Sex Education Vol. 9, No.

4, November 2009, 421436

Sexuality isnt just about sex: pre-service teachers shifting constructs of sexuality education
Margaret Sinkinson*
School of Social and Policy Studies, Faculty of Education, University of Auckland, Auckland 1150, New Zealand This paper presents the ndings of a three-year study into pre-service (student) teachers experiences of and beliefs about sexuality education in New Zealand schools. It reports on participants own memories of school sexuality education programmes, and examines changes in their constructs of sexuality education during their teacher education in health education. Comparisons between their original beliefs about what constitutes good sexuality education and those they had developed after three years of teacher education are made. Before beginning and after completing introductory health education courses in 2004 and third-year health education specialism courses in 2006, quantitative and qualitative data were collected. Analysis of the earlier data showed that participants saw learning about physical safety and disaster prevention as constituting effective sexuality education. By the end of 2006, although physical safety and avoiding risk were still presented as important aspects of sexuality education, a theme of sexuality isnt just about sex had emerged. Positive and comprehensive approaches to teaching about sexuality now dened their constructs of sexuality education. Only few participants, however, demonstrated embedded understanding of sexuality as a social construction, or expressed critical or socio-ecological perspectives of sexuality education.

Introduction Since 1999 sexuality education has been a key area of learning in the New Zealand core school curriculum of Health and Physical Education (H&PE). In 2001, in line with the New Zealand Ministry of Healths planned Youth Sexual Health Strategy, sexuality education became mandatory for all state schools. The move to mandate was pre-empted largely by concern about the countrys youth sexual health statistics, highlighted in reports such as the UNICEF Innocenti Report Cards (UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre 2001, 2007). Since the 1980s, health statistics have consistently shown that New Zealand youth have higher incidences of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and unplanned pregnancies than most other OECD countries (Statistics New Zealand 1997; Ministry of Health 1997), and sexuality education came to be seen as an essential contributor to initiatives aimed at reducing youth sexual health risks (Ministry of Health 2002, 2004; Ministry of Social Development 2005). Prior to 2001, schools Boards of Trustees, or in some instances principals of schools, decreed whether or not sex/sexuality education would be provided for their students. Mandating sexuality education removed the power of Boards of Trustees or school principals to approve or veto the delivery of sexuality education (Ministry of Education

*Email: m.sinkinson@auckland.ac.nz
ISSN 1468-1811 print/ISSN 1472-0825 online q 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14681810903265352 http://www.informaworld.com

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[MOE] 2001a; New Zealand Government 2001). State schools are now required to provide sexuality education for students, in one form or another, and school sexuality education is where young people most often get information about sexuality and sexual health (Adolescent Health Research Group 2003). Boards of Trustees and principals continue to have inuence on how, when and where programmes are presented, however; the outcome of such autonomy is that sexuality education programmes in schools vary widely in terms of underpinning philosophy and messages, and presentation styles. Programmes range from abstinence or postponed sexual involvement themes (Cincinnati Childrens Hospital Medical Centre 2007; Family Education Network 2008), to hard-hitting cautionary tales about sexual risk, or to more liberal and comprehensive approaches that include in-depth consideration of personal behaviour and relationships, and critical analyses of societal inuences on sexuality (Irvin 2004; Lough et al. 2005). The 1999 Health and Physical Education in the New Zealand Curriculum (MOE 1999a) draws a clear distinction between sex education and sexuality education: sex education typically covers physical dimensions of sexuality related to reproduction, protection and physical safety; sexuality education, on the other hand, implies multi-dimensional personal and relational well-being, and includes socio-ecological and health-promotional approaches to understanding health and sexuality (Beckett 1990; Lawson 1992; Raphael 1998; Clark 2001; MOE 1999a, 2007). The 1999 curriculum document describes sexuality education as . . . a lifelong process. It provides students with the knowledge, understanding, and skills to develop positive attitudes towards sexuality, to take care of their sexual health, and to enhance their interpersonal relationships, now and in the future (MOE 1999a, 38). As presented in the curriculum, sexuality is an integral and essential human quality; but the power and complexity of societys role in dening sexuality within cultural and social norms is also recognised, and schools are encouraged to provide sexuality education that acknowledges diversity of culture, religion, gender and ability in New Zealands society (MOE 1999b, 2001b; Education Review Ofce [ERO] 2007a). A comprehensive approach to teaching about sexuality is promoted by the school curriculum and curriculum-aligned teaching resources. Comprehensive sexuality education incorporates more than reproduction and physical safety. Personal rights and responsibility, relationship negotiations and gender issues are examined, and an opportunity to analyse societal inuences on sexual norms and assumptions is provided (Irvin 2004; Lough et al. 2005; Sexuality Information and Educational Council of the United States 2004). Developing personal knowledge of sex and open attitudes towards sexuality, and gaining interpersonal skills and self-condence, are seen as essential to student learning. By placing sexuality openly in physical, emotional, social and behavioural contexts, a deliberate effort is made to counteract traditional approaches to sexuality education that presume there is a causal relationship between ofcial silence about sexuality and a decrease in sexual activity (Fine 1992), and to turn around what Gabb (2004) calls institutional fear and misunderstanding that create structural silence on sexuality. So that students begin to recognise that meaning about sexuality is predominantly constructed by the wider societies within which we live, and understood in cultural, economic, historic, political and environmental contexts, socio-ecological perspectives of health are a part of comprehensive sexuality education programmes (Beckett 1990; Lawson 1992; Colquhoun 1992). Developing socio-ecological criticality allows the learner to identify and analyse explicit and intrinsic sexual values, attitudes and assumptions that are conveyed in the course of everyday life (Halstead and Waite 2001). Through their comprehensive sexuality education, children and young people learn to conceptualise their sexual health in individual behavioural, relational and socio-ecological ways.

