D. 173

The Chera
Here has
to

ascendancy then would cover the latter twothirds of the second century A.D.

be brought in the Paisachi work Brihat Katha.

Among
hana.

the temples mentioned as having been

found at Puhar was one dedicated to SatavaThis personage was the ruler in whose
court flourished the minister Gunadya,

who
work

was

the

author

of

this

stupendous

154

BEGINNINGS OF
stands
at

S.

INDIAN HISTOBY
all

which

the root of

romantic
or
rest

literature

in India,

whether in Sanskrit

any
of

vernacular,

and

may
It

be

of

the

the

world as well.

was a translation
fashion
in

of this
for

work that

set the
of

Tamil
epics..

the composition

the romantic

The age
question

of the original is still

matter under

investigation.
is

The latest authority on the the Dutch scholar Speyer, who

it

would place
earliest

in the third century A.

D.

at the

date

clearly impossible according

I shall

to our line of inquiry.

not say more

about
of the

it

here

now but
;

only remark
this,

that one

works clearly based upon

has to be

referred to a period anterior to the astronomer,.

Varahamihira A. D. 533.

This work,

MANI-

MEKHAL
the

A.

refers to the asterism

under which

Buddha was born

as the fourteenth; which,,

according to the modern computation, following Varahamihira, ought to be the seventeenth.

The Ceylon Chronicle

also

deserves

to

be

investigated more carefully. So far investigations from different points of view only appear

to

confirm

its

chronology, except for

the

possible correction

made

above.

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

The
ponds closely to the disappearance

155

date of the death of Caracalla corresof the Sata*

vahanas

of

the Dekhan. According to the latest

opinion the

power

of

the

Kushanas

also

vanished about the

India likewise the
into darkness.

same

period. In

South

Pandya ascendancy passes The century following is one

Indian
History, until the

of the dark spots in

rise

of

the

Guptas in the

north
of the

of

the

Chalukyas in the Dekhan, and

in the south.

Pallavas

Before closing, I
sions of a
scholar,

may
T.

refer

to

the conclu-

C.

Evans,
in

who has
a thesis,

studied the India of this

period

Greek and

Roman

India, contributed to the

for 1901.

Anglo-American Magazine
cludes that "

He

conthere

The Greek invader found

its

an ancient and highly organised society difering

little in

usages
exist

and modes

of living

from those which

the conjecture,

at the present

time

;.

and although there are no means

it is

of verifying

not unlikely that the popu-

lation of the peninsula

was as great

in that
this,

period as in our own."

Commenting on

my friend Mr. W.H.

SchoSof the Philadelphia

156

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
re-

Commercial Museum makes the following

marks "If this view most populous region

:

is

correct, India

was the

of

the world at the time

of the Periplus, as it

was the most cultivated,

the

most

active, industrial

and commercial,
teaming

the most highly organised socially, the most

toretched

in

the

poverty
least

of

its

millions

and the

powerful
that

politically.'*

He
that

further
of

follows

" the
it

economic
impossible

status

the country
of

made

any one

these

should possess poliits

tical force

commensurate with
It

population,
of

resources and industries.

village communities,

was made up

and organised
they were
relatively

military

power only so
do so
in
;

far as

compelled to

and they were

unconcerned

the dynastic changes, except to note the

change in their oppressors."

a great
deal

While there
in these

is

that
fail

is

just

remarks,

some

of

them

to take

note of the time,

pas-

and the circumstances, on which we are

sing judgment

from our twentiecn century

standard of political justice.

of the

The very extent

would

couQtry and
of

the necessarily inferior

character

the

communications

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

make any
the
village

157

other organisation than

that of
in

communities

inefficient

the

extreme.

It is true

perhaps that

they had
all

not the military power necessary for

but such as
it

time

was

it

often proved at any rate

equal to the strain imposed

successfully
foreigners.
of

upon

it,

often

by

defending the
After
all

country against
is

there

the possibility

difference of

ideal in

organisation.
for

society
its

essentially
is

organised
certainly
of

peace and

requirements
for

defectively orgaIf

nised

purposes

war.

the

Hindu

society at

any time had been organised on

any
and

basis, it certainly

was on the
of

basis of peace

the
It

happiness
is

the

bulk

of

the

people.

this

ideal

that has the merit

as well as the

defect of

Hindu organisations
of

throughout the history

difficult

India.

It

is

not

to

understand by a comparison of
British

the

organisation of the

Empire
be

at

the

present

time

which

can

looked

upon as having been made on an economic

basis,

with that of the

German

empire, which,
to

at

any

rate, recent history

shows

have been
It

organised upon

basis for

war.

ought

158

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

rather to be said to

the credit of the early

so
far

Hindus that they regarded war

abnormal state
vide for
it

an

of affairs that

they had to pro-

only in an exceptional sort of way,

and

this is evident

both in their organisation

it is

for

peace, and in that of war, as far as

for us to

possible

make out from the material

available

to U3.

About the very time

their

of the Periplus,

the Tamilian rulers of the

quite able to hold

West own as

coast

were

against the
finally

Greeks on the
quished,
it

sea, and,

though

van-

was the Punjab armies that made

a very good stand against Alexander. Chandra-

gupta could even lay claim to a victory against

the most redoubtable of Alexander's generals.

These

instances

ought to make

us

pause

before accepting sweeping statements either

as to military incapacity or to unfairly distribution of property
of

uneven

in

the organisation

Indian society.

may

quote

here an
a parti-

address that a poeu

cularly warlike

made
on

to a king,

one,

the ideals that

he

ought to

set before

him

at a
for

time when there

war.

was perhaps some need

.literal

Here

is

translation of the

passage

as far as

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

beautiful

159

Tamil poem could be rendered into

" Like

English prose.
adorns the

the

single

eye that
of

Majestic

crescent face
for his

Siva,

who, with Mount Meru

serpent
for its

bow, the great

string,

destroyed the triple

fortifications of the

Eakshasas to give victory

Mara, of
Great among Kings; great

to the valiant host of the Devas,

the flower garland

though your army

high mettle, high cars with

may
of

count, elephants of

horses

exceediug

fleetness,

tall flags

and valiant
the

soldiers
of a

eager for war, remember

Majesty

monarch
with long

lies

foremost in his walking the path

of rectitude.
life,

Therefore

may you

be blessed
little

without swerving ever so

from the path

of rectitude because the people

;

concerned are ours

without in the least dis-

<}Ounting the good found in those not of us

may
in

your valour shine with the brilliance of

the sun.
it all

May

your power

of protection

show

the beneficent coolness of

the moon.

May

your charity be as seasonal and imparthat of the rain

tial as

great virtues just

<50unt

With the three mentioned may your days

itself.

more than the sands

of the sea

washed

160

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
of Sendil

ashore

by the winds, on the coast

(Tiruchendur) where stands the great Kun:jara."

It

would only be

fair to

the ancients to

give

them the ordinary

credit of their

having

honestly attempted to pursue the ideal they

set before themselves.

CHAPTEE

IV.

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE s'ANGAM WORKS,

SO CALLED, OF TAMIL LITERATURE

This

subject has been, for very near a century,

regarded as of the utmost importance by those

engaged in research work as well as by those

engaged in the study
of

Tamil,

the

eldest

among the sisterhood of languages known commonly as the Dravidian languages. In the
early years of the last

century Bishop Cald-

well

made what perhaps was then the most

attempt at fixing the age
of this
of literature

successful

body
'

and brought what he called

of

the Augustan

Age

Tamil Literature' to
Christian
era-

the 9th or lObh century of the

Since then there have been a series of attempts

several of

them merely
;

re-stating

Caldwell's

conclusions
controvert
to this

while various others were

give a

made to

them and

higher antiquity
recent editors of

Augustan Age.
161

The

11

162

BEGINNINaS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

CaldwelTs Comparative
following

Grammar
to

allow
:

the

statement

remain

"

The
(the

Period of the

predominance
in intellect

of Jainas

predominance

and learning give

rarely a predominance in political power)

was
the

the Augustan Age of Tamil

period

literature,

when the Madura

College,

literary

association,

appears to have flourished

and
This

when

the

Kural, Chintamani,

and

classical

vocabularies
period
is

and

grammars

written.''^

ascribed to the 9bh or lObh century

to leave this

A.D. and the editors are content

with a foot note
to a
:

"

Modern researches point

thaa that given here."

much

earlier date

This Caldwellian tradition has been handed

on almost unbroken
find the statement

to the present time.

We
any on

repeated with hardly

article

modification

in

Reinhold Host's
of the

Tamil, in the 11th edition

;

Encyclopaedia

Britannica and with some slight modification

What

ever else

may
as
it

ba proved or no, this old classifieither of literature or

art

cation, by

religion, of periods

mast be

given

up

finds

no support

of

any

kind to

justify its being

kept up.

CHRONOLOGY: TAMIL LITERATURE

in Frazer's "

16B
"

Literary History of
edition
II.

India

and
not

the

new

of

the

Imperial
did

Gazetteer Volume,

This

position
It

go

unchallenged,

however.
Pillai
of

was

the late Mr. P. Snndaram

Trivan;In

drum who took up

this tive

the challenge

first.

one or two essays that he

particular subject he

contributed

on

did

much

destruc-

work, but did not essay in

relating
it

constructive
period,

work,

to

this

particular
to
his

though

must be

said

credit that

he succeeded in fixing,
stones in

one or

two mile-

Tamil Literature.
eSorb

constructive

was

The greatest made by another

late

lamented Tamil scholar, the

Mr. Kanaka-

sabhai Pillai,whose work, however, was marred

by a too ambitious attempt at

details before

working out
could hardly

the
as

main

lines

be

regarded

fixed.

This defect notwith-

standing, his
deal of

work brought together a great

matter

which had

remained buried

in manuscripts inaccessible even to the learned,

and understood,
This work was
decade
of

if

accessible,

by but a few.
in

done by
last

him

the last
in

the

century

and

the

164
first

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
of the

two or three years

of

present.

It

was about the end

that a

this

scholar^s

work

much
an

respected

European
place

Scholar^

connected intimatelj^ with Madras, both as

occupying

honoured

upon

tha

High Court bench, and holding the

the Vice-Chancellorship of our

position of

University,

took up the question and restated the case in

support of Caldwell's theory with

much

force,

considerable learning and great judgment. This

was the
whole

late

Mr. L. C. Innes who discussed the

of

questioQ

the

various

periods of

Tamil

literature in

what was then the Imperial

in

and Asiatic Quarterly Keview,

entitled

an

article

the

Age

of

Manikkavasagar.
it

Ona

small identification in

in

the fixing of this

Augustan
particular

Age drew my attention to this investigation and I raised by na

respectful protest

means a

against

it

in

a.

short article which I contributed to the Christian College Magazine.

The letter

that he wrote
I

in reply to this protest, of

which

sent

him
to,

a printed copy, led

me

on,

thanks to the

stimulus of that judicial minded good

man

make an

effort

at fixing this

Augustan Age


CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE
:

165

from
of

my

point of view.

"

The Augustan Age

in

Tamil Literature " was written by me

first

the

instance for the Madras Review and

published,

again

in

somewhat

modified

iorm, in the Indian Antiquary as a general

introduction to a contemplated series of articles

on " Celebrities in Tamil Literature," poets

tind patrons alike.
ed,

This was again publish-

with permission,

by

the

Tamilian Ar-

chaeological Society in the

Tamil Antiquary.
the then

The

essay attempted to

set forth

available evidence both literary and historical

leading to the following conclusions

(1)

"

That there was an age

Tamil
to warrant

of great literary

activity in

the existence of

a body like the traditional Sangam'*.

(2)

"

That the period

of the greatest

Sangam

activity

was the age when Senguttuvan Sera

character in South Indian

was a prominent
politics".
(3) "

That

this age of

Senguttuvan

was the

second century of the Christian era."

(4)
*'

That these conclusions

find support in

what

is

known

of

the later history of South

India.

im BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Since this was published there have been ta

my knowledge two constructive efiorts of which

one
is

that contained in a

life

of

Senguttu-

van in Tamil written by Pandit M. Eagava

Aiyangar of the Tamil Lexicon
the
first

Office, read in

instance as an essay before the Tamil

its

Sangam at The 1913.

meeting in
is

Ramnad

in

May
of

other

final

statement,

various efforts in detail in regard to this matter

by Mr. Subramaniya
phisfe

Iyer, Assistant Epigra-

Government of Madras, in the Christian College Magazine of the year 1914,

to the
article entitled the
I

in an

Ancient History of
propose attempting

the Pandya Country.

to

examine the position

of these

two scholars

and restate

my

case in the light of the critifar

cism thus made to see how

my
it

position

has to be revised and to what extent

to be altered.

requires

Taking the
for atteatioQ

latter first the

point

that calls

is

that he

relies, for settling this

much

disputed

chronology,

on a few copper and

plate grants of the

Pandya Kings, and one or

relating to them,
settle the

two stone inscriptions

hopes from these aids to

question

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUEE

:

167

fiDally.

The

followiDg long extracts from bis

paper would exhibit his position in respect of

the others

who had

carried on similar investifairly to himself.

gations before
*

him most

As has been remarked already the dates when these poems were composed are not given
anywhere.

To

settle this

question with any

are naturally forced

amount

of probability,

we

to look for

information from external sources.

direction,
till

Even
to

in this

there was not

much
of

help us

recently.

The discovery
grant
lot

the Sinnamanur plates and the information

supplied
in

the

Velvikudi

of

the

Pandya kings have placed a

history and a careful

of

reliable

matter before the earnest student of ancient

examination
enable

of their

contents

is

sure

to

him

to
all

arrive

at a satisfactory solution

which has

along

been

sought

for

in

vain.

The previous
mislead

scarcity of materials served only to

inquirers
'

2.

For purposes

of history

we can freely adopt

Pattup-

the accounts given in Purananuru,

2

fuller

Examination

of these follows in Cb, vii.

168

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
These poems have

pattu, Padirruppattu, etc.

been edited in an admirable way by

hopadyaya V.

MahamaSwaminathier who gives now

of

and then short notices

padikaram

Aham which
are

has

not yet appeared in print.

Although Silapclassed

and Manimekhalai
works,
I

among the Sangam

entertain serious

doubts as to whether they speak of contemporary kings and events, and

that great caution
is
it

may

be said

necessary before utilismaterials

ing

wholesale
I

the

contained

in

them.

know I am

mortally wounding the

feelings of several

savants of

Tamil

litera-

ture

who would

at once pour forth a volume

of abuse if
of theirs.

I were

considered a worthy rival

Fortunately I

am

not such

one.

But

all

the same I wish

to record here

my

reasons for holding

the position.

The two
and
an

works in question contain a romantic account

of a of

certain

Kannagi famed

for chastity
of a

Manimekhala the daughter

hetaira of
at

Kannagi's husband Kovalan.

Enraged

unreasonable murder of her husband, Kannagi

Madura, whereupon the Pandya king struck down by

miraculously sets
fire

to the city of

OHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEKATUKE

:

169

remorse for the unjust act

hills

liimself,^

heavenly palanquin
to carry

is

seen to descend to earth

of the gods.

Kannagitothe abode

The

people

who observed
is

this, erect

a shrine for her

worship and this

initiation of the
tries

at once followed

by the
coun-

same worship
not

in other

both in and out of India.

The romantic
fail

nature of the story will

to

strike

any one
not
events.

at the very outset.

for

one would

grant

that

it

relates to

contemporary
it

On

the

other

hand

would

be

natural to view the legend as a story

spun

out by the poets,

imagination,
to traditional

if

not

wholly from their

liberal

at least
beliefs

with
extant

addition

at the time, of

events long past.

Is

it

possible,

I ask, that a

person, however virtuous he

or she

may

be,

would be invested with divinity even

very

at the

moment

of

death

In

my

opinion, which
of the

I think will be shared by

many, the story

person should have remained in the

oi the people for a long time before

memory
of

any halo

The poet merely says he

died

upon the

fchrone

where

*he 'was seated at the time.

170

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
it 4.

divinity could gather round

It

passes

one's comprehension to imagine that people

should have set about erecting a temple for a

heroine at or soon after the time of her death.
'I

ask further

how

long

it

would have taken

to
strike

for her

fame not only

to spread but

such deep root in other countries as to cause

her image to be enshrined in costly temples- In
this connection I

would request the reader to

she was neither a royal

bear in mind

that

personage nor a religious prophetess.

probability,
if

In

all

the story

is

due to a developlife, it

ment

of events taken

from

must have

been written long after Kannagi had been

deified.

As such we cannot assume the con-

temporaneousness of the kings mentioned in

these works with the date of their composition^
History does record various insfeances of oaoonizaordinary
people
in

tion of

Europe

while yet

alive.

Augustus was
there

deified during life

and history knows that

on the West Coast

was

a tenople to

him

in India

where Kannagi had her

first

shrine.

Ptolemy II

and

his sister-wife were given a similar apotheosis during lif&

by

their

loving, hut

perhaps superdtitiouely credulous-

subjects.

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUBE

:

171

My

OWQ view

is

that the authors,

not know-

ing the time

when the kings mentioned by

flourished,

them

individually

have treated
ages as contogether a

persons belonging to different

temporaries and

thus

brought

Gajabahu, a Nedunjeliyan and a Karikala as

living at the

same

time.

In

my

articles

on

the date and times of the last two kings, I

have adduced reasons to prove that they must have lived at

least a

century apart.

And

would further point out here that Mr. Kanakasabhai

Pillai's

identification

of

Nurranwifcb

gannan mentioned in the Silappadikaram

Satakarni
is
is

entirely untenable, because there

for the reading

no warrant

Satakarni of the

name Satakarni which we find in all inscriptions and coins. Though attempts at translating proper names are not quite uncommon,
yet
it

would seem that in this case Nurranis

gamian
the

not a translation of Satakarni.

w^as

If

Tamil name

the

result

of

perfect

translation,

we should have expected NQrran-

gadan

instead.

No

foreigner has ever dealt

with proper names in this fashion.

We

bave^

the mention of Indian kings and geographical


172

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
writers

places by Greek and

Koman

and by the

Chinese pilgrims who visited India. I

that

may note

none
^.

of

them has adopted the novel

again
at
it

method
similar

And

is

a wonder that a

attempt

translation

was

not

made
bahu
that
if

in the case of the

other

name Gaja-

into Yanaikkai.

would further state

the contents of

you examine

carefully

Manimekhalai, you find mentioned in this

work, assigned to the second century A. D.,

systems

of belief

and philosophy that could

till

not have struck root

centuries.

the eighth and ninth

^The Hon.

Dewan Bahadur

L. D. Swami-

kannu
ing

Pillai very kindly furnishes the follow-

note

on the

question of the
:

date

of

Silappadikaram and Chintamani

*'As regards the date of

composition of Silapdetails given

padikaram

have found that the

in

by Adiyarkunallar

/5/r,rsB3r<s/r6^

and the

prophecy about "^if^^i^-sef/ ^rflQ^6rru^<s^^~

5 Is this true? What does Phrurioti stand Ptolemy's Geography of the Coromandel Coast ?

for \n

What

about ^eSuj Q^earek (Oviasena) for Ohitrayety author

?

sena

in this

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEBATUEE

:

17S

^t^&dCo^ir

(<^lLl^^

^lLl^lB ^it ear jh^Q su err (Sifi^ it ^^

^/'

etc., are satisfied in

only one year between-

A. D.l and A.D. 1300,

I have quite recently

i.e..

A.D. 756- Similarly

details-

found that the

given in Jivakachintamani in Airn^Q^su^^^m^lu/rS&iihusui (text

regarding

the

Muhurtam

for

construction of

/r63r<5eSL-.7(5

and commentary

by Naohchinarkiniyar

on the 1st verse) are

correct for only one year, A.D. 813.

" In either case the actual composition of

the poems

may have

followed the respective-

dates by 60 to 80 years, the ordinary period

for

which Panchangams are preserved

is

'^.

My

view

that the poets could have obtained the

details only
if

from a contemporary Panchanga,

indeed they did not find the details in the

materials used by

them

for the

poems.

In the

case of Jivakachintamani there were materials

on hand.
"

The

interval between this composition of

^eduu^sirirui

and

^eu^s^hi^Tuisssfl

was only about

60 or 70 years or at most about 150 years, not

700 years as supposed by Kanakasabhai and others ".

"^

Pillai

If a

Pancbangam was used

for the purpose.

174
*

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

We

can safely accept Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai's date, A.
Still,

D. 756,

for

Silappadikaramthat the matter

we cannot but maintain

is

contained in this and other works of a similar

nature

useless for

purposes of history.

If

we

are asked to explain further

why we adopt
from the

the accounts

furnished in

Puranauuru and
to us

Pattuppattu as come down

hand

of

Perundevanar,

an

author

who

can-

not be said Do have lived earlier than the date

(A.

D. 756) assigned to Silappadikaram

we
great

would say that Perundevanar stands in the

high position of an editor of some older and

trustworthy
merit,
^

historical

documents

of

while the authors of Silappadikaram

and other similar works appear before us as

mere story
are full
tellers

and
The

that

their compositions

of improbabilities, impossibilities
italics are ours.

and

inconsistencies.'

The

first

point in the extracts to call for a

of

word by way
8

remark

is

that the twin-epic,

60 or 70 years

This

is

not his date. His date

is

later,

according to him.
9

How

are these historical?

Were they

written to

iiand

down

history ?

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUEE

:

175

^ilappadhikaram and Manimekhalai,

be used
for

is

not to
forth

purposes of history.

He sets
:

the reasons very elaborately thus

(1)

He

ascribes to the authors of the books

of

an ignorance

contemporary

rulers,

and sees

in the combination of a Gajabahu,

Nedum-

seliyan and a Karikala a confusion of chronology.

(2)

He further
of

refers to

Mr. Kanakasabhai's
**

identification

Satakarni with

Nurran-

gannan
(3)

" as

unwarranted.

He
and

next sets

down

that the work Maniof be-

mekhalai contains reference to systems

lief

philosophy
till

that

could

not

have

struck root
(4)

the 8th and the 9Gh centuries.

And

lastly

he quotes Mr. Swamikannu

out that

Pillai,

with approval, to point

the

Silappadhikaram could have been composed

only in A. D.
authority.
756,
slightly

overstating

his

In regard to the
at

first

point
is

it

may

be stated

once

that

there

no

immutable
In

psychological law that prevents contemporaries

irom

believing

in

the

supernatural.

176

BEGINNINGS OF
many

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

discussing the mental attitude of people separated

error

centuries from us

it

is

a natural
lives*
is

to import

our ideas into

their

The
its

first essential to

a study of this kind

itself

an

attitude of

mind

that can detach

from

present

outlook and carry

If

itself

back to

another environment.
regard the story of

we are inclined ta Kannaki as " improbable,

it

impossible and inconsistent"

does not neces-

sarily follow that our ancestors, perhaps 13 or

14 hundred years ago, on Mr. Subramaniya

Ayyar's
outlook
of

own showing, had as we have. Even

will not

the same mental

so

us to-day that there

are

we cannot say not among us

people

who
it

believe stories similar to

those of the Silappadhikaram in contemporary

life,

and

is

hardly

fair

in

any one
does

to

ascribe

to those with

whom
manner
it

he

not

agree that they

make

use of

the works under

consideration in the
this remark.

suggested
it

by

Nor does

make
share

necessary

that the author should have lived centuries

after

the

occurrence
for

to

this belief.

Granting

argument that he did not share

the belief himself, but took up a story that was

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATUKE

current and dealt with
it

177

in

the

manner that
author
liter-

he has done, but laying the scene in the con-

temporary Tamil India

of his time, the

would
for the

still

be within the bounds fixed by

ary criticism to a poet.

All that is claimed

two books

is

that the background of the

story

is historical, and

those that have used

it

so

have more to support them than their

critics.

We

shall consider the

contemporaneity of the
later.
it

rulers

mentioned in the work

In regard to the next point

is

not clear

where the expression

from.

Nurrangannan comes
the Silappadhika-

Mr.

Kanakasabhai has attempted to

identify the Satakarni of

ram with the expression Nurruvar Kannar

or

merely
I

Kannar,

but

of

" Nurrangan-

nan"
the

am
Mr.

unable to

see

any

reference
or in

either in

Kanakasabhai's
It

book
be

Silappadhikaram.

may

stated,

however, that
tion
is

Mr. Kanakasabhai's identifica^

altogether

hardly tenable on

other

grounds.

We

do not agree with Mr. Subraif

maniya Ayyar that

translated for
[^sQiuQ&^eaiesT']
12

one name happens to be

{e. g.y

some reason

Oviasenan

for Chitrasena)

though we

may

178

BEGINNINGS OF
know
be.
it,

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
that others

not

it

does not follow

should

In respect

of the

third

point of his,

one

would wish

to

know

the grounds upon which

like that
is

a general statement

put forward.

What

are the

systems in Manimekhalai that

could not have come in before the 8th or the 9th

century and

why

Where do

these

systems
is
it

go back

for authority

and in what form

that the systems are found exhibited in the

Manimekhalai?
will be accepted.

These

points

ought to be

cleared before a general statement like that

In regard to the
cal data that

last point, the

astronomi-

Mr. Swamikaunu

Pillai relies

on

are found in the

ed.

work but imperfectly express-

They

are elaborated by the

commentator

who lived many

It is

ceaturies later than the author.

if

more than doubtful

It

the author took up

a paiichangam to set down the date or to note

its

details.

strikes

me

that he noted
for

a
a

particularly inauspicious combination

day,

such

as the popular Q^iLemu,, (iptL&Du-,

Q3^susufnu^9ipiDtiiy

portending a coming storm

of a violently destructive character.

There

is

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUBE

meant
in the

179

nothing to warrant that anything more was

astrological
is sufficient

details

than

this.

Whether that

to override all other

considerations in ascribing particular dates to

works seems to

me

exceedingly doubtful.
of

Going

to the

more constructive part

Mr.

Subramaniya Ayyar's work we are face

with four inscriptions, namely.
(1)

to face

The Madras
Jatilavarman,

Museum

plates

of

(2)
(3)

(4)

The smaller Sinnamanur plates. The larger Sinnamanur plates. The Velvikudi grant.
series of

His whole system depends upon a

identifications of the

various persons referred

to in these

four

grants.

We

should invite

attention particularly to

the identification of

No. 2 in the genealogical table constructed

from the larger
person's

Sinnamanur

plates.

This
the

name

occurs merely

as

Jatila,

equivalent of the

Tamil Sadaiyan, with no

an identification.

other

detail to lead us to

Mr. Ayyar has

identified

him with a

Jatila

whose name
tions

is

found in the Anaimalai inscrip-

which are dated 770 A. D.

This person

180
is

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
name
in the

again equated with the last

is itself

Velvikudi grant which

undated, thus

giving to this last person, the donor of the

grant, the date A. D, 770. minister, by
figures

What

is

more, a

name
the

Marankari, whose

name
is

in

Anaimalai

inscriptions,

described, in the Sanscrit portion as

kavi,
of

mudura-

maduratara and sastravid, and as a native

Karavandapuram. This minister Mr, Subra-

manij^a Ayyar takes to be definitely the Vish-

nava A.lvar,Madurakavi, neglecting the caution

with which the possibility
of identification is

advanced by both the late Mr. Venkayya^o and

Mr. G. Venkoba Kao the publisher

of

the

Aoamalai
rests the

inscriptions.

On
of

this identification

whole chronology

Mr, Subramaniya

Ayyar's thesis.

These

identifications

and the
to

various grants have reference only

the

Pandyas.

The

identification

of

Maran-kari
If

with Madurakavi seems almost impossible.

the tradition regarding Madurakavi
for
is

accepted
for other
is

one thing,

it

ought to be accepted

things equally essential.

Madurakavi

by-

common

tradition a

Brahman and

a native of

10 See Epigraphist's Eeporfes for

1907 and 1908.

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE

Kolur, and
tradition
is

181

not handed down, in Vaishnava

at

any

rate,

as

an

official

of the
is

importance that Maran-kari was.

There

nothing in the ten stanzas ascribed to Madurakavi to indicate that he was

anything
such
a

more
basis

than

pious

devotee.

On

of identification

and combination
beginning with
^^

of the four

records Mr. Subramaniya

genealogical table
salai

Ayyar constructs a
Palyaga-

Mudukudumi Peruvaludi

and ending

with Rajasimha, taken to be a contemporary

of the

Chola Parantaka I A. D. 907 to 956, on

the ground that the latber's inscriptions state

that he

won a

victory over a

Pandya by name
plates them-

Rajasimha, which

name

unfortunately occurs

twice in the larger Sinnamanur

selves,

with three generations between them.

It will be clear

from

this

how

valueless would

be the inferences based

upon these grants

on Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar's own showing were composed in the 8th, 9t:h and 10th centuries, in regard to matters relating
^^
grant; to

which

Whose name, by fche way, is broughb infco this justify fche name "Velvikkudi and establish a
any organic connectio-n.
details see Oh. vi-ii following.

prior gift of the village without

For further

182

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
earlier at

to even

two or three centuries

the

very worst.

Immediately
salai

after the first

name PalyagaThis

Pandyan, the Velvikudi grant mentions

Inter-regnum.
is

Kalabhra

Kalabhra

Inter-regnum

taken to be an Inter-regnum

brought on by a Karnataka invasion, referred

to in connection with

the story

of

Miirti-

n.yanar in

the Periyapuranam.

Fixing up

then a Pandya succession he proceeds next to

enumerate

13 Pandya Kings whose

names

occur in Tamil literature, and tries to identify

the later ten with those mentioned in the
grants,

and ascribes to them dates ranging

of

from the commencement

A. D. to A. D.
terminal date for
identifies

the 6th century

650 which

makes the Sliyam Sendan whom he

he

with

the

Neduih

Seliyan,

the

victor of

Talaiyalanganam. This makes the

itself.

whole course of identification simplicity

But

there

is

however one grave

difficulty in ac-

cepting this arrangement.

The whole body

of

works called Sangam works which have to do

with
these

various

Pandyas

have not the

Still

slightest reference to the

Pallavas.

500

GHEONOLGGY TAMIL LITEEATURE

to 650j at

183

any rate the

latter

half of

it,

was

the age of the great Pallavas take us perhaps

of the

and 650 would

to

the middle period of one

greatest

among

the great

Pallavas,

Narasimha
of

destroyer of Vatapi, the burning

which

is

referred to in the Periyapuranam.

refers

Sambandar

to the Pallava general

It is

who

destroyed Vatapi.

very strange that the

large body of poets that

went about from court

of patrons,

to court singing the praises

and

received rewards from

to

them have no reference

several

make of the Pallavas although

towns

andforts and territories under Pallavarule

in largely for reference.
vital

come
and

This objection seems

arrangement,

to this

chronology

seems thoroughly to exemplify the defects

of specialistic research of

which Mr. Stanley

A. Cook has the

in his

following remarks to make,

" Study of Religions."

''The

man who

is

specialistic in a

single

department may* be a bar to progress because

he
is

apt to overlook the importance of other

special studies.

His own convictions are the

and although he may

more intense when he associates them with

his trained knowledge,

184

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

realize that his

owa energy has brought him

the need for other

to this stage,

and although he may recognize

in

some

special field

men

of diverse types

and tendencies, he may forget

kinds of people to
to

that

it

takes

all

make a

world.

The

desire

promulgate and pro-

selytize is characteristic of all

men

with strong

convictions based on experience and

ledge,

knowothers.
there

and they can be intolerant

of

In
is

research, social reform

and

religion,

a stage of development, horn of an intense

of
the

feeling

completest

equilibrium

or

harmony
manifest

in one's
itself in

world of thought

that can

impatience towards, or in a
over,

provoking superiority

those

who
one's

differ.

Yet one must not deny

to others that sense of

harmony

that has been gained by

own

efforts along one's

own

lines

and since the

whole world

of

thought could be theoretically

divided into numerous departments, the ideal

in view
all.'

is

a harmonious adjustment of them

Passing on now to Pandit

gar's

Ragava AyyanSenguttuvan,
in
of

work,

called

Seran

Tamil, we find him devote Chapter

XIII


CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE
the book to the determination of the age

185
in

which Senguttuvan
flourished.

and

his

contemporaries

Passing in rapid review the late

Mr. Kanakasabhai's conclusion in regard to the

matter, he lays

down
:

his

main

position some-

what

as follows

It is well

known

that

among

the poets that

constituted the

Sangam,

Kapilar,

Paranar,

Mamulanar and Sattanar took a prominent place. Among these Mamulanar

Nakkirar,
appears, from

certain

poems included
Kalvar

in the

Ahananuru, to have been contemporary with

Chola Karikala, Seraladau,
Pulli
;

Koman
in

from this source also appears clearly that

he was one who had travelled

various
in

much

the

parts

of

the

Tamil
of
it.

country

and
is

countries

north

This poet

taken to be contemporary with Senguttuvan

Sera,
as

he

refers,

in

Aham

251, to a
of

war

between the Mauryas and a chief

Mohur
fought
^'^

which

is

taken to stand for the chief Palayan

is

Maran who

said

elsewhere to have

against this Chera. Quoting from

Aham 265,

186

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HI8T0EY

he refers Mamiilauar to a time subsequent to

the destruction of Patahpura to which he sees
a definite reference in the passage quoted. This
is

the

first

and in

fact the strongest

argument

of his thesis for ascribing

Senguttuvau to the

5th century A.D.; but he arrives at this result

by a
find

series of

arguments which seem to

me

to

no

justification in history.

