Issue 19 (Low Res)

spot report: bIHAR is voting for good governance
November 1-15, 2010 | Vol. 01 Issue 19 | ` 30
NO TAKERS FOR RATAN TATAS MONEY!

(Or why Harvard is drowning in Indian donations)
P.22
RNI No. UPENG/2010/33794
Bhupinder Singh Hooda: Gurgaon will soon turn into a global city
p.18
Haryanas women-only rural BPO rings in sweeping change

p.12
One mans campaign to root out ragging from Indias colleges

p.08
Founders Team
Gautam Adhikari Markand Adhikari Anurag Batra (abatra@governancenow.com) Editor B V Rao bvrao@governancenow.com Managing Editor Ajay Singh ajay@governancenow.com Peoples Editor Anupam Goswami Deputy Editors Prasanna Mohanty, Ashish Mehta, Ashish Sharma Assistant Editor Samir Sachdeva Special Correspondents Brajesh Kumar, Trithesh Nandan Principal Correspondents Geetanjali Minhas, Danish Raza, Jasleen Kaur Correspondents Shivani Chaturvedi, Neha Sethi, Sarthak Ray, Sonal Matharu Chief of Bureau (Special Features) Sweta Ranjan sweta@governancenow.com Design Parveen Kumar, Noor Mohammad Photographer Ravi Choudhary Marketing Asst. Manager Marketing Shivangi Gupta shivangi@governancenow.com Circulation & Distribution Head Rajshekhar Chakrabarty Senior Executive, Distribution Banisha Verma banisha@governancenow.com Manager IT Santosh Gupta Asst. Manager HR Monika Sharma Design consultants LDI Graphics Pvt. Ltd. www.liquiddesigns.in info@liquiddesigns.in Printed, published and owned by Markand Adhikari. Printed at Utkarsh Art Press Pvt Ltd, D-9/3, Okhla Industrial Area Phase I, New Delhi, 110020. Tel: 011-41636301, and published at 24A, Mindmill Corporate Tower, Sector 16A, Film City, Noida 201301. Tel: 01203920555. Editor: B V Rao (Responsible for selection of news under the PRB Act) Volume 01 Issue 19 UPENG03560/24/1/2009-TC www.governancenow.com feedback@governancenow.com
contents
18 Interview with Bhupinder Singh Hooda
Gurgaon will become a global city in a few years
42 Interview with Prakash Kumar of Cisco
22 A Tale of Alma Maters

Infrastructure for egovernance is largely in place, but the application needs to be accelerated
Ratan Tatas $50-million gift to Harvard, following fat contributions from N R Narayana Murthy and Anand Mahindra, triggered major questions. Why can Harvard look up to the holy trinity of India Inc., while alumni of Indian institutions assume government will do that job?
50 Last Word

Out of the frying pan and into Iceland?
16 Vote of confidence

Ignore the doubting Thomases ensconced in their armchairs in noisy TV studios. Biharis seem set to vote decisively in the ongoing assembly polls
36 When the law turns enemy Tenants are misusing the lacunae in the Enemy
Property Act, 1968, to harass landlords
44 Right way to rapid transport

Ahmedabads bus rapid transport system, unlike the one in Delhi, is a model of project planning that puts people at the centre. One of the planners shares secrets of its popularity
www.GovernanceNow.com 3
EDITORIALS
25 years of struggle to nowhere

The Narmada people continue their epic battle for survival far away from national consciousness
eople of the Narmada valley marked their 25 years of struggle against big dams without much fanfare a few days ago, quite clearly because their struggle has gone out of public discourse and national consciousness. A sad comment indeed given the seminal contribution they made towards what we have come to recognise now, though not fully implement yet, as good governance practices. It was their struggle which, for the first time, raised a voice for right to information, right to land and forests, right to food and livelihood, right to resettlement and rehabilitation and, above all, questioned the logic of big dams, a deeply flawed growth-centric development paradigm that benefitted a few at the cost of the others and proposed smaller dams, check dams and other water harvesting measures, instead, to take care of the water needs. They were also the ones, for the first time, to seek peoples participation in decision-making. Post independence, there have been several major political movements; some, like those in Punjab and Assam, died down but others, in Kashmir, parts of the Northeast and the tribal heartland, continue to simmer. What sets people of the Narmada apart is their adherence to the Gandhian non-violence and satyagraha, not by compulsion but by choice. Ashish Chadha, who teaches anthropology at Yale University,
It was their struggle which, for the first time, raised a voice for right to information, right to land and forests, right to food and livelihood, right to resettlement and rehabilitation and, above all, questioned the logic of big dams and a flawed growthcentric development.
USA, wrote an article in the Hindustan Times a few months ago recalling his days of the Manibeli satyagrah of 1991 in which Medha Patkar, activists of her Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and some tribals planned to drown themselves in rising waters of the Narmada. (This Maharashtra hamlet went down in 2009.) He remembers what members of the dreaded Peoples War Group said to him: We told Medhatai to let us lead the movement for just one day. We will see to it that this dam (Sardar Sarovar) is never made. Gandhian non-violence will not do you any good. You dont know this government. It will trample you. It will mercilessly crush you. Medha didnt relent and the prophecy came true. She and her NBA stand discredited and marginalised today, thanks to suppression and vicious state-sponsored campaigns. Their place has been taken over, in the tribal heartland at least, by the marauding Maoists (after PWG and Maoist Communist Centre merged in 2004) who have brought to centre stage the debate about good governance and alternate development models. Medha may not profess violence but is now often seen in the company of Maoist front organisations and Arundhati Roy, the celebrated author who batted for Medhas non-violence for many years, is thoroughly disillusioned and has become an apologist for the cult of Maoist violence. As for the Narmadas hapless people, their struggle
From entitlement to enlightenment
Robert Vadras boast underscores the need for Indias political culture to rediscover its democratic underpinnings
R
4
obert Vadra, son-in-law of Congress Party president Sonia Gandhi, has claimed in a newspaper interview that he can win from anywhere if and when he chooses to contest an election. The businessman from Moradabad known for supplying the marital surname to Priyanka Gandhi did not rule out the prospect of joining politics at a later date but added that he would do so only when he felt he could make a difference. Thats mighty gracious of him. His mother-in-laws mother-inlaw, Indira Gandhi, seldom spared a thought for such prerequisites. Neither did his mother-in-laws brother-in-law, Sanjay Gandhi. Nor do, for that
matter, scions of most other political clans. Vadras claim has curiously come even as his wife has chosen to take the back seat in favour of her brother Rahul Gandhi who is being groomed for the top job. As son-in-law of Indias first political family, Vadra can surely be excused for harbouring political ambitions of his own. Yet, his claim that he can win from anywhere smacks of arrogance that is born of nothing more than association by marriage with the Nehru-Gandhi family. It is symptomatic of a political culture that has strayed too far from its philosophical underpinnings. It is as belittling for the Indian democracy as his brother-in-law Rahul Gandhis claim that he can become prime minister
whenever he chooses. It reflects the notion of entitlement that has come to pervade powerful political families across the country. Rahul Gandhi and Robert Vadra are perhaps perfect representatives of this culture. If one can assume a claim to the top job by virtue of being a direct descendant, the other can at least count on winning an election on the strength of being the spouse of another direct descendant. The Nehru-Gandhi family may be the most remarkable representative of this culture but the Dravida Munnettra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu, the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra, the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Lok Janshakti Party in Bihar and the Akali Dal in Punjab and are variations on the same theme. These are all stories of a genuine leader, a first-generation political entrepreneur followed by benefactors whose sole merit may be little more than association through relationship by that leader. This perpetuation of political power and associated privileges by a few is a far cry from the political culture of a majority of leaders of the
GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010
endures. Unofficial assessment (as per Justice AP Shah report of June 2010) puts the number of people yet to be fully rehabilitated at 2,00,000. There is no official word on it decades after construction of the Narmada dams (30 major, 135 medium and 3,000 small ones) began. That is because dispute over the very definitions of submergence area and project affected family continues even today. The Narmada Tribunal and then the supreme court added to the mess by saying rehabilitation could happen pari passu with the dam work. Benefits from the Narmada dams? Well, the ground realities are vastly different from what was promised because some of the dams and most of the canal work remain incomplete. Disputes over water allocation for irrigation and power plants have ensured that even the buildup facilities remain under-utilised. Kutch and Saurashtra, in whose name Gujarat government built up a resistance to the NBA, may have got water for drinking but nor for irrigation because the canal works are struck in the first phase (they will get it in the third phase). In any case, only 1.5 percent of cultivable area in Kutch and 7 percent of cultivable area in Saurashtra were to get water. The Narmada struggle has provided countless lessons, without putting a gun to our head. Probably that has proved to be their undoing.
Such a sorry journey

Dont you wish textbooks were merely of academic interest?
n acclaimed novel, taught at a university for close to a decade, can be removed from the syllabus overnight because somebodys son wants to make his political debut hitting the right note. The party in power, which claims to be somewhat more tolerant and more inclusive than the opposition party of this illustrious father-son duo, rushes to justify this ban. Enthused by the camaraderie cutting across the party lines, the book-ban party now also wants a burqa ban. All this is happening in a city that has reached where it has reached solely due to its openness to what the academics call The Other. It is surely a sorry journey so far that we have made, from the days of singing Where the Mind is Without Fear. But lets look at the brighter side of laffaire Rohitnon Mistry. That our universities and the whole higher education system are not as inflexible as we thought them to be. You thought a 154-year-old university would not bother to revise the syllabus and, see, they can make changes even midway through an academic session. Lets be content with that. It would be wishing too much that such changes were somewhat positive too.
That our politicians do care for our education. You always thought they wont have time to spare about matters of (here comes the telling phrase) mere academic interest, busy as they would be cutting deals with land mafias and party hoppers. How wrong we were! Of course, we wish etcetera etcetera. That but for the bans and burnings, a majority of us would have forgotten what literature smells or tastes like. Except for Salman Rushdies Satanic Verses, Mistrys Such a Long Journey and may be a bit of Taslima Nasrins Lajja, do we have public readings these days? Theres a ring of truth to what a character in Italian master Italo Calvinos If on a Winters Night a Traveler says: nobody cares more for literature than dictators and fascists (the corollary being that those who should be caring for literature are caring more for positions on academies and akademis). That this highly productive debate over the Mistry books fate should now expand. They should propose a Right to be Offended and a National Policy on Ban (Books, Cinema, Statues and Other Cultural Products) along with a Commission on similar lines. There seems to be a political consensus on that direction.
freedom struggle who represented and led the masses against the tyranny of British Raj. That it took just a few decades for political leaders to turn from custodians of public trust to inheritors of political power and public money points to a dangerous degeneration or perhaps to the fact that democracy is an alien construct that has failed to take root in its desired form in this country. It cannot be anybodys case that Vadra should not aspire for a career in politics or, for that matter, that Rahul Gandhi should not aspire for the prime ministers post. There is nothing to stop a great leaders son or other relatives from becoming as great or even greater leaders in their own right, just as there is nothing to stop a great musicians son or daughter to follow in their father or mothers footsteps sarod maestro Ustad Ali Akbar Khan can conceivably succeed Baba Allauddin Khan in every walk of life. It is equally possible, though, as in the case of Impressionist painter Pierre-Auguste Renoir and his pioneering filmmaker son Jean Renoir, that
There is nothing to stop a great leaders son or other relatives from becoming as great or even greater leaders in their own right. The problem arises only if a Vadra assumes a following just because of his association with the first family of Indian politics.
successive generations can produce geniuses in different fields. The problem arises only if a Rahul Gandhi lays claim to a post just because his father, grandmother and great-grandfather once held it, or a Vadra assumes a following just because he is married into the first family of Indian politics. When a Lalu Prasad pronounces a 20-year-old son as his successor, he is not offering his son for a lifetime of public service but rather announcing the next claimant in line for the riches of political power. Such claims, assumptions and appropriations militate against the fundamental concept of democracy, the framework that we adopted for ourselves at the time of independence andcontinuetoswearby. Independent India has spawned its own version of the Westminster model that is being perfected by successive generations of political clans. From this culture of entitlement to enlightenment, Indian democracy needs to traverse a long and arduous journey to rediscover its philosophical underpinnings and serve any meaningful public purpose.
www.GovernanceNow.com
LETTERS
Noose for journalistic integrity

This is reference to the political update In Bihar no paid news will be good news (October 16-31). These days, paid news makes the morning papers a good fiction read. Like most politicians, the media is now focused on material gains. Who will watch the watchdog now? It is indeed sad that some journalists are not honest to their profession anymore. Profit-driven proprietors/owners decide news content, not editors. Mahesh Kumar On e-mail Evidently forged India -Bharat disconnect in Bihar I read the excerpts of Bihar CM Nitish Kumars speech at the Governance Now Forum in August (September 16-30). I am from Ara-Bhojpur where villages within a 10-20 km radius have no electricity connection. Most dont have BSNL connection. The few roads that are there are in a very bad state. None of the schools have proper sanitation. I would like to ask the CM that if this is the state of Aras development, how has Bihar managed to grow at 11 percent? Shashikant Ahmedabad Indias growing millionaire club and poor millions This refers to More and more millionaires now (October 16-31). The increasing number of millionaires in India is a good sign. Many from the middle class are becoming millionaires. This is a sign of economic development. But the majority in India is still poor. The government should make more employment and livelihood opportunities for their growth instead of focussing on policies like reservation. Mahesh Kapasi New Delhi Judging the judges This refers to Half of last 16-17 CJIs corrupt (October 1-15) . I have been a victim of former CJI Y K Sabharwals corruption and nepotism. He had once shielded senior judges by refusing to invoke an in-house procedure based on a petition of mine, an act publicly condemned by justice S P Bharucha. Instead of stemming the rot of judicial corruption, the government is bringing the eyewash judicial accountability bill. The bill provides for stringent and exemplary punishment for complainants of judicial misconduct if they fail to prove their charge.
Debate
Shouldnt we do away with the railways budget?