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The four-phased research study discussed in this report, conducted by a small team of health education teacher educators, is based on the premise that teacher education has some responsibility to develop pre-service (student) teachers understanding of principles and constructs of sexuality education in line with H&PE curricular and associated guidelines (MOE 1999a, 1999b, 2001b, 2007). Accordingly, during their health education courses, student-teachers are presented with concepts of sexuality that encompass interlinked physical, emotional, social and environmental factors. Sexuality is portrayed as an inherent and positive tenet of the whole person. But because personal empowerment, individualistic enterprise, and resilience discourses strongly underpin messages about sexuality in many teaching resources (Colquhoun 1992; Tones and Tilford 1994; Sinkinson 2003), to counteract the narrowness of these rather self-help approaches, course content also presents socio-ecological perspectives of sexuality. By providing learning environments that challenge pre-conceived, often decit notions of sexuality, teacher educators seek to bring a criticality to student-teachers perspectives of sexuality and sexual health. Learning is guided towards recognising culturally and socially constructed denitions of sexuality, and analysing societal and environmental dynamics that contribute to or detract from the sexual health of individuals and groups. Student-teachers histories and experiences of school health education, particularly sexuality education, were of interest in this study and provided a starting point for data analysis. Determining whether shifts and changes in their constructs of sexuality education occurred over three years of their teacher education degrees was a focus. For the purposes of this study, sexuality education constructs refer to participants views on key and essential content about sexuality; appropriate pedagogies and teaching approaches for sexuality education; and underpinning messages, assumptions and values implicit in content and delivery of programmes. Participants initial understanding of and beliefs about important sex/sexuality education were collected early in 2004, before undertaking introductory courses in health education; introductory courses included components of sexuality education. Early 2004 data were compared with data collected over the three years of the study until late in 2006 at which time they had completed third-year health education specialism courses. Third-year course specialisms included mental health education, child protection education, and sexuality education. In this study participants understanding of sexuality education was the primary interest. Data provided information about the extent and nature of changes in their constructs of sexuality education over the three years. Method The rst two phases of the study in 2004 utilised both qualitative and quantitative methods. Questionnaires were presented to all participants before and after the delivery of introductory health education courses and provided a uniform measure of base data. Introductory courses included small components of sexuality education. Focus group interviews, conducted pre-course and post-course delivery, were a second method chosen to provide depth to and elaboration on questionnaire responses. In 2006 (phases three and four), pre-course and post-course (open-ended) survey questionnaires were presented to participants enrolled in third-year health education specialism courses. Pre-course and post-course individual interviews were also conducted. Focus group discussions in 2004 and individual interviews in 2006 were audio-taped and transcribed. An observer took notes during focus group interviews; these were used for clarication when interviews were transcribed.