He

interprets

the expressions in the passage quoted as referring to the destruction

of

Patahpura by the
fact
it

Ganges;

whereas

in

actual

could

mean no more than

great

the disappearance of the

wealth that the

in

Nandas

collected in

Patalipura,

the Ganges.

This

might

well have been brought about

by the Nandas
the
river,

themselves

throwing
it

it

into

rather than let

their

fall

into

the hands
that

of

enemies, in the revolution

their

subhis

verted
peculiar

dynasty.

Starting
of

from
passage

interpretation

the

he

postulates

the destruction of Patalipura by

the flood of the Ganges and finds the period

of

such destruction in the time intervening

Chinese travellers to
in the beginning of

the visits of the two

India, namely.

Fa Hian


CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITEBATURE
the 5th century and

187
the

Hiuen Tsang

in

second quarter of the 7th century A- D.

further equates the

He

the territory of

Mauryas who had invaded Palayan Maran, perhaps in a

with
the

previous generation,

army

of

the

Gupta King, Samudra Gupta-He

finds

sup-

port for this in the mention of the Mantaraja

who

is

taken to be

'

King

of

Kerala

'

and
of

the same as
his reasoning

Mandaram
in the

Serai.

The
is

rest

whole Chapter
of

of the

same

character
for the

and

minor consequence.
that his
is

Granting

sake of argument

interpretation of the passage quoted above

correct,
it

would be

very

difficult

to justify

Samudra Gupta and his army being referred to as Mauryas by a poet of the standing and reputation of Mamulanar.

There

is

absolutely

nothing in the pillar inscription

13

^^ of

Samudra

Kau^alaka-Mahendra-Maha

kantaraka-Vyaghra-

raia-Kaurajaka--Mantaraja--Pfti8htapuraka-- Mahendragiri

Kautturaka Svamidattia-AiraDC[apallaka--Dftmana-

Kancheyaka-Vi8hnugop-Avamukfcaka.
Nilaraja-Vaingeyaka

Hasfcivarmma Palakkak

Ogra8ona--Daivara8btraka--Kubera--Kau8fcha1apuraka--

Dhananjayaprabhribi sarvva-dakehiriapatharaja-g^rahftnamoksh-anugraba-janita-pratap-onmi^ra-mababhagyasya-

188

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
The
text of
to

Gupta
the

to warrant this inference.

inscription

contains

reference

Kauralaka

Mantaraja.

He
of

is

mentioned
Vishnuetc.

along with Hastivarman of Vengi,

gopa

of
is

Kanchi, Ugrasena
absolutely
to

Palaka
in

There
cription

nothing
to

the insthat

lead

us

believe

Sa-

mudragupta's army passed south

of

Kanchi.
to be

That that Mantaraja should be taken

Mandaram

Serai

is

identification of the

most

unreasonable kind.
tion, Dr. Fleet, did

The
for,
it

editor of the inscrip-

not understand what the

term Kauralaka stood

and merely put

for-

ward a suggestion that

might be " Kairalaka"

the equivalant of "of Kerala". This suggestion

is

in a foot note, but as to the point

whether
has

the person referred to was a Kerala prince at

all

he has offered no definite support.

It

since-been found that

Kauralaka
for

is

very pro(of

bably a mere

mislection

Kaunalaka

Kunala)
lake.i*

perhaps

the

region

round Koller

But whatever it is, it is now certain that there is no reference whatsoever to Kerala
1^

Bpigraphia Indica Vol. VI,

p.

note by

the

late

Prof. Kiebhorn.

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATURE

in the inscription.

189

As

to the destruction of
is

Patalipura by ilood there

the statement.

no authority

for

the site

The seem more

recent investigations on
to

indicate
fire

certain

amount

of destruction

by

very

much more

than by water, and the passage relied on

cannot be held to support the interpretation
put upon
it.

After

all if

one of the poems

of

Mamular makes

reference in the past tense to

the destruction of Patali or to an invasion of

the south by the Mauryas and a war in conse-

quence between them and one

chiefs of

of the

Tamil

Mohur

(near

Madura)
of

this

can only

mean
ces.

that Mamiilanar

knewof these occurrenMamiilanar,

The various passages

of

most

which are unfortunately in the Aham,

contempora-

will hardly serve to establish his

neity with

all

the incidents he

might have
Pidiyan with

found occasion to mention.

of

The identification
of

Tadiyan with Tidiyan, and

Palayan borders on the ludicrous.

further reference to the Jain

There

is

work Digambara
10th
century,

Darsana,

(ascribed

to
it

the

and

to a statement in
of

as to the establishin

ment

a Dravida

Sangam

Madura by

190

BEGINNINGS OF
in

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
470
(Samvat
that
this
of

Vajranandi

A.

D.

526).

There

is

nothing to prove

was
Tamil

a Tamil Sangam for the fostering

Literature.
It

may

well

be a Jain

Sangam

which would, in the sense of being an assembly

of Dravida Jains or Tamil Jains, be a Dravida

Sangam and may have had

then
the
elaborate
of the

for its object

some

matter pertaining to the Jain religion.

reasoning

Thus

exhibited in
clearly to rest
It is

Chapter XIII

work seems

upon a very uncertain and slender basis.

regrettable that a

book which does exhibit

considerable labour and puts in an eminently

readable form matter buried in recondit works

should be marred by this kind of reasoning,

particularly
in this

Chapter and in Chapter

to establish that

VIII
Vanji

where he
of the

tries

the

Cheras was

the

Karur in the
texts

Trichinopoly District, where again we come

upon a number

of

distortions of

and a

number
thesis.

of false identifications to establish his

The proper procedure

in a case

like this is

to analyse the various works belonging to this

particular group, sort out the various kinds of


CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEKATUEE
historical evidence that

191

we

get,

establish the

undoubted contemporaneity
connections

of poets

and pat-

rons with a jealously critical eye, and look out

for historical

that will establish

one or more synchronisms, and proceed on

that basis to establish others.

Adopting this procedure the Sangam works

so called
fall

naturally into two classes

Those

dealing, according to ihe

(1)

Tamil gram(2)

marians, with
porul.

Ahapporul, and

Purap-

The
is

distinction

between these two

to subjective

hroadly

that

the one refers

finds

emotion which

expression on

various

occasions and under various circumstances,

and has reference principally to Erotics the other refers to action and partakes more or less
;

of the

character of exhibition

of

valour

in

attack, defence of

and the various other aspects Of these two classes the war-like life.
is

latter

the more valuable for purposes of

it

history and chronology, as

makes

direct
;

reference to various wars, battles, sieges etc.

and one very

special feature of such

work

is

that poets composing in this strain always

address their patrons directly, thereby

making

192
it

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

unmistakable that what they have to state

in respect of a particular chieftain has refer-

ence to contemporary

life.

The other group,

do

however, does not stand on an altogether similar footing.

Poems

in

this group

make

similar
of

references though

they are

always

an indirect character and do not give such

contemporaneity in respect

clear evidence of

of their various statements.

These works are

Purananuru, Ahanauru, Pattuppattu, Padirruppatu, Aingurunuru, Narrinai, Kuruntokai,

etc.
^^-

I keep out from this

group advisedly

Manimekhalai to which I shall return later to see how far the almost contemptuous reference to them
the two works Silappadhikaram and
of

Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar finds jurisdiction.

the

Even so

number
thesisall

of poets

and patrons

thafe

figure in the

works are
I

far too

many to be

dealt

with in one
^^

shall take

occasion

to

Of these

bub the secoDd have been edited in an

number by the veteran Pandit Saminatha Jyer, but the last two are edited by two others whose labours deserve as much credit as the other's. Narrinai was published by the late Mr, Narainasami Kuruntokai by Pandit Iyer of Kumbhakonam and Eangasami Aiyangar of the Madrasa at Vaniambady.
excellent form, the larger

HKONOLOGY: TAMIL LITERATUEE

deal with these

193

more

elaborately,

and on a
of

scale compatible with the

degree

lucidity
of

that a lay understanding would

necessity.
I

demand

can do here nothing more than

to illustrate the

work

to
of

be a

done by one or
telling

two typical examples

character.

In taking up a question
research
is

like this a

student
of

of

pretty

much

in the

position

judge and not of aa

advocate.

Feeling and

sentiment are out of the question and the

discovery of truth
is

the object in view.

There

are here as in the case of a judge the

two ques-

tions
fact,

coming up

for

examination questions of
:

and questions

of law.

One has
as such
;

to

examine

facts before stating

them

one has to

examine the method that he adopts in the

choice of his facts as
cation.

much

as

in

their applifirst

Bearing this in mind we have

of all to consider

whether stone inscriptions

and copper plate grants are better authority

for events

which could have taken place centuthese documents or

at the

ries before the inditing of

literature that

was composed ostensibly

by

time to which they relate.

These Sangam

works enumerated above

is

are,

common

con-

194
sent,

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

such works of contemporary value and

of

have therefore to be regarded as

authority.

better

Mr.

Subramania
of

Ayyar

takes

Perundevanar as

high standing and autho-

rity in respect of these

works because he was a

editor
of

cultivated scholar and responsible

these,

though coming centuries after their

composition-

But he
in

forgets this, at

any rate
of

he seems

to,

claiming a similar kind

authority for the compilers of the inscriptions

which he seems unmistakably to set over against

this class of literatuie to the disadvantage of the
latter.

Taking the poet Paranar

derive from

to

exemplify
facts

this position

and collecting together such

as

we could

him of an undoubtedly
find

historical character,

we can

the political
position

condition of the Tamil land and the

of

the

Tamil chieftains in relation to one

Purananuru, Paranar refers to

another, in the poet's generation.

In stanza 4

of

a Chola ruler Uruvapahrerilanjetchenni in the

following terms
of the
:

they are of the radiant beauty

of

rising

sun just emerging out

the

sea, in his

golden car of the fullest effulgence.'

is

This king

known from

other poems of the

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATUBE

:

195

ame class, but of other poets, to be the father of Karikala. The terms in which Paranar chose to describe hira in this poem raise the presumption that he was the ruler, Tigalolinayirrel pari-

aeduihter Chola, the grandfather of Senguttu-

vanSera; but
of the

this is

by the way.

Poem 63

same

collection relates that the chera

king,

Kudakko Nedum Seraladan, and the

fallen

^hola king, Verpaharadakkai Peruvirarkkilli,

had fought against each other and

the
field of battle.

on

Another poet Kalattalaiyar

has also celebrated the same king, in the same

connectioQ.

Poems 141 and 142 both

is

refer to

Pehan's liberality which

referred to

by the

somewhat

later NallQr

Nattan, the author of

Sirupanarruppadai.
addressed to this

Poems 144 and 145 are chief when he had given up

Paranar,

his wife in favour of a sweetheart.

Kapilar, Arisil Kilar and

Perungunrur Kilar
these two

interceded in behalf of the wife to good purpose.

Such a reference
contemporaneity^^.

"

as

we

get

in

poems is an absolutely unmistakable evidence of

Poem 343 refers to Muzires

at "

16

Compare Aham 148

Kattur Tayangarinan.

"

196

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
it,

(Musiri or Muyiri) and states, in regard to

that commodities brought oversea were brought

ashore by means of boats.

of goods

The

place was full

brought overland and from across the

sea to be -distributed
that might go there.

among those
^

in

need^

Narrinai 6 of the
of the
is

same

author has a reference to Ori

good bow.'
celebrated,
to

In

Aham

396,

Sehguttuvan

while there are references in the

poem

the

war around Nannan's Pali

Mignili.

hill-fort

and to
to the

There

is

further reference
Attanatti,

story of xAdi

Mandi and

and possibly

to the defeat of Ori.

The poem

also appears to

be intended to celebrate the imprinting of the

bow emblem of the Cbera on the Himalayas. Poem 62 of Aham, as also poem 208, refer to the
famous KoUippavai having been erected by the
gods.

He

later also refers to the

hill.

war

with

Mignili round Pali

It

must be noted in

this connection that the

tradition regarding

KoUippavai
author

is

found very clearly recorded in

of

the following

poem

Ahananuru by another

known as Kalladanar who refers in the same poem to Pandyan Nedum Seliyan, victor
Talaiyalanganam.

at

There

is

similar refe-

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUKB

;

197

rence to another chieffcain Pulli, (robber-chieftain, of

the Tirupati

hills.

There

is

also a

statement that Kari, king of Mullar, killed

Ori and

made over

his

territory

round Kolli-

malais to

the Chera King.

the story

Narrinai refers to

Poem 270 of that Nannan

enemy
as well

captured the elephants of his

as their

with
cut

women ropes made

folk,

binding the elephants

out of the hair of the women,

ofi for

the purpose.

Poem 73

of

Kurun-

dokai has a very interesting reference to a

class of warlike people called

Kosar who entered

killing
of

Nannan's
elephant.

territory after

his

state

This warlike tribe

people are

referred to in other

poems

of

the same class,

and almost

in the

same terms.

One

of

them

referring to tbeir being

*men of united counseF

other poems, associated

capable of hurling the irresistible " battering-

ram".

These

are, in

with Kongu, and are referred to as

Kongu
Nannan

Ilangosar in the Silappadhikaram. Kuruudokai

292 gives
fallen

in

detail

the

story that
fruit

killed a girl for

having eaten a

that had

from one of the trees in his garden into

pf

a stream

running water and was being

198

BEGINNINGS OF
dowa by
offered
it.

8.

INDIAN HISTOKY
not accept the

carried

He would
girl of

ransom

of

9 times 9 elephants and

her

a golden statue
It

of the

own

weight.

must be said

to the

honour

of the

Tamils

name was handed down to posterity branded ^'as Nannan the woman- killer.*' Aham 147 of the same author states that Aay Eyinau, known as the commander-in-chief of
that his

the Chera, fought with Mignili and

fight.

fell

in the

Poem

152

has

reference

to

Veliyan

Tittan and his port known as Perundurai, and

what looks a naval defeat

Pindan
Pali
in this place.

of

another chieftain

There are allusions to

hill

and

Nalli.

Aham
Kongu.

165 refers to the

refer

Kosar ^of united counsel,' and seems to

to their location in
It also

contains

the names Ann! and Mignili

is

but the passage

too corrupt to

know
of

the connection fully.

Aham
lur,

372

refers to the capture of Tirukkovi-

the

capital

Kari

by Adiyaman of
this inci-

Tagadur.
dent
is

That Paranar celebrated

stated in plain terms by Avvaiyar, the

poetess, in

poem 99

of

Purananuru.
collected
in
this

From
fashion

these

references

we could form a more

or less definite

CHKONOLOGY; TAMIL LITEEATURE

picture of the political
divisions of the

199

Tamil
This

land

in

the generation of

Paranar.

picture becomes very

clear,
if

much more
collate
it

definite

and

we could

v^ith

similar

imperfect pictures that

of other single

we may form by a study

occasion.

authors such as Paranar himself.

We

shall

reserve that for a future

Now

taking Paranar alone

we

find

him

cele-

brate the Chola

definitely as a

who was

father of Karikala

contemporary, as also Seraman

Nedum
was

Seraladan and the Chola Verpahara-

dakkai Peruvirarkkilli.

This chola probably

either the father of Karikala or his grand-

father.

We

find

this

Paranar celebrating
fifth

Seran Senguttuvan in the

Padirrupattu.

section of the

We have alieady made reference

Adiyaman,
These
Kari

to this author's direct reference to

Pehan,

Nannan,

and
all

others.

must

therefore have
is,

come

in one genera-

tion, that

the generation extending from

the grand-father of

Karikala to the Chera

period of time ascribed to

Senguttuvan.

The

any one
would

of these chiefs

must be a period that

been pointed

fit

in with

this political condition of

It has already

the Tamil land.

200

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

out that this somewhat vague picture of the

political condition of the

South

is

capable of

being completed by bringing into collation the

picture that can be

made

of

it

from other

authors whose us like those

works have
of

Paranar.
that

come down to Without going

elaborately into

comparison I

may

at

once state that the Tamil land was divided

among

the three kings

the

Pandya with
his

his

capital at
at Vanji

Madura, the Chera with

on the west
coast,

capital

and the Chola

with his capital at

Uraiyur,^'^ at the

commen-

cement

of this generation.

The intervening

region and the border land of the north where

a good deal of fight would have to be done was

divided

among

number

of chiefs

who were

very often independent of the kings and some-

times acknowledged allegiance to one or other

of

them.

Of such we find mention in the

writings of Paranar himself.

The information
is

that

we obtain from him

by

confirmed and
poets

supplemented
^"^

venerable

among
ih

Aham

31.

Qeo<s^fSIQiutTQ

sSleoeo'^^^eim^u

^eo

Q^eifit^

umui'^

uSpibQ^.

CHRONOLOGY: TAMIL LITERATURE

whom
from

201

mention

may

be

made

of

Mamulanar
infor-

whom

have to draw

for further

mation

later on.

It is this latter that

makes
frontier

mention
(northern
frontier

of Palikat

as the

Vaduka

frontier)!^.

The
of the

corresponding

on the western side seems to ha-ve

extended to the north

into
tribe

Tulu country

which,

as

was noticed already a new

with the

name

Kosar effected entry

in the days of

Nannan^^. Immediately to the

the
territories

east

of

them were

of

the
of
hill

two

chiefs

Vichchikkon and

Irungovel

Araiyam, just below this and along the

region bordering

the western

Ghats and the

Eastern where they meet the Western was

perhaps the chieftain Pari of Parambunadu.

To
of

the east of

it

was the

territory of

Adiyaman

Tagadur (Modern Dharmapuri),

which was the

to the south

east of

territory of the chieftain

Ori with his territory round about the Kolli^^

Kur.

11

(^&)'2eods6tar0sisft

Qi(dsfr(Tf)^oSTuu^.<Si}&dQQip

19

Aham

15

QldiLiloud&S Qucrj^ua^LLQsns^ir.Q ^itqd^

sneSp

Kur. 73.

fB^afrearsor^pwrr

Qan&sr^

tSfTLlt^p

GuiT-iQuj

QoiiTair^QunTi^Jd QsirsnQtjrreo

202

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

malais.

Across into the South Arcot District^

particularly the hilly portions of the west,

was

the territory of Kari with

kovilur.

his capital

Tiru-

Behind them, almost

line,

in a sort of

second

was the chieftain Pehan with

;

his

territory

round the Palnis

the

Aay round

the

Podiyil
tricts
;

hill in

Madura and Tinnevelly dishis

of the

Evvi on the Coromandal coast with

embracing a part
of

territory

Pudukkotta
There
is

state

and the District

Kamnad.
of

another chief the Tondaiman Ilandirayan

wha

was certainly the contemporary

Avvai and
mentioned

Adiyaman

Anji, though not directly

at

by Paranar. His Capital was

Kanchi and ha

ruled the territory round Kanchi under Chola

suzerainty.

We have besides to locate, from the

country. This seems the political-

works
in the

of

Paranar himself, the Kosar somewhere

Kongu

distribution of the territory belonging properly

to the

Tamil land

in the generation of

Paranar

the poet.

Any

age

therefore

that could be

ascribed to the Sangam, in which Paranar did

play a prominent part, must exhibit more or

less this condition of

political

distribution of

territory

in

the

Tamil country.

Any

age

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE

;

203

which, from what could be

known

of

it,

does

not visualise this political division has therelore necessarily to be rejected.

The question
latter

therefore
of the

now

is

whether
first

the

half

6th

and the

half of

the

7th

century, fixed by Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar, or

the

5th

century

to

which

Mr.
fit

Eagava
forth
alter-

Ayyangar assigns the Sangam,

political

in with the

circumstances thus shadowed

of

from the works

native
is

Paranar.

The
of.

first

very easily disposed

The

period

of a century

from 560 to 650 was the period

great

when

the

Pallavas

were

prominent

political factors in the

south, and practically

the whole of the Tamil country was under

their

influence

in

the

northern

half.

The
the

southern enclave was equally indisputably in

the hands of the Pandyas

among whom

most prominent character was the famous

Kun Pandyan
Nedumaran.

or

Sundara Pandya or Ninrasir

of the

His contemporary
I,

north

was Narasimhavarman
of

Pallavamalla.

Both

them had
is

for their

contemporaries alike the

Tevaram Hymners, Appar and Sambandar.

There

no reflection

of this political condition

204

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
is

Id the literature

under examination, nor

there any prominent mention of the Pallavas at

all,

in

the region

where they held, sway,

about which however, Paranar has a very large

number
literary

of references to

make.

While these
same

men

take the greatest pains always to

distinguish one ruler from another of the

dynasty by giving to each the distinguishing

epithet,
it is

not open to us to identify, with-

out sufficient lead from our sources, one ruler

with another without very substantial reasons.

The
of

identification of

Sendan Seliyau

of the

copper plates with the Pandyan NedumSeliyan

Talaiyalauganam fame
Silappadhikaram

is,

to say the least,

not proven.
of the

In regard to the historical value

and

Manimekhalai

about which a few words must be said here by

way

of

reply to

Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar's

betokens an

contemptuous reference^ which

amount

of ignorance

which would be inexcus-

able in one with

any pretensions to scholarship.

figures prominently in both

Henguttuvan Sera
the works.

The author of the first is the younger brother of Senguttuvan. The author of the other is his friend and both of them worked at

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATURE

:

205^

a subject,

legendary or other,

that
it

caught

their iraagination

and dealt with

poetically,

laying the

scene,

however, in the contem-

porary Tamil India of their time.

question
is
:

Now

the
of

Are we to accept the statement

this prince-poet

when he speaks
mouth
of

of

his parenit>

tage or not, though he might choose to put

as a poet, in the

one under a

spell ?

Are we not to accept

his

statement in regard

to the achievements of his brother particularly

when they happen

detail by

to

be

confirmed in every

an independent poet Paranar who

celebrates

him
?

in one section of another

work

Padirrupattu

Those that have taken

it

upon

themselves to use these poems know their responsibility obviously,

and use the material

presumably with

critical care. It is just possible

that there are differences of opinion in respect of

a detail here or a detail there as being of a historical character or no.

But

wholesale

con-

demnation such as

is

found in the extract from

Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar quoted above, can

be but
the offspring- of blank ignorance and

incapacity to appreciate other mental attitudes

and

situations.

206

BEGINNINGS OF
now

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Passing oq

to the other period so far

is

ascribed, the Pandit

safe ground,

perhaps on a

little

more

but the arguments with which

he finds

it

necessary to buttress this position

I

shows

its

weakness.
(1)

need only mention two

impossi-

points here:

The erroneous and

of

ble identification of Mantaraja of

Kurala with

Mandaramseral
in

Kerala which name, by the

way, does not find mention to

these works.
(2)

my

knowledge
of

The equation

the

Vambamoriyar with the army of invasion under

Samudragupta.
It

has already been pointed

out that the interpretation of the quotation

regarding the Nandas
is

wrong
of

altogether,

and that

it is

so

is

proved by a similar passage

in lines 4 and 5 of

poem 251

Aham^^ but
;

number of references which carry the invasion of Mauryas up to Mohur of

there are a

Palayan Maran.

In one of these passages at Pandit

of
tries

any

rate, the

to establish the

contemporaneity

this

invasion with the

text, is

Palayan Maran, which, from the

tenable.

un-

The term MohQr

is

used in the

4i>ppULL.LjkiseorT QifTifi Q^rri^.

Compare note

10, S.

89

anfee.

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUKE

:

207

passage to stand for the chieftain of

not necessarily

Mohur
re-

Palayan Maran.

That

ference and the various other references to the

Mauryas in Mamiilanar,
to their cutting their
their

as well as the reference

way through rock in march southwards, all of them do refer

possibly to a great southward invasion^! of the

Mauryas, a newly-esfcablished dynasty.

We
in the

know now beyond of the new edict

extended right

doubt, since the discovery

of

Asoka

at

Maski

Nizam's dominions,

that Asoka's

territory

down

to the frontier of

Mysore no

within the boundaries of which other edicts

were discovered years ago.

We

know

of

wars excepting the famous Kalinga war that

Asoka carried on
the further

for purposes of

conquestto

Chandragupta not having had the time

it,

do

conquest
his his

of

territories

not

included within

Empire

but

included
historians

within
ascribe

that
to

of

grand-son,

Chandragupta's

son Bindusara,
himself held the

the father of Asoka

21

who

Aham
is

reading in
tator

69 & Puram

281.
175.

(^i^rTifiiun

seems the preferable

of the

The blundering

commen-

worth remarking.

208

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

viceroyalty of the southern frontiers with his

capital
of

at

Vidisa

(Bilsa)

the

south

by the

The conquest Mauryas must have

22.

therefore

been

made

either

by Bindusara
his

the king, or, by the viceroy-prince,

son-

The term Vadukar used in

the Tamils
northerners,
is

this connection

by

a general designation
indicates,

for all

and

in

the

various

references before us, an

onward move southin

wards

of certain

northern tribes of which we

the moveintO'

get perhaps the final glimpse

ments

of

the Pallavas

till

they come

occupation of Kanchi and the extension of

their

power

at least as far south as Trichinopoly

and

Kumbhakonam.

All

the

passages

of

Mamulanar,
to

referring to these incidents, refer

them

as past occurrences

and not as con-

temporary events.

This interpretation of the

passages relating to northerners agrees very

well with the claim of certain

having won victories

Tamil kings to over the Aryan army,

to the

which attribute
22
p.

is

specifically given

V.A. Smith's Early History of India

(3rd edition)

149,

Notice the footnote oontaioiDg the statement

of

TaraDatha, the Tibetan historian*

CHRONOLOGY: TAMIL LITEEATUEE

209

Pandyan Nedum Seliyan whose name figures in the Silappadhikaram. Such a general movement against the north could
of confusion

on

general

considerations be postulated only of the period

that

followed

the

decline
rise,

of

Maurya power
the
imperial

in the north

and the

to

position

afterwards,

of

the

Andhras and the Andhrabhrityas in succession.

The

fifth

century

is

hardly the century

like

in

which we get anything

great

a glimpse

of such a

movement

of people.

With
not

this general
us,

position of affairs clearly before

the

Gajabahu

synchronism does
;

appear in the least impossible

but appears on

the contrary very highly probable.

The

infor-

mation that could be gathered from the Ceylon

Chronicle

Mahavamsa compiled

in its present

form

in the 6th century, but

from material put

together in epic form at the

of the

commencement
is

4th century, from a written source

first

traceable to the
unreliable as

century B.C.,

not as
]f

it is

too readily taken to be.

that Buddhist

chronicle

does not

refer

to

Pattinidevi in so

many

plain words

we

have.

no

right
14

to expect it; but

that does not

210

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

invalidate the existence of a Gajabahu or of

his
visit to

the court of Senguttuvan Sera.^^

established must,
it

The synchronism thus

seems to me, stand
;

no satisfactory reason

having been put forward so far to invalidate

The newer information only goes so far to confirm it. The tradition of Pattini has taken
it.

such a hold upon the people

is

of

Ceylon that

it

was introduced under the favourable auspices inferable from the Silappadhikaram, though naturally the Buddhist
quite likely
it

chronicle of the
of it
24.

Mahavihara omits mention

23 It muafc be noted,

however,

that other

chronicles^

which may

reach back to similar old sources, do mention

the incidenti specifically. (Vide

Upham's

Eajaratnacari

&

Eajavali)
24 Indian Antiquary.

XLV

pp. 7278.

CHAPTEE

V.

THE AGE OF PARANAE

It will be ^loticed from what has been said in
relation to the condition of Indian civilization

Era that the information put together has been drawn from
at the
of the

dawQ

Christian

various

sources

which

have

been

merely
It

indicated in the course of the narration.

would be worthwhile classifying and arranging these sources with a view to investigating

what exactly the

these sources
particular period to

relative in

value of each of
respect
of

would be

the

which that general account

of

has reference.

Some

these sources have

already been explained in sufi&cient fullness to

indicate their value such as the

Dipavamsa

and the Mahavamsa, the chronicle accounts

of

Buddhist Ceylon.

We

have also indicated

in

the course of the chapters II

value of the classical
ante.

&

III the

relative
^

writers;

and

Vide chaps. 1 & 2

211

212

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
reference

the Sanskrit writers

to

who make any

South India have been examined in some

detail in chapter I

and

their value estimated.

Coming down

to inscriptions and epigraphiit

cal .matter generally,

may

be said that the

is

material available for work for this period,

30 little that

we

might

assume

that

the

epigraphical material other than the

legends

on coins
for the

is

perhaps as good as absent, except

just a

Asoka inscriptions and

of

few others
is left

in regard to this part of

India.

There

then the literary sources,

which both Tamil

and Sanskrit, and various Sanskritic languages could be exploited usefully. But for this period
even Sanskrit and Sanskritic languages are of
comparatively minor importance to classical

Tamil

literature,

and that we

shall take

into

consideration just now.

In order the best to understand the value of

this'literature
let

and appraise

it

at its real worth,

us see a

little

more

closely

what exactly we
authors,

can find in relation to the particular authors

or particular

generations

of

and
is

having projected from such information as

available, a picture from these sources

alone,

THE AGE OF PAEANAE

we might then
so far

213

compare that with what

accuracy of
it,

may

be available, to check the

from the other external sources to establish

the correctness of the picture already drawn of

South India
Era.

at the beginning of the Christian

this,

To do

we

shall take a poet

known

to readers of classical

Tamil as Paranar.
of

Paranar
literary
of

was one

those traditional 49

men who constituted the third academy Madura. His name is of peculiar importance
literature as
it

in

Tamil

connects

itself

with the

names
round

of certain

well-known

celebrities in that

literature,

and in consequence we could gather

his

name

certain well-known figures.

Moreover, he seems to have been a long lived

man and
we can

his generation takes in a pretty long

series of rulers

and

poets.

By

studying him
idea of

gain something like a

full

what
is

the south India of his days was.

Paranar

regarded traditionally as
writings occur in a large
classics

Brahman. His number of the Tamil

a
as

known
is

collectively

Sangam

litera-

ture.

who sang of the Chera Senguttuvan, whose name is connected at once with the Sangam classics on the one side.
a poet

He

^14

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

and with the twin-epic Silappadikaram-Manimekalai which,

it

has recently been contended

should be regarded as something quite apart

from the former, and separated from them by

a comparatively wide interval of time.
It will

be clear even to the lay reader

if

Paranar
fifth

sang of Senguttuvan, as he does in the

book of the Padirruppattu, and

ppadikaram, and his
of the

if

Senguttuvan's
of

younger brother ,was the author

friend,

the Sila-

Sattan the author

of all of these

Manimekalai, then the age

must be one and the same whatever that age might be. Of Paranar*s works we have
twelve short pieces in the collection Narrinai,.
fifteen

poems

in the Kuruntogai, one

ten of

the

ten-tens

(Padirruppattu)

thirty-two

poems

in the collection Ahananiiru

and twelve

in the Purananiiru, with one in the collection

called Tiruvalluvamiilai.

And such

number

would be considered voluminous work, and

have a comparatively wide range in respect
both of matter and manner. In

Puram

4, ^

he

2 Qutreoi Q^iruSem^u QuireSeif Q/strairfS

tu^SesT&Doj lutrseoriDfrQp.

Paranar,

Param

4.

THE AGE OF PAEANAK

celebrates a Chola

215

Uruvapahrer Ilanjetchenni

whose

somewhat queer name seems to be derived from a comparison which this poet has instituted to him in the poem, under reference, where he is likened to the morning
sun who in radiant majesty
rises out

of the

sea in the glorious red of dawn.

This Chola

we know from the poem Porunararruppadai

of

Mudattamakkanniyar,

was the father

of

the great Chola Karikala.

He

celebrates in

Puram 63
ladan
*,

the Chera (Kudakko Nedumsera-

and the Chola (Peruvirarkkilli) when

field

both had fought and fallen on the

battle-

of

This same

event

is

celebrated by

another poet
laiyar
5.

who

goes by the

name Kalatta-

One of the so called last seven patrons by name Pehan whose territory was round the Palnis was celebrated by this poet. One of the references to him is in regard to his large
beneficence without expectation of a reward
^.

One supreme

instance

of

such

being

his

* Nofce at foot of the poem.Paraflo. 62.

Puram. 141 & 142.

Param. 144 k 145.

216

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

providing a wild peacock with a cloak or mantle

as

protection against cold.

is

The second
his interces-

which
sion
(not

more

to

our point

is

in

behalf of

Pehan's
of

wife

Kannaki
a court-

the

heroine

the

Silappadikaram)

whom
esan.

he had abandoned

in favour of

Paranar pursuaded
path of
rectitude

him

to

walk in

the
wife.

by returning to his
in

On

this

same occasion
the

the

same
Their

sad connection three other poets intervened

in

behalf
are
:

of

abandoned

wife.

names

Kapilar, Arisil Kijar, and Perun-

gunrur Kilar,

authors

respectively
*

of
'

the the

seventh, eighth,
*ten-tens'
is

and nineth
In

tens

of

collection.