Finance minister Pranab Mukherjees idea of presenting one consolidated budget, instead of separate railway and general budgets, may not be a revolutionary one but is certainly something that is long overdue. The railways forms a much smaller chunk of government expenditutre than the days of the British rule (when it was the fulcrum of governance) and does not merit a separate exercise. Besides, railway projects have become a barter item for electoral gains. With all railway ministers being from bengal or Bihar in the past decade, the two states cornered the largest portion of big projects. The current minister, Mamata Banerjee, has a separate investment plan for her own state while unwarranted bonuses come by the way of railway employees. Can we bring in more accountability, a holistic approach to planning and check wayward behaviour of ministers by merging the railway budget with that of the general one to make one consolidated budget for the country? Join the debate, send your views to feedback@governancenow.com
Apropos A soldiers 4 years jail for 4 worthless documents (October 1-15), I thank you for publishing a well-researched article on me. But the unidentified internal security analyst with Delhi thinktank has assaulted my integrity saying I met Rosanna Minchew after office hours. I never met Minchew outside my assigned duty and/or in private, neither does the chargesheet claim so. I have documented proof against the forged documents my detractors presented before the court and later, sent to prime minister and defence minister to a get a sanction for prosecution. This unidentified person has either based the remarks on such evidence, which both, the court and the government, turned down or or he/she may be one of those who envied my progress earned by sheer hard work and dedication. Commander Mukesh Saini (Retd) New Delhi
A national judicial commission is a better idea with retired judges of supreme court as member-nominees of president, prime minister, opposition leader, chief justice of India, bar council with chief vigilance commissioner as an exofficio member. This commission can empowered for appointments and probes into higher judiciary. Unanimous resolutions passed by all judges of supreme court on conduct-code and in-house procedure should be authenticated by making a relevant law. All appointments to a state high court should be made from outside the state to reduce chances of nepotism by the judges favouring bar council colleagues. S C Agarwal New Delhi Corrigendum In the lead story, Pride Wash, of our October 16-31 edition, we mentioned that the two flyovers on the Mayur Vihar-Noida road were meant to ensure non-stop travel for the athletes to the velodrome (in Noida) and back. It should have been to the Noida expressway and back for the cycling event. The error is regretted. Editor
Write to Governance Now We invite your suggestions, reactions to the stories and analyses and, of course, your own take on all matters related to governance. You can email or send snail mail. All letters must accompany your postal address. feedback@governancenow.com SABGROUP Publishing Division 24A Mindmill Corporate Towers Film City, Sector 16A, Noida 201301
So that nobody else ends up like Aman

When a young medical student fell prey to ragging, his father held back his tears and took on the menace that has terrorised college entrants and snuffed out promising lives
rofessor Rajender Kumar Kachroo recalls the sequence of events vividly. Just an hour after he had spoken to his son Aman, his wife called and told him that their son was in trouble. Kachroo tried again to call Aman, a 19-yearold first-year medical student who was studying at Dr Rajendra Prasad Government
Sonal Matharu
Medical College in Himachal Pradesh. A professor from Amans college took the call and informed him that Aman had passed away. Kachroo, who had taught for years in Africa recounts the tragedy that visited the family, without taking his eyes off the computer screen at his home in Gurgaon. Ask me any question you want to ask, he says, breaking the dead silence. Young Aman had been
beaten to death by senior students and he became yet another victim of the menace of ragging that torments college entrants and snuffs out promising lives. Like other parents, the Kachroos too were bereaved beyond consolation. But Rajender Kachroo held back his tears and decided to take on the enemy that lurked in educational institutions, especially in the hostels, across the country. Kachroo took it upon
Ravi Choudhar y
people politics policy performance

Individual Initiative
(Facing page) Rajender Kachroo at his home in Gurgaon. himself to root out the institutionalised crime of ragging and suddenly people came forward to support his cause. Some joined the candlelight vigil at New Delhis India Gate, some participated in the discussions that raged in the media, several more went online with their comments and suggestions, while others came forward to offer their support in the court case against the four accused. Many more cases of ragging tumbled out of the closet following Amans death on March 8, 2009. A week later, he met the then human resource development minister Arjun Singh who introduced him to members of the Raghavan Committee which had been formed by the ministry to suggest measures to root out ragging. Yet, 20 months on, Kachroo concedes that much more needs to be done inside the walls of Indias colleges and hostels. Much work has been done but much more needs to be done, reads the concluding sentence, in bold, at the bottom of the 14-point summary of the achievements of his programme, Eradication of Ragging. Having worked in universities and colleges across the world, Kachroo realised that ragging was peculiar to India. Yet, there was simply no legislation against ragging. Even the University Grants Commission (UGC), until recently, had only guidelines which were not binding. We are a seniority syndrome country, he says, In our society, the child cannot talk to his own parents. In offices, juniors cannot talk to seniors. They have to agree with what their seniors say. We see it in bureaucracy, in civil services,
We are a seniority syndrome society. Juniors have to agree with whatever their seniors say. We see it everywhere, in bureaucracy, in civil society, in households. It is the same in colleges. Students who have nothing to show off, show their seniority.
Rajender Kachroo Amans father
in all government sectors, in households and everywhere else in the society. It is the same in colleges. Students, who have nothing to show off, show their seniority. Ragging is unique to India and over the years it has just grown. Kachroo made a technology-based plan to eradicate ragging and made a presentation to the Raghavan Committee. Eventually the supreme
court approved this plan, which was modified along the way through suggestions of committee members and 13 regulatory authorities that include all education councils. Kachroo explains the plan as a four-pronged approach. First, every student should be able to communicate to a central call centre and make a complaint, which should be followed up by informing the principal of the college, antiragging squad and the police. Second, a mechanism should be created to communicate with the parents and the affected children. Third, a database should be created of all students and parents who can be constantly informed for years consecutively about the evil of ragging through text messages on mobile phones. Fourth, an independent monitoring agency, a non-governmental agency, should be appointed to follow up the cases through the courts and the police. Kachroo ruled out the possibility of reaching out to approximately 26,000 colleges and over four crore parents across India through non-governmental organisations. To change a system, you have to enter into the system. You cant sit outside and expect the change, he says, NGOs have a limited approach. They hate the government, work from the outside and fail to deliver. They cant handle problems of this magnitude. It is beyond blogs, beyond candlelight vigils. So, under the banner of Aman Satya Kachroo Trust, started with contributions from friends, family members and Amans insurance, Kachroo began work on the implementation of the plan with the help of the government. HRD minister Kapil Sibal inaugurated the call centre Kachroo had proposed in his plan, just three months
after Amans death. But, Kachroo says, this was not the solution he had envisaged. The call centre refused to register complaints unless the caller was a relative of the student concerned. Only blood relations could register the complaints. Moreover, the callers had to give the email addresses and phone number of the vice-chancellor in order to get their complaints registered. Through several applications filed under the Right to Information Act, Kachroo found out that despite these restrictions the call centre received 1.5 lakh calls within six months. Of the 1.5 lakh calls, many of which were queries, 350 complaints were registered. None of these was followed up. The only work done on the complaints was that the UGC wrote a few letters to the college principals who did not bother in the least. Of these 350 complaints, 180 were not even looked at, he says. Kachroo found out that the responsibility of running the call centre was given to a government company, EdCIL India Limited, without any tenders released. The project was just handed to EdCIL which was also supposed to make the database he had mentioned in the plan. Officials at EdCIL, however, rubbish Kachroos complaints. The helpline was started 18 months back and as soon as we receive any complaints, the SHO and the dean of the college are informed immediately. The complaints can be registered in 11 languages, says an official who does not wish to be identified, The helpline could not have operated without a proper database. Of the four points under my plan, only one has been implemented by the ministry, Kachroo says, Whatever I have done till date I couldnt

Individual Initiative
Home page of the anti-ragging website started by Rajender Kachroo; (right) photograph of his son Aman Kachroo.
have done without the governments support. But it has taken too much time. It takes many months to get things moving. Bureaucracy is slow. Luckily, though, his mission caught the eye of President Pratibha Patil who wrote letters to all governors in this regard. Kachroo also launched awareness campaigns in different states where he went to various colleges through vice-chancellors support. Tamil Nadu showed great interest and facilitated lectures in universities. Over 100 college principals and six vicechancellors came to attend the talk, he says. This led to a feature called declare your college ragging free on the website of Kachroos Trust,
Kachroo ruled out the possibility of reaching out to 26,000 colleges and four crore parents in India through NGOs. Unlike many others, he worked along with the government and entered the system to change it. You cannot sit outside and expect the change, he says.
amanmovemont.org, whereby students can declare confidentially whether their college is ragging free or not. Students voting under this section of the website gave their colleges name, mobile number and email-id. Each student voting here adds to Kachroos personal database of colleges and students. While Kachroo quit his parttime involvement with the inhouse fashion business to concentrate on the anti-ragging campaign, he is being helped by a neighbour and a girl from Jammu who is looking after the database of the website. His 22-year-old daughter, Sinead, who worked with him for a year, has recently gone to Belfast for her studies. A lot of people are supporting the Aman movement through blogs and social networking sites, but the real change is needed in the heart of the country, he says. Last month, he recalls, he met outside the court the father of one of the accused who is in jail now. The father, a lecturer in a medical college in Simla, told him that his
son had also been ragged as a fresher. His wife had then asked him if he could do anything to help their son. He said he couldnt. He felt helpless. Kachroo understands the feeling too well. He knows the authorities are unapproachable, mostly in smaller states and universities. Institutes in India do not communicate with the students. They live in two different planes, he adds, If I had gone to the principal to plead my sons case, nothing would have happened. He would not have listened to me. But Kachroo regrets that he did not even try, much like the father of the accused who has to now suffer his sons crime and punishment. I will always regret it for the rest of my life, he says. That makes him even more determined to carry on until the supreme court guidelines are implemented. I have this piece of paper which sets the standard. It has to be implemented. It is implementable. Unless it is implemented, Ill make noise. n
sonal@governancenow.com
10 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

People Power
Call of change
Hemlata Aithani
The man behind the women-only BPO centre in rural Haryana advocates socio-capitalistic business models to harness the human capital available in abundance across India
And how did these simple women get the hang of using a high-tech device like pros? Its all thanks to a three-to-fourmonth rigorous training course. Bimla can now type 35-40 words a minute, can mine relevant pieces of information from a pool of data and can do data entry perfectly. But accomplishing this was not easy. Getting these women to step out of their homes was no mean feat. It took a lot of persistence to get them to break the rigid cultural and social barriers of their maledominated society. It was the persuasive powers of Ajay Chaturvedi, a banker, who is a business management graduate from the University of Pennsylvania and an engineer from BITS Pilani, that worked like magic on these women. When we heard of Ajays proposal we were elated that we would be trained and get jobs, recalls Puja. So it all began six months back with 500 women, who were selected to be trained in computer basics. Irrespective of their formal education, they were selected for their ability to read and write, and some basic understanding of the English language, apart from their willingness to learn, says Chaturvedi. Training was provided free-of-cost and during the course they learnt about office culture and etiquette, basic English and communication skills, apart from Microsoft Office computer applications. Initially this was difficult for them, recalls Archana, 29, who has a 12-year-old daughter and a one-year-old son. We were shy, a bit hesitant and all of a sudden had to deal with machines and technology. But gradually, with training and motivation, we picked up fast, she says. Their determination not only got them through the training but they were rewarded with short-term employment. Out of the 500 women initially selected, 200 completed the course and 50 were deployed on various projects. Twenty women are still working on projects, which involve data mining, while 30 more women are likely to get work as new projects come in. While the opening of the BPO has created jobs for these rural women, Chaturvedi emphasises that this is in no way an NGO (non-government organisation) project, which aims at social welfare and pays less attention to accountability. He believes that the only way to better utilise the rural India market is through sociocapitalistic business models. This is a business venture with a conscience and social responsibility. I am a capitalist, who would see whether a
ust six months ago, Puja, 18, and Bimla Devi, 35, spent their day cooking meals, tending to cattle and working in the field - the everyday work of rural women across Haryana. Never in their wildest dreams had they imagined that they could one day be sitting in an office working away furiously in front of a computer. Today, this is the remarkable reality of hundreds of women in Tikli and Aklimpur villages. Their agrarian way of life has not changed they still cut fodder for their cattle and clear the cow dung but they are now equally adept at using a computer. They work in a Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) centre, which has set up shop in the heart of their village. A first-of-its-kind women-only rural BPO in India, this centre was started by Harva, which stands for harnessing value of rural India. I never thought I would be able to work on a computer. It was a big thing for me. But now working on the keyboard comes so easily to me. We come here for eight hours and do our job. Im so proud of myself, says Puja.
I feel city people think rural women are illiterate and uncultured. Now we have proven them wrong. We are educated. All we need is an opportunity. The villagers know we are getting salaries every month, they too want to send their girls here.
Reena, 18 Employee at BPO
business model is viable and profitable or not. After ensuring this, the social cause can be served. If I create value, create business and opportunities, it will benefit everyone, including the villagers, says Chaturvedi. He also frankly admits that he did not employ the women out of charity.
Women are overall superior beings, far more hardworking and serious. They can do a job in half the time that men can. They are good at multi-tasking and efficient and can work at a stretch without taking breaks, whereas men tend to always take many small breaks during work hours, he says. Chaturvedi proudly gives the example of a 25-year-old woman - a Class VIII passout - who learnt all the characters on the computer keyboard in just three hours, something that is not easy even for people like me, he smiles. Interestingly, the BPO centre is not Chaturvedis only rural venture. This entrepreneur left his lucrative job with Citibank to tap rural talent and opportunities. He has already dabbled in community farming for non-rain-dependent cash crops in Uttarakhand. He wants to expand this project to 10,000 acres across the country that will benefit 10,000 farmers in the next four to five years. He has also been providing credit to rural people through micro-financing. Waste management is his upcoming project. But for now, he wants to take this BPO model to other villages after seeing its success in Tikli, Aklimpur and surrounding villages. He has six other states in mind and has already laid the
groundwork to open a centre in Bihar and Uttarakhand. Working at the BPO centre has helped to enhance the image and status of women in a state notorious for its skewed sex ratio and masculinised culture. It has proved to be their ticket to economic freedom, even though in a modest way. Bimla, mother of a girl who is in Class VII and a boy in Class II, was over the moon when she received her first salary of little over Rs 2,000. Whatever little amount I got, it was mine. It was a result of my hard work and I realised its worth, she says. Adds Suman Devi, 28, a mother of two, We feel economically empowered. It gives us a sense of security. We spend the money on ourselves and contribute to household expenditure, apart from saving some for the future. Reena, 18, the most vocal of the lot, gives her take: I feel city people always think rural women are illiterate and uncultured. But now we have proven them wrong. We are educated and all we need is just an opportunity. Since the villagers know we are getting salaries every month, they too want to send their girls and daughters-in law over here. The last six months spent at the BPO have made them better with time