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Participants in 2004 Questionnaires In 2004, student-teachers (n 323) enrolled in the rst year of a teacher education programme agreed to participate in a pre-course questionnaire. Participants included 255 females (79%) and 67 males (21%). Nearly two-thirds (63%) identied themselves as Pakeha (New Zealand European), 30 as Maori (9%), 67 (21%) as Pasika (Pacic Island origin), and 25 (8%) as other ethnic origin. Participants were enrolled in early childhood, primary and secondary teacher education programmes. The age distribution showed 34.4% to be 20 years and younger, 41.2% aged 21 30 years, and 24.4% aged 30 years. The majority (82%) were not school leavers (graduates) in 2003, and most (87%) reported attending a New Zealand secondary school. The pre-course questionnaire consisted of mainly closed questions requiring participants to select responses from provided checklists. Questions inquired about respondents prior (school) health education experiences including whether they had received health education, and health topics that had been covered. One open-ended item asked respondents to comment on their beliefs about important health topics for school aged students in New Zealand. Participants (n 235) completed a post-course questionnaire at the conclusion of their introductory health education courses. Open-ended items asked students to comment on aspects of their learning over the duration of the course. Again they were asked to state their beliefs about important health topics for school aged students in New Zealand. Data collected from questionnaires were entered into SPSS (Version 12) for analysis, and frequency distribution and cross-tabulations were drawn from the data set. Bi-variate and multi-variate analyses were conducted. Focus groups Volunteers from those who had completed the pre-course questionnaire made up six focus groups of between 6 and 12 members. Three focus groups were established through purposive sampling: early childhood, Pasika, and male. The remainder were randomly distributed across three groups. Focus group interviews were conducted pre-course and post-course. Interviews were semi-structured interviewers/researchers used set questions and guidelines, but informal discussion was accommodated. Interview questions reected certain items from the pre-course and post-course questionnaires. The researchers collaboratively interpreted and analysed data from open-ended items from the questionnaires and interview transcriptions. Trends or themes from data were negotiated and moderated by the research team. Subcategories were created from broad data categories, and codes were created for both data categories and subcategories using N6 NUD*IST Software. Findings from N6 analyses supported and elaborated on SPSS results. Participants in 2006 Surveys and individual interviews In 2006, in their third year of study, student-teachers completing a Bachelor of Education (Teaching) or a Bachelor of Physical Education were again surveyed for their understanding of and beliefs about health education. Open-ended questionnaire surveys were presented pre (n 74) and post (n 71) third-year health education specialism

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courses. Around 20 of this group volunteered for individual interviews with a researcher, which were conducted pre (n 20), and post (n 18) courses. Most of the 2006 participants had taken part in the 2004 study. Individual interview questions reected those posed in the surveys. Again participants were asked to comment on their beliefs about important health topics for school-aged students in New Zealand. Ethics Participation in the questionnaires and surveys was anonymous and voluntary. A detailed explanation of the research process and purpose was communicated orally and in writing to all potential participants before questionnaires and surveys were presented. Written consent was sought from focus group participants and from those involved in individual interviews. Condentiality and anonymity were assured. All research methods complied with the University of Auckland research ethics guidelines. Institutional ethics approval was sought and given. Results Quantitative data Questionnaires (2004) and surveys (2006) Over 90% (n 292) of the 2004 pre-course participants had some experiences or histories of specically taught or formal health education during secondary schooling. A number of the 9.6% who reported not having received health education had been informed about health in other ways science education or religious education, for example. All participants data were included in the study. Using chi-square tests, supported by Yates Continuity Correction (2 2), cross-tabulations on variables such as gender, ethnicity, age, and health education topics were applied to data from the pre-course 2004 questionnaire. Signicantly more participants aged 20 years or younger had received health education than those aged 30 years ( p , 0.001). Across all participants, health topics most frequently remembered were sexuality education (86.4%), and drugs/alcohol education (70%). Those aged 20 years and under had had signicantly greater exposure to virtually all health education topics covered in the school curriculum than those aged 21 30 years, or those aged 30 years, including topics of lower reported frequency such as Change, Loss and Grief and Managing Anger. Sexuality education was the one exception; no signicant difference between those 20 years and younger and those aged 21 30 years was found in this topic. However, those aged 21 30 years were signicantly more likely to have been educated about all health education topics, including sexuality education ( p , 0.05), than those aged 30 years. Female participants were more likely to have had sexuality education than male participants ( p , 0.05), but this was the only health topic to show a signicant difference based on gender. Results from the questionnaire (2004) and survey (2006) items asking participants to identify what they believed children and young people should be learning about in school health education showed that learning specically about sex/sexuality featured prominently in early data, but reduced over time. Initially, sex/sexuality education was frequently identied in isolation. Percentages identifying sex/sexuality education as an important aspect of school health education are presented in Table 1. Of those pre-course 2004 participants (n 168) naming sexuality/sex education as important learning, most (90%) specically mentioned sex ed, or sexuality. Some were