Puram 369

there

reference according to the Colophon to the

Seraman Kadalottiya
his javelin

Vel

Kelu Kuttuvan

(Kuttavan Chera, who drove his enemies with

on the
with

sea)

who must be regarded

of the

as

identical

Senguttuvan

Sila-

ppadikaram, as Paranar

refers to this latter in

almost identical terms in poem 46 of the

Padirruppattu

'^.

In Narrinai

six,

he refers

QsrrQfBff&i QuoTQjiEJsedisisQQieSil.

THE AGE OF PAKANAR

to the chieftain Ori of the Kollimalais,

217

and in

stanza 201 of the same work he has reference to

the

famous statue

of

the

goddess

Kollidetail

pavai. This poeb also describes in

some
Chief

various transactions inconnection with the chief

Nannan of Konkan (Konkanam).

this

among

was the war that the Chera undertook

In the course
of

against him.

this

war or in

another, the Chera general called

Aay Eyinan,
fell

the commander-in-chief of the Chera

battle against

in

Nannan's commander-in-chief
also refers to the

Gnimili

^.

He

accumulation
the
citadal

of the vast

wealth of
in

Nannan

in

Pali.

One poem

Kuruntogai (292) gives in

to death

detail the story of

Nannan's putting

the

girl

that ate the fruit of Nannan's garden

carried

down stream

in a canal

through the

11.

lifcol3.

Qj&iaiGOLD QujuSesreir <u^isji&a6sr (Z^iraS^.

Aham

180*

Q/bQibQ/Sit (^L6)eSQujiT(S) Quir^^ssetru) uiLQu-ear.

Aham.

147.

218

BEGINNINGS OF
9.

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
of this

garden

The savagery
is

chieftain is

again brought under reference in Narrinai 270,

where he
enemies
ropes of
'

described as having shorn his

folk
of

women

their hair

to

make

them

for fastening

captured elephants.

Reference has already been made to Paranar*&

stating that a tribe of people, the Kosar, enter-

ed Nannan*s territory after killing his

elephant.
several

state

There are a number

in

of allusions to

incidents

the

life

of

Nannan.

Another reference that must be noted here,

as of

some importance,

is

to the

entry of the

Kosar into Kongu in

Aham

195

^^.

Eeturning now tothe

fifth-ten of the

Padirru-

pattu, where he celebrates Senguttuvan Chera,

we find Senguttuvan Chera described in the Padikam (epilogue) as the son of Nedumseraladan " King of the westerners by Manakkilli
'*

i-f6ifrp(^usf-iEisfTLu

^Gsrp^^puup
Qstr^uueijraQsiT&retnT'ar

Qsrrearu^p 20>m-u^<s6fflp Qpi^'ssS(3Sip

Qunar

Qffdj

uiT<sa>eu

Queaa Qsrr'^

Lfiftii^iBeorear&fr

QupeO,

Kuruntogai 292.
10

^argv

QiDfTifis

Qstr^nsQsn&srSf QpneaaQuirQuu

THE AGE OF PAEANAB

a Chola Princess
i^.

219

He

is

said

first of all to-

have marched across forests up to the Ganges,

defeating his enemies on the

way

for the pur-

pose of a stone to
(the

make the

statue of Pattini

deified heroine

Kannaki).

He

is

also

said

to

have returned from the

expedition

bringing in a vast

number

of

heads of cattle
achieve-

belonging to his enemies.

The next

ment

of his is the utter defeat of his enemies-

at Viyalur

and the destruction

of the

place-

Getting across to the other shore, he destroyed

the fortifications of Koduhur.
further into the
territory
of

He marched
Palayan

and

having cut down his margosa tree (perhaps

another totem)
captured
a

number
folk

of

his

elephants and yoked them together by rope&

made

of the hair of the

women
is

of

the

enemies.

His next exploit

of

the defeat and

destruction
collateral

number
war

of

Chola princes,
ruler,

cousins of the reigning

for the

who
last

carried on constant

time being out-

side Vayil (Nerivayil of other works).

of all is the destruction of his
sea,
11

And
to

enemies on the
in

which

was

already

referred

She is called Narcho^ai

in the Silappadikaram.

220

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
Of the various

connection with

Puram
of

369.

incidents found in this padikam (the epilogue

of the

poem) some
in

them

are described in

detail

the body of the

is

poem
of

itself.

His

northern invasion

described in general terms

in lines 6 to 11 of

poem 43

the Padirrupterritory of
is

pattu

^2.

His invasion against the

his allies,

Palayan and

and what he

said to

have done there in the course

of this

war are

described in some fullness of detail in lines 10

to 17 of

poem 44
*

i^.

There

is

a reference to his
in line
to 14,

wearing

the garland of seven crowns'

451^.

of

poem
is

In poem 46,

lines 11

there

a clear reference to his fight on the sea

of the protection that the
:

and the destruction

sea offered to his enemies

obviously the pirates

QjL^^GDf Qajeo'^

uSldujldits^

Q/feareariEo ^iniflQajfTifr iileeii-.ajtff^

Qpa^&iitu Qu0(e^^ui!B^

ea>^uuQjfriTLjQuL^s=

Qfirdoueo isitlLosh^ Q^frdoaeS earL^^^u

(ourrffQ^rr'BeaTLJ Quireois^triT

(^LLQea

13 QmtTs^iT wearearesr

QpnsihQsnesa

14 eTQpQ^L^

unTfftSliosr

(Siib^uu

Q^neO.

THE AGE OF PAKANAK

who found
their shelter in the sea
is
^^.

221

In line 4

of stanza 48, he

described figuratively as a
^^,

veritable fisherman

who

constantly engaged

himself on the sea to get rid of his enemies

with a view to
over sea,
territory.

making the

articles

coming

available to

those inside his

own
in

In poem 49 lines 7 to 10 and

lines 16 to 17, there is a reference again to the

determined stand made by Palayan against this

Chera and his

of all in

final

destruction

^'^.

The

last

poem

50, line 7, there

is

an obvious
three rivers
^s.

reference to the junction of the

Kauvery, Amravati, and Kudavanar

Qssireo <s<^p{Sluun'^oTs

This

15 QsiT(lfBff60 QueijOjiE] seomsQeueSUL

16

ilT

Ljd^S

17 Qeuio QuirnQojiB^Q^LC) QoietB^m

Qu)muQj<s(r(i^

QLoirm^ Quhtl^is^

Q^^sQ

Qldit^ie^ Qj^QiDtT mjr

eueOLDu(s^(ip iS'2e\)uj^ff uaeavuf.

18 sneSiBiuek

rSiLiLjD(^(sSifl

LjearQeOir^

.222

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
here,
of
it

last reference, I bring in

as
to

recently

great deal had been

made

show that

the capital of the Chera was

Karoor on the

Amravati
a number
water

(An Porunai
is

or

Porundam.)
very

As
itself

against this there

in this

poem

of references to the perennial flow of

in his
is

Periyar,

which

in

one place
its

at any rate

described as having

source

in his territory and emptying

sea in his

itself

into the

own

territory.

(L. 13 to 18 of

poem

48)

1^.

Keference also might be made to line

^o.

15 of poem 43

The meaning
is

of the reference
if

to the three streams is obvious

one remem-

bers that his uncle

said to

have conquered

the country of

Kongu

in line 15 to 16 of

poem

22

of this collection

21.

Of these achievements, the Silappadikaram

describes

elaborately

his northern
mesa

invasion,

19 [Sasrui'?scu iSpiEjp Saffsi^eo

20 ^^eStDjbjD

QuQ^supp

srr'^eoiLjir)

.ill

unrQanpQstTiEja^ iBrrLsuu^^

THE AGE OF PAKANAE

and makes
taken
it

223

clear reference to his

having under-

for the

purpose of bringing the stone

as
;

and

of the various details

to

his victories

against the northern enemies

but

how

far the

invasions were

true

is

not
is,

exactly

to

our

purpose at present.
that there
in
is

It

however,

a pity

not a reference to this pattini

the body
of
is

those words in

the

work
a

apart from the epilogue.

What

called

padikam

or

payiram in Tamil, an epilogue and

is

a prologue respectively,

not to be added at
It is

any time and by everybody that chooses.

ward, or a recommendation

generally of the nature of a preface, or a fore-

made by one more

or less directly or intimately connected with

the author.

The only remote man who can

commentator, but
I believe not

do

this is a

generally one

who

is

separated very remotely

from the author.

In any case, the presump-

tion of the statement being untrue

would be
by
in

unwarranted when we find

all

the other state-

ments made

in

this

piece are confirmed

reference to the body of the work.

respect of this particular
it

Even

cannot be said that

possible to read it

there

is

no reference as

it is

224

BEGINNINGS OF S.INDIAN HISTOKY

poem
in
is

in lines 6 to 11 of

4322.

them

are repeated almost in

The others of the same words

Silappadikaram
other than the

in at least

two places

the

by the anthor, who

younger brother

no

of this

Chera ruler himselfin

There are however,

remark.

respect

of

these

achievements two matters which

call for special

His

father
in

claims
lines

victory

over
14,

Kadambu of the sea poem 11 23^ There is

dent in line 3 of

13 and

of

reference to the
2*,

same

inci-

poem 12

in lines 4

&

5 of
^6.

poem 17

25^

and

in lines 2 to 4 of

poem 20

QJL-.^(SS)<SP

QujSo'^uSujUjlditss^

Q^rr6du6i>iBnLL<ss)L^ji

Q^neos&)arL^^^

QuiTn/in'2einu

Qun'&)!s^ffiTS(^LLai.

23 ueOiT QiMfrQikQ^fTLLi^iu ^ffekLLrEisithiSl^

36

cTiEjQsir

oS^QpofTQ^ iT;ij[i0^fi
(Tfiffesifi(cLuiTiT^^'2ecs=

iLjeaar

Q^eBrgm

THE AGE OF PABANAK

The
last of these refers distinctly to

225

an island

of his delta.

enemies which

may

be of the nature of a

He

is

also credited with having imprinafter

ted his

bow emblem on the Himalayas

of the north.

having subdued the Aryas

strangely enough

But,

he
the

is

also given
of

credit in

the padikam
of

at

end

the second-ten

his having

taken prisoners some Greeks

(Yavanas), bound their hands behind their back

as prisoners, and pouring ghee

on their heads
to

and
for

taking

what
ranson

seems
for

heavy

setting
of
his,

meant them free.

be

It is the first

achievement

which in

another place the poet describes as giving him

the primacy

among

rulers

between the Hima-

layas and Gape Comorin, that gave

'
'

him the
the

name Imayavaramban Nedumseraladan,

yas
for his

former word meaning he that had the Himalaboundary.

of the

This expression,

like

few others

kind unfortunately, has been

corrupted by the late Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai

into
*

Imayavarman
of

'

for

which there

is

abso-

lutely

no authority in the texts concerned.

the father are of some
titles

These incidents
15

importance as the

derived from these

226
are
this

BEGINNINGS OF
applied
to

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
The
to

the son.
reference

third ten of

work

has

younger
therefore

brother of

Imayavaramban,

and
is

the uncle of Senguttuvan.

for

He
the

given credit
of

having

overthrown
line

fort
is

Ayirai
credit

(poem 21
for

29)

^7

he

given

having brought the Kongu

Nadu under
Line
credit for

his control in lines 15-22 of

poem. 23.

26

2^

of the

same poem

gives

him

having destroyed a
10 and 11
of

hill fort
^9

somewhere. In lines
is

poem 28
of

there

again a clear

reference to the Periyar being the river of these

Gheras.

But

course the Periyar

may

be

referred to generally as the great river, but in

interpreting this,

one ought not to forget the

it

statement that he

was that brought the

and therefore the river

Kongu under
of the

his control

Chera should be interpreted as having

later acqui&ition.
It is this con-

reference to a river in the Chera country proper

and not in a

quest of the Chera that has given him credit

27 QiB0iuiT Qisaiea>ffujiiSsoirLJ QuiT(T^m.

THE AGE OF PARANAR

for

227

having bathed in both the seas in one and

is

the same day^^, which

only perhaps a somethat

in

what exaggerated way

and western
seas.

of stating

his

time his territory touched both the eastern

So then we

see that Sengut-

tuvan who succeeded probably both his father

and uncle became the heir to

coast in Cochin to somewhere
east

territory

right

across the whole of south India from the west across

to

the

coast

through Kongu.
or

Whatever the
both
the father

justification

otherwise,

Nedumseral and the son Senguttuvan lay claim

to
^

the garland of seven crowns

',

which could

mean no more than what

of the later times did

the

Mummudi

mean, the three crowns

and the seven crowns respectively, signifying

the rulership of the three kingdoms and per-

haps the seven kingdoms.

a mystic number.

This seven
to

is

not

There seem

have been
the

seven principal chieftains

territory in south India

among whom

was divided

at the time,

as

we

shall

notice

in

another connection.

Padigam.

to third ten of the Ten. Tens.

228

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

In this particular conuectioa the historical

character of these poems, cannot be called into

question even by those

objections
to
find

who had the

matter
-

greatest
in

historical

the

twin-epic

Silappadikaram
against

Manimekalai.

But

as

them
and

this

must be
other
a
of

said
of

that the authors of the twin-epic were one

them
of

brother,

the

friend

Senguttuvan
to

and what either

the
easily

them
of

has

say

in

historical passages

the poem, which are

distinguishable
detail
for

from

the rest, find confirmation

detail in these

poems which

are

very

much

more
fore

historical.

All honest scepticisms there-

must accept
difficulty

as historical such

personal

touches as one finds even in romances.

real
is

The
in

the

necessary
is

critical

faculty to distinguish

what

historical

an unhistorical
father

work.

Senguttuvan
the

Sera's

and

uncle, therefore,
in

were historical
western

personages

whose

reigns

sea littoral of India was infested by pirates^^,

31 This

view

of

the term Kaditnba in the poems finds

sfcroog couficmabion in th^ Gioy of

N*QQan having been

in the fourbh-

koowa 'Ka^ambia

paruvayil' {vide

Padigam

THE AaE OF PAEANAE

and both the
themselves
this piracy

229

father

and the son exerted

to

untiringly

put

an

end

to
it

on

their coast.
is

That they did

evidence
in

with great
various

success

in

the the
of

Tamil poems

which

describe

flourishing

and very highly valuable trade

the ports of the west coast.

things both in
coast,

Such a

state of

regard to the piracy of the

and

to its absence at a particular period,

are in the clearest terms detailed in regard to

Koman

trade in the

work

of

the classical

geographers.

It has already

been pointed out

;

that Pliny complains of this piracy

perhaps

soon after Pliny got his information, the care^

ful

author of the Periplus makes mention

it,

of

in the region opposite his Chersonesus.

ten poem. 40 II. 13 15.) one among four Kudies

11.

and the Kadanobar being

in

(cultivafeors)

Puram. 335

7 and

8. 2.

Kappiyarrukkappiyanar on
diohcberal.

Kalangaykkanui

narmu-

2 ^L^uiear urretzi&ir

uetDpuum SL^ihuQearasr

Mangudi

Kilar,

2B0

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
calls^

He

then proceeds to mention what he

the White Island before coming

down
of

to

Naura

and Tyndis, the

first

markets

Damirica.

The Chersonesus

in the Periplus to

seems unof

doubtedly to refer

the

tongue

land
of

which makes a small peninsula at the mouth

the Kali Nadi as
it is

called in

North Canara.

Opposite to this
the
'

is

the cluster of islands called

'

Oyster Rocks

perhaps the Caenitae of

White Island is the Lieuke of the geographers and is the same as the vernathe Periplus.
cular Velliyan Kallu or Tuvakk^il, either of

which

is

an exact translation
Island.

of

Lieuke or
with

White

This

is

identified

Pigeon Island in the new Imperial Gazetteer^^.

Then we come

to the first ports of

Damirica

(Tamil country) and

they are given as

Naura

and Tyndis corresponding to Nitras and Tyndis

of Ptolemy.

Ptolemy describes Nitras as a

country,

mart

in the

which he describes as
is

Ariaka Andron Peiraton, that

the pirates.
that " ships
of

the Ariaka of
that Pliny

It is of this Nitras

remarks

frequenting the

great

emporium
32

Mouziris ran the risk of being.

Vol. 20 p. 136.

THE AGE OF PABANAE

attacked by pirates,

231

who

infested the

neigh-

bourhood and possessed a place called Nitras. Thus Nitras figures both as a mart and as an
island off the coast.

This could only mean

line
of

that the island

was on the

entry to
Nitras

the port of Nitras wherever that was.

or

Naura of Pliny is identified by Mr. Schofi with Cannanore which appears too far south.
Cannanore, as has been already pointed out,
is

the

Mont d'Ely

of the mediaeval

geogra-

phers.

Yule's guess that

Nitras refers to

Mangalore turns out

correct.

Mangalore

is

situated at the head of a delta formed by two

rivers Netravati

and Gurupa.

It is the Nitravati

that has given the

name Nitrias or Nitron or perhaps even Naura to the city. That may also have been the cause of the name of the
Nitron
is

island

set

over

against

the

port.

Tyndis

much

farther south

and has been

where

identified with Kadalundi, not far from

Beypore
pirate

is

at present.
of

Thus then we find the

at the southern extre-

coast

the Periplus to have been

between Karwar point

mity

of

North

Canara

and the

port
to

of

Mangalore.

That answers exactly

the

232

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY,

description that

ture of the
pirates)

we get in early Tamil literaKadark-Kadambu (the Kadamba

having been found in the sea and

having to be constantly defeated by war across

the sea to their island-rendezvous by both the

Chera Senguttuvan
nothing more to say

and

his

father.

ThsLt

would explain why Ptolemy has got absolutely

of these

pirates

than the
as

mere
pirate

chracterization
coast.

of

the

coast

the

The Kadambas

must have
till

been a pirate race to begin with

they

were re-claimed to civilization somewhat later

perhaps.

This

conclusion

is

certainly

in

keeping with the position of the savage Nannan,

the
wooien-killer,

whose

capital

is

described, as already remarked, as

Kadambin
after cons-

Peruvayil, that
of the

is

the large and the wide gate

Kadamba
war put

country.
to death

He was

tant

by another

Chera

celebrity

Kalangaykkanni Narmudi-ch-Cheral,
'

the hero of the fourth

ten

'

of the

ten-tens.'

Thus then
classical

it

is

clear

that

these

poems

of
is

Tamil taken

along

with what

available in the Classical

it

geographers makes

clear that the first Cheras

known

to history


THE AGE OF PAEANAR
sition set

233

distinguished themselves in the southern oppo-

up

to the

Aryan incursions from the

in south

north, and

made conquests

India
to

so as to extend their territory from

coast

coast across the peninsula.

service

Their particular
consisted in

however

to

civilization

their suppression of this pest of piracy

on the

west coast which both the

first

Chera known

to us and his son took so much pains to suppress, while other

Cheras perhaps subordinate

substantial

chieftains did

make
was

contribution

towards achieving this object.

The

period

when

this littoral

free

from pirates extend-

ed approximately from A.D. 80to A,D. 222,

the date

of

Peutingerian Tables.
of the

A study

poems

of

Paranar with such

both
literis

of the available collateral material

ary and other leads to this knowledge which

found confirmed by two collateral

evidence extraneous to this literature
the information available
geographers,

lines
:

of

namely

from

the

classical

and the results that could be

finds of

drawn from the various

Roman

coins
;

along the coast of this part of the country and

these results might be set

down

as follows

234

BEGINfTINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Paranar has reference principally only to the Chola kings and the Chera kings. He does not
appear to have celebrated the Pandya
very much.
rulerss

He

has at any rate something to

say of various chieftains

in his

who figure incidentally

that recurs in respect

poems and the fact

Chera

of three or four

rulers

and chieftains that

seven crowns
'*

they wore " the garland

of the

would

refer to the seven chieftains

known

in

Tamil
rature.

literature as the seven last patrons of lite-

The Chola kings

are in order Peruviral

Killi, his

successorllanjet-Chenni, his successor

Carikala with an indirect reference to a

of Killis

number
of the

(Cholas)

who

fought in fratricidal

war bringing on the active intervention

great

Red Chera
he

(Senguttuvan). In regard to
celebrates

the Chera,

Imayavaramban
and another chiefas
it

Nedum
tain

Serai and his son Senguttuvan Sera a

of the first

younger brother

Narmudi Cberal

figuring

were in

between the two.

We

have certainly to bring

in within the age of Paranar the chief Pehan,

otherwise

called
of the

Vayavikkon-perum-Pehan.
Chola and the Chera who
field of battle

The mention
fought and

fell

on the

brings

him

THE AGE OF PAEANAE

into

235

contemporaneity

with

another

poet

Kalattalayar,

who

celebrated the

same event.

This

latter poet is also stated in

another poem

by Kapilar to have destroyed the capital city

Araiyam

of

Irungo Vel by Kapilar whose elder

contemporary he must have been.

In this connection we
ferences in

may consider a few reto

Mamulanar, the other poet

whose

work we made reference already

chapter.

in a previous in

One reference of importance is poem 55 Aham, which refers in specific terms

defeated the contemporary Chera,

to

the battle of Vennil where the Chola Karikala

who
is

feeling

ashamed

of a

wound on
is

the back

stated to

have committed suicide by starvation.

very same incident
referred to

This

by two other

poets Kalattalaiyar and Vennikkuyattiyar in

almost the same specific terms respectively in

Puram 65 and reference may be

that of the
specific

66.

While the
quite

first

poet's

considered somewhat indirect,

is

other two
is

direct

and

and

almost addressed straight to

one of the combatants, the victor in this particular instance.

This same poet Mamulanar

has in poem 126/27 of

Aham

a clear reference

236

BEGINNINGS OF
may

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

to the Cheras' achievement against the pirates

and
to

this

lead to the inference that the

poet was contemporary with him.

a

He

refers

Pandyan
as
to
is

also

but gives no specific

of

indication
it is.

which

the

Pandyans

There

in

the same work 232/33 a

reference to the Chera

who
is

fed the hosts in the

to

Bharata war.
where Evvi,
country, one
battle.

What
is

more particularly
the

our point at present

a

the reference to a battle

of

chieftain

Pandyan
fell

among

the seven patrons

of

in

There he mentions the name

Paranar
fallen

and brings him in connection with the

chief as having praised his valour, and

that

makes Evvi

contemporary
is

with

Paranar.

Another chief that

of

brought into contemis

poraneity with Paranar

the

Adigaman Anji
of

Tagadur (Dharmapuri in the Salem District).

is

This chief

said in

poem 114

Mamular

to

have been in hiding along with his relations

out of fear of a chief
if

who seems
is

to be

Nannan,
In poem

the reading of the text

correct.

207, Paranar refers to the KoUimalais as be-

longing to Ori, but in the next following

poem

however, another author by name Kalladan

THE AGE OF PAEAN AE

refers- to the
this,

237

death of this Ori.

According to

Ori was put to death by Kiiri of Tirukkoilur

who made

over Kolli to the Chera king.

is

The
of

allusion here

to a

war

or rather a

series

wars perhaps

of ambition.

Anji of Tagadur

laid siege to Tirukkoilur of

Kari having de-

him in the field. to make an effective stand against the enemy, went for protection to the Chera who was
feated

Kari not being able

anxious to

gret

possession of the

Kollimalais.

Kari volunteered service, went across at

the

head

of

an army, defeated and killed Ori and

In the same poem this Kalladan
the
battle

made
refers

over the territory round Kollimalais to

the Chera.
to

Alanganam where the

by the Pandya.

" seven " were defeated

shall refer to this later.

We

further unnecessary

take

it

that

Without proceeding length we might now Paranar was acquainted with

Ori,

the chief Kari,

and Evvi, among the

minor ones.

famous seven, not

to speak of the

We

have already referred to his connection

with Nannan.

Thus then we come

number
of

to

generation, Paranar's generation of poets and

patrons, that gives us a

Cheras and

238

BEGINNINGS OF
who go by
in

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
of

Cholas in succession, as also the majority

the chiefs
the

name the

last

seven
shall

patrons

Tamil

literature/

We
of

consider one or two other poets

the like

eminence with Paranar and then say whether

the postulating of a body called the
third

academy
of

Madura is warranted by this body literature. By way of summary however,

of
it

we might put
his father

here that the Chola Karikala,

and grand-father were contemporaries with the Chera Nedum Serai and his father,
perhaps also this Chera^s son Senguttuvan.

The

chieftains are

Pehan, Ori, Kari, Adigan,

All

Evvi^ Nannan and Aay-Eyinan.

these the

seem
that

referable to the

same

age,

that of

generation covered by Paranar.

The poets
:

we have already come

across are

Para-

nar himself, Mamulanar, Kapilar, Arisil Kilar,

Perungunrur
yattiyar

kilar, Kalattalaiyar,

Vennikkuthese

and

Kalladanar,

and

give

promise of a complete academy

itself.

Though
is

Paranar does not in so many words

ly refer to

specifical-

any particular Pandiyan, there

in

one reference which ought not to be passed

over and that
is

Aham

115.

There

is

THE AGE OF PAEANAB

The
first

239

tattle referred to here at Kudarp-Parandalaipart Kudal would refer to Madura,

the second part might be

as a battle-field.

simply interpreted

In this battle the Pandya

attacked him and captured

beat

off

from the place the two other kings

who simultaneously
their

war drums.

This sounds very

the war of the young

literature

Pandya king
at

much like known in

as

victor

Talaiyalanganam,

whosehistory we shall take up forconsideration.

CHAPTEE VI. THE AGE OF THE TALAIYALANGANATTUP-PANDYAN NEDUM'SELIYAN

I

Sangam Literature,
is

This personage

a great Pandyan,

one of

the latest perhaps of the age

for

consideration.

we have taken This complex name is

designation with a

composed

of the general

few modifying adjuncts.

seliyan

Seliyan or

may
is

be

considered his name.

NedumTo

distinguish

him from
a
the

others of that name,

because this

common enough name among

attribute
is

the Pandyas,

added of his

victory at Talaiyalanganam, identical probably

with a village not

far

from the Nidamangalam

the
is

Kailway
In that

station
battle

in

Tanjore
to

district.

he

stated

have won

a victory against a combination of all the kings and chieftains of the Tamil country.

The

fact

that

he

is

given

this

distinct
of

epithet shows that, to the literary

age, there

men

the

was no other
of a

battle

of that

name

known, nor

Pandyan who stood

210

victorious.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
To us
this

241

character

is

of the highest importit

ance historically, because

seems to be he

that comes into connection with the Pandyas

of a later time specifically referable in inscriptions.

From

the poems

it is

clear he

the throne of his fathers quite

came to young. The

neighbouring powers taking advantage of the

new

succession and of the youthfulness of the

successor,
chieftains,

marched with
and
laid

their to

allies,

the five
It is

siege

Madura.
is

then that the youthful monarch

stated to

have made the poem 72

of

Puram
i

in

which he
saying

said " they look ludicrous indeed

who

that this ruler

is

young marched

at the

head

uuessfluSirLLir) urroju^uuSessr^jSir
QemQiBeOiufr^esnijiB Q^^Lorrofih

&gjuQfirp Q^neoeSiu &eansjQs(ip

Qeuis/feiDff

QL-(T0iEiasLJu Qier^ttSp QuiTQ^ik^uj

Qanu^iu QearujbSsDjDQujear'i aGxnGs^nuffuiSd

QoitrmiStu

^ipuiS^iunk/f Qs&reS

16

242

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

of their vast armies to the siege of

my

capital

talking lightly of

my

prowess. If in this war I

all

do not defeat their armies and capture

their

may my rule offer no protection to my subjects; may my subjects weep for lack of it, and blame me as an unworthy monarch; may the poets of my
war drums and themselves
as prisoners,

Mangudi Marudan cease to celebrate me in poems of praise." The same sentiment and the mean advantage that the other
court with
rulers

took of his youth,

and

what they

thought his helpless condition, are portrayed

in the four next following

poems by one poet

Kilar,

who who

goes by the says in the

name Idaik-Kunrur
first

that the seven rulers

king,

marched upon the one

whole body
ruler.

Pandya.

He

expresses surprise at the unusual

of
'

sight of the

seven'

attacking the single

In the following three poems he refers

to the youth of the

Pandyan and

of the attack

LjffuQufTir L^arsGSBtsp^n

eSauQunnsSinn eSa^eainiunglipQ^ The Pandyan of Talaiyalanganam Param 72,

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
beat the enemies oE to their

243

being delivered upon his city wherefrom he

own

territory

and
115

destroyed them there.

outside his

That he was attacked

own

city, is referred to in

Aham
was

of Paranar.2

It

was

this battle that

cele-

brated elaborately both in the Madurai Kanchi

of

Maogudi Marudan> otherwise referred to as Mangudi Kilar, and the poem Nedunal Vadai of
battle itself
is

Narkirar perhaps refers to the same campaign.

The

very well described by this

latter poet directly in

2 &DLDiuetBLUfT'2e9r

Aham

36.^

Of the poets

LapuQunii^ Q^Lfituear QuntbtuneSii^eSp skupupis^'^

u^Lj2an'
IB

Q^(ipi^ eSI(T^Qu0(oaji3^iT

Qnii(d LfpiEJseetBL^

(^nm&Dp.
Paranar in Aham. 110.

3 QsiTUJSrQlITU L^jeiSs QsfTl^/iCc^lT^

Q^LfliUf^eOiEjsrr&fT/i^ ^airp'2eo^ajuu^
Qs=ff&)j QjFuoiSiijueifr,

^eariaQsop^^iuear^

QuniJQjeSliurT'BesTLJ QuireOihL^QesinL^eaff,

iBifn^iBpeS QesT^n^aain^g&sr^

.(j^QsrrQQi&Ra LuneSuuQprruQuftQ^itGsr (Q^jreor.)

Qp(lpQjlT lEeVSUeOLCLJEJa QQjlf0USeO

QsrTor^s&Tu> QQjLlu^(^rrareap.

Narkkirar in Aham, 36.

244

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
Mangudi

thab celebrated this great Pandyan,

respected.

Marudan was perhaps the oldest and the most Next follows the great poet and
Another one
of equal

grammarian Narkirar.
as he was

eminence was Madurai Marudan

called.

Ilanagan,

Another important poet

was Kalladan, besides Kudapulaviyanar, lyiir Mudavanar, Karikkannan of Kaveripatam and

Idaik-Kunrur Kilar.
This famous battle
of history is described in

some

detail

by Narkirar who
to,

sets

down, in

Aham
against

36 already referred

the combatants

him as eral,Sembian (Chola), Titiyan, Elini (son of the Adiyaman Anji of Tagadur), Erumaiyuran, Irungo Venman, Terpporunan.

Aham
of

208

of

Kalladan

refers

to the

battle

Alanganam and speaks of the seven, referring in the same poem as an event of the past
the capture of the Kollimalais by Kari from

4 QuireareareasB QibibQ^it^ Q^ssrGsrn Qsnuxrasr

Kalladan

in

Aham

208.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
Ori,

245

and

Among

Chera by the former ^. these seven were the Chera and the
its gift

to the

Chola who are taken to be respectively the Chera Yanaik-kat-Chey Mantaram Serai
Irumporai and the Chola Rajasuyam Vitta
Perunarkkilli,

who

together are celebrated by a

name Vadavannakkan Perumjattan though the two are not connected by name in the poem itself ^. This defect is remedied to a great extent by the direct reference in Puram
poet by

17 of Kurungoliyur Kilar of the imprisonment

of Yanaik-kat-Chey by the superior force of

the Pandya,

who

is
^

clearly this

Pandyan
the

of
is

Talaiyalanganam.

That
to
is

this

Chera chief

sometimes

referred

with

attribute

of the elephant-look

clearly explained

in

Qp&T^fr

LDiiresresr

SL^Q(rij'isf.saniB

QeoniflsQsneksi (cfueOiTs^/SjS
QfGuajiTUJu ueoeSear ULUis/QsQ^Gsir&i&S

Ibid in
6
7

Aham

208.

Param
11.

125.
21. read in connection
pit.

20 and

with the com-

parison to elephant fallen into a

See also

Commen*

tary on p. 23 Mab. Swaminathaier's edition.

246

BEGINNINGS OF
22.
^

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Puram

Another poet Porundil Ilangiran

celebrates

this

Chera

of

the elephant-look,

and makes a very interesting reference in the

course of the

poem

to a

remark made by the

older poet Kapilar,

Chera

in

respect of the

which gives us an idea

of the

age to

which

we

shall

have to

allot

this group of poets

'*

and

patrons.

there

The reference is it were was now alive Kapilar of

whose
skill

better that
illustrious

name,

in

making poetry,

and

whose information on matters of importance, were unparalleled." The poet says that this remark was made by the prince himself and
approves of
it,

following that
set

if

he were alive he

would certainly

forth

the praise of the

Chera's country in suitable poetry .^

The

group-

KurungoHyar Kilar
9

in

Param

22..