People Power
The BPO centre is not Chaturvedis only rural venture. He has already dabbled in community farming for non-raindependent cash crops in Uttarakhand. He wants to expand this project to 10,000 acres across the country that will benefit 10,000 farmers in the next four to five years. He has also been providing credit to rural people through micro-financing. Waste management is his upcoming project.
management and multi-tasking. Earlier we used to spend the entire day in doing household chores. But after joining the BPO, we finish all our work by 10am, come to office, work here and go back for the evening chores, says Bimla. Apart from being a source of their financial independence, the BPO centre has become a place for these women to make friends. Now they have their own space amidst 20 computers in this two-room centre nestled among sprawling fields. We have bonded really well. During our breaks we share our happiness and sorrows, married life, problems and issues, at home or outside. It gives us a lot of emotional support, says Manju Yadav, 25, who has a daughter. All they want now is some sustainable long-term projects, which would guarantee them regular work and income. But for the time being they are enjoying their new avatar, and keying in their success story. n Rural women in Tikli and Aklimpur villages of Haryana now use computers with ease.
Womens Feature Service
Mayas stage-might
politics
e-Voting gets tepid response in Gujarat civic polls
ujarat voters do not seem much enthused by the prospect of a mouseclick becoming their recorded vote. While 183 registered to vote online in the recent elections to six municipal corporations, only 124 actually clicked their choice. Surat, at 59 e-votes, saw the most enthusiastic participation, while Vadodara escaped a washout with a solitary vote cast online. Ahmedabad recorded 40 online votes while Rajkot and Jamnagar had nine and 10 e-voters respectively. K C Kapoor, chairman of the state election commission which had spent Rs 3 crore on the project, said e-voting would catch on once proper facilities were in place.
ttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati is nothing if not innovative. Recently in Delhi for talks with the prime minister, she held a press conference outside his 7, Race Course Road residence, complete with a makeshift podium and its periphery cordoned off by a thick rope to keep jostling journalists out. High-voltage lamps were put up to show Maya in the best light. Territorial policing
by the UP police helped secure the 10X6 feet podium. Instructions to the media arrived in tandem with Mayawatis cavalcade. The assembled journalists were first asked to maintain order and then those in front of the camera were asked to sit. Mayawati came, read out a three-page statement with her face lit up (by bright lights) and left having ensured sufficient media coverage.
No failing the Gandhis

he prime minister recently issued a fiat asking ministries not to name schemes indiscriminately after former prime ministers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. A number of floundering Indira, Rajiv schemes are tarnishing the leaders names, feels the government. So, the cabinet secretary on behalf of
the PM sent out a letter to all ministries asking them to exercise discretion in naming the schemes after the two Gandhis. Seems like the Congress policy of flaunting legacy needs the two names as much as the countrys most famous surname.
Badal vs Badal
anpreet Singh learnt the hard way that filial bonds supersede all kinship. After being sacked as the finance minister of Punjab, Manpreet was ousted from the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) allegedly at the behest of his uncle Punjab chief minister Parkash Singh Badal and cousin Sukhbir Badal, the states deputy chief minister. The younger Badals had no love lost between them. So, when Manpreet talked of a Rs 70,000 crore debt-waiver offered by the central government
with riders like cutting power subsidies to farmers and levying user charges in some sectors, Sukhbir demanded Manpreets ouster saying no such proposal had been received. With the SAD staunchly behind the deputy chief minister, Manpreet was shown the door as the FM for anti-party activities. That it happened when Manpreet was meeting union finance minister Pranab Mukherjee in New Delhi shows there is no room for either dissent or fiscal prudence in the party.
Vote of confidence
Ignore the doubting Thomases ensconced in their armchairs in noisy television studios. Biharis seem to have made up their mind to vote decisively in the ongoing assembly polls
W
Ajay Singh
e are barely out of Patna when the car suddenly breaks down on national highway 31. As a helpful mechanic tends to the puncture at a tyre-repair shop close by, the upcoming assembly polls that loom large on everybodys consciousness provide a ready subject for conversation. This is a yadav bastion, represented by Nand
Kishore Yadav, a Bharatiya Janata Party leader and minister in the coalition government led by Nitish Kumar. Are you satisfied with the development in your area? I pose a general question to the small gathering around the shop. What development? There is no development, somebody replies nonchalantly. Do you mean the Nitish Kumar government has done nothing at all, I persist. Of course, the person
maintains, without so much as the batting of an eyelid. You mean, Nand Kishore Yadav has let you down? I ask. No, he has done a lot for the area and he deserves re-election, comes the reply in the same breath, with no attempt to explain the contradiction. This is Bihar. Often the primordial identity of caste suffices to surmount the physical realities in this state. Such identities have proved

Poll Vault
decisive in the past and it is evident that caste remains a palpable force. I have been speaking to somebody who hails from the yadav caste and lives in an adjacent village. He points to the barber diligently lathering the face of another villager with shaving soap and says, in order to bolster his argument, Ask this barber about development and he will vouch for the fact that Nitish Kumar has not been able to give him even a shop. The barber, who has been quiet thus far, suddenly retorts, As if Lalu or Rabri have bothered to gift you a buffalo in the 15 years that they have been in power. This is the new Bihar. Just five years ago, no barber would have dared to answer anybody from the politically dominant yadav caste in this fashion. It would have led to an instant show of muscle flexing with dire consequences for the barber. Today, despite the overwhelming presence of certain dominant castes in pockets, extremely backward classes (EBC) and dalits have developed their stake in the political system and are finding their voices. Unlike in the past they are no longer swayed either by rhetoric or intimidation. This impression is reinforced while driving through Beguserai, Khagaria, Saharsa, Purnea and Bhagalpur. One gets a distinct feeling that an unusually quiet electorate of the extremely backward castes and dalits is more than determined to play a decisive role in this election. The turnout in the first phase of the election is just an indication of the mood of this section which is significantly large and quite conscious about its entitlements. If maha dalits in Saharsa are elated about their women getting medical facilities while delivering children, they openly admit that such measures have
An unusually quiet electorate of the extremely backward castes and dalits is more than determined to play a decisive role in this election. The turnout in the first phase of the election is just an indication of the mood of this section which is significantly large and quite conscious about its entitlements.
changed their lives. An average Bihari woman today is a proud mother of girls who cycle down to their schools without worrying about their safety. These measures are doubtless insignificant for the dominant castes which have acquired immense political clout over the years. But in a state where half of the population lives in abysmal poverty and illiteracy, state intervention of this nature has engendered hope among a vast majority of the electorate. There are indeed genuine complaints about an inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy that is not able to effectively implement various schemes. But still, people are usually optimistic about a better future should the Nitish government be given another term. Bihar is however still a complex political ground where almost everybody you meet seems to have turned into a psephologist these days. Ask any educated man on the road in Bihar about his assessment of assembly polls and he will reel out statistics in staccato notes. He will passionately talk about the possible political conduct of 14.7 percent muslim voters, 14.2 percent yadavs, 5.5 percent kurmis, 4.6 percent bhumihars, 5.9 percent rajputs, 15 percent dalits and 18.4 percent extremely backward castes. At the end of the conversation, he will try to convince you about his inferences on the basis of statistics that are nothing more than projections on the basis of the 1931 caste census data. The average Biharis passion for psephology has nothing to do with his mathematical frame of mind. Far from it. Figures are primarily used to prove presumptions which tend to become popular political discourse. This
psephological trait is most evident during a brief stopover at a roadside dhaba in Navgachia near Bhagalpur that leads to a chance encounter with the four-member band known as ON Mishra. As the name suggests, this is a group of musicians and singers belonging to the maithili brahmin caste. Ajit Gaurav Jha, a vocal member of the band, admits candidly the casteist bias of band and says, I told Mishra (head of the band) to borrow or steal some American name that can make an impact. The band members appear as passionate about politics as they are about music. You see all this talk about development is a sham, he says while qualifying his statement with a rider, law and order has certainly improved. Has Rahul made any impact on the youngsters? I ask, expecting a favourable response from the group. Not at all, the Congress is nowhere in the picture as the party has lost touch with the people, says Jha. Then your obvious choice would be Lalu Prasad? I ask. No way, Lalu Prasad cannot be a choice. We will finally vote for Nitish Kumar, Jha says, gunning the engine of his motorcycle to proceed for his performance in a nearby township. Jhas dilemma is only reflective of what sociologists call the coalition of extremes that has been assiduously built by Nitish Kumar. His image of an able administrator has endeared him to stakeholders who are averse to changing the existing social equilibrium. And these stakeholders are so numerous that they are expected to create a pro-Nitish wave that may end up defying all psephological predictions and apologists for the Lalu-Rabri regime. n
ajay@governancenow.com
INTERVIEw | Bhupinder Singh Hooda
Gurgaon will become a global city in a few years
hupinder Singh Hooda is one of those leaders who have a 360-degree understanding of politics and governance. He was a member of the Lok Sabha for four terms, leader of opposition in the Haryana assembly for one term, and now he is in his second term as chief minister. In this interview with Sweta Ranjan, Hooda discusses his plans for industry as well as agriculture in his state. Excerpts:
and the members of the womens hockey team. Three percent jobs in Haryana police are reserved for sportspersons. Those (from Haryana) who have won gold in the CWG will get Rs 15 lakh each, silver winners will get Rs 10 lakh each and the bronze winners will get Rs 5 lakh. Their coaches too will get Rs 3 lakh, Rs 2 lakh and Rs 1 lakh in the three categories.
Haryana is witnessing not only industrial growth but also agricultural development. Education is also important. We have got a qualitative change in education. Employment opportunities can come easily but the youth also need to be made employable.
Why is the power supply scenario in the state so dismal?
Haryana has done the country proud in the Commonwealth Games. Players from Haryana bagged 15 of Indias 38 gold medals. What is the secret behind this success?
Gurgaon is a jewel in Haryanas crown but its infrastructure leaves much to be desired. Did the government allow private real-estate developers to run away with windfall profits instead of holding them accountable?
Haryanas sports policy is very different and that is why our players have done well in the CWG. There are three reasons. First: good infrastructure. In the last four-five years we have provided good infrastructure even in villages. We have constructed 171 stadiums. Haryana is a small state but it has more than 350 stadiums. We are making a boxing stadium in Bhiwani. The second key factor is that we run a talent hunt programme called play for India. We invite children from the age groups of 8-14 and 14-19. We judge them on a sports and physical aptitude test (SPAT). Those who get 75 percent marks win scholarships. In the last five years we have given direct recruitment as DSPs (deputy superintendents of police) to 11 players including boxer Vijender Singh
Not at all. Old Gurgaon has some problems but not new Gurgaon. The new master plan is very systematised. We have tried to improve the existing infrastructure too. We are improving the transport system. We are getting buses and connecting this mode of transport with the (Delhi) metro. There used to be different agencies for road maintenance but now the whole job has been assigned to a single agency. Gurgaon will become an international city in a few years.
We have set up four more plants to provide electricity to all the villages, towns and industries. Haryana was formed in 1966 and yet in 2005 when the Congress came to power, the state was generating only 1,587 MW of electricity. When I took over in March, 2005 the total power availability was 4,031 MW. Only one plant was set up in 40 years but in four years we have set up four more plants that will add 5,000 MW. Power demand has been growing by 10 percent a year, the total electricity demand today is 6,000-7,000 MW, most of which we buy at high prices from other states. But with the new power plants we will be able to solve the power crisis.
Yet, Gurgaon has the image of a swanky city, while the rest of Haryana seems neglected.
Traditionally, Haryana has not been known as an industrial state. It has seen some industrial development only due to its proximity to Delhi. How do you propose to make it more industry-oriented?
No, I dont agree. When I came to power in 2005, Haryana was 14th among the states in per capita investment. Today, it is number one. These are Planning Commission figures. In per capita income, it is next to Goa.
We propose to form an industrial estate in each district because landholding is shrinking. If the grandfather held 10 acres of land then the grandson is left with just half an acre. They cant survive on that small piece of land. Industrialisation will bring in
opportunities. Industry will also provide balance against agriculture. In five years Haryana will become an education hub of not only a national level but international stature.
How does this provision work?
Being a leader of the farmers, what response do you get when you talk of industrialisation?
In Haryana, people are aware that industrialisation brings jobs. Unemployment is a major issue that we need to tackle as landholdings are shrinking. As I explained, if the grandfather had 10 acres, the grandson is left with just half an acre. That is too small a piece of land to sustain a family. Industrialisation brings job opportunities for such people who cannot depend on land any longer.
Haryanas model of land acquisition is being cited as a rare success. How do you view this policy?
We are still working on improving the policy to give more benefits to the farmers. But the current policy is the first may be in the world which has a provision for annuity for those whose lands are acquired.
In Haryana people are aware that industrialisation brings employment. Unemployment is a major issue that we need to tackle as landholdings are shrinking. Time has come to think about this. Half an acre is too small a piece of land to sustain a family. Industrialisation brings job opportunities for such people.
The farmers get the compensation based on the market value of the land acquired. Along with this we also give annuity for 33 years. Along with full compensation we will give Rs 15,000 per acre for each year for 33 years this amount will go up by Rs 500 every year. If the government acquires land and gives it to a private developer, then he has to pay Rs 30,000 per acre per year and Rs 1,000 enhancement every year. Moreover, there is a provision of giving farmers small plots at alternative sites so as to secure their future. The farmer also gets residential plots ranging from 75 yards to 350 yards. In case of an SEZ (special economic zone), 25 percent of jobs created are reserved for the affected people.
How will annuity help farmers?
It gives them some stability because if an old farmers land is acquired the money will continue to reach his children. The old man depends on his children. With annuity, the old man will feel confident and secure. n
sweta@governancenow.com

Power Buzz
Delhi Diary
Foreign lands interest Alagiri more
ets are now on if fertiliser minister M K Alagiri was spotted on foreign shores more frequently than at his ministry, parliament and cabinet meetings combined. Alagiri was in China on a private visit recently. He has been abroad frequently this year and for inordinately long periods. He has been on such sojourns to the US, Australia and Singapore. Alagiri has been abroad for most of 2010 rather than attending his duties as a minister. The Indian embassy in the respective countries know of these visits. On two occasions, Indian diplomats have informally conveyed their reservations on the durations violating norms to the foreign affairs office in South Block. The PMO, however, quietly relaxed the norms on ministers visits in their private capacity.
Big month for the babus
hristmas cheer will come a month early this year for the 1977 and 1980 batch senior IAS officers. November is pregnant with the promise of promotions for these bureaucrats. The cabinet secretariat has processed the promotions and IAS officers from the 1977 batch will be appointed as secretaries to the government of India while
the ones from the 1980 batch will become additional secretaries. The Eminent Persons Group will be combing through the confidential annual reports of the 1978 and 1981 batch officers. In three months, the EPG will list probables for the next round of promotions. By March 2011, it will be coming out with the 1979 list.
Raja cools his heels in Moscow

elecom minister A Raja was in Moscow in October for some official work. However, most feel that the jaunt was timed to allow him to escape the heat over the 2G scam when it comes up for trial at the supreme court. He is learnt to have cleared a file from telecom regulator TRAI regarding legal issues surrounding the 2G spectrum sale which will be presented at the apex court, before leaving for Moscow. Insiders say Raja has been told to be ready to quit the ministry if he loses the legal battle. But Tamil Nadu politics watchers say it would anyway be difficult for DMK to stay with UPA-II with the state assembly elections approaching.
The namesake
e kid you not! Lal Krishna Advani is the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) candidate from Supaul in the Bihar assembly elections. Cocking a snook at the BJP senior, Mayawati has fielded a namesake from the constituency. The BSP roster of candidates include a Prabhunath Singh, in the running from Daraunda, and a Krishna Sahi, contesting for the Hathua seat. The BSP cadre have been instructed to clarify affiliations of these candidates during campaign to avoid all confusions. Such are the whims of Mayawati!
Gubernatorial gaffe
ans Raj Bhardwaj is a harried man these days. The Karnataka governor found himself at the centre of controversy over his report seeking the presidents rule in the state after the BJP government won an equally controversial trust vote. Long before the BJP cried foul over the report, the Congress-led UPA government knew that a political hot potato had landed in its lap. The governor received much flak from both political and bureaucratic quarters for this bungle. However, North Block and Raj Bhavan insiders say it was never Bhardwajs idea to moot the presidents rule for the state that it may have come from Delhi rather than Bangalore. Sources say that it was a union minister who was in constant touch with the governor who had made the suggestion to him.
Guessing games for a guest

ri Lanka president Mahinda Rajapaksa was the chief guest at the closing ceremony of CWG 2010 but the the Games organising committee felt obliged to keep this detail shrouded for as long as possible given the negative publicity Rajapaksa
attracts in Tamil Nadu and the world media over the sorry condition of Sri Lankan Tamils. Though Rajapaksa is reported to have agreed to presiding over the ceremony well in time, the OC and the Congress had to worry about UPA ally DMK.
Red flag for the rail budget?
policy
Merging plan and non-plan expenditure
committee headed by C Rangarajan, chairman of prime ministers economic advisory council, has recommended that the usual distinction between plan and non-plan expenditure in the government budget should be done away with. It says merging the two would make linking budgetary outlays to outcomes easier and a more comprehensive multi-year budgeting framework possible. In the current system, non-plan budget is based on past commitments and requirements. Whatever is left is allocated to the plan budget - about 30 percent of the total spending by the centre - which is aimed at asset creation through the centrallsponsored programmes and schemes.
inance minister Pranab Mukherjee, it seems, wants to club the railway budget with that of the general budget. That is because the railway is a small player now with an annual budgetary support of Rs 16,000 crore, unlike in the 20s and 30s when it cornered nearly 70 percent of the plan expenditure.
But the moot point is if the mercurial railway minister, Mamata Banerjee, will let that happen. Over the years the railway has become the personal fiefdom of the minister who usually comes from the coalition partner and uses the opportunity to lavish political patronage and largesse to his/her state for political gain.
Rejected: plan for Maoist-affected districts

rime minister Manmohan Singh has rejected the planning commissions Integrated Action Plan (IAP) to promote all-round development of the Maoist-affect districts. The PM was unhappy with a mechanical and run-ofthe-mill plan which merely proposed to increase fund allocation to various existing centrally-sponsored schemes. The
panel had prepared a Rs 13,742-crore roadmap for 60 districts across nine states. The PMO wanted to know how IAP would make any difference to the present situation and how would it strengthen the panchayati raj institutions. Presently, most of the funds allocated to these areas are either diverted or left unused.
PM to come under Lokpals ambit, Prez still out

he centre has come up with yet another draft of the Lokpal Bill, which, to its credit, brings the office of the prime minister into purview of the authority to be set up to investigate corruption charges against the high and the mighty. Central ministers, members of parliament and members of the defence services will also come under the Lokpals ambit but not the president, vice-president
and a few others. The bill envisages a threemember body. The cut-off date for making a complaint has been reduced to five years, as against ten years in the earlier drafts, from the date of commission of offence. The attempt to set up a Lokpal is decades old and it remains to be seen if the present draft makes any progress or lapses with the present Lok Sabha.