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Table 1. Respondents identifying sex/sexuality education as an important aspect of school health education. Data collected 2004 2004 2006 2006 pre-course (n 279) post-course (n 211) pre-course (n 74) post-course (n 69) n 168 211 74 69 % 60.2 48.3 51 32

more exact and identied certain health areas related to sexuality; 15% identied body changes at puberty, and 35% referred to elements of safe sex that included contraception and protection from pregnancy and STIs. By 2006, 62% of pre-course and 45% of post-course survey responses acknowledged or described multi-dimensional notions of health as desirable, rather than identifying health topics in isolation, and typically sexuality was included in generic and holistic concepts of health. Fewer participants across the whole research group were identifying sex/sexuality education as a stand-alone health topic. For those who did specically identify aspects of sexuality as important health education in the 2006 surveys just over 50% of pre-course and a little over 30% of post-course responses certain aspects of sexuality continued to be seen as key and important learning in school sexuality education; anatomical changes at puberty and reproduction, and safe practices linked to contraception and protection from STIs remained present in all survey data (see Table 2).

Qualitative data Focus group interviews (2004) and individual interviews (2006) Focus group interviews (2004) and individual interviews (2006) provided an opportunity for participants to elaborate on views, beliefs and understandings of sexuality and sexuality education. Pre-course focus group interviews in 2004 were typied by certain characteristics. Health education was frequently dened within specic and discrete health topics drugs, sex and nutrition, for example and decit, disaster-prevention constructs of health education were common. Occasionally views of sexuality as being . . . not just about
Table 2. Aspects of sexuality specically identied as important student learning in school health education. 2006: pre-course survey (51.4% of all responses identied an aspect of sexuality; n 38) Aspect of sexuality Specically naming sexuality/sex ed Anatomical changes at puberty/reproduction Safe sex contraception/STIs Making safe choices/decision-making Relationships Body image n 21 15 5 11 % 55 40 13 29 2006: post-course survey (31.9% of all responses identied an aspect of sexuality; n 22) n 16 4 6 3 8 4 % 73 18 27 14 36 18

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reproduction systems were expressed, but mostly sexual health was contextualised as avoidance of risk behaviour in these early interviews. Negative comments about teenage sexual health status, worrying youth health statistics and images of at-risk youth predominated:
. . . kids that age tend to be getting into relationships and drugs and sex. I think thats the case with alcohol, drugs, sex and abstinence and all that kind of stuff. . . . to talk about drugs and alcohol as well, instead of just sex education, because of the dangers. I just want to add that to sexuality education you should add drugs; theres a lot of drug use out there. Intermediate kids, we hear stories about them dying in garages because theyre experimenting. . . . I think the health of New Zealand children at the moment isnt good . . . . . . just a lot on STIs and especially chlamydia because thats big in New Zealand, pregnancies, things like that, but also stress . . .

Although other early data showed these participants believed sexuality education was important learning for children and young people in New Zealand, a view that such programmes should be delivered only to older school students was evident in the focus group interviews. There was little support for sexuality education for children at early childhood or junior primary levels. For example:
I wouldnt really want my brothers and sisters to be really learning all that kind of stuff about males / females too early. I dont know, I didnt grow up like that; I found out later on, and Im ne now.

By post-course 2004, three clear shifts in participants constructs of sexuality education became noticeable. Firstly, focus group interviews moved into more encompassing and positive discourses of health. Health was now more likely to be described as a multi-dimensional state, and it was not uncommon for sexuality to be included as an integral part of holistic health. Apparent also in these post-course interviews were the beginnings of broader socio-ecological perspectives of health and recognition of societal inuences on sexual identity. In particular, peer and media pressures on behaviour choices were identied and media inuences on body-image and self-image were signalled as health issues for children and adolescents:
I just think theres so much media pressure now and its beginning at a younger and younger age, the peer pressure and all the other things, image is everything to them. . . . Advertising has a bad impact on kids these days. I think issues about media, and how media portrays women, and children to a lesser extent, but women, I think its been quite horrifying and I think its something that you become quite numb to, you ick through a magazine . . . I do think they [magazines] demean women in a way and thats something that has astounded me although I probably was aware of it before. Id be interested to look more into that and combat it, because its everywhere.

