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NAIKI

OF

CHANDA

by

S. BHATTACHARYA

Nagpur

There is a small community of people called Da.rve Gonds found chiefly around Mul in the District of Chanda. 1 The name Darve Gond has led many scholars to tabulate this people as a section of the Gond tribe.~ Another view seeks to identify them with the Mannes z who are said to have ruled this region before the Gonds. The Da.rves are also called Naiks or Naik Gonds from which one may ask whether they have any- thing to do with the Naikpo.ds of Warangal and Adilabad, the Naikras of Pasud and the Naiks of Gujarat. A Naik, however, is more fond of calfing himself Erku, compare Gorku and Korku, the former being another name for the Nahals. This people now speak Marathi as their principal language, although their traditional mother tongue which is still spoken among themselves by some Da.rve families, is an interesting Dravidian speech called Naiki. A study of this language may throw some light on the cultural affiliation of this people. In the previous century many of the minor tribal tongues spoken in the Gondi region, like Parji, Kolami and Naiki, were usually treated as dialects of Gondi. Our confusion in this matter was partially removed by the author of the Linguistic Survey of India, IV (1906), who separated Kolami, Bhili of Basim and Naiki from Gondi, treated them as "one and the same dialect", and placed them as a member of the Intermediate group of Dravidian speeches like Kui, Gondi, etc.4 This view has been reiterated in the Introductory Part of LSI 5 although at page 83 of the book Kolami has been shown as an Andhra language along with Telugu, while Gondi and Kui have been tabulated there as Dravi.da languages.

See Report on the Land Revenue Settlement of the Chanda District, C.P., by Major

C. B. Lucie Smith (1869), p. 49.

2 Tribesand Castes of the Central Provinces of India, by R. V. Russell and

Hira Lal

III, p. 64; Man in India, XXVII (1947), p. 132.

3 Censusoflndia, 1891, Central Provinces and Feudatories, Pt. I (1893), p. 507.

4 LS1, IV, pp. 561, 570. LS1, I, Part I, Introductory (1927),pp. 83, 89-90,467, 487.

86

S. BHATTACHARYA

Parji has, however, been treated in both the volumes of LSI as a dialect of Gondi. Further investigations into these little-known Dravidian languages of Central India n have shown that Parji is not a dialect of Gondi, but an independent member of the Dravidian family of languages. It has also been established that Parji is related to Naik.ri, Kolami and Naiki in its west and to Ollari and to Salur Gadba in its east. The languages of this new group are to be found to-day in pockets extended over a wide region parallel to the Telugu area. Naiki of Chanda is thus affiliated to the Parji-Kolami group of Dravi- dian languages and not to Gondi, although the clan-organisation of this people bears some aff• with that of the Gonds, which perhaps indi- cates another phase of their culture-contact. Our knowledge of Naiki was so long quite meagre. During our expedition of 1950-51 Professor T. Burrow and the present writer studied a Dravidian speech at Kinwa.t in the Adilabad District spoken by a tribe called the Nailq'.a, who live mostly in the south of the Pusad tahsil. Our knowledge of Naiki of Chanda, mentioned in LSI, IV, being inadequate at that time, we took this Naik.ri to be a form of Naiki. The Naik.ras are undoubtedly the people mentioned by earlier writers as Naikude Gonds. 7 During our second expedition in 1957-58 we explored the Chanda District in search of Naiki, and suc- ceeded contacting some speakers of this language in a village called Chandli Buzruk. s We examined the speech there for a short time. The present writer made another trip in that area in November 1958, and collected more data on Naiki from the villages of Mul and Vihir- gaon. Both the materials have been incorporated in this paper, and I am grateful to Professor Burrow for not only allowing me to use our Chandli Buzruk material, but for also guiding me to write this paper during my stay at Oxford in 1959-60. The relation of Naiki to the other languages of the Parji-Kolami group has been discussed and demonstrated in the following pages. It has been found that Naiki is nearer to Kolami than to Parji and Gadba, but it is not so close that it should be classed like Naikri as a dialect of Kolami.

6 The Parji Language, by T. Burrow and the present writer (1953);Kolami, a Dravidian Language, by M. B. Emeneau (1955); Ollari,~aDravidian Speech, by the present writer

(1957).