Alma Matters
TATAS WILL GIVE, BUT WHOS ASKING?

At about the time that Harvard was drowning in Indian donations from Ratan Tata, NR Narayana Murthy and Anand Mahindra, Valsan Thampu, principal of the iconic St Stephens College, Delhi, was dropping SMS hints to his mighty alumni for donations to replace 15 old blackboards in the college. For a measly sum of Rs 5,000 per board! Have successful Indian alumni not learnt the art of giving back to their alma mater? Or have these institutions of excellence not learnt the art of asking? What is the problem with higher education in India? Why do our best brands still look to the government for funds? And compete with municipal schools for a share of the same scarce resources?
photos: Ravi Choudhary
Rohit Bansal
atan Tatas gift of $50-million to Harvard Business School (HBS) annoyed our social-media nationalists. This morning my eyes popped with disbelief when I read the newsthe very next moment this unusual thought struck me, Harvard ko Rs 220 crore aur India ko k? blogger Viral Dholakia wrote (http://trak. in/tags/business/2010/10/16/ ratan-tata-donation-harvard/) attracting 50 reactions, many supportive. How ridiculous, why donate to super rich American universities? Why not create something in India? a senior diplomat asked on Facebook to much acclaim. The money would have been better spent in upgrading and uplifting perhaps 200 schools for 10 years in selected villages in India, Oxfordtrained Anil Mehandru concurred on LinkedIn. Harsh words for one of Indias most respected corporate citizens. Why did Tata take all this
trouble for a school he experienced for 12 weeks for an advanced management programme (AMP) 35 years back? Was it the irresistibility of seeing Tata Hall etched in stone next to buildings named after Morgan, Baker and Bloomberg? Or has he essayed a larger politico-philanthropic move to silence the critics of Indian Inc.? My take is that our nationalist friends are barking up the wrong tree. For at least three reasons, besides the obvious one that its his money after all! First, TataTrusts need no reference check for their support over the years to Indias premier academic institutions. Two, while Tatas are, by and large, based in India, the group has significant international operations. Out of $67.4 billion sales (around Rs 3,19,534 crore) in 200910, around 57 percent came from businesses outside India. Third, and perhaps most significantly, instead of being criticised, the HBS-Tata bonding
deserves to be deconstructed by all institutions in our country, particularly primary schools and those focused on humanities, because both seldom get anything from their alumni. For the same logic, it is hard to fault Anand Mahindra, Class of 1977, MBA81, for gifting $10 million to support the Harvard Humanities Center. His is the largest gift for the study of humanities in the universitys history. The money is tied to advancement of interdisciplinary collaborations, and as Harvard president Drew Faust said, This remarkable gift is an affirmation of the importance of the humanities and the central place of the liberal arts. It comes at a time when it is vital to bring a humane and critical perspective to the urgent questions that confront
N R Narayana Murthy
Anand Mahindra
Ratan Tata
In April, the family of the Infosys founder announced their decision to donate $5.2 million to Harvard for creating the Murthy Classical Library of India, which will, among other things, have 100 books from Indian languages translated into English. Murthy is a member of the advisory boards the Corporate Governance initiative at the Harvard Business School.
In early October the industrialist announced he had given Harvard University $10 million, the largest gift for the study of humanities in its history, for its centre that is now renamed Mahindra Humanities Center. Mahindra did his MBA from Harvard in 1981.
The Anand Mahindra announcement was followed by one from the Tata Group chairman who donated $50 million to the Harvard Business School to fund a new building that will support a range of executive education programmes. Tata was a student of Advanced Management Program at Harvard in 1975.
the world. Mahindra understands the essential role of the humanities in this work, and I am deeply grateful. Closer home, around the same date as Mahindras gift, an Indian institution, every bit an icon in the undergraduate study of humanities, said it would be deeply grateful for a lot less. Starved of donors, Valson Thampu, principal of Delhis St Stephens College, sent out an SMS (please see accompanying interview) hoping to replace 15 blackboards costing Rs 5,000 apiece! These blackboards have served some of the more powerful members of Indian society, politics, civil service and academia (see abridged list of Stephanians in powerful positions today, including Mahindras fellow
auto-czar Rahul Bajaj) . But till Thampu sent out the SMS, the insignificant sums involved in replacing the blackboards had proved beyond the alumni. For the sorry contrast, Thampu blames himself and the culture of discouraging or even fearing alumni involvement. He tactfully ignores that barring a once-in-a-decade Darling, this-is-where-I-spent-thebest-three-years-of-my-life serenade with their spouses, many Stephanians dont return to the college that aligns them to one of the more powerful networks in our country. Alumni here think funding can be left to the state. The result isnt hard to see. Staff salaries remain pegged to government rules, research interests are negligible, deemed
university status is miles away, and students spend more time writing essays for admissions in the US, instead of tutorials that set the earlier generations apart. Equally true is their demotivation with the breadth of courses. Students of St Stephens famed economics honours course have few opportunities to blend core study of history, literature and philosophy, not to mention near-zero interface with the sciences. This is equally true for someone doing physics, but interested in grasping Sanskrit. The result of straitjacketing is that while 28,000 applied for just 400 seats this year, the brightest preferred a secondrate engineering course rather than an honours course in history, philosophy or literature.
With careers in teaching and the IAS paling in glamour, a few moved out to polytechnic courses even in their second year of undergraduate work. They felt surer in B-grade courses like BBA and integrated law programmes rather than accept the colleges obsession to exercise its legal right to allocate 50 per cent seats under various categories of reservation. In contrast, Harvard doesnt suffer any disillusionment with humanities. In the words of Mahindra, a humble undergraduate in the film studies programme of the Department of Visual and Environmental Studies, it is able to contribute to the cause of the humanities and address complex problems in an interdependent world,

Alma Matters
with cross-cultural and interdisciplinary exchange of ideas in an international setting, and he sees his gift as part of the intellectual legacy of Indias contribution to global thinking across the arts, culture, science, and philosophy. No Stephanian would have a quarrel with Mahindras idea or even his generous hosting of the Harvard India Research Centre in Mahindra Towers, Mumbai. Stephanians have sat in the classes of some of the finest classroom teachers in the world, creating fertile confrontations of perspectives, histories, and frameworks that probed their understanding of the human condition, the world, and themselves. They understand what Harvard would do with Mahindras
money, viz, advance interdisciplinary exchanges among in-house faculty, faculty from other area institutions, graduate students, undergraduates, and the public, and organise discussions, lectures, readings, conferences, performances, workshops, and seminars, as well as graduate and postdoctoral fellowships, fostering collaborations among the humanities, social sciences, and sciences, in the belief that the humanities make a unique contribution in providing platforms for debate across various fields and forms of knowledge. But unlike Harvard, at St Stephens the quest for critical interdisciplinary research and unique conversations, has been left to the funding of
the University Grants Commission and the occasional sighs during networking events. Even networking is done outside college and with staff like Mohd Amin, awarded the Padma Bhushan this year, brought in as raconteurs rather than mirrors of alumni thrift. The heartening news is that HRD minister KapilSibal, alumni of both St Stephens and Harvard, isnt blind to this problem. At least for the IIMs (http://www.pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=66338). Sibal has read the tea leaves. He has accepted the corporate governance report authored by Maruti chairman RC Bhargava, another one by IIM-Kolkattas Ajit Balakrishnan, and a third one on financial viability chaired by Hari Bhartia,
and at least the IIMs no longer have the government to blame. They and the alumni can do several things including co-create corpuses and use them to create better staff and support infrastructure. There is no dearth of templates. The real challenge is culture. Harvard, the worlds wealthiest university, has $27.4 billion in the bank (please see box on endowment figures corrected up to June 30, 2010). Though forced to cut staff numbers, freeze salaries, delay new buildings and sell $2.5bn in bonds, it has kept going for aggressive alumni relations, in the instant case, conferring Mahindra the Harvard Business School Centennial Award (in the fine company of GEs Jeff Immelt, the World Banks James Wolfensohn, eBays Meg Whitman) and instituting the Harish C. Mahindra Endowment lecture. In contrast, St Stephens legend has it that Principal WS Rajpal gently chided a then large industrial group of Delhi who wanted to re-boot the auditorium and the gym in lieu of naming rights, saying, The gardener outside our window wants to donate a larger part of his income, so why just you, his name will be there too! Many agree with Rajpals distaste. Right or wrong, Harvard doesnt. Academic chairs routinely carry the names of the benefactors. So do buildings. For over 35 years, the job of managing the endowment has been left to Harvard Management Company (HMC), with assets in inflation-tracking bonds, real estate, timber, oil and gas. Jane Mendillo, the funds president is mandated to make a number of changes to the funds strategy, making it more liquid and increasing the share of asset management that is undertaken in-house. The fund employs a hybrid model approach to endowment management, using

Alma Matters
a mix of internal and external teams that focus on specific investment areas. Partnerships with teams around the world provide diversification, insight, and perspective that goes beyond what could possibly be achieved through a relatively small team in Boston though at a fraction of the cost. In its disaggregated form, HMC is comprised of more than 11,000 individual endowments, many like Tatas, Narayana Murthys or Mahindras linked to a particular purpose. This, in turn, supports the educational and research goals, academic programmes, financial aid, and funding of science and medical research. Unlike one-off give-us-blackboards SMS at St Stephens, HMCs investment professionals are integrated into the community, they teach and lecture on campus, speak before alumni and donor groups, and engage on issues key to the universitys programmes and goals. On the flip side, those who teach full time are not expected to go around raising money. The business school makes most of its money on executive education. Unlike most of our own institutions, HBS has dozens of staff focused on marketing and alumni relations. Each week, a huge database of 60,000 alumni receive updates from the school. These dont just read like press statements. They often include video, webinar invitations, high-touch events and a relentless barrage of referral material. Also, all other things being equal, the faculty end up writing cases on alumni companies and serve on their boards. This makes an HBS case a big deal in a global CEOs agenda and many travel thousands of miles to speak for 30 minutes at the class when their companys case is administered for the first time.
A Stephens classroom with one of those blackboards that need to be replaced. In a word, the school doesnt let you forget it. It is unusual, for example, to write from a Harvard lifelong forwarding email (LEFA) to busy professors like Nitin Nohria, David Yoffie or Shrikant Datar or Michael Porter and not receive a thoughtful reply. This doesnt happen in our own premier institutions like IITs, IIMs, the Indian Military Academy or The Forest Research Institute, at any rate as an institutional arrangement. Here we train foreign alumni but hardly manage to retain their interest. Hamid Karzai, for example, attended school in Himachal Pradesh, but we woke up to his potential to do business, a little too late. St Stephens could have played Track-2 with Zia-ul Haq, but it refused to receive him after Zia accepted the invitation of the colleges Informal Discussion Group and even sent his ambassador Humayun Khan in the advance party. HBS, in comparison, played for the long term and remembered to celebrate Tata with the outstanding alumni award way back in 1995! Not surprisingly, the ambitions of Yoffie, Nohria and Tarun Khanna in Indias executive education market have his backing. In contrast, St Stephens has the talent pool, but remains preoccupied with the search for paved roads, and sustainable funds for salaries, maintenance and upkeep. It is too much to expect any research output or innovation and, in fact, easy to extrapolate the state of other academic institutions of similar or lesser pedigree. In India, alumni of the IITs (and Mumbai University and BITS Pilani) remain the rare exception though even their schools dont chase them methodically. I wonder why? Is it merely due to their large numbers? Or is it exposure to the American tradition of named endowments? Why are we silent when our alma maters eschew their pride and autonomy and queue up before the University Grants Commission (UGC) for
Movers and shakers

Famous Stephanians
expenses we can defray? St Stephens, it will sadden its illustrious alumni over 129 years, may compete for UGC validation (and paltry additional funding of Rs 1 crore!) under a window meant for colleges with potential (sic) for excellence. Potential for excellence! Is that all that the college has? In fact, why St Stephens at all? If only alumni came forward, these scarce resources can easily go to a less fortunate and geographically remote institution. Optimists say the intent is not in question here. Structures are. What, for instance, would the alma mater do to ensure the money is well spent? Would it allow oversight committees rather than citing infringement of autonomy? These are valid questions and colleges gasping of breath need to answer them transparently. They also need a good social media strategy. Rather than expecting alumni to visit their websites, nothing stops Principals and legendary teachers to open a page on Facebook and regularly engage their alumni. If Drew Faust and Nitin Nohria can, so can Deepak Pental and Sameer Baruah. If Harvard can attract a 9 CEOs-in-residence (http:// www.hbs.edu/news/releases/2 010entrepreneursinresidence. html) Indian alumni too would be equally keen to spend a few months undertaking a sabbatical amidst the next generation at IIM-A. Simple things like a permanent e-mail ID (@IIM-A) can create a surprising amount of loyalty. On their part, rather than criticising Tata and Mahindra, alumni need to understand that giving back isnt just about altruism. If the alma mater goes down, they go with it. n
The writer is CEO & Co-Founder of Hammurabi & Solomon Consulting and an alumnus of St Stephens and Harvard Business School. rohitbansal@post.harvard.edu
Kapil Sibal
central minister
KC Verma
RAW chief
Salman Khurshid
central minister
Digvijay Singh
Former chief minister of Madhya Pradesh
Virbhadra Singh
central minister
K Natwar Singh
Former central minister
Naveen Patnaik
chief minister of Orissa
Shashi Tharoor
Former central minister of state
Sachin Pilot
central minister of state
Sitaram Yechury
Communist Party of India (Marxist) Politburo member
Jitin Prasada
central minister of state
S Y Quraishi
chief election commissioner
Montek Singh Ahluwalia

deputy chairman, Planning Commission
Rahul Bajaj
chairman of Bajaj Group
Mani Shankar Aiyar

former minister
Gopalkrishna Gandhi
former governor of West Bengal
K M Chandrashekhar
cabinet secretary
Former MP
Rajmohan Gandhi
Ashok Chawla
finance secretary
Arun Shourie
former central minister, veteran journalist
Shiv Shankar Menon
national security advisor
Arun Maira
member, Planning Commission
Bunker Roy
Social activist and educationist
Theatre and cinema
media
Konkona SenSharma Kabir Bedi Shekhar Kapur Roshan Seth