A second shift was in participants comfort levels for teaching about sexuality. These had grown. Pasika participants, for instance, described how it was a new experience to learn about a subject that in their own culture is taboo and not talked about and, . . . if I used that word [genital pseudonym] in my language, my people will think I am swearing, because I use the word as a swear word, but its the right word for the part of the body. Several participants commented that they now had more condence to answer childrens

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questions about sex, and openness was identied as a desirable climate for classrooms when teaching about sexuality. A nal shift to occur in their sexuality education constructs was a greater presence of reference to respect; respect in relationships, respect for self and others, and acceptance of differences were all seen as key to healthy sexuality. Comments were typied by mention of self-esteem, respect and personal development:
. . . one of the things to do with sexuality, not just sex itself, but the keeping yourself safe, self-esteem, like how you see your body, everybodys body is different to everybody else, and they should know and respect that and also respect other people for their different cultures, backgrounds and sizes and shapes as well. Self-esteem issues and things like that, so I think that needs to continue through, going into sex education . . . more focus on personal growth, self respect, and empowerment and well being. Its so important to try and team up having a relationship with people who love you, respect you and sex, yes; it is a part of that. I think we need to teach children that sex is not love and love is not just sex.

By 2006 a clear theme of sexuality as something more than sex had emerged as important in participants constructs of sexuality education. They now contextualised sexuality in terms of the whole person, well-being and emotion and a love, and these were seen as important messages to convey in sexuality education. As one participant observed:
Sexuality isnt just sex; . . . there are all sorts of elements to us as sexual people that dont include sex, sexual intercourse or contraception. Theres more to it; theres all the emotional side and even if youre talking to little children they dont understand sex, but they know what it feels like to be held and touched. Its that side of it that needs to be shown. I think the emotional side of it is really important. Same sort of thing, its looking at the whole picture rather than isolated bits, and helping them [the students] put it all into context.

Physical sexuality, safety and protection, understanding changes at puberty and knowing about their bodies continued to be identied as important aspects of sexuality education. Safety was mostly linked to contraception, and occasionally to abstinence. The need to be informed about physical changes that occur in puberty, and knowing how the body functions and works . . . so they dont get a shock, was a theme, particularly concerning menstruation:
Id much rather kids knew about it than it was a shock. They need to know about how their body functions so they know whats going on so they dont get a shock. I know when I was at school my body was just my body, and I didnt have any idea what was going on, so a little bit of an understanding is good. At primary I think they need some puberty [education] maybe at Year 5 or 6 [9 10 years old] because now girls and boys are developing much younger.

In 2006, pre-course interviews mirrored certain patterns evidenced in late 2004. For example, respect for self and others, and personal skill development featured consistently. Understanding consequences, making sound decisions, recognising options and choices, and resisting pressure were all seen as desirable learning in sexuality education. Recognising difference and accepting diversity were identied as important, reected in comments such as these:

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Respect other peoples views, their cultural beliefs. Sometimes in class, children, they have different perspectives and you need to teach other children to respect these. I think learning about image and gender and being comfortable about aspects of sexual orientation. . . . also like what it is to be female, what it is to be male, the difference, understanding each other . . .

The importance of classroom climate emerged as a theme in the 2006 pre-course interviews for participants from across all sectors. Teachers/students comfort levels, openness and lack of embarrassment, and a culture of telling students what they want to know were essential elements of effective sexuality education for participants:
Listen to childrens points of view; open discussion. Denitely the teacher should not be embarrassed because theyre going to ask, youre going to get whats fuck mean? and if you can answer it or say its not appropriate, or build a classroom environment that lets them ask, then theyre not going to embarrass you. I think it [effective sexuality education] could be dealt with by having it in the classroom, and a teacher whos happy teaching. I think you can get it across better that way. Discussion is very important and actually talking about it . . . if you actually talk about it in school it would make it much more acceptable . . . and not avoiding any areas of sexuality education as well, covering everything so nothing seems like its dirty or shouldnt be talked about. Being open I think is amazing, so whatever approach you take as long as its open and trusted.

Teacher qualities were seen as fundamental to this effective classroom climate. Openness, approachability, trust, creating a safe classroom, and being knowledgeable dened the successful teacher of sexuality education. Post-course interviews in 2006 demonstrated little shift in participants ideas about what should be taught about sexuality or what they deemed effective sexuality education to be. Comparisons across pre-course and post-course individual interviews showed that participants post-course dialogue mostly elaborated on and supported views expressed in pre-course interviews. A theme to gain further presence in the 2006 post-course interviews was the desirability of sexuality education for early childhood and junior primary children, and a belief that it should be only for older students had all but disappeared. One participant who identied safety and protection and resisting peer pressure in her rst interview, went on to talk about the importance of learning about sexuality from a young age . . . so that they are informed and equipped to deal with pressures . . . as they reach adolescence. Another commented:
I think its important that from a young age [8 9 years old] they start to learn about puberty, and about their bodies and the emotions that go along with the changes that theyre going through.