7 Rev. Stephen Hislop, Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the CentralProvinces

(1866), Part I,

* It is one of the 3 villagesmentioned in the Language Census Hand Book for Chanda

District (1956) wherefrom Naiki speakers were recorded.

pp. 24 and ft.; LS1, IV, p. 570.

NAIKI OF CHANDA

87

The following table will illustrate the mutual relationship of the languages of this newly discovered group:

Proto-Parji-Kolami

 

I

t

 

I

I

 

Gadba

Parji

Naiki

I

J--

-]

[

-7

/

1

Salur Dialect

Ollari

 

Kolami

Naik.ri

ABBREVIATIONS

Ga.

=

Gadba.

 

Ga. (S)

=

Gadba of Salur.

Ga. (OH.) =

Ollari.

Pa.

=

Parji.

Naik.

=

Naiki.

Naik. (C.) =

Chandli Buzruk dialect of Naik.

Kol.

=

Kolami.

Nk.

=

NaikTi

Mar.

=

Marathi.

Pe.

=

Pengo.

DED = A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, by T. Burrow and

M. B. Emeneau,

EK

=

Kolami, a Dravidian Language, by M. B. Erneneau.

LSI

=

Linguistic Survey of lndia, by G. A. Grierson.

For otherabbreviationsusedinthispaperseeDEDandtheauthor'sOllari, Speech.

PHONOLOGY

aDravidian

Our main object here is to describe briefly the morphology of Naiki, and to suggest as far as possible the etymologies of the Naiki words listed at the end from which the phonological developments will be dear. Naiki has the same phonemes as Kolami, for which the readers are requested to see EK p. 6, A major difference is, however, to be found in a flapped retroflex .r which occurs in many Naiki words, mostly as a secondary development (see w16725 c, 27 iv) or in loan-words from Indo-Aryan. The central vowel d occurs as an allophone of a in some Hindi loan-words.

MORPHOLOGY

A.

Nouns

Number

1. The plural suffixes used in Naiki are -ku/, -gu/-g, -l/-lu/-ul and -r/-er/-ker. The pl. suffixes -eil/-sil/-til, -v and -kul, notably found in the Parji-Kolami group of Drav. languages, have not yet been recorded in

88

$. BHATTACHARYA

Naiki. But Naiki -ku and -gu are undoubtedly derived from -ku[ > -kul,

since original final -[ has been found to disappear in many Naiki words;

cf

etc. For the pl. SUffLX-Vsee w 12 b iv. A few Naiki forms are on record where it appears that double pl.

suffixes have been used; e.g. k~ "hand", pl. k~-l, also k~-l-ku, in t61en-kur, pl. of t61en "brother", recorded at the village of Chandli Buzruk, the suffix seems to be a double pl. formation, i.e. -ku + -r. The pl. form recorded at Mul is t6ler which seems to be the usual formation in Naiki.

t~-

(also t~-) "to run", Kol. t~l- (t~t.-), Naik.ri t~[- (t~t.-), Ka. t~l."id.";

2. The surges -ku and -gu are added mostly to words ending in con-

sonants and vowels, respectively. Exceptions like ~tu "rope for suspend- ing articles", pl. ~tu-k, t6nd "sister", pl. t6nd-gu, pal "tooth", pl. pal-gu, also pal-ku, are rare in our material. Examples of plurals with -ku and

-gu:

(a) -ku: k~t "winnowing fan", pl. k~t-ku; kollan "jackal", pl. kollan-

ku; tal "head", pl. tal-ku; n~gar, "plough", pl. nd~gar-ku; pal "tooth",

pl. pal-ku; p~rn "snake", pl. pdm-ku; per-ku "rice" (pl.); s~r-ku"nit" (pl.); val-ku "paddy" (pl.); etc.

(b) -gu: uvvi "well", pl. uvvi-gu; erukra "a Naik woman", pl. erukra-

gu; gud.d.a "eye-ball", pl. gu.d.da-gu;keri "shoe", pl. keri-gu; khuriya "bee"

pl.