Q^&i^^

Qs^iLil^lL

Q fibs'

QfiBistreiSafr

8f^afr^<sfri^aSsarear^tD QesrearpiSair

@)'8

QsiTsirQiif^(SS)fd

Qairuuu

utf^doiGfT

i)^^pueB}SQj<ss)na sl^uQu,

Porundil Ilangiran in

Puram

63.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
therefore
is

247

to be referred to a time

after the

death of the poet Kapilar

already referred to as

whom we

hare

a comparatively junior

contemporary

of Paranar.
is

This same conclusion

forced

upon us by

Narkirar, another contemporary poet

who

cele-

brated elaborately this same Pandyan.

In

Aham

78, Narkirar refers to Pari of

of

Parambuelder poet

nadu, the life-long friend

Kapilar,

the

who was

at

one time besieged by the

three kings and some chiefs, and

who being

hard pressed for food in his citadel, employed

parrots to fly out of the
of corn for the
fort

and bring in ears

the
siege of

use of the besieged on the

advice of Kapilar.
Pari's fortress

This

is

last

and we know from Kapilar's

Pari
fell

history

that

in

this

siege

and

Kapilar went forward with the two daughters

of Pari thus

orphaned to get them married

properly. This brings Narkirar into connection

with Kapilar, as a younger and not perhaps

very remote contemporary.
is

In 253-52 there

a reference to the

Pandya having driven

away the Kongar, wherefrom is not exactly stated. In the same poem this Narkirar refers

248
to

BEGINNINGS OF
the chief

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

290-89 of

Erumai and his country. In the same poet there is a flattering

reference to a Chera and in 345 the

is

Pandyan
Kudal

said to have defeated the Chola in

(Madura).

The camp

when he is out for of his poem Nedunal

'

Pandyan war forms the theme

life

of

this

Vadai, one

of

the

Patfcuppattu.
jMresently.

We shall revert to this Narkirar

Puram
of

57,

But we may nobe in passing here, where a poet by name Kari Kannan
all

Kaveripattanam exhorts the Pandya to

under
circumstances, from cutting
called

desist

down what
maram).

are

Guard-trees

(Kaval'

What actually the poet says is, you

your army plunder
the standing

may

let

crops of the

enemy you may

; ;

let

them

set fire

to their cities

you may

kill

enemy

warriors,

but see that you permit the destruction of

Guard-trees under no circumstances

the

way

that even the first three alternatives are put

in,

indicating they were measures to be adopt-

ed only under exceptional circumstances.

In this comparatively short investigation,

we have come upon the

kings, the

three contemporary
victor at Talaiya-

young Pandyan,

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
langaaam; the Chera
of

249

the elephant-look,
as

and the Chola who celebrated Eajasiiya

contemporary sovereigns.
are

A number of chiefs
are
of

brought

in,

but they

minor

character.

The

greater chiefs,
*

who went by
seven
last

the

common

designation,

the

patrons,' are referred to only as having

lived

and gone, and the chiefs that figured in the

battle of

Alanganam
generation,

itself are chiefs

of

the

following

as

mention

of

Elini,

Adigaman unmistakeably shows. Bound these rulers are gathered some of the poets of the first rank, among them prominent mention must be made of Mangudi Marudan, Narkirar, Madurai Marudan Ilanagan, Kalladan and a number of others. Of these, the latter
son
of

three, namely, Narkirar Ilanagan

and Kalladan
connection.

come

together in
is

particular

Kalladan

believed to have written a

comsaid

mentary on the Tolkappiyam. The other two,

Ilanagan and Narkirar are both of them
to have

commented on the work Iraiyanar

third

Ahaporul., the

section
story
is

of

classical

Tamil grammar.

The

briefly

this

that in the days of the third Sangam, the

250

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Pandya country was afflicted by a twelveyears famine. The Pandyan finding it impossible to

maintain his court asked the

men

of

learning,

who were dependent upon him,

;

to

leave

the country

and go elsewhere, as his

resources were exhausted

when

the famine

ceased he got back

together

such of them as

were

still

available, but found

on examination

that none of those that

returned to his court

knew anything,
tion of

or perhaps enough, of this sec-

Tamil grammar.
this,

When

he was

much

exercised about
pity
of

upon

his

God Siva anxiety and made

is

himself took
this section

grammar, which

by

far the biggest

and
and

the most elaborate of the Tolkappiyam, in sixty

sutras, inscribed
left

them on copper

plates

them underneath
the

the seat of the idol in the

temple of Madura.
clean

The
in

priest

who went to

Sanctum
on

the morning found

the plates which

examination proved to

contain

that

particular section of

grammar.
could

Such a vast subject being

dealt in sixty sutras

brief,

made

it

extraordinarily

and

hardly be

understood

without commentary.
of the

So the Pandyan asked such

Pandits aa

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP.PANDYAN
were
at court to take

251

upon themselves
of

to write

the commentary.
it,

Some

them did attempt

and could

but the acceptance of that which was the

best

was a matter

of great difficulty

be done only by an expert chairman.

They

could not find a suitable one and had therefore

to appeal again
to

god

Siva himself,

indicated the

dumb
little

son of a
child

who Brahman in
years old,

Madura.

The

was
of

five

born dumb, and was the son

Kilan.

Uppuri Kudi
Of the

His name was Rudrasarman.

commentaries presented to this dumb prodigy

there were a

number
;

as each one

was read
got

he kept quiet
to read
his

when Marugan Ilanagan

commentary the child wept at certain places; when again Narkirar read his comment the child was perpetually weeping The story in token of complete approval.

when

the

extraneous

embellishments
to
this
:

are

removed amounts merely

abbreviated

that

the

grammar known as Iraiyanar Ahapporul was commented upon by a number The most approved commentary of scholars.
turned out to be that by Narkirar
;

Ilanagan's

came next

best,

very

much

like

Parimelala-

252
gar's

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

commentary on the Kural, having been

available,

accredited the best and being perhaps the only

commentary now
others.

excepting for the

statement contained in this story regarding the

We

have no evidence

of the existence

of Ilanagan's
all.

commentary on these

sutras at

The whole question now is who is this Narkirar and who was the Pandyan. A continuous
commentator Narkirar
with the famous Narkirar of the Sangam,

tradition connects this

who
from

in another story

is

said to have differed

God Siva
tail

himself in respect of a particular deof

connected with this section

grammar.^^
it

The
seem
fact

old story related above, queer as

at first-sight, still

may

perhaps has a basis of

and brings Marudan Ilanagan, or Madurai

into contemporaneity with

Marudan Ilanagan
Narkirar.
history at
It
all

would be doing no violence to

to take these

two as referring to
in
in
of

the two poets whose

the
1^.

Sangam
The poem

works.
in

name occurs so largely The famous Pandyan

was the cause
of
of

Kurumfcogai which

this diiference

is

found both in the text

is

this classical

collection and also

qaoted in illustration
(vide p.

Sucra 2 of

the Iraiyanar

Ahapporul

39

of

Mr. 0.

Thamodaram Pillai's Bdn.)

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP.PANDYAN

253

whose court they flourished must then be the

Paadyan victor at Talaiyalanganam. The commeatary that has actually come down ta us is the commentary of this Narkirar handed down by word of mouth through ten generations of pupils
till,

at last,

Nilakantan, the
it

teacher at Musiri, handed

on

to

others.
is

The
great

opinion of Pandits now-a-days

that

probably a successor of this Nilakantan, the

commentator

known

as
It

Ilampuranar

put

it

in its present form.

may

be Nila-

kantan himself that did

this.
is,

commentary,
layers,

such

as
is

it

The modern exhibits twa

classics,

one which

old

with most of the

illustrations in archaic

Tamil from the

of

with the second layer superimposed where the

illustrations to the extent

315 stanzas

of

poetry are

made on purpose

in a

more modern
in

language to be ordinarily understood by the

pupils. That it is so is on pages 125 and 191

clearly

of the late

evidence Mr. 0. W.

Thamodaram
actually put

Pillai's edition of the

Irayanar

Ahapporul where the

into

classical illustrations are

modern Tamil the poetic

the

sentiments

being

same,

every

detaiL

264

BEGINNINGS OF
of

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
two commentaries

The importance
consists in this
of
:

these

that the

modern stanzas

all

them celebrate the exploits of a particular Pandyan, several of whose achievements get
to be mentioned in the course of these verses,

and a close study

that

of all these

seem

to indicate

they

all

went in

praise

of

one and

the same man.

The

older
of

commentary conwhich seem to be

tains illustrations,

most

taken from the classics which go by the collective

name Sangam

works, and this

commentary
it-

criticises in certain parts the

self,

Tolkappiyam

so that in the age of Narkirar himself, the

to be

Tolkappiyam got
mentary

commented upon
is

as in

fact Kalladanar^is said to have written a

for

com-

which
attempt

there

old

authority.

Narkirar's

therefore

was
easy.

one

of

abridgment to make the acquisition of this

vast section of Tamil

grammar

Casting

aside the legendary part of the story,

in fairness

we

are

bound

the work of

work as the poet Narkirar, handed down

to accept the existing

through generations, perhaps in oral teaching,

and committed

to writing in the present

form

at least ten generations,

may

be a few genera-

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
tions more, after the time of Narkirar.

255

For
to

these

ten

genorations,

having

regard

the elaborate

course

of

study for learning

subject,
it

such an abstruse and

intricate

would be very modest

to allow a period of

30

years each generation roughly.

mean
first

that
edition

Then it would the second commentary or the of the commentary was made

some 300 years after the Narkirar wrote his first comment. If then we could find out from
the 315 stanzas, which give a large number of
historical details, as to

who

the

Pandyan

is

in

whose

court, or

under whose patronage, the

in final form,

commentary was put

arrive at an approximate age.

we could Without being

we might say at once that this was the Pandyan who won victories over his neighbouring kings and is referred to as
too elaborate

much

Nedumaran, who was

is

victor at

Nelveli,

He
a

given

other

titles

such as
is

Varodaiyan,
with

Paramkusan

etc.

and

credited
his
is

number
the

of

victories

over

neighbours.
therefore
of

Identification of this

monarch
to

utmost

importance
is

Tamil

literary

history.

There

the bare possibility that these

256

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
in

modern stanzas were composed

Narkirar's

honour of
important

contemporary

but

considerations militate against such a view.

The stanza
which a
is

^^

quoted hereunder gives clear

existence of the
like the

indication of the
later

Sangam,

Pandyan
II

Kun Pandya

given credit for in the Periyapuranam.

Epigraphy
seems possible on the

Such an

identification

facts available to us not only

of poetry that

from these pieces

course
of this

we

find in the

grammatical work, but from other sources as

well,

and

this has been

attempted before us by

the late Eai Bahadur V. Venkayya, Epigraphist

to the

Government of

India.

In the course

of a

study of four Pandya grants to which

we
re-

have already made reference, coupled with one

or

two others Mr. Venkayya, made

his

own

construction of Pandya history, taking into

11
QeuiLfLD LfetDau^QL>m(D(r^eifi

^p^^&^esip

Quju^is^0LLZsat Qfipp^^uuihn

QLDfdQpaQf,

Iraiyanar ThapporulOom. 16T.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
on the basis

257

consideration the available information from

literature

as

well.

It is

of

Mr.

Venkayya's
base their
ter.

(vork that others

that follow

him

own

theories in respect of this matare

:

The grants

the Velvikkudi grant of

Nedunjadaiyan, the Madras

Museum

plates of

the Pandya king Jatilavarman, son of Maravar-

man and

the two

Sinnamanur

plates.

The

details of these plates

and the way that the

by the
late

Epigraphist went to work at them are exhibit-

ed

his

usual masterly fashion

in
his

Mr. Venkayya

two reports to the

It is hardly

Government

for

1907 and 1908.

necessary for our

purpose here to go through

the whole of the arguments

various
identifications

upon which the

are

made; and the

the

considerations carefully offered for the identification

and the

difficulties in
all

way

of their

acceptance could
referred to.
of the

be studied in the reports

The

following genealogical table

succession of the

Pandyas based on
here for conveni-

these four and a few other dated inscriptions

since published
is

set

down
it.

ence of reference in the same manner that the

late

Mr. Venkayya gave

17

Pandyadhiraja Paramevara Mudukudumi

Kalabbra iDterregnum.
1.

Pal^alai-Peruvaludi.

Kadungon Pandyadhiraja.

2.

Adhiraja Maravarman
3.

Avanisulamani*

Seliyan SeodaD.

4.

Maravarman Arikodaiio Asamasaman,

of Vilveli

defeated the

army

ab Nelvoli'.
I

6.

Kochchadaiyan Eanadhira fought the battle of Marudur defeated tbe Mabaratba ic the city of Mangalapuram,
; ;

6.

Arik68ariu Paranku^a Maravarman Tor-Maran defeated the Pallava at Kiilumbur conquered tbe Pallavas at Samkaramangai Rajaaimba (l) defeated Pallavamalla renewed tbe wails of Kudal, Vanji and Koli.
; ; ;

7.

Jatila Nedunjadaiyan

Parantaka
I

defeated tbe

Kadava

at

Pennagadam

(donor of the Velvikudi grant), A.D. 76970.

8.

Rajasimba
I

(II.)

9.

Varaguna-Mabaraja;

Jayantavarman

(?)

J
10.

Srimara, Srivallabba, Ekavira, Paracbakrakolahala conquered Maya-Paadya, Kerala, Siinbala, Pallava and Vallabba; Paliavabbanjana

11.

Varagunavarman
tbe

aficended

throne in

A.D.

862-863.

Parantaka, Viranarayana fought at Kharagiri Sadaiyan destroyed Pennagadam, and

^

12.

married Vanavan
Jatila
of tbe smaller

ma.badevi,

Nedunjadiyaa (donor Madras Museum and

Sinnamanur
Kajasimba
plates
?)

13.

(III)

Manda-

ragurava Abhimanamtiru.
P.

66 Madras Epigraphisfc Report

for 1908.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
Our
table
presenfc
is

259

concern with this genealogical

proposed identification
celebrated
in
of

the

the

famous
with
to

Pandyan

the

315

stanzas illustrating the

Iraiyanar Abapoiul

No. 6
these

on the table: called according

records
Arikesarin,

Parankusa
is

Maravarman,

Ter-Maran;
at
at

he

said

to

have defeated the Pallava

conquered the Pallavas
is

Kulumbur, and
;

Sankaramangai he
defeated Pallava-

called

Kajasimha

I,

who
is

malla; and who renewed

the walls of Kiidal,

the whole of the

Vanji and Koli.

That

reference found in the inscriptions and put in

abstract

on the table

itself.

He was
this,

the

immediate predecessor

of

the donor of the

Velvikudi grant according to

epigraphist

which the

dates

A. D.

769-770.

The conidentifica-

siderations on

which he makes the

last four

tion are

given by himself in

the following

words

He takes the
part,

names

in the

Tamil

which

differs

considerably from

the Sanskrit portion, to be identical with the

last four in the Sanskrit portion.
so,

Having done

he states
;

" This is only the initial diffi-

culty

when we

get

to

the Chronology, the

260

BEGINNINGS OF
is

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
because

complication

much
is

greater,

the

number
to early
I

of

dated stone inscriptions attributable

Pandya kings

very small.

Besides^

am

not quite sure

how and where

the

names
the

furnished by the Velvikudi grant

tentative genealogy

fit

into

derived from the SinnaI

manur

plates,

which

gave

in

the

last

Annual Report."
solely on

He

states in another place,

definite conclusions

"it is unsafe to base

any

the Vatteluttu portion, because a

large

sufficiently

number

of

inscriptions in

that alphabet

have not yet been published

for

with photo-lithographic plates

comparison.

Proceeding mainly on the Grantha portion,

and

to a certain extent

on the results derived

of

from a

comparison

the

few

available

Vatteluttu inscriptions, we

may

not be far

wrong

if

we

assign

the larger Sinnamanur

first

plates approximately to the

quarter of the

tenth century A. D.

*'

The

last

name

there-

fore of the genealogical table thus gets referred

to the early part of the tenth century.

fact

This

must be borne

in

mind
itself

in regard to

what

follows in relation to the discussion.

It will

be noted on the table

that five genera-

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
tions

261
six,

intervene

between

the

number
of

Arikesari Parankusa of the table and Kajasimha

III.

Here

is

the
it

whole

argument

Mr.

Veokayya, which
"

will be useful to set

down

here for the purposes of discussion.

The

first

point which I have taken into

is

consideration in revising the genealogy,

that

the larger Sinnamanur plates probably belong

to the time of Kajasimha-Pandya,

who was

de-

feated by the Chola king Parantaka I some-

time before A.D. 921-2. The second consideration

is

that the Nedunjadaiyan of the Velvikudi

grant cannot be identical with his namesake of

the Madras

Museum

plates,

but

that

the

former must be earlier than the

third point
of
is

latter.

The
plates

that the Madras

Museum

Jatilavarman and the smaller Sinnamanur

plates are probably nearer in point of time to

the larger Sinnamanur plates than they are to

the

Velvikudi

grant.

In other words

the

interval of time between the Jatilavarman of

the

first

two plates and

smaller

the Eajasimha III

that

must

be

than

between

the

Nedunjadaiyan

of the

Velvikudi grant and his

namesake

of the

Madras Museum plates- Again

262

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
is

the Nedunjadaiyan of the Velvikudi grant

apparently identical with the Maranjadaiyan

of the

Anaimalai cave inscriptions.

This

rendered likely by the fact of the kings in both

cases being called Parantaka. Besides, the ajnajpbi of

the Velvikudi grant

is,

in all probability,

identical with the

Marangari who excavated the

Anaimalai cave about the year A.D. 769-70. If

any

of the

foregoing facts and surmises are

overthrown by future researches, the whole

genealogy will have to be reconsidered in the
light of fresh facts that

may
will

be forthcoming.

From

the foregoing

it

appear that the

the

smaller Sinnamanur plates and

Madras

Museum

plates of Jatilavarman cannot belong

to No. 7 Jatila as represented in the last report.

Otherwise he would be ideatical with the donor

of

the Velvikudi grant,

and paleographical

considerations militate very strongly against

such a supposition. Again, the numerals (up to

7),

which are marked in the Velvikudi grant are

very old, while those of the Jatilavarman plates

bear a close resemblance to the corresponding

symbols used in the larger Sinnamanur plates.

As both

the smaller Sinnamanur plates and

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
may

263

those of Jatilavarman together mention only

three generations
if it

even be questioned

these three kings belonged to the

main

line

or not. to

But

until

we have

definite

evidence

show that these three represent a distinct family, I propose to treat them as belonging
to the
italics

main

line,

and

to insert their

names

in

where they
in.

may

at present be

supposed

to

come

It is true

we have

absolutely no

evidence that No. 9 Varaguna- Maharaja bore

the surname Jayantavarman as represented on
the foregoing genealogical table.

But

his son

Srivallabha claims to have conquered the Pallavas, while the

Maravarman

of

the Madras

Museum

plates bore the title of Pallavabhan-

jana- Again, No. 12 Parantaka Sadaiyan, son of

Srivallabha,

may

be identical with the Paran-

taka Nedunjadaiyan, the donor of the Madras

Museum

plates, because the former

boasts of

having carried on war in Kongu, while the

latter describes
at

length his
it

campaign

in

Kongu.

Consequently

is

not altogether

impossible that the three kings mentioned in

the Madras
to the

Museum plates

did actually belong

main Pandya line, whose genealogy has

264

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

been made out from the larger Sinnamanur

plates.''

This long extract would show clearly the

doubts and
ist

difficulties that beset the

epigraphof

in

reconciling

the

various

records
bases

Epigraphy on which

he mainly

his

particular investigations.

But when next he

comes

to

combine these with the evidence

it

available in literature,

would be very reason-

able to suppose that the difficulties

become

actually greater, and such identifications could

only be

made with very

it

considerable hesitation.

Even
with

so

certainly would be
scientific
spirit,

more
that
as

in keeping

the

such

an

investigation

would

call

for

a necessary

pre-requisite to such

an enquiry, to reconcile
say

the various records of Epigraphy on the one

side

and arrive
;

at

whab they have

to

definitely first
for

then proceed on similar lines

literature;
to find

what may be made out from

and then investigate the two separately

with each other,
all.

where they would best come into connection

if

there

is

such connection at

For such there seems certain common

points. Mr.

Venkayya has already pointed out

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP.PANDYAN
that the
table
is

265

first

personage in the genealogical

no other than the person known in

literature as Palyagasalai

Mudukudumi Peru-

valudi of

whom we

have a few poems in the

Purananuru, but from the point of view of epigraphy he is brought into no organic
connection with the rest of the dynasty
indicated in
as

the

genealogical
is

table of

Mr.

Venkayya.
to

His name

drawn

in incidentally

show that the

gift

village

under grant was a

previous

and was known by the name Velit

vikudi because

was a

gift,

as a result of the

performance of a

sacrifice (Yaga).

That point
connection.

must be

carefully noted
is

in this

The second

the Kalabhra Interregnum.

And

then begins obviously the new dynasty beginning with Kadungon.

We

shall revert to this

KaduDgon and his predecessors a little later. But here we might pass on immediately to number six with whom Mr. Venkayya shows an inclination to identify the Pandya who is
celebrated
in

the

modern

poems

of

the
let

commentary

to Iraiyanar Ahaporul,

and

us take note of the facts stated in a previous

paragraph as to his achievements and their

266

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOBY
is

general significauce.

He

given four alter-

native

titles, all of

which do occur among the

16

titles

that can be

made out

of the part of

the commentary under discussion.

They

are

here set

down

for ready reference

1.

Arikesari.

2.

Nedumaran and Vanavan Maran.

Piiliyan.

3.
4. 5.

Uchitan.

Mummadil Vendan.
Visaridan.

6.
7.

8.
9.

Vijaya Charitan. Parankusan.

Satrudurandharan.

10.

11. 12. 13.

Varodaiyan Panchavan. Kanantakan. Ranodaiyan.

14.
15.
16.

Mauadan. Gangai Manalan. Kali Madanan.

to the battles referred

Coming down

to

in the table, there are two such specifically general in perhaps one and referred,

terms; and
red as

what
is

is

most

remarkable
all

in

respect of these

that

they are

refer-

against the

Pallavas, one

of

which.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
referring to a defeat of Pallavamalla.
battles,

^67

Of these

the

name Kulumbur

does not occur

of the genea-

and the other Sankaramangai

logical table occurs in

two or three

places, not

as

Sankaramangai but only as Sankamangai,

at least

and

in one place I
will

fear the

reading
of

"Sankaramangai
;

spoil the

metre

the

poem but in none of the 14 battles which can be made out from the commentary does the name Pallava once occur either explicitly or
by obvious implication. The fourteen battles referred to in the commentary are
:

1.

Pali or Thenpali against the Chola.

(Stanza 309).
2.

Kulandai or Kalattur.
Naraiyur, against the Chera (Villavan,
this
is

3.

sometimes used
(possibly

to

designate Pallavas.)
4.

Sankamangai
mangai).

Sankara-

5.
6.
7.

Vallam. Arrukkudi
Nelveli.

of

Vanavan.

8.

Kottaru, where a victory was won and the Thennadu conquered a naval victory against the Chera
;

(241).

268

BEGINNINGS OF
9.

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

Kadayal

of Seralar (again naval).

10.

beviir against the Chera.

11.
12.

Nedungulam.
Piilandai of
of

Vanavar (Chera) defeat

crowned kings and the destruc-

tion of Vanavan's (Chera's) glory,

13. 14.

Vilinam, naval battle.

Venmatti.
list

scrutiny of this

would show that this

does not contain any of the names in the table

excepting the possibility of Sankaramangai.

against this possibility
all
it

As

must be noted that in

the 315 stanzas composed in celebration of

this particular
is

Pandyau whoever he was,

Pallavas,
of

there

not once any reference that would enable us

bring
in

to

the

with the barely

possible

exception
it

3 above.

On

the

contrary

will be noticed in

the genealogical
of

table that
this

number four, the grand father number six, is given credit for a victory
army
of Vilveli.

at
is

Nelveli against the

There

very

good

authority

for

interpreting

this

Vilveli as a Pallava also.

Tirumangai Alvar

in various places refers to the Pallava almost

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
in the

269-

same terms.

In the second-ten
is

of his

Periya Tirumoli, the ninth section

bration of a Pallava and a Chola

in cele-

who made
Koil),

donations

to

the

temple

of

Paramesvara

Vinnagaram (Vulgo, Vaikunta Perumal

In the
first

stanza he refers to the designation

Villavan as synonymous with Pallavan.12

stanza 8 of the same section
a victory
at

In
to

he refers

Nenmeli, which perhaps has a

the

variant reading Nelveli, and

referred to in the
this

Pallava

is

term Villavan.

Whether

Nenmeli

of

Tirumangai Alvar could be

is

taken as the Nelveli

ful,

at the very best doubt-

as the reading Nelveli

may

not quite suit

the verse.

But from the other stanzas of the same section, the enemy that the Pallava
he
is

fought against was the Pandya, Tennavan, as

referred to

more than once.

Thus then
Arikesari
a Pallava.

the Yilveli defeated by

Mara Yarman

(No. 4 on the table) was probably

That

is all

the point that I wish to

if

make out

at

present and

this is accepted,

we

find that the

12 ue))60Qj^ eS&ieOQiQ<ssf<ssr^&)Q60 u&)fffrLuuu&o Qoiis^ir

270

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

dynasty indicated in the larger Sinnamanur

plabes,

and the others which go

to

support

it

to a very great extent, to be a dynasty of

the

Pandyas
Pallavas

whose principal enemies were the

of

Kanchi.
politics

For

this

position

of

South Indian
tions there
is

and international

rela-

not the slightest warrant in the

commentary.

In

all

the 315 stanzas there

is

not one reference to the Pallava, but there are

on the contrary

specific

references
battles

to
at

the
least

Chera and the Chola.

Four

were naval battles against the Cheras, the

country under contention was the Tennadu of
the Paudyas, that
is

the portion of the

present

Pandya
the

country

which

at

constitutes

southern half of the state of Travancore, which,

at aij earlier time,

part of
battles,

we already noticed, formed the Pandya country. Of these four we have specific indications, but many
more probably,
locality as a
will

others, almost half a dozen

have to be referred to that

geographical
opinion, establish.

mere

investigation

would,

in

my
or

The remaining

three

four battles, such as 'the one at Vallam, say

Pali or

Ten

Pali,

Nedungulam, Kalattur and

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUF-PANDYAN
possibly Nelveli and

271

Venmatti may be against

confederate
either the

enemies,

who might have been

in

Chera and Chola

alliance
in

or

these and other chiefs besides.

And

such

a detailed statement of these, one would certainly expect to find reference to the Pallavas,
if

they played any part

in

the wars found

described in the 315 stanzas.

That omission
which
are merely

which may not lead

brief statements,

to

any particular inference

in the case of the inscriptions,

would undoubtedly warrant

that the

the conclusion

Pandyan

celebrity,

whoever he was, did not

tary under reference

fight against the

Pallavas from the point of view of the

;

commen-

and as a further inference

therefrom that the Pallavas had not risen yet

to that position in

which they had constantly

to fight against the later period.

Pandyas

at a

somewhat

The
to

later

famous Pallavas, whose accession

country became a

power

in this part of the

prominent factor perhaps about the middle of

the sixth century,

had

first of all

to

maintain

their existence against their enemies in the

north and north-west,

that

is

against

the

272

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

Chalukyas, and the records both of the Pallavas and of the Chalukyas are
full of

references
of

to constant warfare and the occupation

Kanchipuram
Chalukyas.

itself

several

times

by

the

The
of

latest of

which,

according

to the epigraphical records,

was one by Vikraa memorial left at

maditya II

which there

is

Kanchi

in the shape of

ruler in the Kailasanatha temple at

an inscription by that Kanchi-

puram during the period 733-4 to 746-7^^. With this constant warfare on the northern frontier,
the Pallavas
it is

easy to understand that

could not

have had the time

to extend their

power across the Chola country

such
active
hostile

to

come
to

into

contact

against the Pandyas.

fore

The

latest

time thererefer

which we could possibly

of the

the

Pandyan
great

modern commentary
is

of the

Iraiyanar Ahapporul
Pallavas.

to the time of these

But even again supposing

well have ruled at a
of the Pallavas

Pandya might time when the energies

that this

were
is

occupied
13

in the
in the

northern

war,

there
I,

Fleet

Bombay

Gazetteer Volume

Part 2

p. 327.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
reference or two to

273

Kongu without

the slightest

reference to the Pallavas and that would

this inference impossible.

make
a

We
age

are

therefore

driven to look for this literary celebrity to

period earlier

than

the

of

the

great

Pallavas of Kanchi beginning with Mahendra-

varman as the country of the Chola and the Pandya and even the Kerala, occurs more or less in a conventional form among the conquests of his father Simhavishnu,

who may
the
sixth

have

to be referred to

the

end

of

century, at least to the later half of the sixth

century

A.D.

Among

various battles that

of the
last

Udayachandra, the general

great

Pallava Nandivarman fought, figure Sankara-

grama and
of the

Nelveli.

Sankaragrama may

well

be Sankaramangai, and even the Sankamangai

Tamil poem.

But there

is

nothing to

connect Udayachandra with any Pandya as

his

enemy.
detail

In regard to Nelveli, we have

in the grant.

some

Udayachandra
in

is

supposed to

have slain

this

battle

the

Sahara king, Udayana and seized his mirrorbanner with a peacock's tail, and he carried

on the war
18

in the northern direction against a

274

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
of

Nishada chief and in favour

the eastern

Chalukya Vishnu.^^

It is clear therefore that of Nelveli

Udayachandra's battle

could not be
the

the Nelveli of Arikesari

Mara Varman,

number four of the genealogical table. It must much rather be that of his grandson
Arikesari

Parankusa,
is

otherwise
to

known

as

Bajasimha, who
Pal lava

said

have defeated a
great

Maila among
bore this
is

the

Pallavas.

Two rulers
ally.

title

Pallavamalla specilast great

I,

The one
first

Naudivarman, the
is

Pallava and the other

in

Narasimhavarman

the

half

of

the

seventh century.

The Pallavamalla, enemy of Rajasimha, must have been Naudivarman under this
arrangement
predecessors

and
that

it

must

be

one

of

his

was

defeated at

Nelveli

by his grandfather.

Therefore

then for any

reference to the battle of Nelveli such as

we

have in the Commantery on the Irayanar

Ahapporul, we have to look for a time anterior
to that of
table,

number four on the genealogical

to the

which would take us perhaps

14 Ibid p. 326.

end

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
of the

275

seventh century under Mr. Venkayya's

arrangement.
Hi.

Later Literature.
for a while,

Leaving epigraphy aside

have

we

some other Uterary

There

aid

to

make an

elective
Nelveli.

search in respect of this battle of

is

one Pandyan known to

literature specifically,

and whose date can with

fixed,

some amount

of

certiainty be

who was

victor at Nelveli.

This

is

no other than the

Pandyan contemporary
to the faibh of Siva

of

Tirugnana Sam-

bandar, who, having been a Jain, was converted

by

Sambandar

himself.
at

He
in

is

supposed to have won

a victory

Nelveli and that fact finds mention specifically

Nambiyandar Nambi's Tirutbonda Tiruvan(vide

dadi

stanza

60).

The same

fact

is

mentioned also by Sundara Murtii Nayauar,

who

in

stanza eight of

the Tiruttonda Togai

refers to this personage as Ninrasir

ran, victor at Nelveli.

There again

Nedumawe fail to
If

have the clue as

that this

to

who

the

enemies were
the

Pandya overthrew
to look for this

at Nelveli.

lenemies are specifically referred to as the Pallavas,

we have

Nedumaran among

27^

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
in the

those,
table.

whose names occur

If
is

genealogical

the

enemies are not the Pallavas^

there

a likelihood that this

celebrity
in

may

be

the

Pandya
some

the

commentary

on
i&

Iraiyanar Ahapporul.
little

Luckily for us there

of a detail

given us in the Periya

the

Puranam, which
contained
in

elaborates

statement
v/hich

the

two

works from

references have already been given.

to this battle
all

Keferring
is

that

is

stated there

that

the enemies from a distance were met successfully

on the

field

of

battle at Nelveli

by

this

Pandya

in

stanza 3 of this Nayanar's

in stanza
7,

Puranam.

Bat

there
to us

is

little

more information vouchsafed

clear.

and that

perhaps makes the position somewhat more

There

it

is

said that

it

is

the

first of

kings of the north

fled

from the

field

whose army broke and of battle, and enabled

of the

the king to wear the garland of victory along

with his family garland that

leaf.

Margossa
l/o^^

The northerners

{(LpSssnuL^ii^sui^

QP^ssT LLesrssnrue^L^^ifliu) in the

one case and the

(Q3^uL\ei>^

enemy from

the distant

country

Q^^suQir^irQi3oQ&j(3Q)

have

to be interpretei

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
as perhaps

277
this

the Pallavas

and therefore

Pandyan

in all probability

who

was

was a Nedumaran, contemporary with Tirugnana

Sambandar on the one side, certainly may be identical with the Pandyan, Maravarman,
Arikesari

number 4

of the

genealogical table.