A participant who discussed . . . accepting different aspects of sexual orientation . . . in her rst interview, expanded on this in her second interview:
Learning how theyre different from each other. Maybe along the lines of how they might understand that whatever their parents relationship is, that its all right to have friends of the same sex and with people who arent the same sex . . . some parents may be same sex parents and maybe within early childhood centres those parents are involved in the centre.

Themes of whole picture sexuality, and sexuality isnt just about sex continued into these post-course interviews:

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Sexuality isnt just about sex and its not just about contraception and safe sex; its about your whole body, its about feelings, so it sort of comes in on mental health and all those changes that kids are going through all the time that they cant always ask about at home . . . its the whole picture again. I nd a lot of [secondary] schools just focus on contraception and STIs and theres so much more to it than that, and relationships are a huge one that I think need to be covered in sexuality; and friendships, especially in adolescence.

Overall, 2006 post-course constructs of sexuality education reected themes identied in pre-course interviews. When asked what they would like to take to their own classroom teaching, participants tended to reiterate earlier descriptions of effective sexuality education. Safe classrooms, however, developed a higher presence by post-course interviews:
We talk about the safe classroom all the time and I think thats so important, especially for sexuality education. . . . the environment within a classroom, and that it doesnt stop them laughing and giggling because thats a great way to get rid of embarrassment is to have a good laugh, and encourage it. Let them laugh but then move on. Respect and acceptance within the classroom . . . so people have to be open to other peoples ideas and opinions and not put each other down and so that youve got the safe environment where children feel its okay to share their ideas.

Appropriate pedagogies and desirable approaches to learning in sexuality education had also gained a noticeable presence by post-course interviews in 2006:
I believe co-constructivist approaches are extremely important . . . facilitating childrens learning; nding out what children need to know and just extending and expanding them from there. Age appropriate and relevant to their own learning. Meaningful and age related, so not going too far ahead of where the childs working at. What they want to know, and answering their questions and teaching them how to ask questions as well. Make it fun, denitely make it fun and interesting, have games and talk about it.

Linked to safe classrooms and appropriate pedagogies was teacher qualities. Once again, these featured as essential to effective sexuality education; approachability, trustworthiness, openness and being a good listener reappeared as key teacher attributes. Discussion Prior experiences of school sexuality education Results from early 2004 provided insight into these student-teachers prior experiences of health education, including sexuality education. Immediately apparent was the fact that younger participants were signicantly more likely to recall having had education about sex at school than those aged 30 years. Given that sexuality education has been a key area of learning in the H&PE curriculum since 1999, and mandated only since 2001, this is not surprising. Schools have been providing sex education programmes of granted voluntary status for decades (Clark 2001), but only in the past six years has it been ofcially supported by the MOE or had increased Ministry funding allocated for resource production and teacher development (MOE 2001a; New Zealand Government 2001). Logically, improved funding and teacher development opportunities would result in younger participants experiencing the more encompassing and comprehensive

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programmes of sexuality education promoted by the H&PE curriculum. But evidence of this was not present in early data; overall, participants perceptions tended towards negative, disaster prevention and victim blaming models of health education (Tones and Tilford 1994; Blum 2000). Sex/sexuality education was dened almost wholly by references to problem-based notions of adolescent and child health, to protection from risk, pubertal changes, pregnancies and STIs, and sex activity as dangerous (Allen 2004) was a presiding view across all age groups. One explanation for the lack of positive concepts of sexuality amongst younger participants is that their initial constructs of sexuality education were not inuenced by their own school experiences of this topic. More likely, however, despite the availability of comprehensive sexuality education programmes, teaching about sexual health in many schools continues to be inadequate, and health education teachers remain insufciently informed about sexuality education and reluctant to teach in this area (Westwood and Mullan 2007). In their evaluations of sexuality education programmes in Years 7 13 in 100 state schools, ERO (2007a, 2007b) found that the majority of schools had weaknesses in their teaching of sexuality education. Schools commonly had a one size ts all approach to teaching about sexuality, inadequate or inappropriate resources were available, and teachers were not well prepared to teach the subject. Only about one-half of the evaluated schools had an approach that went beyond pubertal changes to include relationship skills, decision-making and understanding societal changes and inuences on sexual identity (ERO 2007a). Resistance to change in content, delivery and underpinning values of sexuality education programmes remains very strong in some school communities, and schools continue to use external providers of sexuality education whose qualities and effectiveness are neither reviewed nor monitored (ibid). From the responses of the younger group of participants in this study, it would seem that although sexuality education is now a key and mandated aspect of the school core curriculum many students fail to get exposure to programmes that provide positive or comprehensive learning in this area. Shifts in participants constructs of sexuality education over three years of teacher education programmes Over the three years of the study, looking across all data, several key shifts and changes in perceptions of sexuality education occurred for these student-teachers during their teacher education programmes. Ideas about appropriate content in sexuality education changed, as did participants discourses of sexuality education, and a corresponding shift in their constructs of sexuality education was evidenced. Participants came to see learning about sexuality as desirable for students from a young age, and their comfort levels for teaching about sexuality grew. The importance of teacher qualities, pedagogical approaches and safe classroom environments all gained particular importance for these student-teachers by the end of the study. Each of these shifts is discussed in turn. Participants views on important content in health education for children and young people in New Zealand altered noticeably between phases one and four of the study. Initially sex/sexuality as a specic and discrete health theme (see Table 1), qualied by physical safety rules, was deemed important education, but over the three years a shift to a more comprehensive and inclusive understanding of sexuality education became obvious. By 2006, rather than rules about good behaviour and negative outcomes of unwise choices, sexuality as a vital aspect of the whole person was a common theme. Positive sexuality as an aspect of holistic health was identied as important content. Mention of development