"dancing bell", pl. ghu~gru-gu; tit.to "scorpion", pl. t.it.t.o-gu;pika "feather",

pL pika-gu, p6ri "daughter", pl. p6ri-gu; burgi "old woman", pl. burgi-gu;

r~ni "queen", pl. rdni-gu; sutri "nostril", pl. sutri-gu; etc.

-g: elli "rat", pl. ell#g; etc.

3. The pl. suffix -l is found to be used with words ending either in -e

or in one of the following consonants: -n, -.d, or -r.

khuriya-gu;

gond.iya "a

Gond

woman",

pl.

gon.diya-gu; ghu~gru

Thus, kat.t.e"stick,

fuel", pl. kat.t.e-l;kayye "fish", pl. kayye-l; korse "charcoal", pl. korse-l; ddmore "red ant", pl. ddmore-l; divre "fisherman", pl. divre-l; pinda,

pinde "fly", pl. pinde-l; piyotel (pl.) "chicks"; popon.del (pl.) "bubbles";

bagale "cat", pl. bagale-l; madge "mango", pl. madge-l; range "bdnjal", pl. range-l; etc.

Kan "eye", pl. kan-l; gu.d "egg", pl. gu.d-l;p~r "name", pl. p~rl; etc. The pl. of set.t. "tree" is set.-lu; and p6rak "son" takes -lu as an optional pl. suffix. Similarly, mankyak "man" uses -ul optionally to form pl. Some nouns are found to drop a final consonant before taking the -l; e.g. appa.r"house", pl. appa-l; p6dn "father-in-law", pl. p6d-l; etc. It is interesting to note that in Naik.ri a similar -l is found in the pl. of nouns ending in -e, but a more original -./is still used in that speech to form the pl. of nouns ending in consonants mentioned above.

89

4. A number of Naiki nouns denoting relation and caste, end in a

masc. sing. -n which, as expected, substitute it for ,r in the pl. Thus, kayma-n "husband's younger brother", etc. pl. kayma-r; Mke-n "son", pl. Mke-r; t~le-n "brother", pl. t61e-r; etc. But the more common ending for the masc. sing. of such nouns is -k in this speech to which -er is added in the pl.; e.g. dhivrak "fisherman", pl. dhivrak-er; p6rak "son", pl.

NAIKI OF CHANDA

p6rak-er; mankyak "man", pl. mankyak-er; rdjak "king", pl. rdjak-er;

etc. Sometimes the masc. sing. -k becomes voiced due to contact with -e of the pl. suffix. Thus, malak "weaver", pl. malag-er; vart.ik "washer- man", pl. vart.ig-er; etc. In a few cases, mostly in clan-names, the pl. suffix turns out to be -ker', e.g. mat.t.eya, "a man of the 3-god Naik clan", pl. mat.t.eya-ker; tore "a man of the 12-god Naik clan", pl. tore-ker; etc. It is perhaps owing to a confusion between the masc. sing. -k and the pl. suffix -k that this element is dissociated from the word and added to the pl. suffix; compare soyam "a man of the 5-god Naik clan", pl. soyam-ker; t.ekam "a man of the 4-god Naik clan", pl. t.ekam-ger; etc. A similar -k suffix is also commonly used in Kolami; see EK 4.17 ft.

Gender

5. Naiki's vital relationship with the other languages of the Parji- Kolami group is evident from its having a non-masc, gender, composed of fem. and neut., except in the case of numerals where separate forms are used for the two members of the non-masc, group. All the languages of this group agree in this point. It is in the numerals for 2 and 3 that this 3-fold classification of objects into masc., fem. and neut. has been retained in this language. The different Naiki forms for "two" and "three" are:

 

Two

Three

Masc.

irot.el,iroter

rnuggur

Fem.

irra, ira

muyya, muya

Neut.

ern.di

mfmdi

The word for "one" has only one form, okko (m.f.n.), while the word for "four" has now only two forms, nalgur (m.) and n~li (f.n.). Marathi numerals are used after 4, which do not distinguish the sex of the object they stand for, excepting that a word like jan is added to indicate the animate beings.