If the period to

which

this ruler

can be referred

on the

basis of the epigraphical records should

turn out correct, the likelihood of this identification

becomes
table

very great.

And on
only

the

genealogical

we

are

left

one

Maravarman, and that is the grandfather of number 4. Whether he is the Pandyan referred
to in the

commentary
All
is

is

at the very best only

a guess in the absence of any

grants.

clue from the

this

that the grant

says about
called

personage

that

he was

Adhiraja

Maravarman Avanisulamani, who made the earth his exclusive possession and wedded
the
in
it

goddess of
absolutely

Prosperity.

That contains
to

no clue
there

lead

to

this

identification,

but

is

the

possibility

that this particular Maravarman,

No. 2 in

Mr.

Venkayya's
of the

table,

might

be the Mara-

varman

commentator.

278

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

But
let

before proceeding further on this line,

us

look

about a

little

about the other

Pandyan Maravarman, the grandson of this one whom we identify with the Pandyan
contemporary
of

Sambandar, and perhaps a

of

somewhat junior contemporary

Pallava Narasimhavarman.
facts

the great

We

have some

regarding

him from
little

literature,

which

may

be of some

use in regard to this

a great Pandya,
of his

particular question.

He was

a Jaina

first

who, through the influence

minister Kulachchirai and his queen Mangaiyark-Karasi, became a convert to Saivism.

The

service that these three rendered in this parti-

cular behalf had been regarded by posterity as

of

such high value that the three have got to

be included

among
of

the 63

Saiva devotees.

Mangaiyark-Karasi

was

the

daughter of a
is

Chola ruler
as

the time and she

referred to

such by

Sambandar

himself.

One
is

reis^

ference in particular by

Sambandar

to her

worthy

of notice here,

and that reference

on

page 501, stanza 9 of the Madras Dravidian

Book Depot Edition of the Three.' The Chola, her

Tevaram
father
is

of

the

there

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
referred to as
as king,
'

279

the crowned Chola

all

who

ruled

well-known

over ^he world'.

That

specific reference in those

terms

is

an indica-

tion that the Cholas

still

retained

some power,
is

and had not yet

able to us

lost their prestige as independ-/

ent rulers as from what information

avail-

we know

that

they had done in

the days of the

place, the

great

Pallavas.
refers to a

In another

same author

Pandyan

in

terms which would warrant the inference that

he was probably one referred to in the com-

mentary on the Iraiyanar Ahapporul. In three

or four places he refers to this ruler as or Puliyan,

Tennan

and

at

the same time describes

him

as exercising

authority superior to that

sister

of the other rulers of the

capitals.

In

one place he refers to the Tennan, whose rule

extended over Koli and Vanji (stanza
another he refers to the Puliyan,
4)
;

in

who was
whose
Tenna-

Tennavan and

ruler of Koli (Uraiyur),

glory was equal to that of the northern king.

In another place, he
van,

is

referred to

as

who was

also

bembiyan and Villavan.

Probab-

AH

these are probably references either to a

earlier.

contemporary Pandyan or an

280
ly

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

stanza six gives the clue that the temple

built

was

by a Nedyaa,

who was

also

Sembiyaa, which probably meaas a Pandya,

who had
in the

authority over the Cbola,

to

who is

said

same verse

have

built

the

temple,

probably meaning thereby that the temple

had come into existence sometimes previous

to

Sambandar's time.

If this interpretation is

correct, there perhaps

was a Paadyan previous

to Sambandar's contemporary

who

could, with-

out violence be described as having exercised

authority over the Chera and the Chola, and

whose authority could be considered

that of the northerner,

as equal to

which in the langu-

age of Sambandar could only

mean

the

great

Pallava Narasimhavarman, his contemporary-

Those are the terms that we actually

fiad in

the general part of the verses in the commentary to the Iraiyanar Ahapporul, and there
is
it

probably the Pandya sovereign, the patron

may
just

be of the

commentator

of

the

Iraiyanar
to a time

Ahapporul.

That takes us therefore

anterior,
it

little

may perhaps
say

be a

generation,

to

Sambandar,
of the

about

the

commencement

seventh century or a

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
little

281
is

earlier,

and from that time which

this,

perhaps the latest for

ior

we have
for

to allow

some ten generations

Narkirar and

the

Pandyau

of

Talaiyalanganam.

We

have

already pointed out that an estimate of about

three centuries will
this,

not

be extravagant for

and that would take us on to somewhere

as the date
of the

about A.D. 300,

of of
for

Pandyan

Talaiyanganam
time
is

at the outside.

That length

not too

much nor

too extravagant

a tradition

reagarding the

Sangam
to

to

grow.

For there are two references

at

the

Sangam

any

rate

of

an

unmistakeable

character in the work of

already referred
it is

Nambiyandar Nambi

referred to

One is in stanza 49 where with the names of Kapilar, Parato.

is

nar and Narkirar, and then again in ..stanza 26

referring to Kulachchirai, he

spoken of as the

Adhikari of the Pandya who instituted a San-

gam.

The Sangam
end
of
it

referred to in the second

need not necessarily be the beginning and

the

and

the

names
is

associated

with the Sangam in the

first

unmistakeable

evidence of the reputation of the

Sangam
this

having been correctly handed down to

282

BEGINNINGS OF
Sangam
is

S.

INDIAN HI8T0KY
of references to

author.

There are a number

in the

the

works

of

Tirumangai Alvar^
of

who

anterior in

point

time to Nambi-

yandar
plates,

Nambi.
one

The

larger

Sinnamanur
so far been

of the records

we have

considering somewhat elaborately, have somereferences to this institution in

it.

There

is

one

passage in the

Tamil

part of these plates,

which refer to three incidents of the utmost

importance to Tamil
literature.

The

first

is is

the victory at Talaiyalanganam, the second

the translation of the Mahabharata into Tamil,

and the third

is

the institution of the Sangam.

The

epigraphists,

including

even

the

late-

Mr. Venkayya, were led into error in regard

to these three

by taking
to

this

Tamil version

cf

the

Mahabharata
of

be

the

same

as the-

Bharatavenba

Perundevanar, and equating

these two with another Perundevanar whose

name
the

figures as the one

who made the

dedi-

catory verses to several of the collections of

Sangam

works.

The Perundevanar

of

the

Bharatavenba has a clear reference

itself to his

in the

work

Pallava contemporary, the Nandi*

varman

victor at Tallaru.

That would clearly

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN

28B

take him to sometime perhaps in the ninth

century A.D., while the reference to the Tamil

version of the

Mahabharatain the Sinnamanur

which
ruled,

plates occurs in the part of the grant

refers

to a dynasty of rulers

'

who had

done these famous things and passed away,

and then begins the new dynasty proper

for

which the genealogical table

late

is

possible.

The
and

Mr.

Venkayya saw
it

this difficulty,

concluded, that "

must therefore be supposed

the Tamil translais

at least provisionally, that

tion

ot

the Mahabharata here referred to

earlier

than Perundevanar's version".

is

No

other

conclusion

possible

and

it

must be

said to

the credit of Pandit scholarship that the late

Mr.

Pinnathur

Narayanasami

Aiyar,

the

Editor of the Narrinai stated in clear terms

that these

must be regarded
seems
to

as distinct from

the purely literary point

devariiir

of

view.

Perun-

be

rather
of that

common
in the

name, and there was one

eleventh century,

name

who wrote

commentary
besides this

on the grammar Virasoliyam.

Therefore then

there were two Perundevanars,

eleventh century one,

one who wrote

the

^4 BEGINNINGS OF
Bharatavenba probably

S.

INDIAN HISTOBY
the ninth century,
of the

of

and one who made the Tamil version

Bharatam and
in the so-called

also

composed the verses in

invocation and a few poems, just one or two,

Sangani collection.

The

institution of the

Sangam

is

referred to

along with this version of the Tamil Bharatam

^nd the

battle at Talaiyalanganam.

It is not

necessary that these three should have happened together in the same reign, but they were

events of history at the time the

new dynasty
That
would

perhaps began, in the estimation of the person

who

drafted

the

inscription.

certainly agree with the

conclusions

we have

arrived at from an examination of literature

only.

Although from what

is

stated in the
is

Sinnamanur plates the inference

ory that these three
simultaneously,
it is

not obligat-

should have taken place

clear from the

whole

of

our investigation that the Pandyan of Talaya-

langanam was a
with
the

celebrity,

who was

associated

Sangam prominently.
of that

His chief

poet Narkirar was at one time perhaps a very

important member

Academy.

TAL AIYAL ANG AN AT-TUP-PANDYAN

One Perundevanar, the author
version in Tamil
is

285

of the

Bharata

scholar of reputation
of
literature,

according

to

this

body

who
the

made
tive

the

collections,

and

composed

invocatory verses for what goes by the collec-

name Sangam
find

works.
three

Therefore then
referred

we
are

that

the
less

incidents

to are

more or

closely
to

connected, and
the same
age,

referrable practically

the ultimate limit of which

was perhaps the

age

of

the

Talaiyalanganat-Tup-Pandyan.

Before closing this part of the argument, there

is

one point further that requires to be noted

is

and that
for

this

The Ahanaauru
verse
is

collection

which

this

Bharatampadiya Perundevanar
believed to

made an invocatory
Kudrasarman, son
collection
of

have

been collected together by a Madura

Brahman

Uppuri Kilar, and the

was made

for the

uvaludi.

All the others

Pandyan Ugrapermust have lived and

in

gone before this Brahman could make this

collection,

and arrange

it

the three well-

known

divisions.

We
of

find the

name

of this

Eudrasarman, son
ciated with the

Uppuri Kudi Kilar, assoof Narkirar of

commentary

the

286

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOBY
is

Iraiyanar Ahaporul.

He

described; there in

the same terms and with the same details, and

if

the two are one, as in fact we

be,

have to take

them, to

then these must have taken place

in the lifetime of this

one man, which

of

must

have followed close upon: that

his contemporaries.

Narkirar and
all lines of in-

Thus then

vestigation

seem

to lead us

round and round

is

only to the same conclusion, and that

best period of

the

Sangam

activity for

Tamil was

the second and third centuries A. D.

CHAPTEE

VII.

ASTRONOMICAL & OTHER CONSIDERATIONfi.

We

have hitherto desisted from any

refer-

ence to the twin epic

Silappadikaram ManiThe two were

friend.

mekalai except incidentally.

works respectively

of

Ilango brother of the

Red-Chera, and Sattan his

face of
it

On
from

the

therefore they

must be contemporary
it

with the Red-Chera and so

the
available

is

all
is

internal

evidence

which
of

marshalled in the
Literature."
^

"Augustan Age
would

Tamil
here

We

mention

one particular point to which attention has

not hitherto been directed, and that
is

the

occurrence of two passages from the Silappadi-

karam

in

what ought

to be regarded Narkirar's

commentary on Iraiyanar Ahaporul.

reference
is

The

first

found on page 61 of Mr. Thamo-

daram

Pillai's edition,

where the stanza quoted

7 of the

forms stanza 8
1

of

Canto

Silappadika-

See

my

Ancient India Oh. XIV.

287

288

BEGINNINGS OF
;

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

ram the other

same canto
along with
classical
of

is

on page 78 where the stanza

is

quoted without number

the

the stanza 31 of the

Silappadikaram.

Taken
able to
of

various other
of

quotations from
I

literature,

which

am

identify

one from Mamiilanar (Page 130

Nar.

14),

another from Kayamanar (Page 118)

these would indicate the class of writings from

which the original commentary takes

trative passages.

its illus-

There are besides a number

quotations

of

references to Tolkappiam, and

;

from the Kuf al

as also direct references

and

allusions to other older stories such as the story

of

Pandyan

Ma

Kirti (on page 155

Ibid)of the

These taken together give the impression

classical character of the

older

commentary
of

which would stamp

himself.

it

as the

work

Narkirar

He

has other references, besides the

Tolkappiam
different
for us to

grammarians who held views from his own. If it is permissible

to

assume, in the absence of the com-

mentary, that Kalladan^ wrote a comment2

Old verse quoted on

p.4 of

Swaminabbayar's Param

ASTEONOMICAIi
ary for the
to this

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS

289

Tolkapiam the reference may be author, a contemporary grammarian

I
shall not press this
of

with Narkirar.
further
till

point
are

my

studies
for

Kalladam

advanced enough
as to the

me

to express

an opinion

genuieneness or

otherwise of the

work.

But enough has been said here to indicate that the commentary on the IraiAhapporul
is,

yanar

in

all

probability,

a genuine commentary by Narkirar, the later

commentator's service being confined, more or

less, to

throwing in the modern illustrative

perhaps no
more,
as
is

passages, and

clear

from some

of these illustrative passages

of

being

modern renderings
It is thus clear,

passages from the classics

.

quoted by the older commentator^

and absolutely beyond a

doubt, that the

anterior to this

Silappadikaram was a work

commentary by Narkirar, and

some
of

has had such a reputation then as to be quoted

in illustration of

the

Sutras,

among
so
far
testi-

other passages.
against such
3

The evidence adduced

weighty and concurrent

of Iraiyanar

See pp. 125 & 191

19

Ahapporul. C.W. T's

edition.

290

BEGINNINGS OF
is

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

mony

at

least

for

one part epigraphical,

in

which we have already examined

fullness.

some
shall
;

There

is

one other which

also with

we

have
that

to
is,

examine perhaps

some care

the so called astronomical and chrono-

gical evidence for

which the

details are

found in

some of these works. Of this the Dewan Bahadur

L.D. Swamikannu
Pillai,

who has done

the

most

for this particular

branch of work,

may

be taken as representative. While appreciating

to the fullest extent the value of the
logical part of his

chrono-

work

so far as they concern

regret

epigraphical dates
position to

we
of

approve

the

we are not in a method adopted

It is

in respect of these literary dates.

for

matter
great
that,

satisfaction

however, that,

to

extent, he keeps an open

mind,
the
a

and

in respect of the

dates of
to

Alvars,

he
re-

has thought
cantation,

it

fit

make

complete

as

these

astronomical

details

occur amidst works whose character for

city has been subjected to
tion,
critical

vera-

examina-

and perhaps found wanting in regard to

In respect
of his in-

their chronological data.

vestigation,

which

relate to the other

works oi

ASTEONOMICAL
literature,

&c.

CONSIDEKATIONS

291

he remains yet unconvinced.

will give
full

It is

to be

hoped that he

and unbiof his

assed consideration to what has to be said in

thiig

particular connection.

The whole
relating

astronomical investigations
particular part
fall

to this

naturally into two divisions;

one the chronological basis of Indian astronomy

under which come in those various considerations as to the character of Indian astronomy,

how

far

it

has borrowed

its

material from other

sources, etc.,

and

this is purely a question for

the Antiquarian to examine, and not

clusively for the astronomer
;

one ex-

and the other

the

has relation to the calculation from astronomical details, of dates etc.; in

other words

calendrical parts of

his scheme.

Wo

wish to
part

say

nothing more

about

this

latter

than to remark
details

that
in

in regard

to the

few

found

the

Silappadikaram and
at
all

Manimekhalai that
use of in a

could

be called

calendrical in their character, they are

made

way which
point
of

is

very
of

unsatisfactory

from
gation
^

the

view
to

any

investi-

which

pretends

be

scientilBc. *
arfciclea in

See

my

friend

Mr. K. G. Sesha Aiyar's

thd

292

BEGINNINGS OF
taken

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
mentions in
with

The few
the

details that the author

texts

are

in combination

perhaps

the

somewhat

clumsy

calendrical

efforts of the

commentator, who at the lowest

came three centuries after the author, and what is worst of all for the case, these
estimate
details

from this combination are altered in

fit

almost every essential particular to

the fixed date 756 A. D.
^.

in with

It is

not necessary

to tire out the reader by giving these details

as the

curious

may

find

it

worked out in

Mr. Swamikannu
cular subject.

Pillai's papers

on

this parti-

We

shall

content ourselves

with merely pointing to the grotesque conclusions to

which

this kind of dating

of

leads.

He

has to ascribe the emigration

the

the Todas ta

tenth century

he

is

driven to regard

Christian College Magazine from Sep. 1917. pp. 6-10 of

the reprint in particular given in the appendix
chapter.
to
this

While admitting that there is a somewhat close agreement, deliberately aimed at by the commentator, between the commentary and the text in respect of
5

these

details',

that requires

we cannot help feeling that a set of detail so many modifications cannot be held ta
it is

be evidence of the decisive character that to be in points of chronology.

claimed

ASTRONOMICAL
Tamil,

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS

293

perhaps the Kanarese

sister

language as the elder

of

having

had

an
of

anterior

development because a couple

Kanarese

sentences were found embodied in the Greek

farce in the
first

Papyrus

of

Oxyrhynchus

^,

of the

century A. D., recently discovered.

No
two

fitudent of comparative philology of these

languages would subscribe to this contention

but
let

that pass.

We

object certainly to the

of the

freedom taken in respect

data of astroof

nomy

found in literature for the purpose

If that
is

chronology.

freedom should be allowed,

we think

it

possible to find other dates

suitable, (such as the
S.,) ^

perhaps very

much more

A. D, 201 and A. D. 202 of Mr. K. G.

than the date Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai

has

pitched upon, and the occurrence of quotations

from the Silappadikaram in Iraiyanar Ahaporul

is

simply fatal to this contention of tbe

Dewan

Bahadur.

As an

illustration

of

his

method, we shall

here take up for consideration the passage

containing astronomical details relating to the

e J. R. A. S. 1904 pp.
7

399405.

Vide appendix to this chapter.

294

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

death of the Ohera of *the Elephant-look\

which occurs

in

Puram

229.

We set

below, for convenience, the part of the

down poem

containing the astronomical details.

un5](56cf\qLurr(i|>sy^ag|

i3sSsisTQajif^uirLJu<s

sfrQs^^irLjQurriEjQ

A
is

glance

down

to passage will

show that

it

intended to convey the intimation that, on

fell

a particular night, a meteor

from the sky.

disposition

The

poet proceeds to describe the

of the stars

and constellations as he saw them

this
details

spread out in the sky at the time of

portent.

The

given

are,

in

literal

translation: the nakshatra (asterism) of the

day
^.g.>

was
the

(Krittika belonging to
first

Adu

(Aries),

quarter of

it

it

was midnight which

ASTEONOMICAL
;

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS
visible

295

was dark the constellations

were those

occupying the positions between the root of

Anuradha
Punarvasu

{qpiuuSsbt) to
(^^DL-ii^srrifi)
;

the

margin-star of

in the starry expanse

with rising Panguni (Uttara Phalguni)

constellation of primacy (^^/^/rewrLSear)
its

the

changed
;

position (descended

from the zenith)

the
just

constellation of the day {i^^i^reriil^)

rising over against
(Q^/rejr^ejRffLSew)
it
;

was

the old

constellation

that which had done its course

;

was dipping into the sea

a meteor
fell,

in such a situation

beaten into flame by the wind

sea-girt

and lighting up the

going
east

earth without
north- (both

without

striking

auspicious directions).

Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai

tries

to eke very

much more
proceed
to

out of the text

astronomically

than seems to be warranted, but before we

show that we must

is

refer to

two
the

mistakes of the late

Mr. Kanakasabai
drawn.

Pillai to
is

which attention
assumption
Aries (Adu).

The

first

of the latter that the

sun was in

The second
Panguni
to

is

according to the

former, the confusion of the latter in supposing

the

solar

be

lunar

Panguni

296

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
Pillai

which Mr.
gorically

Swamikannu
far

states cate-

know is never the case" that Panguni means lunar Panguni. Whether the Tamils knew the lunar
"so
as I

arrangement
cern at

will
jis

appear

later.

Our conof the of the

present

another criticism

Dewan Bahadur
poem and
ed,

in

which the author

his

commentator
in

are both implicatfor

and they are both held responsible

it

what
This

probably neither had

mind

to do.

my
of

friend brings about by an interpretation

the

expression

Panguni Uyar
i

Aluvam
two

{uiEi(^aFI-\rS^iufr+^(ipULD),

His own interpretaof the last

tion of the expression

made up

words

of this is the

'

Zenith Arc'

He complains

that neither in the

Sangam

dictionary nor

elsewhere does he find any meaning which

would justify the commentator's interpretation

"the
first

fortnight of Panguni".

One would
for

like to

ask the

Dewan Bahadur wherefrom he

the

got

his

meaning 'Zenith Arc'

same

expression,

and whether he does not actually

chronological-astrology into the
*

read his

own

expression.
at

any

rate,

The equivalent Zenith Arc' has, too much of that look, though it

ASTKONOMICAL
may
for

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS
modern
for

297

not

be a very bad

derivative

significance of the expression. I set

reference,

down
*

here,^

the
ia

synonyms
the

Aluvan
lexicon
of

as

we

find

it

new Tamil

under compilation, through the courtesy

friend the Bev. J. S- Chandler.

my

There are 12

such given, and not one

given for the word

of

the twelve meanings

in the

Aluvam
of

lexicon

is

anywhere near

Zenith

Arc'.

The

actual
to

primary meaning
8 ^(tpsuihy

the word seems

be

Depth

41,1^^.
;

aluvam, n, si-^weaBiL^QpQj^^
(.i)7.)

-^S^^eo.
(ldTisou,

528)-

Wide

sea

*^eo.

3 Pit; ^ifi. ^ifiL^ff(Lp6U;i^ {u)'2eo u. 368.) 4 ExbensioD, as of a forest, extended surface* extended
level, plain
.

unuLf,
{seS^ 121.)

QjSemsu^ejQpQj^^
5 Country,

diatricfc

tsrT(d.

{^L.ir.)

6 Field of
Qsirear

battle

QuiriTSS&rut. (OJireinoffQpQi^^eifasair

(L./fa)L/.

^i/isiT. 51.)

7 Battle?

^uitit^ oiireirQ^QiiB^nthQ (l/

l

Qqi. Q. 23).

^ Orowdedneaa, closeness
ffl9Dz_.

Qts^dstc.

19).
',

9 Abundance? copiousness Q^QlUilT>B [gSUS (802)

^i^^. uipuueaiuj

10 Trenabling 12

fs^saih.

[jt/s rS,)

11 Fortress; ^itssl^,

{^oirr),
(|f.

War drum

(pa^i^.

/^).

298

BEGINNINGS OF
*

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
;

merely

expanse
of the

and no more

all

other

meanings
I set

term are derivable from this.

for

down below

comparison the following

ten examples from classical literature which

alone are comparable with the quotation from

Purananuru
to ^Zenith

^.

In none

of

these

is

there

the

slightest suggestion of anything approaching

Arc'

It

would be impossible there-

GhiDtamani Q319.
2

^iT^^s

sefriEjaesBiQiiT

aiTwuii^&ia^^.
Silap.
V. 83.

3 Qojih^ inTiTLjuQsu(^<FLD^^

Qeusoin<oiith.

Pur.

Vemba

p.

116.

Ibid

p. 70:

jti&inkiseo u}/7l^6u ^^/r/f.

Ibid

p.

107.

Ibid
iLGsaLipQi^^sf a>ujSinius(duu
/)'fewu.
11.

p.

79.

ai-.&)

528.

Ibid
u^ffQj^ /7in6uJ Q^iTs&}iEis6BiffiLii}).

1.

368.

Q u(n^ihuiT6aaf

35o.

Aham.

20.

ASTRONOMICAL
fore to

&c.
'

CONSIDERATIONS
Zenith Arc
'

299

imagine that

is

at all

an

easy derivative from the etymological meaning

of the

word

Aluvam.'

Let us then take the expression in

its literal

meaning interpreting the

ing for the asterism

first

word as standthird
large

Uttara Phalguni, the

-to

second word equivalent

rising, the
of a

word

in

its

literal

significance

collection or expanse.

The

significance of the

expression then would be in the starry expanse

with the rising Uttara Phalguni.

Without

importing unnecessary astronomical knowledge

into the question, the expression would

the star

bespangled sky at a period

star.

mean when the

the com-

Uttara Phalguni was a rising

Mr. Swami-

kannu
of

Pillai

wishes to

know where
for

mentator got the

first fifteen

days of the month

the

Panguni from.
the

Speaking
of

moment

from the high pedestal

ledge,

our modern know-

month Panguni is the month when the full moon is in conjunction with
Panguni or Uttara Phalguni, that
full
is,

on the

moon day of that month whatever that be, the full moon rises in the asterism- Uttara Phalguni and keeps company with it to its

300

BEGINNINGS OF
that
is, all

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
In the
its
first

setting,

the night.
till it

quadrant
both
the

of its course

reaches

zenith

Uttara Phalguni
described

and

the

moon
(not

would

be

by

star-gazer

necessarily an astronomer
as rising.

or even astrologer)

During the fortnight following the

a

full-moon the Uttara Phalguni would be

little

above the horizon at sunset, and has a

course of rising, shorter or longer according

to the day, in
its

journey up to the zenith.

of the

In the other fortnight

a

month however,

the Uttara Phalguni will rise above the horizon

little after

sunset and will travel the whole

quadrant from the horizon to the zeoith from

the point of view purely of the acar-gazer.

would be correct literally if the author described Uttara Phalguni in the bright
it

Hence

fortnight as a rising star in the sense that this

asterism has a course of rising through the

whole
the
this

of the

quadrant from the horizon to

zenith.

The author obviously

is

meant

and the commentator

view

correct in his

interpretation though not accurate from the

point

of

of

mathematical astronomy.

This

may

imply that the month then began on

the day following the

new moon and perhaps

ASTEONOMICAL

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS

301

meant a complete lunation. The name Tingal for the month in these classics (note passages
quoted
us
the a

by
clear

Mr. Swamikannu
lead for
of
it,

Pillai,

gives

this

supposition,

and
a

first
is

half

or

what
the

is

called

puksha,

what exactly the

expression,
It
is

commentator
first

renders by the

fifteen

days
if

of

Panguni.

thus

clear

that

we went by the etymology

of the

words and

interpreted a peculiar expression in a

way
it,

that

an ordinary scholar, without particular astronomical predilections, would interpret

the

meaning becomes not merely simple but quite

clear,

and

it is

hardly necessary to
for

hold any-

body responsible
account

not having done what he

calling

never proposed to do, and

for

him ta
to

what we ourselves choose

read

in his language.

What
is,

is

much more,

to

draw
abso-

far-reaching inferences from passages interpret-

ed our

own way

to say the last of

it,

lutely unwarranted.

We

shall

now

proceed

to a consideration of these inferences.

The more

general part of his investigation

as to the very basis of his

of the late Dr. Fleet,

own

theory,
rest

is

that

and they

upon more

302

BEGINNINGS OF
poem

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
The main point
examined
is,

or less false assumptions.

of

the poet in the

peat, that

just

we, re-

on a particular day
fall,

at mid-night,

he
his

saw a meteor
friends, that

and prayed, along with

befall

no harm might

the

king,

as this portended a calamity to the ruler, but as the Fates

would have

it,

the ruler died on

the seventh day.

The

poet

simply takes

it

upon himself
Those

to describe the disposition of the

stars in the sky at the time that this

fell.

meteor

details are taken

and examined with

a view therefrom to find out what exactly the

a&stronomical system of the Tamils was.

The

conclusion at which he arrives on this investigation, after

making the usual

corrections, is

nothing particularly definite in respect of the

dating, as the poet has not given the week dmj^

and

as

he

has not recorded the positions of

Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, at the midnight

when

the

meteor

fell.

These very defects

Pillai that

might have shown Mr. Swamikannu

the poet was certainly not an astronomer, not

even a Panchangin, whose function

be to do that.
vestigator

it

would

Nevertheless the modern into

proceeds

put

himself

three

ASTRONOMICAL
questioQS

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS

303

which
the

he answers his own way.

the omission to
;

The
the

first

of course is

quote
the

day

of

month

the
;

second,

omission to note a
the omission other planets.

week day and the

the
position

third,
of

to note

the

We

have already given

omissions,
difier

the

explanation

for

these

but

Mr.

Swamikannu

Pillai's

answers
find

very consi-

derably from ours.

To

an answer he goes
of Dr. Fleet,

back to the investigations

finds the

and

answer in the position assumed by

the latter that the week days were not

in India before

known

some time about A.D. 400 and

consequently the calendrical system dependent

thereon could not have come into vogue before

the 5th or 6th century at any rate.

In findpro-

ing an answer to his three questions, he

ceeds to

make

the following

remark.

The

modern astrologer in the same circumstances would have endeavoured to discover whether
the remaining planets were likely to avert or

accentuate the
poet

disaster."

Precisely.
as

The
poets
at the

was not an astrologer,

are not

and many other honest

many men

present time

who know

the details that the

804

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
The
further

poet knew, and

conclusions to
there

know no further.
of

which he proceeds

are that

was a long period

'

time, in

India

apparently,

and

the

when the movements of the sun moon were regarded loithout any
;

suspicion of their " influence" as 'planets

and

that the

Hindus

also appear

to

have been

singularly incurious for a long time as to the

motions
the

of the planets other

than the sun and

moon

a circumstance which points

Hindu astronomy and
y

more
shows

clearly than anything else to the chronological

origin of

also

that the practice of planetary astrology

the

among

Hindus
italics

is

of comparatively recent date.

ours,

The

are

and we

shall

examine

these two positions in some

little detail.

We
of the

shall first of all

knowledge

of

examine the question the week day possessed

by the Hindus. In regard to this, the first point to examine is, what exactly the nature
of the

week

day

is

and whore we could expect

it.

to find reference to

Dr. Fleet's position

is

" at some time not long before A. D. 400, the

Hindus received the Greek astronomy,

ing the
full list of

includ-

the seven planets arranged

ASTRONOMICAL
in

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS
to

305

the

following

order according

their

distances from the earth which was regarded

as the centre

of

the

universe

the

Moon,

Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter and

Saturn.

Above Saturn the Hindus place the

Greeks in this respect
also,

stars following the

but meaning in particular the nakshatras or

so-called lunar
solar zodiacs."
starts with the

mansions and the signs

In demonstration of

of the

this,

he

assumption that the Hindus

received from the western world not only astro-

nomy
latter.

but also astrology, and that the former,

chiefly for the purposes of the

was borrowed

He

fixed the time of borrowing a little

before A. B.

400 on the ground that the week

as such got fixed in the present day order in

the writings of Firmicus Maternus

who wrote

between A. D. 334 and 350 and Paulus Alexandrinus

who wrote
week got

in A. D. 378.

He
to

then

proceeds to explain

how

the lordship of the

day

of the

to be ascribed rule as found in

the

various planets.

The

Aryais

bhatta and in the classical astronomers

that

the planets are taken in the order of distance

from the Earth, which was regarded as the

20

306

BEGINNINGS OF
;

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

centre
is

and

for this
first.

purpose the most distant

put down the

They

got arranged in

this order

Saturn,
Jupiter,

Mars,

The Sun, Venus

Mercury and Moon.
Taking Saturn as the lord
of the
of the first

hour

day and giving the lordships

of the

following hours in succession to the others, he

would naturally be the lord

and 22nd hours
of
it
;

of

the 8th, 15th

the lordship of the 25th

hour would naturally go to the Sun and so on

for the rest, so that

we get the week beginning

ending
the

with

Saturday

and

following
to state

Friday.

Then Dr.

Fleet proceeds

that this Saturday got

somehow equated

he
of
first

does not say

how

with
Sunday
the

the Jewish Sabbath,

and when
the
west,

it

was adopted by the Christians

the

became
Christian

the

by

an

edict

of

emperor

Constantine in A, D. 321.
in the days of

He
in

also notes that

Dio Cassius

or soon

after

ASTRONOMICAL
names
of the

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS
of the

307

A.D. 230, the calendrical use

planetary

week days had become general in the Koman world. So the week began with
Sunday,
*

the lord's day of the Christians and

ended

with Saturday the Jewish

Sabbath,
use.
It is

which however the Jews did not

thus clear according to him that the

Hindus

took over, not the astrological week beginning

with Saturday, but the Christian week begin-

ning with Sunday.io

of

He quotes the

authority

Varahamihira (died A.D. 587) who takes up

the week in this order.

He

proceeds

to

ex-

amine where
not find
it

it

would be possible to find

authority for the use of the week day and does

any inscription before A.D. 484, where the day of the week Thursday is menin
tioned.

He

finds the

next such instance in

A.D. 664 and just a few others between that

year and about A.D. 800, wherefrom
to be generally used.
it

had got

On

the basis of this Dr.

Fleet,
10
of the

and those that follow him, adopt as a

the Sunday, as the
to the
first

Why the Hindus regard

week
is

day

plainly

enough due

pre-eminence of

the sun, as the

name Bfaattaraka

Vara, he quotes from tha

Histopadtisa unmistakeabiy indicates.

308

BEGINNINGS OF
if

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
any undated work^
did

general principle that

in

the

name

of

week day
work
as

occur that

stamped
A-D. 400

the

work

probably

published after A.D. 800 and possibly after

at

any

rate.