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of personal skills and respect for self and others, and references to relationships, increased over the three years. Identifying responsibility in relationships and acceptance of difference as important learning suggested that participants had developed awareness of diversity and tolerance of difference, and were now using the language of comprehensive sexuality education (MOE 2001c; Irvin 2004; Lough et al. 2005; Ingram and Guild 2007). Surveys in 2006 showed a reduction in the presence of sexuality as a discrete and separate important health theme, identied specically by around 32% of participants at the end of 2006. Although physical sexual safety and protection remained a priority for many, and learning about pubertal changes was recognised as important content throughout the study, across all 2006 interviews it was apparent that many participants had come to see sexuality as an integral and interconnected human quality. Whole picture sexuality was a repeated term. By late 2006, denitions of safety extended beyond protection from undesirable consequences of risk-taking to include concepts of well-being, self-respect and making wise decisions. As Ivinson (2007) explains, the term sex covers multiple strands of meaning, and the structure of the discourses within which sex was framed in this study provided insight into how participants understood sex/sexuality. Notable amongst changes in these student-teachers constructs of sexuality education were shifts in their language or discourses of sex and sexuality. These shifts paralleled changes in their beliefs about important sexuality education content. Early in the study, comments about sexuality were characterised by decit language and disaster prevention recommendations, dominated by what Wolin and Wolin (1997) call a distorted picture of human frailties and vulnerabilities. Youth health statistics and risky sexual behaviours featured, as did unhealthy outcomes of unwise choices. To some extent participants early constructs of sexuality education aligned with common-sense discourses (Ivinson 2007) that convey sexual norms, beliefs and myths shaped initially by scientic terms, but that also use ideas of contagion and disease as moral and social control. In our own courses we refer to these as discourses of fear or scared straight approaches (Blum 2000). However such discourses are dened, they do in the end convey impressions of stress and crisis that leave the learner feeling anxious and at-risk (Wolin and Wolin 1997, 1998; Henderson 1998; Ministry of Youth Affairs 2002). Decit discourses of health education such as these have little or no value in educating children and young people about their sexual health. A discourse of personal empowerment (Sinkinson 2003) developed a strong presence in participants constructs of sexuality education by the end of 2006. Their language now reected concepts of multi-dimensional personal health. Learning personal skills and developing positive self-worth had high reporting as important content for sexuality education. In many ways these participants identied what Combes (1989) calls highly individualistic responsibility as a desirable health trait. This particular health education ideology has gained great traction over the past few decades. Despite the aims of teacher education courses to juxtapose a personal choice and responsibility discourse with a more socially critical one, encouraging socio-ecological perspectives of sexuality and health in these participants proved more challenging than had been anticipated. Post-course data collected in 2004 showed some evidence of growth in socio-ecological perspectives of sexuality. A number of participants showed awareness of media, for example, as a powerful and not always positive inuence on the development of sexual identity. The sexualisation of children and young people in commercial media was a concern for a few. Advertising was seen as often giving unhelpful messages about sexuality, gender and body image, and peer pressure was recognised as a major contributor to teenage sexual identity and behaviours.