We have discussed above the two masc. suffixes used in this

language, namely, the Drav. masc. sing. -n (t6len "brother", k[ken "son",

6. (a)

90

S. BHATTACHARYA

etc.) and the ending -k/-ak (dhivrak "fisherman", rdjak "king", etc.); see w4.

(b) A number of feminine suiSxes are found to be used in Naiki

nouns denoting relation, castes and clans. They are:

(i) ,ra: it is often added to the masc. nouns ending in -k which is some- times voiced on account of this contact: t~lik "oilman", fem. tFlig-ra; vart.ik "washerman", fem. vart.ig-ra, etc.; also erku "a Naik man", fern. eruk-ra; madig "a man of the cobler caste", fem. madig-ra. In the case of k6mt.i "a man of the trader caste", where the masc. -k is absent, the fem. form is k6mt.i-gra which shows that the fern. SUffLXis tending to become -gra through metanalysis in this language; cf. mat.t.eya,

pl. mat.t.eya-ker (w4).

fern. pdr-iya; gon.d "a gon.d male",

fem. gon.diya; etc.; rods "husband", fern. m~sa perhaps belongs here. In the case of malak "a man of the weaver caste", fern. maliyak, the fern.

formative has perhaps been infixed.

(iii) -e: it generally replaces the masc. -k or its variants: dhivrak

"fisherman", fern. divre; soyrak "male guest", fern. soyre; mat.t.eya, pl. mat.t.eya-ker "man of the 3-god Naik dan", fem. matt.e, etc.

(iv) -n, -ni: ma.ravi "a man of 7-god Naik clan", fem. ma.ravi-n;

(ii) -iya:pdr "a Brahmin (male)";

t.~kam "a man of 4-god Naik clan", fem. t.~kam-ni; soyam "a man of 5-god Naik clan", fem. soyam-ni; ko.dap "a man of 6-god Naik clan",

fem. kr.dap-ni; etc.

(v) -i: bhayrak "deaf man", fem. bhayri; mukkak "dumb man", fern.

mukki; navrak "bride-groom", fern. navri "bride"; meonak "cross-cousin brother", fem. meoni; tore "a man of 12-God Naik clan", fern. tori; etc.

The last two fem. suffixes seem to be borrowed from indo-Aryan.

(c) The Dravidian neuter sutfix -n/-m can be traced in a few words

in Naiki: umlen "urine", karan "black (animal or article)", kavranu

"crow", kollan "jackal", haman "deer", kurman "horse", gadam "rub- bish", etc.

Declension of Nouns

7. (a) Accusative suffixes in Naiki are -n after vowel and -un/-on after consonant. Examples: krnda-n paktun tFt "drive away the bull beating", cimni-n u.rap "make the bird fly", pul-un vayktun "seeing the tiger", babak-un d.rup"make the child play", ummel-unpdgur "hit the mosquito",

etc.

Acc. pL : a~got.el-unjama kak "assemble all people", prrak-l-unk6

"bring the boys", mankya-ku-l-on udpur "make the men sit", etc. Sometimes an -n appears between the noun and the ace. suffix as an

NAIKI

OF CHANDA

91

augment; e.g. t6lel-n-un alupmen "do not make the brothers weep", bay-n-un karug "call the woman", etc.

(b) Acc. case is sometimes expressed without any suffix: kavar mustun

rattan "I have come having shut the door", dn korvan.di mayentan "I am sharpening the sickle", kokke iv ilupti "you tore the cloth", bot.el kinup

"snap fingers", anne apa.r pOt.apten "he burnt my house", etc. ; also dn .do~gak suntan "I caught a thief", etc.

8. The dative -~/-u~ found in Kolami, Parji and Gadba has become

-n/-un in this language, both in the nominal and pronominal declensions. The same variation of -~ to -n has occurred also in the infinitive verbs in Naiki. This phonological change has made the dative and the acc. suffixes identical in this language; compare Gondi. Examples of dative construction from Naiki: ptrak-un sfyati "you will give the boy", fr-un s~ "go for water", etc. The tendency to use a post- positional word to indicate dative is also there, e.g. ?r-un sat.t.i seratun "she is going for water", ~r-un sdt.i kotti "for whom have you brought?" Here the postposition derived from Mar. sdt.hf, is used as an additional

formative to the dative -un.