Writers, poets and critics
Barkha Dutt
television journalist
Sagarika Ghose
television journalist
B G Verghese
former editor, The Hindustan Times
Khushwant Singh Amitav Ghosh Pradip Krishen Ramachandra Guha
Suman Dubey, journalist Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar

consulting editor, Economic Times
Raghav Bahl
founder, Network 18
INTERVIEw
VALSON THAMPU
I blame St Stephens! We were scared if we ask alumni for help, our brand value would suffer!
alson Thampu, the principal of St Stephens College, says the alumni are not to blame for not giving back to their alma maters in India. Excerpts from an exclusive conversation with Rohit Bansal:
Shri Ram College of Commerce has received some Rs 40 crore.
Then why is it that only some institutions of excellence are succeeding? Why are others like St Stephens failing to replicate that?
Why are alumni not giving back? Against alumni of US junior schools and Ivy League colleges, why do we appear so reluctant?
We failed so far because we assumed a bogus air of self sufficiency and prestige. We were scared that if we ask alumni for help, the word will spread and our brand value would suffer.
Reluctance is not the problem. Indians are comfortable in giving. Crores of rupees are given to religious institutions. But when it comes to academic institutions, alumni dont know where to give. Education is not in their line of thought. Alumni dont know what to support and fund. They think of education as a state responsibility.
Theres no doubt that presently the state pays nearly everything. But the aggregate inflow is pretty small. The state discharges its responsibility, but the alumni dont.
Well, my message is not to blame the alumni. I argue that they havent been explained the need. No one, including St Stephens, has been telling them that their idea of state funding isnt true.
Then whats stopping you?
I am consciously changing that. And I am seeing signs of change. Even outside the IIT system, I hear Loyola, Chennai received a large amount.
Indians are comfortable in giving. Crores of rupees are given to religious institutions. But when it comes to academic institutions, alumni dont know where to give. Education is not in their line of thought.
But isnt that a genuine concern, particularly if some alumni want a quid pro quo!
Indeed, one of the unwritten suspicions in the past was that alumni donors will demand their pound of flesh at the time of admissions.
Some would say that college will indeed get beholden. It will be sold out to alumni with the money
Lets look at this differently. In every ruling on minorities institutions (including St Stephens) the supreme court talked of tax payers money and (by implication) the payers rights. I think the same logic should extend to alumni who are willing to pay for the betterment of our college. This can be done without compromise in academic criteria.
You mean alumni wards who have 96 percent marks anyway!
No, I mean wards who fall within a pre-defined margin of consideration, say five percent (less than the cut off). Such margin of consideration can be extended without extending the
Ravi Choudha ry
draw of lots, albeit with a ceiling of 2 percent of the total new admissions.
The draw of lots with adequate safeguards is just an operational issue. The philosophy is more important, i.e., if alumni respond they need to be acknowledged. I see no reason to shy away from acknowledging such donors on a tablet and to archive them on our website. I have started this process already (http://www.ststephens. edu/principal_msg.htm)
Hardly the way your predecessors would have gone about it!
I dont support a one-way traffic. One of my predecessors said, We as an institution can only give, we have no right to ask. I would rather try to conscience-ise the alumni, make them think about the college, and try and get them to meet and think as one group. Presently, they meet and think in splinters. It should have been our duty to facilitate and broker this change.
You are saying as if it was St Stephens that was wrong.
Yes, I dont blame the alumni. I blame myself! I blame the college!
academic wholeness of the college.
This would mean anybody with Rs 50,000 of spare cash can cover up for five percent lower marks!
of seven-eight donate Rs 5 lakh and each of them satisfies the margin of consideration?
All other things being equal, we can have a draw of lots.
You recently sent out an unusual message to some alumni, St Stephens College would welcome the donation of 15 white boards so that we can move on from the black board and chalk. Those who can arrange for one, two or three of them to be delivered to the college are welcome to do so. I am sending this SMS to a few fellow Stephanians. Why such a shocking message. You say whiteboards cost just Rs 5,000 apiece!
Well, if someone with 91 percent is being considered alongside another applicant with 96 percent, I wont be upset about it. But this cant be for Rs 50,000. Rs 5 lakh may be considered as a threshold. More importantly, the total number of such students admitted each year will have to be capped at 2 percent of our annual intake of 400. So, we are talking of seven-eight new students.
And what if theres an 11th alumni who donates Rs 50 lakh, i.e., 10 times of the threshold limit?
She will be treated equally.
Then on pure logic she would cut back to Rs 5 lakh and the college will lose Rs 45 lakh.
I see the point. Perhaps, a proportionate number of lots can be added into the hat.
Just to understand your idea better, what happens if 10 alumni instead
Within a few minutes of my message Rajiv Talwar (former IAS officer, now CEO, DLF) committed to take that responsibility. Another alumnus committed 5,800 square feet of Kota stone. The website now acknowledges the givers. I have just put up on the website the project estimates for what we need to upgrade our science block. My philosophy is to create a culture of beneficence and operationalising it. I see no point in continuing with a lack of vision. Instead, how about genuine reciprocal bonding! n
rohitbansal@post.harvard.edu
Some would feel very uneasy with a
INTERVIEW ASIT KOTICHA
The onus is on universities to invite donations
sit Koticha, chairman of ASK Financials, is a philanthropist-businessman with a difference. Before Anand Mahindra and Ratan Tata made headlines for their huge donations to Harvard, Koticha, a commerce graduate from Podar College, announced that he would build a school of philosophy and an international convention centre for Mumbai University at a cost of more than Rs 100 crore. Certainly the biggest gift to a university, or any educational institution in India for that matter, it raises hopes that his generosity will inspire others to pay back to their alma maters. In an interview with Geetanjali Minhas this Mumbai-based businessman discusses his big-ticket donation. Edited excerpts:
that. Secondly, there was also a need for a good convention centre as neither Mumbai University nor the city has one of international standards. Some time back, an international conference on mathematics was to take place but it had to be shifted to Hyderabad due to the lack of necessary infrastructure. The central government cannot maintain huge infrastructure. For that reason people like us have to come forward and that will help in the long run.
we have taken up a project of building 7,500 houses, out of which 1,500 have been delivered.
Can you tell us about the estimated expenses?
The department of philosophy will not cost more than Rs 2-3 crore. The international convention centre will cost roughly Rs 100 crore.
Do you expect others among the alumni to emulate your gesture?
Why is it that we in India are yet to evolve the culture of paying back to the alma maters, the way it is done in the US?
The response after the news broke has been really encouraging and overwhelming. Unfortunately, Mumbai University had lagged behind other institutions in this regard. University fees are highly subsidised. Though it has millions of students, I am told the university has a budget of just Rs 7 crore.
What prompted you to make such a huge donation to Mumbai University?
For two reasons. First, I believe in education. In my view, Mumbai University is the most deserving but most people give it a miss. The department of philosophy approached us for the construction of a school of philosophy. Dr Rajan Welukar, vice chancellor of the university, said they had a large plot of land at the Bandra-Kurla complex and they wanted to utilise
You are a businessman and donating for a school of philosophy. Why not for a school of business or finance?
They (Mumbai University) approached us and we did it for them. It was not planned. When we went to meet Dr Welukar, the topic of the convention centre came up in discussion and within five minutes we decided to support a convention centre. For Habitat for Humanity, an international organisation for providing affordable housing to the underprivileged,
Universities in India are run by the government. There are very few private universities. So, the culture of paying back to the alma mater is absent in our country both among the universities/colleges and the students. Then the onus is on the universities. Alumni should create their own networks. Many people want to contribute but do not know how to do it. If Mumbai University invites donations for a specific cause, requesting each of its alumni to contribute, say, Rs 1,000, mentions that the amount should not exceed Rs 1,000, and designates bank collection centres, people will definitely contribute because Rs 1,000 is not a large amount for anyone.
What are your views on funding for higher education in India?
We are spending $10 billion annually for sending our children abroad for higher studies. Now human resource
Geetanjali Minhas
Where Alumni Gave

All figures in $ billion
Harvard $25.662 (rose to $36.9 in 2008)#
Yale $16.327
Stanford $ 12.619
Asit Koticha, with his mantra of giving framed in his office. development minister Kapil Sibal has announced that foreign universities can come to India and set up colleges and universities here. This is very encouraging. The sooner it is implemented the better it is for our children. Our own universities in partnership with foreign universities can help us save billions of dollars. Our children will get world-class education in their own country. Most students go abroad for better quality education. Very few students go abroad to experience the culture there.
Princeton $12.614
MIT $7.982
University of Texas System $12.163
A lot of people want to contribute but do not know how to do it. If Mumbai University invites donations for a specific cause, requesting each of its alumni to contribute, say, Rs 1,000, mentions that the amount should not exceed Rs 1,000, and designates bank collection centres, people will definitely contribute because Rs 1,000 is not a large amount for anyone.
Do you think corporate social responsibility (CSR) programmes in India are carried out in letter and spirit?
Michigan $6.000
Columbia $5.892
Until a few years ago, people were doing it more for religious reasons and they did not like to talk about it. For example, they would make large donations to the Siddhivinayak temple and Tirupati Balaji and not speak about it. The trend of social objective was not strong. Now there is more awareness about giving back to society. The culture in our country inhibits people to talk about donations. So it becomes an excuse for most people to not do it. It should be brought to the table so that there is social recognition and people want to donate. n
geetanjali@governancenow.com
Northwestern $ 5.445
University of Pennsylvania $5.170
Source: 2010 National Association of College and University **Updated as of April 30, 2010 #Estimated at $27.4 in June 2010 (Financial Times) A list of endowments at over 800 institutions in US and Canada is available at: http://www. nacubo.org/Documents/research/2009_NCSE_ Public_Tables_Endowment_Market_Values.pdf

Governance of Education
Why most principals fail the test

A college principals perspective on the governance of the first unit of higher education in the country
ndia is now quite vocal about her aspirations to become a global knowledge superpower. It is in the fitness of things that education reforms begin with the first unit of higher education, which is the undergraduate college. I touch here briefly on one aspect of its functioning its governance from my own experiences in the University of Delhi. Lets begin with the head of a college, the principal. This post, as a matter of policy, is filled from the teaching cadre. Presu-mably this policy is premised on the notion that academic leadership is the prime function of the principal. However, no stocktaking seems to have been done as yet to examine whether conditions on the
Meera Ramachandran
ground enable the principal to discharge this function with undistracted focus. An enormous range and magnitude of responsibilities are placed on the shoulders of this officebearer. First of all, there is no module of training or briefing in place to orient the new incumbent to this position, considering the incumbent has stemmed from a non-administrative cadre. From day one, he has to begin riding before he has learnt to hold the reins. In the organisational structure below him the level is almost flat, for officer and clerk have all been promoted from entry levels, and invariably possess neither skill nor aptitude. From day one, the principal is financial, legal, engineering, technological, public relations and managerial head to name just a few of his duties, with no limbs to support. The principal is the authorised mandatory signatory on a plethora of forms, bills, cheques, reports and never ending correspondence. The onus compounds if the college offers multi-stream curricula that include arts, sciences, commerce and, in some cases, a few professional courses as well. Hence, if we are to build institutions of excellence in order
to hasten a thriving knowledge economy, one of the first elements of reform must be to evolve a process whereby the principal of the undergraduate college is able to delegate much of his non-academic functions to competent administrative staff and concentrate on the academic growth of the institution.
A case of too many masters
The next aspect of governance that requires attention is the multiplicity of authorities to whom the principal is accountable. The most demanding of these are the management of the college, the university of which the college is a constituent and the funding agency. (There are, of course, a host of other stakeholders as well). There is often an absence of a cohesive vision or coordination among these major decision makers. The buck is passed from one to the other, leaving decisions pending for years, and passing as debt inheritance from one principal to his successor. Demotivation and stagnation among the affected, therefore, are the result of so many cooks in the kitchen. The management of undergraduate colleges is with the
governing bodies, of which there is a variety. The selection of members of these bodies differs for state-owned colleges and others such as private trust managed, or university maintained colleges. Governing bodies of state-owned colleges, unlike those of a trust, have little stake in institution building, primarily on account of the annual turnover of their members. These members are nominated from diverse backgrounds and some of them perhaps because of their usefulness to the party in power. Each time a new governing body takes over in a stateowned college, the principal has to engage in an iterative exercise of briefing the members on university procedures, and familiarising them with the local college milieu and its priorities. Barring a few exceptions, and these are esteemed exceptions indeed, these members do not see their role as participatory, advisory or enabling of institution building. A narrow vision restricts some to view their roles as sanctioning authorities sans the vision. A long-term commitment or contribution towards building a brand so to say, of reputation and performance, is missing. The principal is often reduced
Ashish asthana
has to be bureaucratically pursued and resolved. A system needs to be evolved after wide consultations and consensus, which eases governance through macro and not micro control, through trust on the local head and allowance for institutional flexibility.
Towards academic freedom
to a defensive position in meetings of governing bodies where the nitty-gritty rather than the vision gets discussed and deliberated. The funding agency is not far behind in treating the principal as a delinquent in financial matters. Budget discussion meets are more often than not exercises in haggling. Delayed receipt of funds, making salary time a trauma for the principal, and penalisation by way of grant cuts on assumed erroneous spending by the college, without giving the principal a chance to explain, place a stress on college governance and divert attention from engagements with academic growth. The third pillar, the university imposes bureaucratic control on regularising
promotions, pay fixations, reservation rosters, admission and recruitment procedures among others, without taking into account the unique and pressing ground realities of each college. Many man hours of college governance are wasted on correspondence that are aimed at defending, explaining, reminding and pleading with the army of ministerial staff of the university. Once again, the issue is that rather than the university mandating performance at the college level by providing a broad regulatory structure, and delegating daily implementation, each issue
One of the first elements of reform must be to evolve a process whereby the principal of the undergraduate college is able to delegate much of his nonacademic functions to competent administrative staff and concentrate on the academic growth of the institution.
Governance of colleges is marred further by the absence of adequate academic freedom. The present system of colleges being constituents of a university, all of which have a common curriculum and centralised examination patterns, has several merits and for many reasons should continue to exist. However, each college is unique in its geographical location, student profile, and academic strengths and weaknesses. Each institute should therefore have a degree of academic autonomy to take decisions that are compatible with its uniqueness. This includes freedom to introduce new courses, gradually terminate some existing unpopular ones based on historical experience, to expand and limit class sizes, without these decisions having to pass through very timeconsuming tiers of bureaucratic procedures. Such freedom could lead for example to the introduction of flexible and customised modules within the university prescribed course structure, that would cater to the diverse needs of a heterogeneous student body, as well as provide an individual student with opportunities to earn credits for academic talents beyond the exigencies of the centralised examination system. A greater participation and empowerment of faculty and students, with inputs from alumni too, in designing flexible modules will enhance the potential of the human capital of the nation. n
Ramachandran is principal of Gargi College, University of Delhi.