That

is

the position of

Dr. Fleet in regard to the week day.

Let us
Kali-

examine the question rather and Graha

closely.

dasa makes a distinction between Nakshatra,

Tarii,
;

by Nakshatra he means the

;

constellations beginning with Asvini

and by
the

Tara he means
tions,
five planets

stars other
is

than the constellasaid to refer to

and by Graha he

beginning with

Bhauma

(Mars),

both the Sun and the

Moon

being omitted on
are too plainly
first

the consideration that they

visible

and therefore constitute the

two

among

the planets, the other five being planets

proper as the Muhurta

Darpana
Puranas

explains^!.

The same kind

the

of classification is followed

in

Puranas

but

the

cannot
will

be

quoted as against
hear
of

Dr. Fleet,
as

who
of

not

any

such,

they

cannot

be

accurately dated.
11

The tendency

western

Baghuvams'a VI. 22 & MalliDatha's Commentary

thereon.

ASTRONOMICAL
scholars

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS
is

30^

now-a-days
variety
earlier

to

date

Kalidasa

on
a

of

considerations,

perhaps
is

little

than 400.

Bub
gives

this

not

exactly our principal contention here.

is

There
the

Tamil text which

exactly

arrangement implied in Kalidasa and expounded in the Muhurta Darpana.

in

The

text occurs
of

poem 14

of

the second

section

the

Padirruppattu. which celebrates the father of

Senguttuvan
ancient
poet

Sera

and

is

ascribed

to

an

KumattQr Kannan^^
is

and the

statement contained there

in

"you who resemble

of

glory

the conjoint

lustre

the

Moon,

the Sun,

and

the

five

planets

beginning

with Mars which mark the days,

{f^fren Qsureft,)

This I believe one ought to take as a reference

to the planets, and

the planets of the week

for

without the slightest room

12 lEiT&rQsfn^JKiseaa (^truS^
s'2QrTijuLp

doubt,

and

The Commenfcator explains

fche

passage

thus

f^^

^ff6aaLD [<iQ

(SearjD

ejL^^uo SjouLjuudifS

QojQff&pnemu

310

BEGINNINGS OF
old

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
the
following

the

commentator
of

ofiers

explanation
to

the

passage.

Attempting
here used in

explain the term used here for planets,

'

he says that the term *'KOL

is

the passage for the five because the two non-

shining planets should be excluded, and the

two

brilliant ones, the

Sun and the Moon being

usually

well-known
that term
;

are

not

included

in

and therefore
five.

the term applies

only to the remaining

all satisfying

Of course the

answer

of Dr. Fleet

and those
this

that follow

him would

be

that

poem

should have been composed after A,D. 400,

and therefore
Quite

cannot be quoted in authogeneral position assumed.

rity as against the

so, if

the general position assumed had

;

been proved

but there

is

very

much more

in

the text than actually meets the eye.

It will

be noticed that the text begins with the Moon, next comes the Sun, and next follow the five
in

the present week day order, that

is

not

beginning with the Sunday week. The mention

of the

Moon

first

is

not forced upon the poet

by the exigencies

of metre.

The

line

would

read quite correctly even with the Sun before.

ASTEONOMICAL
What
takes
is
it

&c.

CONSTDEKATIONS
?.

311

the inference therefrom

Dr. Fleet

that although intercourse, between the

Greeks and the Hindus was perhaps pretty

continuous since the days of Alexander, they

somehow did not borrow astrological astronomy

from the Greeks
till all

of a

sudden something
end
of the

dawned upon them

century to borrow
it

at the

fourth

from the Christian astro-

nomers

of

the

Eoman Empire
to the

We

would

draw attention here

these week days

order in which
list

do occur in a bilingual

now
full

in the British

Museum, where the

is

seven,
:

planetary group

arranged as follows

The Moon, Sin, The Sun, Shamash,

Jupiter, Merodach,

Venus, Ishtar,
Saturn, Ninip (Nirig)

Mercury, Nebo, Mars, Nergal.

The reason
regarded the

for this

primacy
of the
*

due to an early notion

moon is Sumerians who

of the

Moon

as

the measurer', and for

certain purposes as the parent of the Sun.

these, the five planets,

Of

and the Sun and the

Moon

got to be connected with the chief gods

312

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
very early, and

of the

Hammurabi Pantheon

a study of the various attributes of these gods associated with the days
different in character

make them somewhat

from what the Greeks

must have had

in

mind when they made the

equations to the gods of their Pantheon.

take only one instance, take Mercury,

To
Nebo

(Nebu)

of the

Babylonians.

He

was no doubt

the messenger and announcer of the gods as the Greek Hermes.

of

Professor Jastrow has

it

him

" Like Ea,

^^

he

is

the embodiment and

art of

source of wisdom.
therefore of
all

The

writing

and

literature is

more particularly

associated with him.

his

name

designates

The common form of him as the god of the

for Jupiter, that
of the

Stylus^^."

This is a character
with that

agrees

far closer

Hindus

than anything that the Greeks have to show.

Although in

this bilingual

record the planets

are not arranged in the order in

which we have

13 It muafc ba nofced fchab

E*.

is

the

Babylonian god

that comes nearest in ooncep&ion to the Indian Vishnu

the deity presiding over Jupiter.
1^ Aspects
of

Beligious

Beliefs

and Practice ia

Babylonia and Assyria.

Page 95.

ASTKONOMICAL
them

&c.

CONSIDEBATIONS
heading of the
list

313

at present, the
is

by the

moon
it

a matter of importance particularly

in respect of its

Sumerian associations.

Could

not be that the Tamils got this peculiarity

direct,
if

from Babylonians
have
the

they could not

the

given that position to

Moon

for

same reason that

the Sumerians did?

In this connection, the character given to

Mars may
great

also be studied usefully.

Mars
to

is

described by professor Pinches as *Lord of the

habitation*,

which according

him
Mars,
the

would be a
ki-gaU^.

parallel to that of his spouse,

for

Bresh-

Of this kind of greatness

nothing corresponding

there

is

among

Hindus, but when Nergal got to be associated

with Erech particularly, he symbolised the
destroying influence
of the
of

companied by the demons

Sun and was acpestilence. "Mars

:

was a planet
animal

of evil,

plague and death

its

was the wolf." The Indian god associated with Mars is Yama or death,
form
the nearest

approach to Babylonian Nergal.

Whereas

in Greece,

Mars was associated with

Ares, the War-God,

is

who assumed

his

boar-

The goddess

of the nether world.

314

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
The
Indian,
rather

form and slew Adonis.

the Aryo-Indian Association of Agni with Marsfibds

support in Babylonian tradition.

We

would invite attention

in this connection
* :

to the following extract

The

drift

of

Babylonian culture was not

to Greece during also

only directed westward towards the coast of

Palestine,

and from thence

period,

the Phoenician

but

eastward

through Elam to the Iranian plateau and

India.

Keference has already been made to

the resemblances between early Vedic and

Sumerian

mythologies.

When

the

"

new
god,

songs" of the Aryan invaders of India were

being composed, the

A^aruna,

sky and

ocean

who resembles Ea-Oannes and MitraShamash, were already declinOther cultural influences
Certain of the Aryan tribes, for

who

links with

ing in

splendour.

were at work.

instance, buried their dead in Varuna's " house

of clay", while a

growing proportion cremated

Agni,
the fire

their dead

and worshipped

god-

At the
"late

close of the Vedic period there

were fresh invasions into middle India, and

the

comers" introduced new

beliefs,,

ASTKONOMICAL
and

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS

315

including the doctrines of the Transmigration

of Souls
of the

Ages

of

the Universe.

Goddesses also rose into prominence, and the

Vedic gods became minor
to
deities,

and subject
These "late

Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva.

comers" had undoubtedly been influenced by

Babylonian ideas before they entered India.

In their Doctrine
for instance, of the

World's Ages or Yugas^

we

are forcibly

reminded

of the

Euphratean ideas regarding space and time.

Mr. Kobert Brown,
in this connection,
junr.,

who

is

an authority
calculated

shows that the system by

which the "Day

in India

of

Brahma" was

resembles closely an

astronomical

system which obtained in Babylonia, where

apparently the theory of cosmic periods had
origin.*

Donald A. Mackenzie Myths

:

of

Babylonia

and Assyria

p. 199.

One would imagine

bilities

then that
the Indians

the possi-

were that

if

borrowed

these,^^ the
16 Reference

chances

of their

borrowing from
to the article in the>

may

here be

made

Bhandarkar Commensuration volume by

Tilak OD the

Mr. B. Go

Veda and the Babylonian Creation-Epic.

316

BEGINNINGS OF
far

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
than from the

Babylonia were

greater
late,

Greeks, and that so

as after Firmicus

Maturnus

and

Panlus

Alexandrinus.

In

support of this position, there are a few more

points which ought to be noted here.

In the arrangement
zodiac,
it

of the

houses of the
it

is

now admitted

that

was the
divided

Babylonian

scientist first of all

who

the ecliptic into twelve well-known divisions,

of

which there

is

a noticeable distinction in

respect of the tenth

house

as

it is

known

to

the Greeks and the Hindus.

called
it

The Babylonians

Tebet, which stood for Ea's ^goatfish.'

equivalent therefor is merely Caprigoat.

The Greek
cornus,

which means the

The Hindu
the goat-

equivalent
fish

Makara

is

much

nearer

The name of the planet Venus gives it among the Greeks the character of the woman-Aphrodite, and Venus
than the goat
itself.

was associated with Ishtar

in

Babylonia

but

Venus

is

never associated with a female deity

fact

among

the Indians, except for the

is

that

the Adhi Devata

wife of Indra.

supposed to be Sachi, the

planet
itself is

The

regarded as
or a god-

associated with ukra, a man-rishi

ASTKONOMICAL
rishi.

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS

317

It is

now

accepted by the world of

scholars that the

Yuga and

the Kalpa calculaGreeks,)

tions (the exeligmos of the

which
of

begin to figure in the

Brahmana

period

Indo-Aryan history show very close associations with the Saroi of the Babylonians,
in the

and
an

naming and arranging

of

the cosmic

periods, or ages of the universe, there is

apparently remarkable difference between the

Greek and the Indian notions, which

in closer

latter are
Irish^*^.

agreement with that

ages are
in the

of

the

The Indian

Indian

order

This passage from the Balacharifcam

fcisb

of

Bhasa, a dramastates that

of high reputation

anterior to Kaiidasa

Krbayuga Vishnu was Narayana of Couch-whita colour. In the Tretayuga he was Vishnu, who measuin the

red the Universe in three strides, of a golden

colour.
of

In the Dvapara he was Bama,

who

killed

Havana,
In

the colour of Durva-grass (dark

green).

Kali he

becomes Damodara
This
view.
is

of

the enduring dark of collyrium

of the

quite representative

orthodox scholarly

318

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

Silvern (White), Golden (Yellow), the Bronze

(Red, seems to be rather dark green than red)

and Iron or black, whereas the Greeks would

begin with the Golden and put Silvern second.

In regard to the zodiacal arrangement of

the Babylonians, Mr.

Brown
of

the author of the

Primitive

Constellations
a resume

quotes

Diadorus,
"

who gave
five ^planets

Babylonian astrono:

mical astrology in the following terms

The
in

were called

interpreters'

and

subjection to this were marshalled thirty stars

which were styled

divinities

of

the council.

The

chiefs

of

the divinities are twelve in

of

number, to each

whom

they assign a

month

and one
the

of the twelve

signs of the zodiac.''

of the basis of

This takes us to the question

astronomical

system

of

the

Hindus.

We

have already pointed out that Mr. SwamiPillai regards the

;

kannu

basis as essentially

<}hronological

whereas,
is

the

basis

of

the

Babylonian system
even seasonal.
-as

astrological

and perhaps

That

this is so is in evidence

"the three constellations associated with

:

^ach month had each a symbolic significance

ASTEONOMICAL
This quotation
seasonal
early
of the

&c.

CONSIDEKATIONS

319

they reflected the characters of their months^^.

is

clear evidence that

it

was

as

well

as
of

astrological.

We

have

evidence

the
of

seasonal

character

arrangement
in
6,

the divisions of the

itself,

year

the

Tolkappiam

where

in
is

Sutra
clearly

the six-fold division of the year

made on

the basis of the 12 signs of

the zodiac,
season.

and beginning
explains

with the rainy

of course is
:

The commentator, who

a
'

later

man
is

it

in the following terms

The year

begins with the zodiacal house Leo,

which
time.

the house of the Sun,

who marks
Sun
to

From
of

that, the passage of the

the house

Cancer, which

is

the house of the

year.

Moon, constitutes the whole

divisions of

a division,
rainy
season,

The six this year make each two months and are named respectively the
;

season,

August-September
;

windyof early

October-November the season

;

dew, December- January

dew, February-March
;

the season of later the

season
of

of

the

mild Sun, April-May

1^

and the season

warm

Myfchs
p.

of

Babylonia and Assyria

By DA, Mac-

kenzie

309.

320
sun,

BEGINNINGS OF
June- July.

S.

INDIAN HISTOBY
there
is

So
seasons

that
is

one

division
basis
of
it

now which
the
is

altogether
of

on the

the

year,

and
of

that

the
is

time-honoured

division

the Tamils

inferable from its constituting

all

the basis of Tamil division for

purposes of
rest

grammar and

poetics,

whether they

upon

the authority of the Tolkappiam or no.

But
Baby-

that this was not the sole basis could be proved

by the
system
as the
their

fact that as in the case

of the

lonians, the basal idea of the Indian astrological

is

the

recognition of the astral bodies

souls of the

departed good,

who from

distant positions

exercised an influence

over the world and mankind.

That that was

a very popular idea even from the Vedic times

could be proved by the following.

The Appa-

stamba Dharmasutra,

^^

which

is

an early Sutra

and without question

earlier

than A. D, 400r

has a statement, in the chapter dealing with

the spiritual advantages of having a son, that

those of "

Good Works
24,
13.

" in life shine like

the
all

Great Bear (Saptarshimandala), high above

19 II

IX

Tafera ye.

punyakrtab,

taaham

prakrt ayah para jvalaDtyah upalabbyante.

ASTBONOMICAL
else
;

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS
is

321

as authority for this

quoted the Tait-

The same idea occurs in the Ramayana in a more general and popular connection when Indrajit, son of Bavana, by
tiriya Sarnhita.^^

his extraordinary

power

of

magic throws the

herloss of her

head

of
.

Rama

before Sita in her garden

mitage.

She bemoans the

husband.

She

is

made

to state in this

connection that
of

he had joined in heaven the company

his

father and there, having become a Nakshatra,

he

is

said to see
of

'

the whole of the Ikshvaku

rishies>

family

royal

but,

as

she said,
forelorn

he neglected to see her

condition
20

in

that
is

down

below.'^^

This

a clear

Sukrfeam va etani.
jydiimshi yannaksbatrarii.

Tai
21 Pitra

Sam

V.

iv. 9.

Da^arabbena tvam sva^urena mamanagba.

sarvaiscba pitribbib sardbam

nunam

svarge sama-

galah
divi Daksbatrabbufcastvam

mabatkarmakrtam priyam.

puriyam

rajarsbi

vamisam tvam atmanab sama-

veksbaae.

kim mamDa prekshase rajan

31

&g,

VI. 32. 18 and 19.

322

BEGINNINGS OF
of

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
belief

indication

the general

of

men

of

good

deeds being traosformed

to

into

stars,

an idea quite similar

stitutes

that
of

which

con-

one

of the

main items

Babylonian

astronomical
tic

belief,

with of course characteris-

minor

differences.
it

The same authority

in

quoted already has

that " the basal idea

Babylonian astrology appears to be the recognition of the astral bodies as spirits or fates,

who
in
It

exercised an influence over the gods, the world,

and

mankind.

These were worshipped

groups when they were yet nameless."

must be noted here that these groups

general groups of seven in
this

were

Babylonia.

That

was so when the early Greeks came in

it is

contact with

in evidence in the following

quotation
planets,

from

Plutarch they
call

" respecting

the

which

the

birth-ruling

divinities,

the Chaldeans lay

down

that two

(Venus and Jupiter) are propitious, and two

(Mars and Saturn) malign, and three (Sun,

Moon and Mercury)

would
the
say,

of

a
is

middle
"

nature

Mr. Brown's commentary

these three

an astrologer
with
the

are propitious

good,

and

may

be

malign

with

ASTKONOMICAL
bad. 22

&c.

OONSIDERATIONS
of

323

That
is

this

was the early notion

the

Greeks also

seen in a passage in the drama,

Pax

of

A^ristaphanes.
is

In that comedy one

character Trygaeus

shown
is

as

having just
;

then made an expedition to heaven

slave

meets him and asks him

then, " that
*

not the story true

we become

stars

when we

die

Certainly

'

was the answer.

And Trygaeus

is

made

to follow the

answer by pointing to

the star into which Ion of Chios has just been

metamorphosed.
this
is

Mr. Lang's commentary on

is

" Aristaphanes

making fun

of

some

popular Greek superstition.'*

(Custom and

Myth
in
of

pp. 133 Et. Seq.)

of this notion but exhibited
is

The counterpart

more serious form

the well-known story

in all the Puranas,^^

Dhruva, which occurs

22 Primitive oonatellationa Vo. I p. 343.

^^ >dMR^Rr ^n^
Vishnu Parana
I. xii

JT^TPpr

ii

8991.

324

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
penance

where the boy as the

result of a severe
all

was found a place above

constellations.
to

the
is

stars

and

The
is

star

Dhruva

according
pole
star,

Hindu astronomical
above

ideas the
all

which, as such,
constellations

the other stars and

and the Great Bear (Saptarthis idea got

shayab).

When
get

seasonal year of
times,

mixed up with the the Tamils in very early

state
of

we

the

things,,

which

indicates a combination of ideas from two or

three different astronomical systems

that

is

where exactly we
county.2* There
is

find ourselves in the

Tamil

one school of opinion which

the
scientific

would ascribe
astronomy
exactly
is

all

elements in
is

to

the Greeks,

and that
of

what

at the

bottom

the notion that

practically everything in astronomy, the very

basal ideas of astronomy, in India was borrow-

ed from the Greeks.

To

this

school belongs

only one Assyrialogist of great reputation and

that
is

Professor Jastrow

practically

all

the

rest of the Assyrialogists

do not seem to sup-

port his view in respect of the indebtedness of

^^

See the coDcludiog lioes of the poem 229

of

Puram

with which

we

began this inveetigatioD.

ASTRONOMICAL

&c.

CONSIDi^KATIONS

325

the world to the Greeks

for scientific astro-

nomy, and niore recent

support the majority.

research

seems to

Professor

Goodspeed

says that during the Sumerian period " the

forms and relations of geometry were employed

for purposes
of

aiigury.

The heavens were

of the

mapped

out,

and the courses

heavenly

bodies traced to determine the bearing of their

movements upon human

worse for
is

destinies. "^5

What

i's

this claim

in

behalf

of

Greece

the recent discovery of a document from the

archives of Nineveh, which gives unmistakeable evidence of the existence of an observatory

with a body of
business
it

official

astronomers,
eclipses

whose

was to predict

and issue
and obser-

circulars for the various ceremonies

vances that have to be made on the occasion

oi these eclipses.
Professor Harper's transla-

tion of one of these

documents puts the case

very

\^ell
it

from

and the following extracts are taken with the comments of Mr. D. A.
"

Mackenzie.
-about

As

for the eclipse of

the^Moon,

whicJh the king,

My

Lord, has written

it

to me, a watch

was kept

for

in the ditles of
p.

25 A' history of the

Babylonians & Assyrians

93.

326

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

Akkad, Borsippa and Nippur.

ourselves
in

We

observe it

the city

of

Akkad
ordered

and

whereas the king,

My

Lord,

me

to

observe also the eclipse of the Sun, I watched

to see whether
it

took place or not and what

eyes,
It

passed before
king,

my

now
it

report to the
of

My

Lord.

was an

eclipse

the

Moon

that took place

fell

was

total,

over

Syria and the shadow

on the land

of the

Amorites, the land of the Hittites and in part

on the land

of

the Chaldees."

Professor Sayce

comments
northern
Sippara
;

"

We

gather from this letter that

there were no less than three observatories in

Babylonia

one

at

Akkad,
;

near

one at Nippur, now Niffer

and one

at Borsippa,

within the site of Babylon.

it

As

Boisippa possessed a university,

was, natural

that one of the three observatories should be

established there. "^^
It is

not necessary to

go very

much

farther in regard to these.

We
the

may

state,

however, that

according

to

calculations of Mr. Brown, the signs of the

zodiac

were fixed in the year 2084 B. C. 147

et.

(Primitive Constellations Vol. II pp.

26

Myths

of

Babylonia and Assyria pp. 321

22.

ASTEONOMICAL
seq.) ]f

&c.

CONSIDEKATIONS

327

then the zodiacal houses were fixed so

if

early

and

such a similarity could be noticed

of

between the systems

early

astronomical

notions both of the Hindus of Northern India

and

of the

South on the one

if

side,

and the Baby-

lonians on the other, and

some of the minute

are,

but characteristic differences noticed between

Greece and India be the facts that they

the inference seems irresistible that
if

there

had been borrowing by the Hindus the chances are that the borrowing was from Babylonia
rather than from Greece, whatever might have

taken place in later times and in scientific astronomy.

find

Even
difficult

in respect of this
to

what we

very

understand

is

why an

astronomer

of the reputation of

Varahamihira,

who examiues all the systems of astronomy then known to him dispassionately, and agrees
with some views
of
of

one school and other views

another, should actually be charged

with

having borrowed wholesale from the Greeks

without an acknowledgment in the face of the
fact

that

he

often

quotes

with

approval

Yavanacharya
others,

as against
at

Satyacharya
as

and
is

so

far

any

rate

astrology

328

BEGINNINGS OF
But that

S.

INDIAN HI8T0KY
not to our present
is

concerned.
purpose.

is

What we

wish to point out

that

in the particular
Pillai

poem

that Mr. Svvamikannu

has taken for investigating the system

f astronomy that had vogue

among the Tamife,

lunar.

he remarks that the month Panguni referred

to
is

the solar Panguni and not the

We
of

wish that he were on firmer ground

in

making that statement.

That the character

regarded as
of the

Tamilian astronomy might be

solar finds support in another passage

we quoted from before, namely, Padirruppattu. In poem 59 there

classic
is

same Tamil
reference

to

the

month
^''^

of

Masi which

is

described as a cold month.

It

must however

also be noted here that the term for the

month

used there

is

Tingal (moon) which suggests

a lunation being the basis of the month, so that

even so early the two systems seem to have

ueaf^^Srffth Ui-.(r^u3 urrear

lds^

The oommentary explains MSiSi, as the character of Masi and fehe expression Ma-kiic which gives fche nam fco the poem maaas the doubling of the body owing to cold* (In the month, of Cf. Sans: Makare Kumdalakrtih. Makara people double up their bodies owing to the cold.)

ASTRONOMICAL
become

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS
It

329

been in use together. ^^

clear that

has perhaps

now

any general statement that

the week day was not

hazardous to make,

known would and much less

be very
v/ould
it

be true to apply that as a test of chronology

in respect of

works

of literature

making

refer-

ences to week days.

clear by

It

may also have become

Hindu

now

that the basal notion of

astronomy was not exactly chronology although

chronology did become a vital part of
it later.

The

earlier notions certainly

were based both

astrological-

upon the seasons and upoa the

animistic ideas
pects,

of the stars in

both these resto the

showing considerable similarity

early notions of

the Babylonians and of the

Sumerians before them.

into the question of

We

shall not

enter

who

the Sumerians were,

and whether they were at all connected with the South Indian Tamils but we might state
;

in closing that there

is

very

little

doubt that

28 Attention

may

here be drawn to the passage o!

p.

Megasthenes extracted: on

67 above stating that the

Paodya country was

revenue of one

divided into 365 villages so that the

may

be brought in every day.

This pre-

sumes a year

of

365 days.

30

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
way
at
of the sea.
least in the

there was communication by

between Babylonia and India

6th and 5th centuries B.C., and that communication would certainly bear the inference thai

some

of these ideas

also travelled

therefrom^

although we are in no position to state definitely that the borrowing w^as all
side.

on the Indian

The
fear,

general assumptions having been

false,

proved to be
on,

the whole system built there-

we

cannot stand.

We

would point out in conclusion that the

as such has no astronomical signi-

week day

ficance except that in the arrangement of the

week and
of

in the notion of the

presiding deity

the

day,

astronomers

do bring in the

principle of the relative distance of the planets-

into consideration.

But

this, it

strikes us,

is-

only an astronomical after-thought to explain

perhaps the phenomenon that had already

been somewhat in popular usage.

All

else
is

connected with the week and the week day

of

an astrological character associated with

of the

augury and
lying that.

animistic notions
that,
it

under-

To say more than

seems

to us, would be saying too

much.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII. We present our readers in the form of

an>

appendix to this chapter two extracts from

Mr. E.G. Sesha Aiyar's article in the Christiaa

College

Magazine,

already

referred

to,

by

permission of the author, relating to the astro-

nomical data of the Silappadikaram-Manimekalai.

We

have already given a short excur-

sus, in regard to

poem 229

of

Purara, of

our

own

in the

body

of the paper.

" (1)

The passages

in Siiappadikaram
Piliai

that
are

are discussed

by Mr- Swamikannu
text

found in

/5/r/r6jwrai/r6TO^,

and commentary,

and

siUSstnir^'fr&oi^s.

^tressrsir^m^.

tell

The opeaing lines of i^fr US when the departure of

lines are as follows
:

Kovalan and Kannaki from Kaveripumpatti-

nam

took place.

These

Adiyarkunallar's commentary on these lines

contains the following note

^atjih^'SF

Q^^,<^siiT^

881

332

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

(Lfih ^ffSssariLjiEi

^^.tsj^iu

^^suirir^^/D

Q^ins^Qiup;Sl^

Q<3=^!rLiieuT ffQpiliQupp

^^L-'^^(ffd

f5irLL'35L<sOiru^

eat

^<oQ^

stR6u<srrQ

^ f^u^Q^freku^/D

Q<3='6ijsufnLJ'i

Sip

Ss)i>6ijULLL^ jijih ,dB ff

^ ^Q^et^Q

ei)

QtijesrpeuTj}/.

The passage
iollows
:

in sLLQeanr^TeiD^

which reads as

relates to the destruction of

Madura by

fire

as

the result of Kannaki's curse.

Of these, the
they

two passages from the

are, are

text, valuable as

not obviously by themselves capable of

;

yielding any definite result

ever,

but not so, how-

the

commentator's
it

note

and

if

the

details

mentioned in

be accurate,

we ought

to be able to establish with almost absolute

APPENDIX.
certainty

333

the date

of

Silappadikaram.

Mr.

Swamikannu
a
definite,

Pillai believes that the note

is

by
us

the commentator

capable of
date,

giving

unimpeachable
says that

and
1

he

exultantly

"between A.D.,

and

A.D. 1900 there was only one year, one month

and one day, satisfying

us see

all

the conditions, and

that was Monday, 17th May, A.D. 756/

if

Let

this statement is correct.

The passage
details
(i)
:

in question gives the following

The month of Chitrai in that year commenced on Sunday, Thrithiya, Swathi

nakshatra.
(ii)

Twenty-eighth Chitrai, was Saturday,

Eall Moon, Chitra nakshatra.

flag

That day the

of

was hoisted

for the festival of India.

(iii)

After 28 days,

the

duration

the

festival, the flag

(iv)

was lowered.
28th
Vaikasi,

On

the

Monday,

the

thirteenth day of the bright lunar fortnight,

Anusham
(v)

Star, the bath in the sea took place

and the lovers quarrelled-

On

the 29th Vaikasi, Tuesday. Kettai-

nakshatram, which was a destructive combi-

834

BEGINNINGS OF
moon had
left

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
moon,

nation, the fourteenth day of waxing

after the
set,

when

the sky was

dark Kovalan
It will be

with Kannaki.

noted that these details are not

given in the text, which simply says, referring

to the day of Kovalan's flight

with
set

his

wife,
last

that

it

was

after the

moon had

on the

day

of the bright half,

aad before sunrise the

next morning,
posing for

when the sky was dark. Supa moment the details given by
lived probably in
if

Adiyarkunallar are correct, whence did he get

them?
kannu

The commentator
;

the twelfth century

Pillai's

and even

Mr. Swami-

conclusion be accepted nearly

four centuries had expired since the composition

of Sillappathikaram before this note

was writcalcula?

ten. Did Adiyarkunallar make his

own

tion or did he repeat what he had heard

Mr.

Swamikannu
have been
of
*

Pillai opines

that there

should

a continuous unbroken

tradition

annotation dating almost from the date of

poem,'

the

and

the

commentator

in

the

present instance had preserved what

he had

obtained from earlier scholiasts.

Even upon

that explanation, the commentator's note could

APPENDIX.
not be accepted as really of value, as after
it

335
all

might have been supplied by the ingenuity

an
earlier annotator,
it

of

and as

in the

process

of repetition

might easily have under-gone

alterations in material particulars.

However,
the

the astronomical information supplied in

note seems to be thoroughly fanciful,
<3an see
itself.

as

one

from Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai's

paper
the
that

Besides, the reckoning of days in

note seems to be puzzling.

We

are told

the flag was hoisted on 28th Chitrai, Saturday

and

as

we

are told that the 28th Vaikasi

was

Monday, the month of Chifcrai in that year must have had only thirty days. So the festival,
which was
of

twenty-eight days

'

duration must
flag

have closed on 25th Vaikasi, when the

have been taken down, and one

must
see

fails

to

how

the bath that concludes the festival took

place as stated in the note, only on the 28th

Vaikasi.

There

is

no doubt from the narration

poem that Kovalan and Kannaki left for Madura on the night of the bath itself, before dawn of next morning, and yet we read in the note that they left on the
of the story in the

night of Tuesday, the 29th Vaikasi.

Obviously

336
the

BEGINNINGS OF
note as
ifc

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
its

sfcands,
is

evea apart from

astronomical learning,
explicable.
at

incorrect or not easily

Is the astronomical

information,

any

rate, free

from error? Mabamahopadh-

yaya Pandit V. Swaminatha Aiyar, the revered

editor of Silappadikaram, says in a footnote

that

the information contained in the note

appears to be incorrect, but Mr.

Pillai,

Swamikannu

while extolling the learned Pandit's

candour, rebukes the astrologer

who enabled
of

that footnote to be written for ignorance

astrological calculation. I nevertheless venture

to say that the conditions in this curious note

are

impossible and that the learned

is justified.

Mahama-

hopadhyaya's footnote

To arrive at 756 A. D. Diwan Bahadur L.D. Swamikannu Pillai has freely edited the commentator's note. As regards the commencement
of Ghitrai in that year,

he says that

it

was a day

of

Swati in the sense that Swati

at

began on that day

38 Ghatikar

after sunrise^

He

admits that ordinarily such a day would

be called a day of Chitra nakshatra; but in

explanation of the commentator's blunder, he
states that the

commentator appears

to have^

APPENDIX.

337

obtained his nakshatra by backward calculation

from **Jyeshta," the star under whose malignant influence, Kovalan and Kannaki
left for

Madura.

This

itself

would be enough to con-

demn

the note as untrustworthy.

it

What is

the

basis for holding that

was on a Tuesday which

co-existed with Jyeshta star, that the husband

and wife

left their

house in Kaveripattinam

Apparently the commentator's knowledge

astrology was so poor that he
of

of

could not think

any other malignant combination except

the popular

Tuesday with Kettai

could.

star,

and

starting therefrom he worked the details back-

ward as
first

best as he

If the star

on the
to

day

of Chitrai
Pillai,

has according

Mr.

Swamikannu
note, so has

been wrongly stated in the

;

also

the Thithi
is

for

he

tells

us

that the third thithi

thithi.

a mistake

for the first

Thus
:

this part of the note, in order to

make

A. D. 756

acceptable,

should be

made

to read

The month

of Chitrai in

that year

began on Sunday, Prathama, Chitra nakshatra*

The second
shatra. Mr.
22

part of the note declares the 28th

full

Chitrai was Saturday,

moon

Chitra nak-

Swamikannu Pillai

points out that

338

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
of Chitrai, the full

in 756 A.

D. in the month

moon commenced

at 41^ ghatikas after sunrise

the same day. Obviously, therefore, Saturday,

28Dh Chitrai did not combine with the

full

moon
rent

at

all.

Indeed the thithi that was cur-

at

sunrise

on

Saturday and properly

speaking the thithi of that day was Thrayodasi, the thirteenth lunar day.

However, Mr.
difficulty

Swamikannu

Pillai

gets

over the

created by the commentator's

inconvenient
*'fuli

statement by invibing us to hold that by

moon'* must have been meant, a day near

full

moon!

Why

the commentator,

who

is

at

such

considerable pains to supply details that will

fill

up lacunae

in the astrological references in

the text, should be guilty of such loose writing

one cannot easily explain

is

but the suggestion

enough to stamp the statements in the note

with unreliability.
Eelating
to

Kovalan's
it

departure

with

Kannaki, the note says,

was on Tuesday,
the

29th Vaikasi, under the malignant influence

of Kettai

(Jyeshta),

after

moon

of

the

fourteenth thichi in the bright fortnight had

set,

and before

sunrise.