A suffix -la of obscure origin is used in Naiki both for instr, and

9. (a)

ablative cases; cf. Hindi -se. Examples from Naiki:

Instr.: vdsla-la "with a scraper", sabdila "with a broom", korvan.di-la

"with a sickle", suri-la "with a knife", M-la "with hand", kat.t.e-la "with

a stick", bdn-la "with an arrow", phdkam-la "with a comb", etc. Abl. : a~ga.r-la "from the market", set.-pot.-la "from the top of the tree":

set.-por "top of tree", aogot.ela m~rabla "from everyone" (lit. "from near all": m~ran "near"), etc.

(b) A postposition -nokon is used to indicate the idea of association;

e.g. ane t6le-nokon "with my brother", ine maye-nokon "with your

mother", etc. It may be analysed as the augment -n + okon < okko "one".

(c) An ablative -a.r is found in ad-ar "from there", id-a.r "from here",

and edd-a.r "from where". Similar formations in respect of these three pronouns ad, id and gd have also been recorded in Kolami, e.g. attat.

"from there", ittat. "from here" and ettat. "from where". One of these three, viz. ittat. "id.", has been recorded also from Naik.ri. Another Naik.ri formative used to construct ablatives in nominal declension is -la.r (: set.-pode-la.r "from the top of the tree") which also may be compared with the Naiki abl. suffix -a.r.

(d) A local ablative suffix -tal (-t + al) also occurs in Naiki, e.g.

por-tal "from the top"; cf. Go. (Trench), vol. I, p. 38.

92

10. (a) Uninflected genitive forms are rare in Naiki. The gen. suffix

more commonly used in this language is -ne/-n. Examples: p6rak-ne ban "the boy's father", pul-ne tala "head of the tiger", ture-ne ceppu "pig's

meat", 6p-ne m~ran "proximity

k~te-ne vasru "calf of which cow?", ~d bdyi-ne p6rak "son of which woman?", ~r mankyak-ne kfken "which man's son?", appa.r-ne "of the house", etc.; also dte-n m~ran "near the dog", etc. (b) (i) Another gen. suffix used in Naiki is -ta which more precisely ex- presses the idea of "pertaining to"; e.g. rdn-ta dte "wild dog" (lit. "dog of forest"), apa.r-ta savli "shade of the house", ameftr.ta 6p "god of our village", madge-ta sat.! "mango tree" (lit. "tree of mango"), f~r-tamukad- dam "head-man of the village", karrka-ta kat.t.e "stick of bamboo", pul-ta ari "fear of tiger", sadum-ta tha.ri "bank of river", k~-ta ko~ga, "elbow", rdn-lop-ta salt. "tree of deep forest", etc. Sometimes this adjectival -ta and the possessive -ne are both used with the same form without dis-

crimination, e.g. td.r-ta (or td.r-ne) mdl "toddy wine", td.r-ta (or td.r-ne) salt.

S. BHATTACHARYA

of god", sat.t.-ne savli "shade of tree", ~d

"toddy tree', etc.

(ii) The -t- of the suffix -ta is sometimes found to be cerebralized as

"one day's work" (: ozgir "one day")

a result ofsandhi; e.g. ozgit.-t.a kdm

oko-t.a g6t.i "yesterday's utterance" (: okon "yesterday"), pinne-t.a khabar

"day-before yesterday's news", etc. (cf. set.-po.t-la in w9a).

(iii) This gen. -ta is sometimes found in adjectival forms; e.g. mu.r-ta

sdl "next (lit. of front)year", a.d.dum-tajdga "middle place", etc.; cf. also

in ~d ftr-ta lit. "you (sing.) which village-of?".

(c) Another gen. suffix is -e used mostly in the pronominal declension

in this language, and rarely with nouns; e.g. ummel-e pdk "wing of mosquito". If we take the -t- and -n- of the gen. suffixes -ta and ne as

oblique increments, then -a and -e will become the actual case termina- tions for gen. in Naiki.