Alma Matters
IIMs to go the Yale way

Sibal has given green signal to the premier B-schools to tap alumni
Bhartia prescription
The HRD ministryappointed Committee on Fund Raising headed by Hari S Bhartia has prescribed the Yale model:
n To tap alumni and philanthropists for donations n Target for the four old IIMs over three years: Rs 400 crore n IIMs to have a development office for fund raising, a dedicated policy, and also roadshows
The new, scenic campus of the IIM, Ahmedabad, which invites alumni dontations on its website
he Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) will soon be able to raise funds from the alumni. HRD minister Kapil Sibal has granted the 10 premier business schools more control over their budgets. They can also open branches in India and abroad. During Sibals meeting with the heads of the IIMs on October 13, the government also accepted an internal report, prepared by the Committee on Fund Raising by IIMs, which proposed a development office especially for the purpose, with a fund raising policy that will include road shows. The HRD ministry is also planning a workshop on the topic of collecting endowments for institutes. The government has also accepted a recommendation
of the committee, chaired by Hari S Bhatia, chairman of IIM, Raipur (and also co-chairman of Jubilant Life Sciences Ltd), to let the IIMs raise funds from their alumni as well as philanthropists. The committee, according to media reports, has suggested that the fund raising plan can make a beginning with the four oldest IIMs (Ahmedabad, Calcutta, Bangalore and Lucknow), which can raise Rs 400 crore from their alumni in next three years. The target is considered achievable, given the fact that most of the alumni members are in the top echelons of the corporate sector in India and abroad. The plan is based on Yale Universitys fund raising model, which means the IIMs will identify prospective donors, solicit funds from them and keep
them posted about how their money is being put to use. The committee wants the four IIMs to reach out to their former students, the way Yale does, by sending them presentations and invitations to visit the campus for more detailed interactions and seeking donations for their alma mater in cash or kind. (In fact, the IIM Ahmedabad website invites its alumni to donate to their alma mater, with helpful guidelines for those abroad on how to channel their donations through alumni associations.) IIMs can now approve their budgets, raise money and use it to create new posts and open new campuses without needing governmental clearance. The new avenues of fund generation will be highly helpful to the IIMs because the government is able to spare
only Rs 20 crore a year to each of the four old IIMs though the new ones are slated to get Rs 400 crore each over the next eight years. The meeting also considered the reports of the committee constituted to recommend a new governance structure for IIMs (chaired by R C Bhargav, chairman, board of governors, IIM, Ranchi). It was decided that the number of board members of an IIM would be reduced to 14. On the second report of the Committee on Faculty and Research at the IIMs, chaired by Ajit Balakrishnan, chairman, IIM, Calcutta, it was decided that the IIMs can top up the salaries of their directors also in addition to the faculty from the funds generated by them on their own. n
GN Bureau
POLICY SPROUTS

Young Wonks
Right to Education vs Right to Educate
Stiff norms laid down in the new law will make it difficult for many schools to teach at all
Sonjuhi Singh
he Right to Education Act provides for universal elementary education but ironically limits private education providers who can make this possible. Section 19 states that schools established before the commencement of the Act need to meet norms and standards specified in the RTE schedule within three years or will be shut down. As per the Act while the schools already recognised only have to meet the RTE schedule norms, the unrecognised schools additionally have to meet state norms too. Most unrecognised schools are located in unplanned colonies and teach till the primary level. These schools are a cheap alternative for parents who cannot afford recognised schools and do not want to send their children to a government school. A conservative estimate of unrecognised schools in Delhi is about 2,000 with 200 children each. According to the current Delhi state norms, the schools need to have 800 square yards of space and pay teachers salary at par with the government salary which is Rs 23,000 at the entry level post the Sixth
Pay Commission. Additionally, the RTE Act specifies that every school should have a playground. These space and teacher salary requirements are hard for unrecognised schools to meet. During a visit of five recognised and nine unrecognised schools, it was found that none of the recognised schools met the land criterion and could not afford to pay the stipulated teacher salary. One of them got recognition as it met the earlier land norm of 200 square yards but its manager still had to pay a bribe of Rs 80,000 at that time. While this school charges a fee of Rs 250 a month for a child, it is accounted for as Rs 500, so that he can account for teachers salary to be much more than what he actually pays them. The manager says, The people
in this area are very poor and cannot afford to pay more. How can I then pay teachers the salary that the government wants me to? According to an official of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD), most schools in Delhi are unable to pay the teachers salary as per the norms. Also, none of the recognised schools have a playground and each said it was impossible to have one. The nine unrecognised schools visited varied in size ranging from 25 square yards to 300 square yards while the average was about 100 square yards. Since these schools lack horizontal space, they have been built vertically, sometimes extending to four floors. None of the unrecognised schools are able to meet the land criterion. Thus, there is a need for
relaxing land norms at least in unplanned colonies. One option could be to give recognition to a school if it has an adequate number of rooms with ventilation and some open space. But then again MCD requires the rooms to be 150 square feet the figure calculated keeping in mind a maximum of 40 students per class as specified by previous state norms. Many unrecognised schools have 15-20 students per class and it would make more sense to calculate the room size according to the space needed per child. Also, even if the government does not want teachers salary to be completely market driven, it should be decided on the basis of the fee the schools charge, rather than putting it on par with government salaries. Thirdly, instead of asking schools to have a playground, the government should make sure that there is a park near every school and make it mandatory for the schools to provide physical education to their students. At the same time, some monitoring mechanism is needed so that those schools that qualify for recognition are able to get it without paying a heavy bribe. If only these concessions are given would the small budget private schools be able to work with the government in attaining universal elementary education. n
feedback@governancenow.com
Announcement: This page is for young scholars working on policy and governance issues. We invite you to send us your unpublished work. Please limit the paper to about 800 words and forward it to us through your organisation at feedback@governancenow.com.

Law and Us
When the law turns enemy
Tenants are misusing the lacunae in the Enemy Property Act, 1968, to harass landlords
Danish Raza
r Anees-ul-Haq, a dentist in Kucha Rehman of Old Delhis Chandni Chowk, was in for a shock when he received a notice from the deputy commissioner informing him that the properties he had rented out were enemy properties. The dentist was zapped. He had title deeds that clearly showed that his aunt, Jahangira Begum, had gifted these properties to him, his brother and mother. Whats more, the gift was duly registered with the sub-registrars office. That was in 1985. The documents could not, however, save him from the lengthy trial that followed. It took him 19 years and a persistent judicial follow-up right up to the supreme court to prove that the properties did not belong to somebody
who had crossed over to Pakistan between the wars of 1965 and 1971. After all, his aunt had died in Delhi on December 7, 1955 and had never been to Pakistan. Dr Haq has, however, been just one of the victims of the Enemy Property Act (EPA), 1968, which dragged him through the courts. Over the years, he became an expert and stocked two almirahs full of documents related to the legislation, according to which the custody and management of any property belonging to the enemy (as defined in the Defence of India Act, 1962) is vested with the Custodian of Enemy Properties (CEP). The deputy commissioner told Haq that he was just executing the orders of the CEP and that he should go to the custodians Mumbai office if he wanted any relief in the case. At that time, the CEP was under the ministry of commerce, but now it is under the ministry of home affairs (MHA). But the custodians office has always been in Mumbai. For any appeal, one has to go there only, says Haq. For years, Haq spent a majority of his income on lawyers, to say nothing of his time and energy. It was only in 2004 that
the supreme court ruled in Haqs favour and asked him to get the properties divested from the custodian. Barely ten minutes from Haqs clinic is Muslim Musafirkhana in Ballimaran. Also known as Kibriya Manzil, the popular guest house is a landmark here, as it is believed that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Acharya Kriplani and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad used to meet in this complex to devise strategies during the freedom struggle. It is named after Hakim Ghulam Kibriya, a freedom fighter who owned this property and was a regular in these meetings. In 1970, Kibriyas son sold the property spread over 900 yards to Shah Sufi Abdul Qadir for Rs 1.20 lakh. Qadir, in turn, gave the property to the Waqf Board and converted it into a guest house. As per the deal, some part of the property would remain commercial and would be rented out. The rent given to the Waqf would be used for the upkeep of the guest house. In 1993, Qadirs son, Maulana Farooq Wasifi, the current trustee of the guest house, got a notice that the guest house was an enemy property. It is a Waqf
(Above) Dr Anees-ul- Haq at his clinic and (Right) Maulana Farooq Wasifi at the guest house in Ballimaran, Chandni Chowk
property since 1970. That is a fact and nobody on earth can question it, says the 75-year-old, pointing to a dining table where, according to Wasifi, Nehru used to dine, This is a national treasure. Besides the fact that both Dr Haq and Wasifi are residents of the walled city and that they had notices slapped on them under the EPA, the two share another similarity. Both had filed cases in the court against their tenants for nonpayment of rent. The tenants, according to both, complained to the CEP that the properties were enemy properties. Acting on these complaints, the CEP issued notices which worked in the favour of the tenants. It has become a common practice for tenants these days. Just lodge a complaint with the CEP. Then the landlord spends rest of his life in court, says M Salim, a supreme court lawyer who has handled several enemy property cases. Salim believes that the biggest reason for the harassment faced by the landlords in enemy property cases is the absence of
It has become a common practice for tenants these days. Just lodge a complaint with the Custodian of Enemy Properties (CEP). Then the landlord spends rest of his life in court, says M Salim, a supreme court lawyer who has handled several enemy property cases.
any checks and balances on the part of the custodian. They just slap a notice on the landlord without any enquiry about the complainant and the mentioned property. Once the notice is issued, the onus is on the landlord to prove that his is not an enemy property, says Salim. Dr Haq says representatives of the custodian did not even bother to appear before
the same. As per the data obtained from the CEP, there are 3,329 enemy properties in the country worth thousand of crores. In August, the home ministry directed the Faridabad-based National Institute of Financial Management to evaluate the prices of these properties, of which Uttar Pradesh has the highest number (1,526),
the court in his case. The second reason why the two words enemy property are enough to terrorise the landlords is that the CEP has not set any deadline for the survey of these properties. The guidelines regarding preservation and management of enemy properties in India, vested with the CEP, issued in the year 2000, talk about detection of all undetected enemy properties in the country. However, the guidelines do not prescribe any deadline for

Law and Us
INTERVIEW Dinesh Singh
On October 20, the cabinet approved the Enemy Property (Amendment and Validation) Bill 2010. The new law will have retrospective effect. Court will have no power to order divestment from the custodian or direct the central government to divest enemy property.
followed by West Bengal (386), Goa (122), Delhi (67) and Gujarat (53). At the time of writing, there are 1,238 cases in which the CEP is investigating if the property is enemy property. That means, even 39 years after the war with Pakistan, the CEP is adding to its list of enemy properties acting on complaints, as those received in the cases of Haq and Wasifi. In the process, it is making tenants the de facto owners of the properties. In many cases, by the time the CEP issues notice or summons the current owner, the property has changed many hands and it is difficult to trace the owner whose name is mentioned in the notice. If you have bought the property in 2010, how are you supposed to produce the details of that person, who, as per the notice, migrated to Pakistan during partition? asks Zafarul Haq Islam, editor, Milli Gazette and former president, All India Muslim
Our notices give chance to clarify: Custodian
hose of us who have to dealwith the office of the custodian of enemy property (CEP) usually have only complaints and criticism about its functioning. But CEP Dinesh Singh, an Indian Revenue Service (IRS) officer, seeks to clear several misconceptions and explains in an interview with Geetanjali Minhas that the rules and regulations are followed precisely to serve the common man. Excerpts:
There are about 3,000 immovable properties across the country except in Jammu and Kashmir and about shares and securities worth Rs 1,500 crore currently.
across India vested with the CEP?
What is the estimated worth of the immovable properties?
Tell us about the genesis of the office of the custodian of enemy property (CEP).
We have not ascertained or valuated that. As these properties have encumbrances and tenants, their value fluctuates.
This office in Mumbai traces its origin to 1939, when it was set up against the backdrop of World War II. It was then known as controller of enemy firms. After the world war ended in 1945, the office continued to function, as the question of handing enemy properties was to be decided. This could be one of the reasons for having continued with it as the head office and it was renamed custodian of enemy property in 1962. There is a subordinate custodian office in Kolkata working under us. It was established mainly to administer ex gratia payments. For example, a large number of people who lost their properties in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) came forward to file their claims in India. So they were compensated. We had received 57,000-odd applications. The government of India paid around Rs 71 crore from the consolidated fund.
How many of these properties are under investigation to ascertain if they are enemy properties?
About 1,200.
People complain that whenever anybody tells the CEP office that a particular property is enemy property; the CEP straightaway slaps notice on the current owner of that property without verifying the antecedents of the complainant. The burden of proof is on the owner then. What do have you say?
Is issuing notice not a transparent way of working? We verify the authenticity of complaint. We check land revenue records for property ownership. If the owner was a citizen of India during the crucial period (1965-77), we do not consider it an enemy property. If the person has migrated to Pakistan we check and make inquiries through police and local administration. We issue notice so that the person is given a reasonable opportunity to explain his position
What is the total number of properties
planning to come out with clear-cut policy guidelines. Proposed amendments will settle such issues. The government will be able to divest properties to the claimants and will also be able to sell properties under some mechanism. Things are moving in the right direction.
Do you have a time frame within which you will detect all the enemy properties?
There is no deadline. We only have to ascertain if the owner was a Pakistani national or the property was managed on his behalf during the crucial pro-vesting period of 1965-77. If an unclaimed fixed deposit in a bank is traced to an address in Pakistan, the bank comes to us and remits the money to us. There is a difference in the 1962 vesting of Chinese properties and the 1965 vesting of Pakistani properties. The Pakistani property vesting is carried out through general orders and the custodian has to identify those properties. before declaring the property as an enemy property. The person can always go to court if he has grievances. Often, people do have vested interests and big properties can have bogus claims. It is not necessary that people who allege high-handedness of the custodian are clean themselves. If a person has brought property from an owner who is a Pakistani national without the RBI permission (which is normally not given), it means he has himself acted in a clandestine manner. for a report from the district collector to verify the ground reality. We issue notice to the occupant of property and check the papers and evidence of occupancy if it belonged to a Pakistani national at that time. We do not seek vacant possession unless the property is in illegal possession. If the person is a tenant, we collect the rent.
So you are detecting properties on an ongoing basis.
What is difference between the powers of the custodian and those of courts?
There is a clear-cut demarcation between judicial and executive functions. Once the custodian takes a decision on the property, the aggrieved person can approach the court. If the court decides that it is an enemy property it does not have the power to divest it. The property goes into the realm of the central government (the home ministry) which has executive powers. If the person is fulfilling the rules and guidelines, the government can re-vest the property. Here too the court has been given powers: the government will consider the matter only after the succession certificate has been issued by the court.
We are not detecting properties but we get complaints that the owner was a Pakistani national during the period and somebody is in wrong possession. Such complaints come mainly from tenants or those who have some interest in the property and are being deprived of that interest.
There have been cases of CEP notices on waqf properties. Again, people have complained that the CEP has not put checks and balances in place before issuing notices.
Charitable and religious waqfs are out of the purview of the Eenemy property law. Where the waqf is a trust property and beneficiaries are individuals and Pakistani nationals, their property or share, whichever is applicable, has to be vested with the custodian.
Even after five years of the enactment of the Right to Information (RTI) Act, The CEP does not have a website though under section 4 of the RTI Act basic information on the public authority should be available on a public forum. One has to phone or visit the revenue office of the state to find out details of the enemy properties. Also, there is no mention of CEP on the website of the home ministry, under which it functions. Why is this air of secrecy?
Another complaint is that different authorities across the country interpret the Enemy Property Act differently. Sometimes the notice does not mention the relevant clause of the law; sometimes a police constable comes to hand over the notice. Shouldnt there be a uniform application of laws?
There is only one law called the Enemy Property Act and notices are generally served by post. Police help is avoided but resorted to only in exceptional cases. After receiving a written complaint we ask
Are there any properties that have been re-vested so far?
We have not. The court has re-vested the Raja of Mahmoodabads properties.
Earlier CEP functioned under the commerce ministry and general information was displayed on its website. We have voluminous data. There are 5,600 claim cases and 3,000-odd property cases. But we are working on data verification and we will shortly have a website.
For the common man it is not easy to get the property back.
Does the Jinnah House come under your purview?
Laws are being framed for the common man and to grant rights to the rightful claimants precisely because it is difficult to fight cases and everyone cannot take matters to the supreme court. The government has to function under rules and is
The Jinnah house is under the external affairs ministry. Some shares and securities of (Mohammad Ali) Jinnah and Fatima Jinnah are vested with us. As it (the house) was classified as evacuee property, we did not take it over as enemy property. n
geetanjali@governancenow.com