The statement

is

APPENDIX.
very specific
;

339
it

and yet in order to apply

hold
the
that

to

756 A.D., we should again

language
of
is

that

the

loose.

Though
denote

language

the

note

would
left

Kovalan
of the

and Kannaki

in the small hours

morning between Tuesday and Wednesday,

and that the moon
has just
set,

of

the

fourteenth thithi

and that further Jyeshta coTuesday

at the

existed with
started.

moment they
that

Mr.

Swamikannu

Pillai finds

every one of these positions has to be

up.

given

According to him, the departure must

of the

have taken place in the small hours

before the sun rose

morning between Monday and Tuesday, that

is

on Tuesday
of

that there

was no combination
;

Jyeshta and Tuesday

when they started (as a matter of fact Anusham lasted till 10 A. M. on Tuesday)
that there was no Chadurdasi at
all

on Tuesday,

which was on the contrary a

full

moon moon
;

day.

We

are told by Mr.

Swamikannu
to doubt

Pillai that

there was an eclipse at this full

and
if

we may be permitted
Mr. Swamikannu
fact could

whether,

Pillai's date be correct, that

under any circumstance have been

340
leffc

BEGINNINGS OF
out

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
who
in

by

the commentator
is

the

passage under discussion

for the

trying to account
befell

subsequent disaster that

of eclipse
is

Kovalan.

day

astrologically

condemned
;

as highly disastrous for a journey

and

it is

strange that that

pre-eminently bad

omen
to

is

mentioned

at

all,

when, according
Adyarkunallar
is

Mr.

Swamikannu

Pillai,

so scru-

pulous as to mention the subsequent co-existense of Jyeshta star with Tuesday, the
first

day

of

the journey

though the subsequent

nasa yoga so created could not astrologically

affect the destinies

of

Kovalan and Kannaki.

on 28th

It

may

also

be noted here that

Vaikasi, Sukla Triyodasi

and Anusham did

in spite of

not co-exist, as stated by the commentator.

I

have tried so

far to

show how

Mr, Swamikannu
A.D.
satisfies
all
is

Pillai's

statement that 756

the conditions laid

down

in

the note,

there

not even one condition that

without very

material alteration

could be

made
Pillai

to apply to that year.

Mr. Swamikannu
aside

has

abs^olutely

brushed

the

statements of the commentator as they are,

and has substituted data

of his

own

that will

APPENDIX.
support his viewIf

341

instead of the eighth

century, he had decided upon any other century,

the same process of editing, the same process

of revising

and correcting might

still

be adopt-

ed to arrive at that pre-determined conclusion.

The other circumstance that renders it impossible according to Mr. Swamikannu

(II)

Pillai to look for

Silappadikaram, before the

said to be supplied

eighth century
mekalai.

is

by Manithe argu-

The passages upon which

built are these
:

ment

is

Mani
f!FQj6sar^mp(D(in^i^ OiTiLt-.Temnf-i)

xi.

4046

QuJT/Oleu'rstr^ Q(7r^&irj^Ui,

Mani

xii.

778

342

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Mani

xv,

226.
are
told,.

The
is

imporfcance of these passages,

tell

we

that they

us that the

reborn 1,616 years after,

units that concurred

Buddha will be when the very time

appearance

at his first

were produced, and that the day on which

Manimekalai

appeared

before

the

pool

of
I

Manipallavam was that very day and hour.

am

inclined to think that Mr.

Pillai has

misunderstood the
to

Swamikannu passages when he

the sacred pool
of the

takes

them

mean

that the day and hour

visited

when Manimekalai

was the very day and hour

his

expected

readvent of Buddha, exactly 1,616 years after

first

appearance.

It

is

in

the

extract

from canto
erru

XI

that the expression

^fits'r&-BiBt^ir

Quir(ip^uQuir(ip^ occurs.

There

is

na
tell

reference there to Buddha's reappearance in

the year 1616.

If

Divatilakai intended to

Manimekalai that that day Buddha was expected to reappear, she would have in unambigu-

ous

terms

proclaimed

that

great

and

all

important

fact,

and not contented herself with

APPENDIX.
mentioniDg
ance
of the
is

343

merely

the miraculous

appear-

sacred bowl.
referring to

There

is

no doubt

that she

an annually recurring

miracle on Vaikasi Visaka, which in the very

nature of things would be a day of special

holiness and significance to the Tamil
dhists.

Budbe

In this connection reference

to Manimekalai,
it is

may

made

canto XIV. 11.92-94

from which

clear that

when

the bowl was

it

thrown into the tank, the bidding was that

should

should appear on the surface once every year

till it

reach the hands of one virtuous

and holy enough to take possession

great

Tamil

scholar,

The Mahamahopadhyaya
of
it.

V. Swaminatha Aiyer interprets the context

as referring to an

annual solemnity, and

all

if

may

be permitted to say so in
agree

humility, I

perfectly

with

that

interpretation.

Besides, the notion of Buddha's reappearance in

1,616 years

is

supplied by the passage extracted

from canto XII of Manimekalai, which describ es

the heroine's visit to Aravana Adigal
;

and he

conveys the glorious information to her that

when Buddha is born again in the year 1616, a new era of universal peace and love and

344

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

good- will, which the seer graphically describes,

will be heralded.
If as a

matter of fact

the

Buddha has already appeared again on the day and at the moment when Manimekalai obtained the bowl, Aravana Adigal would have told her that the new era had already dawned as
the

new Buddha was

predictioa.

already born;

but he

does not say anything of the kind,

but only
is

makes a
happen.

The language
advent

pre-

eminently suggestive of an
It
is
'^

yet

to

QujT/6lUfrefr^(o(n^drj)i,

L6jS/D-

Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai

seems to have put a

forced construction on the passages, and there-

upon
as
it

built
is

an argument.
of

If

my view
it is

supported

by the view
is

the foremost Tamil

plain that the

scholar of the day

correct,

passages in Manimekalai have no relevancy

whatever to the discussion have taken up

ever, that
for solution.

of the

problem we
view of

Supposing, howPillai's

Mr. Swamikannu
is

the passages
effect is

correct,

and their combined

to

make out

that the day of Mani-

mekalai's visit to the pool

was the day

of

Buddha's expected reappearance, we have to

APPENDIX.
consider
to

345

from

what

date

1,616

years are
three
his

be

counted,

and to which
history,

of the

events in

Buddha's
or

his

birth,

sambodhi
of

his nirvana,
refers.

the combination

time

units
it

Mr.

Swamikannu
to

Pillai

thinks

has reference

Buddha's

nirvana,

and

from that

1,616 years should

be reckoned.

He

rightly holds that

for

none

of

the accepted dates

suit,

Buddha's nirvana would

for his

and therefore he assumes 846 B.C.

is

purposes, as that

near what

is

said to

have

been the accepted date for the nirvana (B.C.

850) in China in the

seventh century after

Christ

1,616 years after 846 B.C. would take

to 771 A.D.

That being the day when Maniand received

mekalai visited the divine pool

the divine begging bowl, the epic

poem Maniat

mekalai must have been written not earlier

than the eighth century.

result

To

arrive

this

Mr.

Swamikannu

Pillai
of

arbitrarily

assumes 846 B.C- as the date

that the Southern Tamil

the nirvana

Buddhists had in
be reckoned
that

mind, that 1,616 years should

from

the

date
*'

of

the

nirvana,

the

expression

5^0

u^^otQll^

Qlltq^^^jj^

346

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
date of the solar
is

Q^^piSesr'' refers to

the

month and
in
is

that the thithi

it

not mentioned
full
'

the

passage, but

is

moon.

It

admitted that the expession

the middle of
is

the nakshatras' denotes Visakha, which

the

14th in

the

list

of 27

stars,

counting from

Karthigai.

Perhaps this very circumstance

should indicate that Manimekalai was com-

posed before the reckoning form Aswini had

been
substituted.
is

Let

that,

however, pass.
the

What

the warrant for holding that

alleged Chinese date for the Nirvana had been

accepted by the Buddhists of South India?

The Tamil Buddhists of South India had no doubt their own traditional dates based on the
accounts current in the Tamil country.
cording to such tradition
(1)

Ac-

Buddha's birth

was
full

in

Kishabha Wednesday ,Visakhanak8hatra

(3)

moon; and

His nirvana was

nakshatra,

in
full

Rishaba

Tuesday,

Vaisakha

moon.
us,

The northern Buddhists, Weber

of

tells
life

had

fourteen different accounts of the

events

Buddha ranging from 2422 B.C. to 546 B.C. The southern Buddhists too had possibly a fairly large number ranging over a similarly

APPENDIX.
long
Pillai's

347

period.

Accepting Mr,

Swamikannu
purposes
the
:

suggestion that a date antecedent to

for the

800 BC. should be discovered

of

our present problem,

we

find that

following dates will satisfy the conditions

1.

Birth: 1450 B.C.

Bishabha

7th, Fri-

day, Visakha nakshatra 30 gh. 32 p, full moon.

59 gh. 18
2.

p.

Sambodhi: 1415 B.
Nirvana:
1371

Eishabha

lOfch,

Wednesday, Visakha
3.

8-37, full

moon
p.

48-28-

B.C.

Rishabha

2nd,
full

Tuesday, Visaka after 15 gh. 46.

and

moon

after

15 gh. 52

p.

These dates besides

satisfying the conditions regarding the

month

week day, nakshatra and

with
the
traditional

thithi,

also accord

notion

that

Buddha

attained sambodhi thirty-five years after his

birth,

and nirvana in his eightieth year. These

are

dates

neither
in
his

improbable

nor fanciful
places

Kalhana
Kanishka
brothers

Rajatharangini
after

150

years

the

nirvana of

Buddha, and says that Kanishka

and

his

Hushka and Jushka

of

and Huvishka
ately before

the Vasishka the historians came immedito

Gonanda who according

him

348

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
I

began his reign in 1182 B. C.

appealing to Kalhana's history,

am

not

but I refer to
of a tradition

him only
which
that

to

show the currency

he based

about the date of Buddha's nirvana, upon

obviously
his

account of

Kanishka's date.

The

date for the nirvana

state-

we might gather from Kalhana's

ments that have been noted above

will

be

1,182 plus 150 plus the period covered by the

reigns of Kanishka, Vasishka and Huvishka,

which Kalhana says covered one generation,

(say,

forty

years)
is

but which

according

to
will

Dr. Luders

about sixty years.

This

give us 1372 or 1392 B.C.

these dates

So

if

we accept
would
be,

the
of

next

question

from which

these three dates should

we

reckon 1,616 years to arrive at the rebirth

of

Buddha.
is

To me

it is

clear that the termi-

nus a quo
is

the date of the sambodhi, which

the real appearance of the

Buddha

for all

Buddhists.

Calculated from that date, the

anticipated

date of Buddha's

reappearance
also be the
of

would be 202 A. D., which

date
of

will

Manimekalai's

acquisition

the

divine bowl."

CHAPTEE
As a

VIII.

CONCLUSION
result of this detailed investigation,
of

it

would be

some advantage

to gather together

in a concluding chapter the results

far

we have sa

arrived

at

in

respect

of

South Indian

History.

That history does not take us any-

thing like as far back as the history of the

Aryans
nection

in India.
is

The

earliest historical con-

the semi-historical immigration of

an Indian colony into Ceylon under the lead

of Vijaya. It is this that begins the
itself.

Buddhist
All that

history of the island of Ceylon

we can say about

this

this
to

is

that,

at

the time
tradition

history

got

be

written,

connected Vijaya

by

marriage

with

the

Pandyas.
to
us.

That

is

the only matter of interest

it

The

story as

is

found

in

the

chronicle might be taken to indicate that there

was a considerable
island

intercourse

between the

and the Pandyan country, and that

said there about the whole-sale trans-

what

is

mission of women folk from the Pandya country

849

^60

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
bachelor immigrants

to provide wives for the

from India

may have
we come

a substratum of fact.
is

Leaving

this

to the reference that

made by Magasthenes to the female ruler of this Pandya country, and its resources as indicated by the army that this state usually maintained according to him.

These two, though

they might have a historical basis, cannot yet

be regarded as of undoubted historical character.

But when next we pass on and come

to
of

the references to this region in the edicts

Asoka,

we

are

certainly

on

surer

ground.

The

four states that constituted the

far attained to

Tamil
of

country had so
civilisation

a degree

and

suflScient

development
able
to with-

of

their

resources as

to

be
or

stand

successfully

one

more

Maurya

invasions.

We have pointed out in

Maurya

a previous

chapter from the evidence of the Tamil classics

that there were formidable
invasions,

which went
itself,

as far as the

Tinnevelly District

and

left

behind
of

it,

at least one, possibly

more

sections

people finally

settling in
it

South India.

We

also pointed out that

was

as a consequence of this attempt at

conquer-

CONCLUSION
ing South India in
all

351

probability, that the

imperial votary for peace,

Asoka, thought

it

prudent to enter into terms of treaty with the

southern powers almost on the same footing as
the Greek treaty-powers of the west.

With

the

death

of

Asoka the imperial hold in the more

far greater.

distant provinces becomes loose and the chances

of

independence were
states took
full

But the
not but

Tamil

advantage

of this

merely to make themselves independent,

even perhaps to retaliate against the northerners.

We found on the facts available that this

came somewhat
later,

retaliation perhaps

per-

haps after the commencement of the Christian

ra.
It
is

to this particular period

that the

bulk of the material

literary sources

available

to

us

from
these

have reference.

From

we

are able to picture to ourselves the three

of the south, the Chola, tbe

well-known states

Pandya and
ing these

The space was occupied by a number

the Kerala.
less.

intervenof

chief-

taincies usually

seven in number, sometimes

more, sometimes

Before taking up this period, however, we

have to note

at

least

incidents which

seem

352

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
Ceylon

to us quite historical in the history of

which bring that island into touch with South

India generally
in particular.

and

of

the Chola country

On

the basis of B. C. 483 for

the Buddhist Nirvana, there was a series of

Tamil invasious

of the island in the course of

the second century B. C.

These invaders are

already noted
to

always exhibited in the chronicles as actively

hostile to

Buddhism.
southern
it

We have
opposition

that

the

Mauryan

invasion had in

not merely the idea of

independence, but perhaps even that of religion

in its later phases,

and

this religious feeling

very probably took on the form of hostility ta

the active extension of
country.
surprising

Buddhism
this
it

into the

In the light
that

of

is

nothing

the

Ceylonese

complained

generally of the hostility of the

Hindu

inva-

ders of South India to their religion.

It is in

the reign of the predecessor of

Mahasena that

an unorthodox school
India are for the
this
ijfn

of

Buddhists in South

first

time referred to and

A.

takes

us on course

to very near
of

D. 300.

the

these

invasions,

one

ruler from the Chola country

who

is

described

CONCLUSION
as a Tamil
*

353
'

of a

noble descent

came

into

Ceylon, over-powered the previous ruler and

set himself

up, on

the throne.

He

is
is

called

Elara in the Ceylon Chronicle and

to popular

known

Tamil tradition as Elela Singam.

from 144 B.C. to 101 B.C. accord*'

He

ruled

ing to the Chronicle

friend

with even justice toward

of dispute at law."

and

foe,
is

on occasions

This ruler

sometimes described as from the

for

Karnata country, as

instance in

Miss

Mitton's Euined Cities of Ceylon, on what

authority, I

am

not able to say. Keturning to

that the chronicles give of

Eliira, the stories

the occasions in which this ruler exhibited his

extraordinarily
stories

high notions of justice are

find ascribed to

which we

an ancient

Chola by name

Manu

Chola, and one of

them

has quite a family resemblance to the story

associated with the great early Chola Karikala.

He is

said,

on a particular occasion on the com-

plaint of an old

woman, who suSered damage

fell

to

her grain by unseasonal rain, to have brought

it

about that the rains

not otherwise.
of

only in due seasons

is

and

This

a story

quite

similar to that
23

one relating to an early

354

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Pandyan, who similarly compelled the clouds

that ceased to raio
ance.
in spite
to pour forth their
is

abund-

All this
of

which
fact
of

said in the chronicle

the

that

"he knew not the

precious of the

peerless virtues

the most

gems (Buddha, Dharma and Sangha)" is a certain indication of a community of culture

three

between the island and the continent'

It is

a victory over this enlightened usurper that

gave great

credit,

in the
of

eye of the orthodox

great patrons

Buddhists, to one
of

Ceylon's

Buddhism Dutta Gamani Abhaya.

a

His

successor got

number

of great

Viharas

constructed, and brought about an assembly, on

the occasion of the consecration of one of these,

of all the

great

Buddhists

from the various

I.

centres in India set forth in Chapter

The next occasion

South India
is

in

which the history

of

this island is brought

into connection with

in the period

44 to 29 B. C,

when
rulers

five

Tamils established themselves as

succession, and invasions
of

in

the

island

from

the

Tamil and

country

perhaps

became very frequent

torn

as the island itself

civil

was
fre-

by

dissensions

wars

CONCLUSION
quenbly.

355
to

When we come
itself

Gajabahu,
to say

the

Mahavamsa
his

has not

much

about
other

connection
of

with India, do

but

the
that

chronicles
it

Ceylon

state

he found

necessary to go to war, as on

a previous occasion the Tamils invaded the island

and carried

away
of

as

many

as twelve

thousand inhabitants

Ceylon to work " in

This story seems to

the city of the Kaveri."

have relation to the building of the magnificent

city of

Kaveripattanam or Puhar by the Chola

king Karikala.
is historical

While there may be much that

body
of

in this

Ceylon tradition,
;

we cannot say we
names
of

are on sure historical ground

but from Karikala backwards,

we have the
refer-

some

of the

Chola rulers and

ences to some of their wars in classical Tamil

literature itself. to

The
this

first

ruler that
is

we have
Kudakko

notice

from

source

Peruvirark-

Killi,

who fought
Serai,

against the Chera

of

Nedum

and both
the

them

fell

in battle.

The next

rulers of these

two dynasties were

of

Ilanjet-Chenni,

father

Karikala
the

and Imaiyavaramban Nedumseraladan,

father of ^enguttuvan.

Then we

get

on to

356

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Karikala in the Chola country, and somewhat later than the date of Karikala's accession to
the throne or even perhaps after his death

Senguttuvan Sera was the ruler

country
of the west.

in the

Chera

Between
his

this

Chera and

his father, there

was

uncle

not have ruled independently,

who might but who did

it

conquer the Kongu country and brought

under

Chera

rule.

This

rule

was further

extended to embrace the

the

Kollimalais
of

when
the

Malayaman

chieftain

Tirukkovilur,,

Kari by name, who was a

fugitive in

Chera country as a result

another chief

of

war against
of

Adiyaman
in

Anji

Tagadur
to

(Dharmapuri
conquer
his

Salem),

volunteered
Ori
of

enemy-neighbour,

the

Kollimalais,
territory to

and made over the conquered

the friendly
ixi

Chera who offered

him asylum

his difficulties.

successor or

subordinate of this Chera laid siege to Tagadiir

and destroyed
in battle.

its fortification killing

the Anji

This give us three generations of

the Cholas, Peruvirark-Killi, his son probably,

Ilanjet-Chenni,
his

son certainly

Karikala.

Karikala was succeeded actually by his son or

CONCLUSION
identical with Perunark- Killi,

367

grandson known usually as Nedumudik Killi

who

celebrated
of

the Bajasuyam, with

whom

this

dynasty
at

the Cholas seems to come to an end,

rate so far as

any

we can

see at present.

During

the corresponding period, the Chera dominions

were ruled respectively by Kudakko Nedumseral,

then probably his son, Imayavaramban

Serai, followed by his son

Nedum

Senguttuvan

with a successor who might have been his son

or a cousin, the
*

Ghera

of the

Elephant Look.'

With him the Chera territory suffers considerable damage at the hands of the young contemporary Pandyan though it recovered partly from but with him this diminution of prestige
;

our knowledge of the

ceases so far
as

history

of the

Cheras
of

the

particular

sources
go.

information

under

consideration
the

Conlist

temporaneous with this

begins with
the

Pandyan

Pandyan Nedum oeliyan, victor over the Aryan forces, whom for certain valid reasons I identified with Ugra Pandyan.
1

I fear this idenbificatioo

is

may have

to be given

up

but the alternative eouree

not yet quite clear.

of this

I shall

await the results of further analysis

a definite conclusion.

evidence for

358

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

His successor was Verri Vel Seliyan, who

was
is

his

father's

Viceroy

at

Korkai.

He

succeeded by another Pandyan, the famous

Pandyan victor at Talaiyalanganam, though we have no information to settle his relationThis last Pandyan ship with his predecessor. seems to be followed by another one, who goes' by the name Ugra Pandya, but under whom'
some
of the

Sangam

works, at

any

rate,

got

to be collected in their present form.

We have
country

already

seen that in this

age, the

intervening the three kingdoms was divided

among
pation

number
the

of
:

chieftains

distributed

somewhat
of

as follows

Nannan
part
is

was

in occuof

coast

probably

the

Kadamba

country, that

a great portion of

South Canara and part

of

Malabar on the

West Coast. There was an elder Nanuan known generally as the woman-killer', and
*

his son

Nannan,

the son of Nannan' as the

poets called him.

it,

Immediately to the east of

the territory of Mysore and

in

what

is

now

on this
the

side of the
of

Western Ghats, extended

Irungovil
of

territories

Araiyam^

Vichchik-kon, and Pari of Parambu Nadu.

CONCLUSION

359

Proceeding further eastwards into the Salem district, there was in the region of the Baramahals,

Adiyaman chief of Tagadur (Dharmapuri), the Adiyaman Anji and his

the Elini
or

son

Pohuttelini.

Further

east-

wards from
ing his

this

and immediately

adjoin;

territory

was Ori

of the Kollimalais

next east to him

in the South Arcot district

of

was the Malayaman Kari

his successor,

Tirukkoilur and

who
a

figures later,

Tirukkannan,
general of

who

is

called

Malayaman and
to the

the Cholas (Soliyavenadi).

across
this,

Going westwards
famous chieftain
South-west of this

we come Madura

of the Palni Hills,

Pehan.

across

the

district

was Aai

of

the

Podiyil Hills, the Aioi of Ptolemy.

Across the

whole

of

Tinnevelly on the eastern coast was

the great Evvi chieftain of Mutturru

Kurram

andMilalaik-Kurram, probably the pearl fishery

coast between Korkai and and southern Vellaru.

These are the chieftains

tion,

of the older genera-

but

by the
of

time

we come
as

to

the

Pandyan
those

Talaiyalanganam, the

disposi-

tion changes

somewhat

we

indicated,

and

that figured in the battles against

him

360

BEGINNINGS OF
slightly

S,

INDIAN HISTORY
names.

were
not
it is

different

That does

mean

that they

came then
less

into existence

only a question of the

important ones
the time, the

becoming more important

at

more important ones becoming extinct as in the case of Ori and Pari, and some of the other
chiefs

losing

their

importance.

The

five

chieftains that figured in the great battle of

Talaiyalanganam against the young Pandyan

were
Tidiyan; Elini,
the

son

of

Anji

of

Tagadur; Erumaiyuran, probably the successor of the

chieftain

Erumai, as

who went by Mamulanar knew him

;

the

name

Irungovel;

and Porunan.
strued
as

This need not exactly be conexhaustive

of
list,

an

as

some

of

the

other

chieftains

the

time

might

have remained neutral in respect

cular battle.

of this parti-

This gives us a clear distribu-

tion of the powers

among

the various political

parties in the age of the

Sangam and

in the

two

or three generations of the great literary

celebrities,

some

of

whom

were considered in

detail
will

in

the previous chapters

in for consideration

and others

come

when occasion

offers.

CONCLUSION

361
of

We

have already seen that this part

the
the

<}ouiitry

made

a combination

to

resist

incursions ol the northerners.

We

have also

noted that they kept commuication with the

outside
world,

probably by

way

of

the sea
to

and
long

this

communication takes us
to

times

anterior

the

Christian

Era.

At

the age that we have been considering they

had probably
any rate
on the one

extensive

trade

reaching

at

as far as the
side,

Bast Indian Archipelago

and perhaps Egypt? Arabia

other-

and the Persian Gulf on the

We

have

already drawn attention to the

great

service

that was rendered to this over-sea

commerce
of

by the destruction, early in this age,

pirates

the

and

their rendezvous close to the west

coast of this part of the country.

We

also sug-

gested that this hostility of the south against

the extension of the northern power had
per-

haps in

it

something

of a hostility to the reli-

gious propaganda of the

Buddhist Emperor
taken
as

Asoka.
hostility

That
as

is

not to be
peaceful

any

to the

following of

Bud-

dhism,

we

do

find

Buddhist
of

authors,

and some even perhaps

Jain authors,

362

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
is

flourishing

about the time and as there

considerable evidence of a knowledge of these

systems in the south*

here what

We

need not repeat

we have

already said iu respect of

country, but

the general condition of the

may

note that this age gives us, as far as

we we

know, the conditions most favourable, to the

institution of the
all

famous Tamil Academy and

There

the available evidence goes to support this

is

particular inference.

a great deal of

work that may

ject

usefully be done

upon
the

this sub-

further.

And now

that

necessary

preliminary investigation has been carried to

the degree of fullness to carry conviction, more

work
all

will be

done to extract form the material

usefully be taken for the building
this

that

may

up

of the history of

part of the country

and

of that comparatively

remote period.

ERRATA.
Page.
Line.

27

9
13

For

'

Inscripbionem
advise
'

'

read
,,

'

Inscripbionum
'

'

30
42

advice'

15
lasfc

Prapannamrifcram
*

,,

'Prapannamritam*
*

59 62

line

urinderstand

underaband
here
be
'

'

Vaimiki
'

,,

'Vaimiki'
*

70
86
94 95

11

hers

'

,,
'

10
5 4
F.N.

'he'

..

Nannam
Maoridle

,,

'

Nannan

'

>-113

,,

'

Macriodle
palai

114

21
1

The'
pali

126
133

'

'

F.N. 10

Mommhen
For
*

Momrasen
'

135
152

17 19

bo

'

read

'

bhe

'

and omit

of

Onoib

'bhe

Appendix
:

on 'and read

'

(in
of

my

Anoient India
Literabure.'

The Augusban Age

,,
'

Tamil

187 188

F.N. 13
1.

Kanrajaka
Kiebhorn
'2
ab
'

Kauralaka
Kielhorn
'

2
,.
'

F.N. 14

190

17
F.N. 16
F.N. F.N. 9
1.

Omit
For For
* '

195 206 218

of

read

'

'

Page

INDEX.
The numbers in
the index refer to the pages of the booh.
Imperial position explained,
109.

Aay

(Aioi of Ptolemy,) 127,152, 153, 202, 122, 147.

Aay Eyinao, Chera

198, 217, 238.

C-in-Chief.

Antigonus Gonatas, 70, 105. Aparanta,74, 76.

Appolodotus, 118.

Abdur-Razak,
Abhira. 116.

17, 149.

Adan Ungan, 92. Adigaman of Tagadur,

9, 201. 202, 236.

128, 198,

Adigan, 238. Adi Mandi, story of, 196, Adiyarkkunallar. 172.

Appaiya Dikshita, the great 8Ind. Scholar and philosopher, commentary on Yadavabhadayam, 48. contemporary of Doddayacharya and Rama Raya,
49.

on S, 331 note to it, in consistent and impossible details,

336. 6.

commentary

Appar, 203. Appolonius of Tyana, 16 Arayam of Irungo Vel, 235.

Arattas, 117.

Archaeology,
19.

conservation

of
to,

Adiyars, Saiva Saints, 45. Agastya, Sage. 63, 87 105.

monuments, preliminary

Agenor, 105.

Ahananuru, 185, 192,

Ahavamalla, 101. Aingurunuru, 192.
Ajatasatru, 101.

196.

help to history, little scope for private work, 20. its gradual expansion in India, 20, 21.

Akalavarsha, 101. Alexander of Epirus, 70 Alexander the Great, 104, 158. Alexandrinus, Paalus, 345. Aliyasantanam Law, or Matriarohate, 73.

reaching far back, 34.

dependence
Archaeology
in, 36.

of history on, 36

and

impossiblity of private
tory, 58.
Argaritic. 123.

Epigraphy, work

only dry bones to his-

Amitragbata, 101. Antiochus, 70.

Anamalai InsoriptionSi 179,180,

262.

Argaru (PeripluB),Urairyur, 121, Ariaoa of Ptolemey, 115, 119.

pirate coast, 147, 230.

Ananta.arya, 43. Andbras, 63, 96, 103. 209.

Arikesarin Maravarman, 258. Aruvarnoi (Tamil Aruvalar).

12$.

Empire, 116.

364
Arriacie. 68. Arisil Kilar, 195, 216, 238. Arthasastra, see Chanakya.
Aryabhatta, 306.

INDEX.
Barbarioum, 115.
perhaps the same Barbaraka-

Aryan Invasions, 96. Aryan land, 102.

Aryas, 97.
defeat by Malayamao, 98. victory over, 99. Aryaputta, 82.

Asmaka,

65.

-Asoica, 102, 107.

Buddhist Emperor, Rock Edicts of, 69,

Edicts
at

106. 74.
etc., 81.

Barygaza, 102, 118. 120. Barukachoha or Broach, 115. Batoi (Tamil Vettuvar), 122. Batutah. Ibn, 17, 149. Bhandarkar, Sir R. G.. 6567. Bharatavenba of Perundevanar, 282 diff. from Bharatan of P. Bhasa, dramatist, 65, 317. Bilhana, author of Vikramankadeva charitam, 13. Bindusara, 85, 86, 107, 207,
208,

Sidadhapura,

Amitraghata, 101.

Brahmagi Maski

Bombay
50.

96, 112, 207. Rcf. to ihe B in, 350. Kalinga war, his territorial extension, 207. Attakathas, or Arthakathas, 79. Attanacti, story of, 196. Attirayauar, Kallil, 91, 92. -Augustus, 146. 149. deified, 170. Avanti, 66. Avv-iiyar, poetess, 198. Ayirai fort, 226.

of critical

Sanskrit Series, model work in Sanskrit,

Brhatkatha, Paisachi work, 54,

56, 153.

Brhatkathamanjari, 54. Brown, Mr. Robert, 315. Author of Primitive Constellations, 322, 323, 318.

On

the fixing of the zodiac by the Babylonians, 326.

327.

Bucephalus, 117.

B
Babylonia interoourse with, 114. communication with India,
330.

Buddha, date of, 342348. Buddhism, Mahayanist, importance

of

bhakti oh. III.

school, 111.

Madhyamika

Gonstantine of the Mahayana form, 110.

Its decay. 111.

Zodiacal arrangement, 318.

South Indian
99.

hostility to,

System
318.

of

trological

astronomy asaud seasonal,

Traditions,

312 3*6
basal

System
Bacara

of astrology,

Buddhist Jatakas, 6465. Buddhist, Nirvana, 79. Burgess, 20. Byzantine Emperors, 150.

idea, 322.

or Bakarai, or Vaikkarai, 119, 147. Bactria, 108. Baotrians, 117. Balitai.e. Janardhanam, 121. Bana, author of Haraha ohaii*

tram, 13. Banavasi or Vanavasa, 74.

78.

76,

Caenitae (Periplus), 230. Caldwell, Bishop on the Augustus age of Tamil Lit., 1612. His theory restated, 164. Camara, identified with Kaveri

pattAnam, 123.

INDEX.
Caracalla, 150, 161, 155. GaBsiuB Dio. 306. Caius, Emperor, 122. Ceylon, semi-histl. immigration intercurse with into, the

365
of Fleet's

rum, one

two

desi-

derata, 27. Cowell. on Indian Chronology.

4.

Pandyan Country, 349. Tamil invasions of, 352

354.

Gel. 20 Sir Alexander, author of Inscriptions of Asoka, 27. Curtius, Quinctus, 16.

Cunningham,

Asoka's

diplomatic

rela-

tions with, 112. Chronicles of, 79, 80, 146.

Chanakya's
9
;

Arthasastra, 68

85.

Dakshinapath
Damirica or

(Dachi.
of

nabadesGk,)chaige

danota-

Chandler, Rev. J. 8.. 297.

Chandra gwpta,

tion, 59, 60,101, 102,112, 118-

73. 85, 100,102, 106, 107, 168, 207.

Dramidaca, 119,

120, 123, 134.

Chalukyas, rise of, 155> Charlemagne. 152. Chinese Empire, 110,

Cherabothra, Keralaputra, 119,
128.

Dandakaranya
128.

(Tamil Dandaranyam), 62, 63, 101, 118,

Dandi, 54.

Cheras. 63. Chera, achievements. 151. Chera ascendancy, 130. the, of the elephant look,
lai, 245, 246.

Dantivarman Pallava, Vairameghau, 47. D'Ely Mont, 231. Deva Raya I, 17. Dharmasutra Apastamba. Dhruva, story. 3334.
Star, pole-star, 324.

not

320.