11. The loc. suffixes found in this language are -tun and -in/-un/-en/-n.

Examples: -tun: k?-tun "in the hand", ase-tun "in the swing", sadum-tun "in the river", a~ga.r-tun "in the market", pot-tun sertan "I am going to the hills", kgt-tun "on the winnowing fan", tour-tun "in front of", savli-tun "in the shade", etc.; also apa-t.un "in the house" (: apa.r "house").

-in, -un, -en, -n: ku.d.d-in "on the wall", sikar-in "a hunt", ~r-un "in the

village", .dan.d-un "in the field", apa.r-un "in the house", kdl-un "in the leg", tall-un "on the head", nalgur-l-un "amongst the four" (the -1- may be an extra pl. suffix, or an augment, cf. w7a), sadm-un (also sadum-tun, see above), k~lkul-en "in the hands", khala-n "below", etc. The loc. -tun occurs only in Naiki and Gadba in this group and

NAIKI OF CHANDA

93

should not be connected with the loc. -t to be found in Parji, Kolami and Naik.ri. The -t- of-tun is more likely an augment followed by the loc. -n. This -n is also commonly found to be used with adverbs in Naiki; e.g. okkon "yesterday", v~gen "tomorrow", ittan "here", atan "there", m~ran "near", inen "today", etc.

(b) Two postpositions are also in use in the loc. case in this language.

They are, lopun (lop "inside" -k loc. -un) and -kel (k -k el). The latter is added to the gen. base, e.g. an-e kel "towards me", apa.r-e kel "towards the house", etc., but the former is added directly to the stem; e.g. fr lopun

"inside water", apa lopun "inside the house", ftr-lopun "inside the village", kucce lopun "in the vegetable", etc.

B. Pronouns

12.(a)

The personal pronouns are:

 

1 pets.

2 pers.

3 pers. masc.

3 non-masc.

sing.

dn

iv, n~v

On

ad

pl.

dm

im

Or

anda

(b)

As regards the forms of personal pronouns the following points be noted:

are to

(i) The 1st pers. sing. and pl. forms of Naiki are commonly used in

all the languages of the Parji-Kolami group.

(ii) This cannot however be said of the 2nd pers. sing. forms, for

here Kolami, Naikri and Naiki use nfv "thou", in addition to which Naiki has also iv "id.", both the forms being more on the side of Telugu, whereas Parji and Gadba stand apart together in this respect, the word for "thou" in them being in. But all the five of this group have in- as the obl. stern for the 2nd person sing. which perhaps indicates that the form for 2nd person sing. in Parji and Gadba is more original. Similarly, Kolami and Naikri use nfr for "you" (pl.), whereas Parji and Gadba (also Naiki which this time agrees with the eastern languages of this group), have im "you" (pl.), but all of them have im- as the obl. stem for 2nd pers. pl. (iii) Naiki again agrees more with Pa. and Ga. in having a con- traction of ava to 6 in the 3rd non-masc, forms; cf. Naiki 6n, Pa. 6d/d.d, Ga. 6n.d "he", and Naiki, Pa. Ga. 6r "they"; whereas Naik.ri avnd, and Naik.ri-Kol. avr "they". In this case the uncontracted forms found in Naik.ri and Kolami are undoubtedly more original The 2nd sing. and 3rd masc. sing. Naiki forms quoted in LSI, IV, p. 570, are however in and aun, respectively.

94

(iv) The 3rd non-masc, sing. ad "she/it", used in Naiki, is found in

all the languages of this group. But the corresponding pl. form anda "they" (non-masc.) looks somewhat unique in Naiki. Here the final -a is a contraction of-av, the pl. -v being lost everywhere in this language;

cf. Kol. adav, andav, etc.

13. The following points may be noted as regards the declension of

personal pronouns:

S. BHATTACHARYA

(i) Only the 1st and 2nd pers. pronouns (both sing. and pl.) have

obl. stems formed by shortening the initial long vowels; e.g. an-, am-,

in- and im-. This peculiarity is shared by all the five speeches of this group.

(ii) The accusatives and datives are formed by adding -un; e.g. an-un

"me, to me"; similarly am-un, in-un, im-un, 6n-un, 5r-un, ad-un, etc.