Law and Us
Enemy properties in India Majlis-e-Mushawarat. Islam blames lack of uniSr. State Chinese Pakistani Nationals form procedures for the manNo Nationals (Prop. Vested) agement of enemy properties across India for the mess (Prop. Vested) (Prop. Process) something acknowledged by 1 Andhra Pradesh 08 17 the CEP in its 2000 guidelines. The CEP has no set format for 2 Assam 15 02 the notices which are issued 3 Andaman & Nicobar 01 in cases of suspected enemy 4 Bihar 07 34 properties. In many cases, the 5 Chhattisgarh 01 notices issued do not mention 6 Delhi 01 37 29 the EPA clause under which the action is initiated. The re7 Daman & Diu 01 sult is that the district offi8 Goa 120 02 cials at various levels, manag9 Gujarat 21 32 ing the properties on behalf of 10 Haryana 02 the CEP, follow different prac11 Jharkhand 03 tices. There have been cases where policemen hand over 12 Karnataka 01 05 09 the notice. 13 Kerala 14 12 I cannot forget the night 14 Madhya Pradesh 28 of 14th July 1998 when a con15 Maharashtra 21 04 stable came to my house to 16 Meghalaya 17 give the notice. For next few months, I was convincing peo17 Rajasthan 04 10 ple that all was fine at my place 18 Tamil Nadu 01 05 01 and we were not involved in 19 Tripura 01 any criminal activity, recalls 20 Uttar Pradesh 611 915 Mohammad Shakir, Nobody 21 Uttarakhand 08 07 likes a policeman to visit his home. 22 West Bengal 27 198 161 The notice said that the prop23 Property re-vested 936 on Promulgation of erty belonged to one Asifa Ordinance, 2010 Khatoon who was a Pakistani national. Shakir obtained doc(Raja of Mehmoodabad) uments which proved that Total 2,029 1,238 Asifas name was there in the 1980 voters list and that she held an Indian ration card in 1983. There was a Delhi high January to seek the updated list of enemy court order which had declared Asifa the properties. Responding to his application, sole owner of that property. the CEP asked him why did he want that Zameer Jumlala, president of the Indian list. No officer can ask the applicant to inNational League, Delhi, says that everytimate the cause for seeking information. thing about the functioning of the CEP is Even the supreme court judges did not ask secretive. Even after five years of the enthe cause from the RTI applicant seeking actment of the right to information (RTI) details of their assets, he says. act, the CEP does not have a website. One Jumlana has been writing to the authorihas to phone or personally go to the revties about the lacunae in the enemy propenue offices of various states to find out erty act. Acting on his application, the details of the enemy properties. national minorities commission (NMC) There is no mention of CEP on the webhas demanded, twice, the repeal of the site of the MHA website. act. The commission, therefore, recomUnder section 4 of the RTI act, every bamended in its annual report 1998-99 that sic detail about the public authority inthe EPA,1968, is wholly outdated and decluding its functions, details of employees served to be repealed. and annual reports should be available on In its action taken report (ATR) submited a public forum. to the NMC, the government said that the Jumlana had filed an RTI application in
repeal of the EPA, 1968 was not possible till the governTotal ment of India and the governments of Pakistan and Bangladesh came to an agreement to return the properties of 25 the migrants of each country bilaterally. 17 About a deadline to detect 01 such properties, it said, De41 tection of these properties is 01 a continuous process and it 67 would be contrary to the object of the act if identifica01 tion and takeover process is 122 stopped from a fixed date. 53 According to the ATR, the 02 government cannot ask the 03 complainant to submit any affidavit as the complainant 15 may not like to be exposed 26 for the fear of his life from 28 the occupants of the valuable 25 property. 17 On November 23, 1999, Jumlana sent a fax message 14 to Manmohan Singh, who 07 was then leader of opposi01 tion in the Rajya Sabha, re1526 garding the illegal notices to 15 the walled city residents. The same day, Singh forwarded 386 the letter to chief minister 936 Sheila Dikshit. Nothing happened. On October 20, the cabinet approved amendment to EPA. 3,329 According to the Enemy Property (Amendment and Validation) Second Bill, 2010, enemy properties divested from the Custodian prior to 2nd July, 2010 or where the property had been returned to the owner or his lawful heir by an order of the court; and if the lawful heir is a citizen of India by birth, will continue to remain with such person. Also, no court will have the power to order divestment from the custodian or direct the central government to divest enemy property. Just imagine, all this at a time when we play cricket with the so-called enemy, we have their actors and singers in our movies and both the countries have exchange programmes under which the students are given a chance to understand the culture of the other country, sighs Dr Haq. n
danish@governancenow.com
Rift widens in POSCO panel

he rift within the four-member committee, which studied the the POSCO project in Orissa and submitted two different reports, has widened further. Three of them V Suresh, Urmila Pingle and Devender Pandey have now written to environment minister Jairam Ramesh drubbing the report of fourth member, former environment secretary
performance
CAG blames telecom ministry for undervaluing 2G
he telecom ministry has been accused by the comptroller and auditor general (CAG) in its latest report of undervaluing 2G spectrum sold to new players in 2008. The CAG held that the allotment price was not realistic. Policy failed to address the issue of pricediscovery of spectrum... The August 2007 Report of the telecom regulatory authority of India (TRAI) brought out that entry fee as it existed in 2001 was not a realistic price for obtaining a licence in the changed situation, considering the dynamism and growth of telecom sector and it needs to be reassessed through a market mechanism, the CAG pointed out.
Meena Gupta, untenable and legally impermissible for suggesting they had exceeded their brief by recommending cancellation of environment clearance to the project for violating all the laws and guidelines. Gupta had played a key role in giving clearance to the project and wanted the company to be asked to merely carry our fresh environment impact studies.
Govt to raise Rs 45,000 crore through divestment

he government had proposed to raise Rs 40,000 though divestment this fiscal. So far, it has raised Rs 1,000 crore through stake sale in Satluj Vidyut Nigam and another Rs 1,000 crore through Engineers India FPO. Coal Indias IPO will be raising another Rs 15,000 crore. There are proposals to raise Rs 8,000 crore through public
offer of equities in Powergrid Corporation, Rs 22,000 crore in Indian Oil Corporation, Rs 4,000 crore in SAIL and Rs 10,000 crore in ONGC. The government hopes to generate Rs 45,000 crore this way within a year. The government had raised Rs 25,000 crore through stake sale in Oil India, NMDC, REC and NTPC in the last fiscal.
Mobile portability to miss another deadline

he governments move to bring in mobile number portability (MNP) will miss yet another deadline, October 31. Officials said MNP was expected to be pushed forward by two to three months. MNP provides the opportunity to mobile subscribers to migrate to other operators while retaining their number within the circle. A government
panel, which was expected to take a call on security clearance for US-based Telcordia Technologies Inc, which together with Syniverse Technologies Inc was supposed to roll out MNP pan-India from October 31, has not met so far. The home ministry had revoked the clearance of Telcordia in August on security grounds as the company has operations in Pakistan.
INTERVIEW
Prakash Kumar
Infrastructure for e-governance is largely in place, but the application needs to be accelerated
Prakash Kumar, director, Internet Business Solutions Group at Cisco, served as joint secreCisco tary with the ministry IN e-GOV of earth sciences before taking up this position. An officer of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Kumar had earlier worked as secretary (IT) of Delhi, chairman of Andaman and Nicobar Islands Integrated Development Corporation and additional commissioner (systems), Sales Tax Department of Delhi government. Edited experts from an exclusive interview with Samir Sachdeva:
How does Cisco plan to utilise the opportunity that the partnership with the Indian government presents?
How do you view the implementation of e-governance in India?

Technology, when applied appropriately, not only improves performance and lowers the cost of government operations but also brings about a paradigm shift in the relationship between the government and the people. Government agencies have been experimenting with the use of ICT, first to improve their internal work and later to improve the delivery of services but with varying degrees of success. The National e-Governance Plan (NeGP) gave it a much-needed direction and focus. There have been failures and successes, time overruns, cost overruns but that is only to be expected in a plan of such magnitude. While infrastructure for e-governance is largely in place, the application needs to be accelerated.
Cisco is working with partners such as IBM, HCL, Wipro and Infosys to draw synergies in their applications being developed for the government. Some of the large projects that the company is involved in are the implementation of State Wide Area Network (SWAN) and the creation of State Data Centres. The company is also working with the Indian Railways for their unreserved ticketing solution (UTS) and with Wipro for the Rs 1,200 crore IT outsourcing contract for Employee State Insurance Corporation (ESIC). In addition to the ongoing engagements with state and central government organisations in ICT infrastructure creation, Cisco is also working closely through its strategic consulting arm Internet Business Solutions Group (IBSG) with the Department of Information Technology (DIT), National Institute of Urban Affairs, National Institute for Smart Government (NISG), Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) and a few state governments. In India, a large part of the consulting undertaken by the Cisco IBSG is for government projects. We also have a government affairs wing which contributes extensively to policy formation by bringing in global experience and expertise.
brought about is the transition from product-based to solution-based and now to architecture-based approach. Architecture is the sum of all the parts a truly integrated portfolio of products, services technology and business solutions. The next innovation from Cisco, called Smart & Connected Communities (S+CC), focuses on bringing all services delivered to people across the city using the network as the platform. Bringing together a broad portfolio of products, services, partners and solutions, the initiative creates sustainable solutions for public safety and security, transportation, buildings, utilities, healthcare and education.
What about Ciscos role in e-health, e-education and e-content?
How has Cisco contributed to the growth of e-governance?
The transformation that Cisco has
Cisco has successfully demonstrated use of ICT in delivering education and health services from a remote location to rural areas. Ciscos Remote Education Centre brings teachers virtually to classrooms located in rural areas and this was first piloted in Chhindwara district of Madhya Pradesh. Partnering with Apollo group, Cisco is going to bring quality healthcare to remote villages using similar technology developed by our Bangalore unit. Cisco also runs a network academy at 163 institutions across 24 states in India where students are trained on networking technology. More than 45,000 students have been trained under Ciscos network academy program so far. Another very successful project has been the Lifelines project. Cisco,
Ravi Choudha ry
along with British Telecom, has joined hands with OneWorld International Foundation to launch the Lifelines Service. This service provides rural farming communities with vital e-content on various agriculture and agro-business related issues. Additionally, farmers also get weather guidance, updates about the market (prices, quality etc) and relevant government schemes. The application helps the farmers sell their produce directly to the distributors and get a better realisation for it.
manpower to handle such projects. The other challenge is the long procurement process. Procurement of service and designing of service level agreements is rather new to government employees who have been procuring goods traditionally. Lack of standardisation is another challenge as that leads to problems in interoperability. DIT and line ministries are working to overcome these by training staff to create capacity and by opting for innovative processes.
Please elaborate on Ciscos role in SWAN, SDC and other mission mode projects.
Cisco has partnered with various organisations for the SWAN projects, including HCL Comnet, Wipro, TCS and UTL. Cisco is working closely with its partners in setting up of SDCs which are at different stages of the bidding process. As per DIT estimates, 12 of them are expected to be functional by the end of this year and the remaining by the end of next year. With ICT infrastructure nearing completion and application software being developed, delivery of services to people will soon be a reality across India. Cisco is also involved in some other major government projects namely Tax Net of Ministry of Finance, modernisation of police departments, e-municipality etc.
What are the key challenges in implementing such projects?
The biggest challenge facing the government agencies is the lack of trained
The biggest challenge facing the government agencies is the lack of trained manpower to handle such projects. The other challenge is the long procurement process. Procurement of service and designing of service level agreements is rather new to government employees who have been procuring goods traditionally.
Do you have or are seeking some sort of collaboration with the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI)?
Cisco IBSG worked closely with the UIDAI on its working paper titled Creating a unique identity number for every resident of India detailing the proposed approach, processes and architecture for implementing this program. The focus of the IBSG team was to identify gaps and to make suggestions to make UIDs implementation smooth. A large number of recommendations and suggestions were made regarding policy, strategy, architecture and implementation of the UID initiative based on the experience of other jurisdictions, attempts made by different authorities in India on the issuance of a card, and the experience of Cisco public sector, architectural design and technology experts. The Cisco team had earlier provided information on national identity cards of various countries to the UIDAI team. n
samir@governancenow.com
Right way to rapid transport

Ahmedabads bus rapid transport system, unlike the one in Delhi, is a model of project planning that puts people at the centre. One of the planners shares secrets of its popularity
Shivanand Swami
he year 2005 was the urban development year in Gujarat. As part of that, the state government initiated a lot of focused action on various aspects of urban development, and, as a corollary, much more emphasis was laid on infrastructure. Obviously, public transport was of utmost importance. The state government decided in 2005 to introduce a bus rapid transit system (BRTS) for Ahmedabad. It was very