Chersouesus. golden, 134.

Chintamani, 162. 172.

Cholas, 63, 69, 115.

Diodorus' resume of lonian astrology, 318.

Babya

Their kingdom at the dawn

of

Digambara

the Xian era, 127 et seq.

their Ist supremacy. 129. Three generations of, 356. to 1st essential Chronology,

Darsana, work, 189. Diadohi, 105.

Jain

history. 44.

Chryse country, 76, 124. island,

120. Cicero,
3.

Dipavamsa, 79. Dinnaga, 52. Dosarene or Dasarna, 125. Dravida Sangam, 189, 190.

on the 1st law

of history,

Duttagamani
patron, 77,
of

Abhaya,

great

Buddhism, 354.

Clive and Watson. 149. Colandial name of the large vessels of the Tamils, 124, Constantine, Emperor, 306. Cook, Mr. Stanley A. on the defects of specialistic research.

Elara or Eleia Singam his high

notions of justice, 353.
Elilmalai,of Nannan.Saptasaila,

1834.
Cornelius Nepos, 113.

Montd'ely

of

mediaeval

Oarpus InscriptioDum Indica

writer*",) 93.

-366

IHDW.
Geiger's Mahavamsa, 75. Gnimili, Nannan'a O.in. Chief,
217.
10, 19. for 8.

Elliot Sir Walter, 23. Elphinstone on Indian chronology, 4.

Epigraphy
its

Goodspeed Prof,

author

of

Hpecial imp. His, 22.

Isd

its its

Eras

wide range, 23, 24. value, 24, 5. 34. Indian, 25.

of

history of the Babylonions and Assyrians : about the astronomical knowledge of the

Eiriuon (Rann

Cutch), 115.
chief-

Erumaiyuran or Erumai, tain of Kudanadu, 97.

Sumerians, 325. Gopinatha Rao, author of Hindu Iconography, 29 Govinda Raja, image taken from

Eudamos
105.

Chidamoaram
the history
of, 37-44.

to Tirupati
of

37.

Philip's

Sucoesscr,

the temple

Eukratides. 108.

Eumenes, 105Evans T G. on the eondition

8. India. 155.

of

Greek Sources, failure after the time of Asoke, 15. Gunadya, 153. Guptas Imperial, their rise,
107, 155.

Bvvi Chieftain. 127, 203, 236.

238.

Gurjjaras, 137.

Guruparamparais,

37.

Fa-Hien, Chinese

traveller, 16

H
Hammurabi Pantheon,
312.

186. Fleet Dr. 86, 101, 153, 188. the greatest authority on
his

Ind Epigraphy, 23, 4. two desiderata for Ind

Research, 26,

Harper Prof, 325. Harsha, 113. Hastivarman of Vengi, 188. Havell, author of Ancient. Med-

Historical
2.

Hemadri,
15.

his Gupta'Inscriptions, 27. his identification of Mahisha Mandala, 97.' his theory about the use of week-days in India, 303308.

ieval Architecture, 29. 52. Herodotus, Father of History

Hindu

Astronomy Borrowed from the W. i. Dr. Fleet's view 305, 311

ii

Frazer, 163.

Jastrow's 324 absence of evidence for this conten;

tion, 330.
its basis

329

not chronological, but astrological,

Gajabahu, King

of

Ceylon, 131,

320.
its similarity to

153, 171, 172, 175, 210. his synchronism, 209. Gandharas, 70, 71. Gangaikonda, 101.

Babylonian
notions,

and
if

Sumerian

327, 329.

borrowed, more probably

Gangas, 128 Gangooly, O.C., author of 8. ladian Bronzes, 28-29.

from Babylonia than from the christian astronomers of the B. E. Re-

INDEX.
ferenoes to, in vedie Literature, and Ramayana.
Its

367
study, needs for. Prof. Maitland's view, short com-

Hinduism, re-assertion

of,

110.

ings

of,

2, 3,

Historical Research, Indian, Requistes, organised study of Sanskrit and the Dravidian

insight and imagination necessary, 3. the tendency to read

languages, and critioal editions of various works, 49,

53, 35, 6. fixing of
of

thoughts and feelings into the past, an obstacle

to
it.

dates of

works

Hiuen Thsang,
Hiung-uu, 108.

16, 17. 187.

authors essential 49. Go-operation indispensable but easy, 31. touch with arohteoIogical epigraphioal and literary

work

essential, 50.

Collation of various kinds of Bouores necessary, 27.

Hultzech, Dr. 23. Hutton, Rev. Williams Holden, on limiting the Oxford chair for Indian History to the History of British connection with India. Hyderabad Achaeological Series.
81.

Mistory of Hindu India,

little
I

explored, 3. application of Morley's conception of history to the

3, 4.

want

of

chronology,
of

the

complaint

Elphin-

Ilampuranar, commentator 253. Ilanagan Marudan, 244, 251. cammentary on Iraiyanar Ahappnrnl.
Ilandirayan, Tondaman, 202. Ilangiran Porundil. celebrating the Chera of the elephant
look. 246.

stone and Cowell, 4. of provision for the study of, in Oxford pointed out by Hutton, 56. demand of a permanent chair for, by Stubbs, 8. and its non-fulfilment, 9. Indications of the interest

want

lango,

evoked by sympathetic study of Indian Art. 28. munificence of public

bodies, 29, 30.

author of Silappadikaram, 287. Uangosar Kongu, 197. Ilanjet Checni, Chola King
95. 98, 215, 234.

Imayavaramban

Perum Serai
of

Sources

for,

and

their

Adan, 98. Indian Caucasus, 104. Indian Literature, paucity

value, 10. 25, 34.

History, fable agreed upon,

14.

1.

professed histories, 33. rational and system : study necessary to yield good
results, 5, 7, 8, Indrajit, son of Ravana, 321. Innes Mr. L. C, on the age of Manikkavasagar. 164, Ion of the Chios, 323.

what
1,

it

is,

Morley's view,

2.

Cicero's dictum, 3. necessity for a permanent chair of, 8. its modern tendency leng-

Iraiyinar Ahaporul, 3rd section

of Classical

thening, widening deepening, 3031,

and

Tamil Grammar

249250.

368
Commentary on
kirar 251.

INDEX.
it of Narand Ilanagan, 249,

to his ref. Ori's death and the battle of Alanganam,

IruDgo

of

Arayam,

128. 201.

244. his commentary

on

Tol-

kappiyam, 249.
Kalvar
Jataka, Bavern, 114.

Koman

Kambar, prince
son
of

Jatilavarman Pandya,

Kambojas,

Pulli, 185. of poets, 46. 70, 71.

257. his piases, 179. Jastrow Prof., author of Religious Beliefs etc. in Babylonia and Assyria, 312. an Assyriologist, on che basal ideas of Indian as-

Maravarman,

Kanakasabai

Pillai Mr, 119, 126, 163, 173, 185, 225. his identification of Nurran-

his

gannan, 171, 175, 177. two mistakes, 295.

language,

Kanarese,

not

the

tronomy borrowed from

Greece, 324.

elder sister of Tamil, 293. its literature more ancient

Jivaka Gbintamani, 173 Jouveau-Dubreuil Prof, author of South Indian Arohiteotuce and Iconography', 29.

than Telugu lit, 35. Kanchi, occupation of, by the Cbalukyas 272, by the
Pallavas, 208.

K
race, 232. their destruction, 224. Kadava defeat at Pennagadam, 258. Kadurigon, 258.

by Vairameghan, Kanchipuram, 66.

47.
of

Kanishka,

the Constantine
110. 56.

Kacboha, 65, Kadambas, a pirate

Mahayana, Bud,
170. story of, 176. ber curse. 332.

Kannaki, the heroine

of 8. 168.

Kannaki, Pehan's

wife, 216,

Kalabhra
258.

Interregnum,

182,

poet 30^ Kapilar, poet. 185, 195, 216, 235,

238, 246.

Kaunan Kumattur,

Kalahm (Burma), 114. Kalangaykkanni, N a n n a n enemy, 232.

's

Kkreoi,

(Tamil Karaiyar),

fisher folk, 122.

Kalafctalaiyar, 195, 215, 235, 238. Kalbana his Bajatharangini,13.

Kari, king of Mullur, 197, 199. Kari of Tirukkoilur, 202, 237,

238.

about

Kanishka and

his

Karikala Gbola, 51, 95, 99, 129,

171. 175, 185. 195, 234, 238.

euccesBors, 347.

Kalidasa, his Meghaduta, 52. his date according to W. Scholars, 309. distinction bet nakhis shatra, tara and graha,
308.

Karikkanan, 244,
Kariyar, Victory, l30. Kartavirya, Arjuna, 97.

Karusa, 66. Kataba (Sumatra) 113. Kathasaritsagara, of Somadera,.

54, 57.

Kalinga, 63, 66. Asok>\'s conquest of, 85. Cotton fabrics of, 69. Kalladanar, 192, 366, 238.

Katyayana's Vartika, his ezpln. of Pandya, 66. Kaveripatam, 125,

INDEX.
Kavirajamarga, a Kanacese work on poetics, 35.

369

Kulottunga Chola II, 40, 48. Kulottunga Cholanula, 41.

Kennedy

J., 114.

Kulumbur, Pallava
258.

defeat

at,

Kerala, 112, 66. 73, 69. Kern, Prof, author of

of

Manual

Bm.

111.

Kharavela, Kalinga ruler, 109. Kielhorn Prof. 22, 188. Kilar, Idaikkunrur, 195. 244. Kilar, Perungunrur, 195.
Killi, Peruviral, 234.

Kumarasami, Dr. A.K., 145. Kumaratatarya, 49. Kumari, 121. Kumbhakarna, the Amitragha*
tin of

Bamayana,

101.

Kun

patron of the Sangam, according to Peria-

Pandya,

Kishkinda, mod. Hampe, 61.

puranam, 256.
Kuntala, ancient, 82, Kural of Tiruvalluvar, 93.

Koduhur

fortification, 219.

Koinos, Cavalry Commander, 104. Koli, renewal of the Walls of by

Bajasimbha, 258.
KoUimaiais. Gcvpture
for Ori
of

Kurumtogai, 93, Kushanas, 110.

their fall,

96, 192, 197.

by Kari

155,

and the

gift of it to the

Kutta Nadu. 120.

Chera, 244-245. Kollipavai, 217-196. Kongu country, 128.

Kongudesa Rajakkal,

18.

Lang Mr.' author

Myth, 323.
Lollius, M., 123. Luders, Dr, 348. Lymitioa, 119.

of

Custom and

Konkanam, Tululand,

84, 93.

Korkoi, 121-127. Korranar, Idayan Sendan, 96. Kosala, 66. Kosar (Kongilangosar) a Warlike people, 85, 88. 91. 92. 93.

M
Macdonnell, Prof.,
6.

94, 197, 198, 201.

entry into the

try, 218.

Kongu coun-

Macedonian Empire,

105,

Kovalan, 168. Kovalan and Kannaki,departure from Kaveripatnam, 331. persecuting a Krimikanta,
Chola, 38, 43.

Machetas, 105. Maokenzia, Donald A, author of Myths of Baby, and Assyr,

315.

on the Baby,
319.

astro. Sys., 318.

Krishna Raya, 43. 48. Krishna, Sage, 111.

comment
Madhyadesa,

of,

325. 6.

Krishna Sastry RaiSahib. H.,

24.

Mackenzie, Mss, 14. Maorindle, 113.

62.

Ktesias, 16.

Kudakko Nedum Seraladan, 195 Kudal renewal of the walls of,

by Rajasimha, 258.

Madras Museum
Madura Academy
238.

plates of

Jatilavarman, 179, 257.

3rd, 86, 103,
of,

Kudarp Paraudalai, Kulaoh Chirai, 278.

239.

Madura, destruction
333,

by

fire,

Kulasekhara Alvar, 39, KulottUDga Chola I, his death Chola of beginning the
decline, 40,

Madura Kavi.

the Vaishnava Alvar, 180, 181. Maeris of Patalene, 105,

24

m
Magas
of

INDEX.
Gyrene, 70.

Manimekhalai,

Mababharaca, Dakshinapatha limited toDekhanin, 59. Mahaoharya, Doddayacharya.

48, 49. Mahamatras, 140.

137, 172. 175,178, 192.

154, 168, 187,

Manta
188.

Raja

Kauralaka,
identified Serai,

43,

U.

Wrongly
206.

with
1878,

Mandaram
Mantaram
at

Mahanaman.a
79.

Sthavira monk,

Serai, 245.

Maharatha, defeat puram, 258. Mahasena, 79.

Mangala-

Manu

Ghola, 253.

Mahavamsa,

Maradam, 137. Maran Kati, 181,

80,

74,

86,

112,

180, identification with

Madura*

130. 209, 210.

Mahendravarman, 273. Mahishmati or Mandhata,

63, 66, 74-76, 97.

61,

kavi impossible. Marco Polo, 17, 93. on the pirate coast, 148.-9.

Maravarman,Termaran, associated in Literature with 16 titles and li battles with no, ref. to a Pallava, 266-7, 258.

Maitland, Prof, on the need for hiatl, Study, 30, 31, 53.

Malabathrum, 120. 134. Malayalam, Grown out

Tamil, 33.

of

Malayaman

Chief 96,98, 127.

of

Mullur,
52,

Marudan, Mangudi. poet of the Pandyan Court, 142, 242, 243, Marudur, battle of, 258,
Masalia, 125. Maternus Firmious, 305.

Malliriatha, Malloi, 105.

Commeutator,

Mambarus,
dara
of

perhaps Lambothe Paranas, 116.

Mauryas. 90. 93, 96, 99. war with Palayan Maran,

185, 7. their army, 92, 95. Empire overthrown their by Pushyamitra, 109. their invasion of South India, 98. 102, 100, 189, 206, 208. their decline, 209.

Mamulanar,

83, 84, 86, 90, 93, 97, 98, 103, 185, 186. 187, 189, 201, 208. 238.
of

to the

the Agastya family, ref. invasion of the Contemporary of S. 87

:

Karikala
-

and

Nannaa

87. elder contemporary of Para-

Megasthenes, 16. on the Pandya country, 67,

nar,87.
the Mauryas, 207. ref. to the battle of Vennil about the Chera's aohievmentag. the pirates. 235.
ref. to

Menander,
118.

68, 328, 350. ruler of

Kabul. 109,

Metellus Oeler, 113.

Mignili, war with, 196, 198. Miunagara, City of the Scythians, 115.

Manakkilli, Caola princess, 218,

Mandagara
queen,

port, 147.
r

Mangayark Ka
ref. to

i,

Pandya

oy Sambandar,

278, 279.

Manikkavasagar, 38, 40.

his date not settled, 45, 46. age of, 164,

Mithridates Atsakes I, 107. Mitton, Miss, authoress of the ruined cities of Ceylon 353. Mohur, Chief of, 185. 206.

Mommsen,

133,
92.

Moriyar or Oriyar,

INDEX.
Motley, Lord, on history, 1-2 on the shortcomings of histl. study, 2-3. Mousikanos, 105.
;

371

Narkirar. 185, 247. his refs, to Pari and Eru-

mai, 247, 248.

a

member
yanar
251.

of

the

Sangam,
Irai-

Mudattamakkanniyar. 215. Mudavanar, lyur, 244.

248. his commentary

Mudukudumi, Paodya
dhi Raja, 227,258,

Raja-

on Ahapporul

the

most approved, 289 and

Narrinai, 93,96,192, 196,197,
283.

MuhurcaDarpana, MuUer, Max, 145.

308. 9.

Murtinayanar, story of, 182. Muttra, antiquities of, 109. Muyiri (mod CranMuziris,
ganore), 119,120,134,135, 147 195, 230.

Nattan,Nallur, 195. Nedumaran, Pandyan, Victor, at Nelveli, importance of his identification to Tamil Literary History, 255.

N
Nachohinarkkiniyar, 87, 173. Nagarjuna, 54, 111, Nagas, 134.

Nedura Jadayan, Jatila, donor of the Madras Museum and Sinnamanur plates, 258. Nedum Jadaivan, Pandyan, 98
171, 175, 209.

Nedumjadayan,
taka, donor of grant, 258.

Jatila,

Paran-

Nahapana,
117. Nalli, 198,

Kshaharata

ruler,

the Velvikudi

Nedum
kingdom
of,

Nambanus,
116, 117.

115,
of,

Secaladan, (Chera King Senguttuv;an) 215, 218.

Imayavaramban,
238.

225, 234,

Nambiyandar Nambi, ref. to the Saugam, 281, 275.

;

Namraalvar, 45, 46. Nandas, 106, 181 their enor-

Nelveli, battle of, 255. Arikesari Varman's 273. Udayachandra's, 274.

ref.

mous wealth, 89. Nandivarmau Pallavamalla, last

great Pallava, 47. 273. Victor at Tallaru, 282. Nannan. the woman-killer, 84, 85. 87, 88, 93, 128, 197, 198, 199, 217, 232. 238 ; his City, 228,
his fort, 196his vast wealth, 217. his kingdom, Konkanam, 217.

to.

in later

literature,
76.

Peiiapuranam, 273.
Nero, 150. Netravati river, 231.

Nioolo-dei-conti, 17. Nilakanran of Muairi, 253. Ninevah Archives, receut discovery in, and the commentu of Mackenzie D. A. and 8ayce 325, 326.

Nirkuuram,

mod.

form

o*

Naraaimhachar Mr. R. 24. Narasimha Pallavamalla,

203.

Nelcyuda, 119, 122.

183,

Nishada Chief. 274.

Nitrias (Naura), nest of pirateg,
119, 147, 230.

Narayanaswami,
Pinnathur,

Iyer

Mr.
(the

editor of Narriaai), 192, 283.

Nripatunga. a Kanarese write? on poetics, 35.

372
Numismatics, work 80 far,
largely
21. invaluable for 17.

INDEX.
private

particular periods uf history. 22.

171, 175, 177.

Pandya Kavatam (K a v a puram) 63. not a mountain but

Cape, 68.

a-

the

Nuniz,

Nurraugannan,

Pandyas, 63, 69, 112. their kingdom, extension

of, 127. their county 73.

Ori of Kollimalais. 217, 238.

128, 201,

twelve years famine in, 260.

reference to, 360. their ascendancy, 130, 131-2. Panini, the grammarian, 65-7. Papyrus, a Gk. farce, 293. Param Korranar, 91. Paranar, Sangam poet 85. 91, 93. 185, 193, 195, 198, 199, 202, 205, 238, age of, 211-239 Contemporary of Sari, ori, Evvi and Adigaman 236. refs. mostly to the Cholas and Chetas 234. his Voluminous works, 214. political divisions of his age

bis defeat, 196. his death, 197 237. Oriental, Mss. Library, 91. Ottakkuttan, poet. 40. Oviasenan, 172, 177.

Owen, Mr.

Sidney, Reader of Ind. His in Oxford, 8. Oxyartes, 105.

Oxydrachoi, 105. Oxykeuos, 105.

Ozene (Ujjain) 118.

199 political circumstances 203 ref to Tal. Pandyan

Paddirruppattu, 98,
192, 199, 205.

102,

168,

239.

Parantaka
261.

I,

Chola King. 181,

Paes, 17. Paisaohi, 54. Paitan, 118.

Palaesimuudu, 125. Palayan Maran, 187, 206,

Pali,

219.

95, 196, 196. 217. its destruction, 98. Pali, Literature, its service to the history of Ancient India,
hill-fort,

Nannan's

commentary Parimelalagar's, on Kural, 251. 2. Pari of Parambnnad, 201. friend of Kapilar, 247. Paropanisadae, Ind viceroyalty of Alex 105. Parthians, 107. their indepce 107.
their Empire, 110. Pasungudayar, Unpodi, 95.
.

37.

Pallava Bhanjana^ 258, Pallavamalia, 274.

defeat of, 258. Pallavas, 203. their rise 130, 155. the age of the 183. their accession to power 271 the great, of Kanchi, 273. not referred to by the Sangam Works, 182. defeat 'at Kulumbur and Sankaramangai 28.

Pataiiputra, destruction of, 186 189. excavations in, 23. Patanjali, 66, 7. to dedicated Pattinappalai, Karikaia, 51, 125. 126, 136-7. Pattini devi, 131, 145. 209.210. Pattuppattu 167-8 167, 192. the Paulina Loliia wife of

Emperor Caius 122, 3. Pax, a comedy of Ariataphanes,

323.

INBEX.
Fehan chieftaiD
128. 199, 215. 234, 238. his liberality 195. Peithon, Viceroy 105.
202,

373

Poduoa, 123. Porus, 105.

Prapannamrtam
Priyadarsin

42.

Pinches, Prof about Mars 313.

Pindan, 198.
d e fe a destrsctioD of 258. Perdicoas, 105.

see Ascka, Ptolemy, astronomer and geographer 16,114, 115, 119, 121,

king,

Pennagadam,

and

122. 12 5, 146, 147, 151, 172. 230, his age synchronous with the

Periapuranam, 182, 183,

on the existence
256.
of the

276

Saugam

Chera ascendancy 159. Ptolemy II Philadelphus 70.

107, 110.

of the Erythraean Sea, 102, 115, 115, 116, 117, 119. 121. 122, 123, 126, 146, 156-8 on the piratical west coast 229, 146; on S. Ind. exports, 134-5. Periyar, Chera river 222, 226. Perunjatian, 245. Periindevanar, 174 194. rather a common name, 283. Bharatavenba 282. Bharatampadiya, 285. Parundurai port, 198 Perungunrur Kilar, 216, 238.

Periplus
17,

Padukkotta state. 73. Puhar, the emporium

East,
its

of

the

destruction 129

festivals at, 146.

Pulikat corruption of Palaverkkadu, 83. limit of Aryan land, 96.

Pulindas, 60,
Pulli ofVengadam 128. chieftain of Tirupati,

197.

Pundras,

63,

Pural, Coasts, 121.

Purananuru,
194. 198.

167,

174,

152,

Peruvaludi,Palvagasali Pandya,
181, 2, Peruvirarkkilli 195, 199, 215, 245. Petronius, 132. Peutingerian Tables, 146, 148, 151, 233 Philip, viceroy, murder of, 105. Pidiyao, ridiculous idendification with Palayan 189.

Puranas, 103.
oldest, 63.

Pushyamitra Sung*, 109.

his triple war, 109.

Pitenikas 70, 72. Pliny, geographer, 16,146, 151. on piracy 147, 229. on the drain from the

Raghava Aiyangar, Pandit M.,

his life of

Senguttuvan, 166,
period, 203.

184185.
on the

Sangam

Roman
India 133.

Empire
of

into

on the luxuries
ladies, 123-3.

Roman

Rahulabhadra, 111. Raja Raja II, 40, 48. Raja Rajanula, 41. Rajasimha I, defeat of Pallavamalla, renewal
of

Plutarch 322.
PodiyilHill,
90,' 93, 100.

the walls of

Kudal, Vanji and Koli, 258.

farthest limit of invasions 87. defeat at, by the

Mauryan
Kosar
88.

Rajasimha Rajasimha

II, 258. III, 258, 261. Rajavalikathe, 14.

374
Ramannja, the reconstruction
the
life of,

INDEX.
of

on the posRibilitieR

neoted with, 213. Narkirar, an eminent

ber of,

mem-

research in Tamil Literature, 37. etseq. his life, contained in Praof historio

pannamrtam,

Rama Raya, 43, 44. 4S. 49. Ramayaria (Kamban's), 46.

Ramayana,
(Vaimiki's;, 61, 63,
94, 101. astrological
belief

Tal. Pand. associated with, 284. ref to in the larger Hinnamanur plates, 282. distribution of political
.

and

power during, 355

360.

to

Sangam
in the,

321, 322.

Ramayana and

Mahabarata,
difficulties

ohronologi oal

connected with, 64. Ranadhira, 258. Rangaswami Aiyangar, 192. Rashtikas, 702. Rice, Mr., of the Epigraphia Carnataka, 24. Roman Commerce, 149 to 150.
decline
of
of,

works, their contemporary value, 1914. absence of ref, to the Pallavas in, 182. their chronology discussed, 161 to 210. Bangara, Periplus' name for the smaller vessels of the Tamils,
124.
of the Pallavas at, 258, 273. Sanskrit, indispensable for Ind. Histl. Research, 35.

Sankaramangai, defeat

owing

to

change

political

conditions,

Saiagoparandadi, 45.
Satakarni. 185. Satakarui Yegnasena, 109. their disappce, Satavahanas,
116, 155. their records, 34,

151. Romans, 107.

Rost, Reinold, echoing the Galdwellian tradition, 162. Roxane, wife of Alexander,
105.

Satiyaputra,

mentioned
112
of

in

Rudrasarman, believed

made

the

to have Ahauanuru collec-

AsoVa
lai,

edicts,

Sattan, author

Manimekha-

tion, 285.

s
Saddharma-pundarika, founder
of a school of

Bahadeva,

Buddhism, 111. march into the

Pandya country, 60. Sakas, 109.

the era called after them, 108, 110, 111. Sambandar, Tirugnana, 203, 205. SamudraguptH, 206. Sangam Tamil, of Madura, probable origin, 142. the age of, the Augustan Age of Tamil Lit., 165. the best period of activity 2nd and 3rd cens, 286. Paranar, a celebtifcy oon

214, 287. Satyacharya, 327. Savaham, 113. Bayce. Prof, on obserratotiei in Bibylonia. 326. Scbeifner, 85. Schofi.

WH.,

102, 114.
of S.

on the condition

Ind.,

156. his identification, 231. Seleucus Nicator, 73. his treaty with Chandrsgupta 100, 103, 106, 107. Seliyan Seudau, identification

with Tal. Pand, not proven,

204, 258.

Senguttuvan,

130, 126, 204, 217, 218. 219.

the Red Chera, 210, 313, 214,

INDEX.
beagutiuvaQ his
life

375
the
chieftaincies, seven bone of contention bet Cholaa and Cheras, 127-8,

by Baghava

Aiyat)gr, 166. his age, 165, 185.

Saraman
169.

Nedum

Seraladan,

Sesha Aiyar, K. G., on the astronomical data of 8. & M.,

331 CO 348.
Seweli, the fiud of Bomau ooina, 149 to 151. Bhama Sastry, tcanalatoc of the Acchasastra, 63. Silappadikaram & M, their histrl. value, 20i to 5 & 209 & 10. ohronologioal data of 291.
I. from, in quotations Ahapporul, 293. astronomioal data discussed, 174 to 5 and 331 to 48.

238. principal 138-9.

ports

and roads,

his conolusious about

royal power. 139, to 142. religious toleration and happy confusion, 143 to 146. its ideal of justice, 142-3.
T. C. Evans and W. H. SchofE on, 1566. its stand against the Gks, 158. its peace ideals, 158 to 160.

Speyer, Prof.
154.

Dutch

scholar, 54,

Ssu-ma-ch'ien,
of history, 16.

Chinese Father

Simba Vishnu, 273. binnamanur plaues,

181, 257

167,

179.

and 282.
oaing turned into

Sitaou

Rama

Strabo, 146. Stubbs Bishop, Regius Prof, of Mod. His, Oxford, on the need for a permanent chair of

a star, 321.

India hisooiy,

8.

Smith, Vincent A, author of the Early History of India, and History of Fine Art in India

Subramania

Aiyer, K.V. extracts

from, 167--174. his incapacity to appreciate

difierent des, 205.
to 63, 94.

and Ceylon, 4 and

29.

mental

attitu-

the former a vindication of of the possibility a connected His. of Ind., 4. on the S. frontier of Asoka'a Empire, 82 3.

Sugriva, description of the S. 61

Sumerians, their notions oon-

Somadeva,
his

sarith

Eashmerian,

Sundaram

cerning the moon, 311. Pillai, his milestones

Kathasagara, 54-6

South India, a distinct entity in Indian History, Chap. I., Mauryan invasion of, Chap.
II, fairly

in Tamil Lit., 163. Sundaramurti Nayanar, 45. Sundara (Kuu) Pandya, 203.

Sungas, their

fall,

103.

well-known to theN, by the cime of Patanjali, 67. its commeroial condition,

113 to 126. its internal condition pol.

Suvarnabhumi,
Suvarnagiri. 82.

75, 76.

Swamikannu

Pillai

Dewan

and indl. 126 to 137. apparently out of the vortex

of

pol.

and

religious
else-

Bahadur, on the date of B. and M., 172 to 174. on their astronomioal data, 29C 348. passim the unbroken tradition
of

changes taking place where, 112.

annotation connected with them, 335.

376

INDE^.
Telugu
35.
Lit.,

Swaminatha Aiyar, Mahamahopadhyaya, his rem a r k a b 1 y well-edited Tamil works of

Literature, 50 to 51.

modelled on SanSi,

Tevaram Hymners, 203. Thamodaram, Mr. C. W.

Pillai,

Tagara, 119. Takkayagapparani, 42.

editor of I. Ah*pporul, 253, Tidayan, idenoification with, of Tadayan, 189. Tilak, B.G. on the Veda, etc. 315 Tilaka, a commentary, 94.

Timma

TalayalaDgaaam
247.

282 desociptiou of by, Narkirar,

battle, 182,

Pinna, 48. Tiruchchirrambalakkovai, 88.

Tirukkoilur, 198.
ref.

capital

of

Kari,

and Mangudi Marudan, 244

Pandyan
age
of,

Tirumangai Alvar, his age,

268.
ref. to

Victor of, 131, 140 to 142, 196, 239

;

47. to Pallavas as Vilvelif

Chap. YI, date

of,

the

Sangam, 282.

281. ideutificatioQ with Seliyan, 204. Talikoia, battle of, 48.

Sendan

Tirupati temple, 37. Tiruvoimoli, of Nammalvar, 45. Todas, emigration, date of, 292.

Tambapauui, ref. Asoka edicts, 69.

;

to

ia

the

Tolkappiam,

classical

Tamil

grammar,
Tulu Nadu,

249, 250. division of the year in, 319.

93.

Tamils i. their Literature, no+. iadependeut of Saus., the

oldest and most Vol. 36, 37. essential for S. lud. His,, c 135. 212. jhe seven patrons of, 238. fh ligho thrown on the oouud-

entry into, bv Kosar, 88. Tyndia, 116, 119,' 230, 231. Trygaeus, a character of Aristaphanes, 323.

ary of the
pire

and

Mauryan Em> the Mauryan

Udaya Chandra, Pallava
al,

Invasion of South India,

gener-

attempted occupation of, 102. divided among 3 kings,

200.
iii.

82, 85. ii, their country,

273.
editor of the

Udayana, Sahara King, 273.

Upham,

Maharef.

vamsa, 131.
Uruvapahrerilaujetchenni, to, by Paranar, 194. old expr. Uttarapatha,
59. Uttar Phalguni, 299, 300.

their capacity for navigation and ship-builditig, 124, 137.

for

modern Hindustan,

iv. their astrological

system,
ref.

302, 303, 328.

Tamravarnika, Chanakya's,
to, 68.

Taranatha,

Tibetan historian,

85, 111, 208. Tatarya, 43.

Vadukar, 90, 91, 92, 97. munai, boundary of Tamil country, 84.
frontier, 201.

the

Taxila, kingdom of, 105. excavations in, 20.

Vada, 201.

INDEX.
Vamba, 95, 98. VambaMofiyar, (Maurya nouac ?iomin<E), expr.of Mamulanar,
89.

377

Viyalur. defeat at and destruction or of, 219.

w
Week-Day,
Fleet's contention about, 304 etseq astrological character of and animtstio notions in, 330. West Coast, piracy in, 228, 9, 231, 147-9. free from the pest, 232. the Red Chera's achievement in this connection,
;

wrong equation
Vanga,
63.

of,

206.

Vanji, Chera 300.

its

capital, 138. 139.

identification with
basis, 190.

Karut

on uncertain and slender

renewal
of

the walls
45.

of,

258.

Varaguna Pandya,
Tarahamihira,
307. 327.

astronomer,
author
48.
of

151, 236.

Varthema, 17. Vedanta Desika,

White Island. 230.

Woodroffe,
Justice, sculpture, 26, 29.

on Indian

Yadavabhyudayam,
Venkayya, Mr.,
24.

Velvikudi grant, 180 to 182, 257.

his reconacruotion of Pandya history, 256. his masterly epjgraphioal reports, 257 extracts from, 261 to 264. Venkoba Rao. G., 180. Vennikkuyattiyar, 235, 238. Vennil. battle of. 129. 235. Vichchikkon, 201. Vikrama Chola, 40, 48. Vikramaditya, 56, 272. Virasoliyam. Commentary, 283.

Yadavabhyudayam,
hamihira.' 327.

48.

Yavanaoharya, quoted by VaraYonas, 70, 71, Yueh-ohi, 108.

Yule, editor of Marco Polo, 148

9.

Vishamasila, 57. Vishnu, Eastern Chalukya, 274. Vishnugopa of Kanobi, 188.

Zenith Arc, contention about, 296 to 299. ^angaria, plains of, 108.

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