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By the end of 2006, however, there was little demonstration of further development in more critical discourses, or socio-ecological analyses of sexuality. Minimal critique of societal inuences on sexuality identity was present in the nal data, and socio-ecological perspectives as important content in sexuality education had low reporting, this despite teacher education courses covering broader themes of societal, cultural and environmental inuences on beliefs about sexuality. Only a few participants discussed social and cultural inuences on denitions of sexuality and gender roles. This noticeable lack of development of socio-ecological perspectives of, or criticality towards, sexuality and sexuality education is an area of signicance requiring further investigation, and would make a logical focus for future research into how socio-ecological perspectives might become more integral to student-teachers constructs of sexuality education. Participants changed stance on age appropriate sexuality education. Early in 2004 many clearly believed sexuality education was suitable for older students 11 years and older. By the end of the study they believed that, ideally, sexuality education would be introduced from an early age even at early childhood education levels, but in age-appropriate ways; . . . nding out what the children already know and just expanding and extending from there, so that you sort of level with them, so youre not freaking them out. Comfort levels also changed. By 2006 most participants expressed greater condence in teaching about sexuality. Post-course interviews indicated they now felt equipped to answer childrens questions about sexuality. Comments included answering questions easily, talking about embarrassing things and using taboo language. The importance of open classroom environments that allow students to freely discuss issues and ask questions of a teacher they trust was stressed. Observations such as listening to others or accepting others perspectives characterised post-course dialogue. Repeatedly, references to teacher qualities were made: . . . a teacher whos happy and comfortable teaching it or . . . a teacher has to be really open and honest. One interview participant commented . . . An environment where the students know that . . . its all safe and we can talk . . . At this point participants were reecting the ndings of Buston and Wight (2004); they recognised the inuence of the teachers relationship with a class, the desirability of a strong sense of humour, and the need to have access to teaching methods and resources that are interesting and appropriate for the students. By late 2006 the essence of a safe classroom environment, the signicance of student-centred learning, and the need for appropriate teaching approaches in sexuality had developed high importance for participants from across all sectors. Participants descriptions of effective classrooms and identication of teacher qualities are supported by ERO reports on good practice and effective sexuality education (ERO 2007b). ERO comments on the effective classroom environment thus: A positive, supportive classroom, where students agree about issues such as condentiality, respect and tolerance is essential to effective learning in sexuality education (2007b, 17; MOE 2001c, 9). By the end of the study, participants constructs of sexuality education had become dened by the content knowledge they would take to their own teaching of sexuality, the best teacher qualities required for safe and open classroom environments, and appropriate pedagogies for delivering effective sexuality education. It is not surprising that these aspects had gained value and relevance to their personal constructs of sexuality education, given that these are student-teachers on the brink of their teaching careers. As their teacher education programmes draw to a close, student-teachers take from their courses whatever is needed to survive and perform in school and classroom environments in their rst years of teaching. From the nal interviews, participants obvious enthusiasm for teaching about sexuality came through, and their clear commitment to sexuality education as an essential

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part of school curriculum was expressed. Two participants summed up their sense of preparedness for teaching about sexuality by commenting:
I think it will be hard at rst. A bit scary at rst, but provided youve got support from the school and we get a good planning resource pack, then once youve done the rst unit, it will be quite easy. I think its really important and now I know all the laws of what I can and cant do and learning about how to answer childrens questions I feel a lot more comfortable going out into the classroom and doing it. I think its something that children are really interested in . . . I think about taking different approaches, so that they can all sort of contribute in their own way. I think its secretly something everyone wants to know about.

Conclusion Final conclusions drawn from this study were that the introductory health education courses in 2004 more noticeably shifted these student-teachers constructs of sexuality education than did the third-year health education specialism courses in 2006. The generic nature of the introductory courses seemed to facilitate an expansion of ideas and attitudes about health and health education, including sexuality education. Over the three years, participants discourses moved from disaster prevention and decit constructs of sexuality education to ones characterised by openness, tolerance, personal and relational skill development, and individual empowerment. The presence of socio-ecological perspectives of sexuality remained lower than had been anticipated; any socially critical dialogue that existed was already present by the end of 2004. During 2006, participants constructs of sexuality education came to reect good practice as dened by comprehensive and effective sexuality education guidelines (ERO 2007a; MOE 2001a; Sexuality Information and Educational Council of the United States 2004); knowledge of relevant content, teachers style and relationship with students, and delivery and pedagogical approaches when teaching about sexuality were perceived as the most vital attributes for their own effectiveness as teachers of sexuality education.

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