Urban Governance
Buses lined up at a BRTS stop in Ahmedabad. Unlike Delhi BRTS, it has restricted entry and a dedicated fleet of buses
interesting the way they zeroed in on the BRTS. Their argument was, Ahmedabad was a growing city. It had a population of 45 lakh then, and it was set to rise to 60 lakhs by 2011. With 60 lakh people in an area of 460 sq km, it would not be practically possible for the Ahmedabad Municipal Transport Service (AMTS) to meet all transport needs of the people. It was evident we needed more transport options metro, suburban rail or BRTS. Given the three options the authorities thought it was not the question of choosing one over the other but about solving the transport problem.
Meeting needs
They, therefore, took into consideration all three modes of transport as the requirements would vary from one area to another. The plan that was prepared in 2006 was an integrated transit plan that had a metro corridor of about 42 km, another 50-60 km for what was then called regional rail and then about 217 km of corridor length was identified for BRTS. This 217-km length was split into different phases. The first phase was of 58 km, second phase was of some 30 km and then came the third and fourth phases. We took the first phase and prepared a proposal of about Rs 500 crore. We took this proposal to the government. By this time the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) had come into effect. Since the central governments sanctioning power was limited to Rs 100 crore per project, they asked us to bring the cost of the proposal to below Rs 100 crore. We therefore submitted a proposal of Rs 96 crore to start the work. Later when the governments sanctioning power was increased, the remaining amount for the first phase was sanctioned too. A year later, the second phase was approved and today we have in total 88 km of BRTS, either under operation or construction.
We were not looking at technology nor were we looking at particular problems and their solutions per se. It was not like this part of the city has the most congestion, so lets solve it. We were looking at a systemic solution, and were not focused on a particular problem in a particular area of the city.
the network. We were clear that in the first phase we would go for routes that are not very difficult in terms of traffic. Our motto for the first phase was connect busy places, avoid busy roads. We decided to go for the difficult routes in the second phase. We were also looking for alternatives. Our approach was different and we didnt want to go the same beaten path. We said alternatives are always there to connect the same route. In finding the alternative routes we have added to the infrastructure by adding two bridges and three rail over bridges. In the short term, we had to make sure the private cars and two-wheelers that would run on the separate lanes did not suffer. In fact, thats the philosophy we have consciously adopted. To be frank, its a growing city and vehicle ownership is going to grow. Therefore, the pragmatic thing to do is you provide a better alternative for people. When you give priority to a particular mode of transport, it is going to be popular as people can reach their destinations faster.
Raising the bar

we were not looking at technology nor were we looking at particular problems and their solutions per se. It was not like this part of the city has the most congestion, so lets solve it. We were looking at a systemic solution, and were not focused on a particular problem in a particular area of the city. Secondly, when we selected the BRTS mode, one thing was paramount in our mind. We would not be developing just one corridor. Transport had to be a network. With a total of 217 km, there had to be a 90 km network within it so that one could travel from one corner of the corridor to any part of the network once the project was complete. Therefore, we envisaged connecting all the industrial estates, the city centre, the university area and all educational institutions along with the outlying residential areas. If you see the map this network is complete. Third, we were also careful in selecting
What makes it so successful
There are some unique features in BRTS that has made it successful. One, as I said,
We also wanted to set a standard that would be much higher than those of other modes of transport. We didnt want to have a marginal increase in the capacity and standards over the existing modes of transport in the city. What I mean is, we didnt not want to add a few buses to the existing fleet of AMTS and create a BRTS. We said the service we create has to be significantly superior to what we already have. And we have been successful at that. People who use the BRTS for first time compare it to Delhis metro rail. We have achieved this through threefour initiatives. We have created stations in the middle of the road with ticket dispensers along with manual counters. There is a ramp, you walk in, buy a ticket, get in the station in the controlled area and then get into the bus. The doors of the bus and the bus station are in the control of the driver. In emergency the station operator can also open the gates. Secondly, people have to feel they are

Urban Governance
sitting away from the road and not on it, as on the roadside bus stops. In case of way side bus stations, as they are, people feel they are sitting on the road, exposed to all kinds of nuisance. Once you have a middle of the road separated-station manned by ex military personnel, there is a feeling of security.
The common man is the winner
We run a close system where only BRT buses run on the BRT and others run on the adjoining roads. BRT buses dont go out of the corridor and AMTS buses along with private vehicles dont come into the BRT corridor. However BRT has no competition with AMTS. They can only complement. Irrespective of the demand, we are operating a service which is very fast and frequent. Right now we run on a 2.5-minute frequency. We started with six minutes, brought it down to four minutes and now it is 2.5 minutes during the peak hours, going up to five-eight minutes during nonpeak hours. This makes people confident that they dont have to wait long for the next bus. It also doesnt add to your cost, which is another element behind the success. The way the tickets are priced, people pay Rs 5 on an average in one trip. For the maximum distance of 25 km, the fare is Rs 20. The fare for first three stops is Rs 2, the lowest in the country, then Rs 4 for the fourth through ninth stations. Thats affordable to me. It is not pinching anybody. But in terms of earning it is quite high. We get about Rs 7,000-8,000 per bus per day which is quite high and is double that of AMTS. Therefore, good quality service combined with low fares has brought us the passengers. One thing is certain. We have to maintain the schedule along with the dependability. People must feel confident that, irrespective of anything happening anywhere, this service runs and it runs on time. During the garba festival time and on some other occasions many services close down, but not this service, it continues to operate at all times. Today we run about 38-39 buses carrying about 51,000 passengers per day. One section of the route is still to pick up, because it is not complete yet. Once we complete this we expect we will cross 1,20,000 by June and we will also have added also 12km. We have signal stoppage for 180 seconds maximum and at some places for 120
BRTS highlights
Middle of the road secure junctions Only BRTS buses run on the BRTS corridor Low fare; Rs 2 for first three stops Signal stoppage for 180 minites maximum 51000 passengers travelling on BRTS everyday The service earns Rs 7,000-8,000 per bus per day
seconds. People dont have to wait long and therefore there are no long queues. When we launched the service in October 2009, we had thrown the service open to the public for free. Actually the work was nearly complete but some small issues had to be worked out. We also wanted to do a pilot run. So when we started the service for free, people were enthused. We ran it for three months and after people got used to it and were convinced it was a very convenient mode of transport we started charging. The decision makers were also convinced of its sustainability. So when we opened it the first day the number of passengers on day one was 17,000. Today the number has
Aerial view of a BRTS junction in Ahmedabad reached 51,000.
Public-private combination
Finally, we have put the BRT under an institutional framework. It comes under Janmarg, a special purpose vehicle (SPV) mainly to manage it. Under this SPV we have several contracts. Bus operation is through contracts, ticket collecting is through a contract. Security personnel that we hire are on contract. We have thus brought in the private sector efficiency while the public sector oversees. n (As told to Brajesh Kumar)
Swami is associated with the Centre for Environmental Planning & Technology (CEPT), Ahmedabad, the primary consultant of Janmarg, the citys bus rapid transit system, Ahmedabad.
It just Occured to us
Manmohan Singh to Supreme Court: Do not interfere in policy formulations... we can mess things up on our own!
NOTES
IT for IT: infotech tools to help income tax dept
he income tax department is planning to get high-end investigation tools to probe tax evasions. With the spurt in cases involving encrypted financial data in electronic form, the department will install digital data extraction and investigation tools. It is planning to have a X-ways investigator, used for forensic information on money laundering and Mobi Tool Connect Q, a platform to use internet applications like mobile telephony with BlackBerry, 2G, 3G compatibilityand satellite based SIM cards. The department will also connect the data stations across the country with its main forensic laboratories in Delhi and Mumbai.
e-gov

Governance 2.0
Kalam asks security brass to prepare for cyber wars
Homeless to be Delhis first UID recipients
Get ready for Indian operating system
Tamil Nadu MLAs get official email address

All 234 members of the Tamil Nadu assembly have been given official email addresses to facilitate communication with people. The email addresses created by the state IT department were launched by chief minister M Karunanidhi. The email ids have been made in the domain tn.gov.in and will have mla followed by the name of the constituency. For example, the CM, who represents Chepauk, has this email ID: mlachepauk@tn.gov.in.
he homeless in Delhi will be amongst the first few to get the UID number. The Delhi government and the UIDAI have started the process of enrolment of homeless people in night shelters. Chief minister Sheila Dikshit issued the first set of enrolment slips and homeless cards to people as part of Delhis Mission Convergence on October 2. The UID enrolment at night shelters is being carried out by IL&FS, which has been selected as registrar for the homeless in the city.
The Defence Research and Development Organisation in partnership with the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, IIT Madras and several software companies is trying to develop Indias own futuristic computer operating system, which will help thwart cyber attacks and data theft. DRDO is putting in place a dedicated team of 50 software professionals in the Bangalore and Delhi software development centres to accomplish the task.
Former president A P J Abdul Kalam has cautioned the armed forces about the cyber threats. Delivering the 15th Field Marshal K M Carriappa memorial lecture, Kalam called for leveraging Indias cyber knowledge base. He said that in the electronically linked world, nations were increasingly linked economically and during war, destruction would be more severe and fatal if the economy collapsed. He said the cyber warfare environment can make ICBMs and nuclear weapons insignificant.
Web help for navigating Delhi traffic
Time for computerised post-mortem

The Delhi government has issued directions to hospitals it runs to prepare computerised post-mortem and medico-legal certificates instead of producing them manually. The move came after a courts observed that in medico-legal cases the doctors writings are often illegible and a lot of time is wasted in deciphering the contents.
UIDAI to have brand ambassador
Information about traffic congestion on Delhi roads is now just a click away on the website of the Delhi Traffic Police (www.delhitrafficpolice.nic.in). The website provides information about the roads to be avoided and the ones with traffic congestion on online maps and suggests alternative routes.
The UID authority will need to reach out to 1.2 billion people and convince them about the importance of the project. It is mulling over a brand ambassador soemone like tourism ministrys Aamir Khan. Bollywood personality or not, the brand ambassador is likely to be a face wellknown across the country.
Advanced IT at Kashmir University
Kashmir University is planning to promote software industry in the valley by establishing an advanced infotech centre in its campus. The centre will offer a six-month training course. The university has already been implementing an egovernance programme on the campus.

Last Word
In which our columnist follows the travails of Lalit Modi

Suresh Menon
Out of the frying pan and into Iceland?

in Modis new league in his new country begins, he will probably look to build the worlds biggest cricket stadium there, one large enough to accommodate his countrys entire population of some three lakh people. Iceland will change its name to Lalitia or Modipur, although there is a plan, one hears, for an auction which might involve corporates wishing to name portions of it after themselves. Modi will decide what goes into the newspapers, who get picked as commentators, how much a spectator in the stands will have to pay him if he accidentally takes a picture of his neighbour asleep in the next stand. By all accounts he will feel at home since that was what he was doing at home anyway. We know, for example, that cricket board secretary Srinivasan will not be welcome to Iceland ever at least till Modi leaves the country unlocked while visiting sponsors in the UK and somebody runs off with it. A passport, thats all Modi asks for. To begin with, anyway. And then the small matter of citizenship. He has the example of Bobby Fischer to inspire him. No, there is no evidence of Modi ever having been a world chess champion, but Fischer was Icelands most famous alien passport holder at one time. A couple of years later, he was granted citizenship of that country on humanitarian grounds. Once Modi buys Iceland, all that will become academic since he can grant himself whatever he wants and his experience at the IPL where he granted himself whatever he wanted will come in useful. n
talmenon@yahoo.com
ets begin with a few random facts. Lyndon Johnson was the first president of the United States to wear contact lenses. The longest one-syllable word in the English language is screeched. India does not have an extradition treaty with Iceland. The elephant is the only mammal that cannot jump. People in Iceland read more books per capita than any other people in the world. Icelandic citizens cannot be extradited. All random, purely random, but notice how the name of one country keeps popping up? All thanks to Lalit Modi, the face of the successful IPL and now the picture of the other side. Modi must be congratulated for bringing Iceland into our national consciousness. How many sports businessmen can take the credit for giving our schoolchildren and their parents such wonderful geography lessons? I am old enough to remember when Iceland was in our daily conversations once before. That was when Bobby Fischer played Boris Spassky for the world chess title in the capital, Reykjavik, in 1972. More recently, we struggled with the word Eyjafjallajokull, knowing neither how to spell it nor pronounce it as the volcano by that name in Iceland nearly engulfed the world in ash and made both air travel and conversation difficult. The media gave us blow-by-blow accounts then, just as they did when Fischer played Spassky, giving us move-by-move accounts.
ashish asthana
Modi has elements of both an active volcano and a calculating chess player in him. So watch out for his accounts (the cricket board is keen to at any rate). Depending on which media outlet you follow, Modi is seeking (a) asylum in Iceland, (b) a passport, (c) citizenship, leading perhaps to a posting as ambassador to India, (d) a place to park some spare cash he had lying around, (e) introduce the Icelandic Cricket Council to take on the other ICC, (f) the anonymity and peace favoured by former dictators and political refugees in South America or (g) a path to bring together the two great countries beginning with the same letter of the alphabet. It is also possible that Modi is seeking to buy outright the country which went broke in the recent recession. He has his private aircraft, private yacht and all those other private thingamajigs that call out his economic status. Others (like
the author Dan Brown) might own an island or three, but no one has bought a whole country yet. You can visualise him examining a few other countries he might have bought. Russia, Argentina, Brazil disqualify themselves for being too large, too full of people and too unbroke. It had to be a country far enough from India to discourage the average file-pusher from the Enforcement Directorate, close enough to the UK where Modi has other interests, and above all so broke that anyone offering to buy it is guaranteed a good deal. The rumour is that if Modi is able to put hard currency on the table, Iceland will be his, and also a small portion of Norway and a watch once worn by Alfred Nobel. There are, by the latest census, 121 Indians living in Iceland. But it is the arrival of the 122nd that is set to shake up things. Once the auction for players

Issue 19 (Low Res)

Hochgeladen von

Dokumentinformationen

Originalbeschreibung:

Copyright

Verfügbare Formate

Dieses Dokument teilen

Dokument teilen oder einbetten

Freigabeoptionen

Stufen Sie dieses Dokument als nützlich ein?

Sind diese Inhalte unangemessen?

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

Issue 19 (Low Res)

Hochgeladen von

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

spot report: bIHAR is voting for good governance

November 1-15, 2010 | Vol. 01 Issue 19 | ` 30

NO TAKERS FOR RATAN TATAS MONEY!

RNI No. UPENG/2010/33794

Haryanas women-only rural BPO rings in sweeping change

One mans campaign to root out ragging from Indias colleges

18 Interview with Bhupinder Singh Hooda

Gurgaon will become a global city in a few years

42 Interview with Prakash Kumar of Cisco

22 A Tale of Alma Maters

Out of the frying pan and into Iceland?

44 Right way to rapid transport

25 years of struggle to nowhere

From entitlement to enlightenment

GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

Such a sorry journey

Noose for journalistic integrity

Shouldnt we do away with the railways budget?

GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

So that nobody else ends up like Aman

GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

people politics policy performance

people politics policy performance

10 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

people politics policy performance

12 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

people politics policy performance

14 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

No failing the Gandhis

people politics policy performance

INTERVIEw | Bhupinder Singh Hooda

Gurgaon will become a global city in a few years

Why is the power supply scenario in the state so dismal?

18 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

How does this provision work?

How will annuity help farmers?

people politics policy performance

Big month for the babus

Raja cools his heels in Moscow

Guessing games for a guest

20 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

Red flag for the rail budget?

Rejected: plan for Maoist-affected districts

PM to come under Lokpals ambit, Prez still out

people politics policy performance

TATAS WILL GIVE, BUT WHOS ASKING?

22 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

photos: Ravi Choudhary

24 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

people politics policy performance

people politics policy performance

26 GovernanceNow | November 1-15, 2010

Movers and shakers

Former chief minister of Madhya Pradesh

Former central minister

chief minister of Orissa

Former central minister of state

central minister of state

Communist Party of India (Marxist) Politburo member

central minister of state

chief election commissioner

Montek Singh Ahluwalia

chairman of Bajaj Group