(iii) The gen. is formed by adding -ne or -e, e.g. an-ne or an-e, in-ne

or in-e, gn-ne or 8n-e, ~r-ne or 6r-e, and ad-ne (the expected alternate form ad-e has not yet been recorded). The -n-, as stated before, may be taken as an augment which becomes assimilated when sutfixed to the pl.

2nd persons will be

am-me or am-e and im-me or im-e, respectively.

(iv) The instr, and abl. cases are formed by adding the suffix -la to

the gen. forms of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd masc. pronouns, whereas in the

case of the non-masc, pronouns ad and anda, the suffix -la is added to

their

stems am- and im-. Thus, the gen,

pl.

of

1st and

nom.

forms;

e.g. anne-la,

amme, la, inne-la,

imme4a,

dne-la and

6re-la; but ad-la and anda-la.

14. The other forms of pronouns are:

(i)

fn "this (man)",

pl.

ir:

acc.-dat, fn-un, pl. ~r-un; instr.-abl, ine-la,

pl. fre-la; gen. in-ne, pl. fr-ne; etc.

(ii) id "this" (non-masc.): acc.-dat, id-un; instr.-abl, id-la; gen. id-ne;

etc.; (pl. forms not recorded).

(iii)

~n (st.

~r-)

gen. ~r-e, etc.

"who? (masc.)":

acc.-dat,

~r-un; instr.-abl.

~re-la;

(iv)

~d "who (non-masc.)":

the declension follows ad, id.

(v)

a~gotel "all" (masc.; occasionally used in fem.): gen. aggot.el-e,

loc. augot.el lopun, etc.

(vi)

a~gon "all" (neut.;

occasionally used in fem.).

 

(vii)

e~got.er"how many" (masc. pl.).

 

(viii)

tdn "what",

ette

"how

much",

itte "this

much",

atte "that

much", etc.

NAIKI OF CHANDA

C. Adjectives

95

15. (a) Instead of using the usual deictic bases as demonstrative ad- jectives, pronouns are used for this purpose in Naiki. Thus, id fr "this water", ad bdyko "that woman", 6n kiken "that boy", in pdrakun "to this boy", etc.

(b) Besides -ta discussed above (w10b iii), the other suffix commonly

found with adjectives in Naiki is -n. Examples: idpdv sarka-n "this road

is straight", kara-n kokke "black saree", 6ne misak pan.dra-n ante "his moustaches are black", ane misak kara-n ante "my moustaches are black", etc. The other two endings found with adjectives are -.t and -ek; e.g. amba-t. "sour", tikat. "pungent", kdy-ek madge "unripe mango", etc.

(c) Normally uninflected adjectives are used both as attributives and

predicatives. Thus, puni apa.r "new house", amme apa.rpuni anlen "our house is new", phar apa.r"big house", 6ne apa.rphar anlen, ane apa.rlakka "his house is big, my house is small", etc.

D. Adverbs and Numerals

16. Native Dravidian elements have been better preserved in adverbs

than in adjectives in Naiki. We give below a short list of adverbs used in it:

ayel "that direction", iyel "this direction", Yl "which way, where",

Yl-bi "anyway, any where" (bi < Hi. bh~ "also"), it(t)an "here", aran

"there", adar, ada.rin "therefrom", idar "herefrom",

m~ran "near", portun "above", khalan "below", etc. vYgen "tomorrow", ine(n), "today", indi "now", okkon, ok(k)onan, okona, "yesterday", pinne "day-after-tomorrow", enjo "when", eecir "what time, what day", etc. isen "in this manner", esen "how", haru-haru "slowly", ajuk "again", etc. 17. (i) The cardinal numbers of Naiki have been already discussed in w5. They are sometimes found to stand for a noun; e.g. irot.el/irot.er sertam "(we) two (masc.) will go", etc. A particle-d is used as a definite

article (cf. Hindi t.ho)to limit the number of neuter objects; e.g. oko-d k6 "bring only one". Here also the numeral stands for the noun.

edda.r "wherefrom",

(ii) Distributives are formed by repeating the numeral; e.g. oko oko

"one each", ern.di ern.di "two each", etc.

96

S. BHATTACHARYA

 

E.

Interrogative Sentences, Emphatic Particles and Echo- Words

18.

An interrogative sentence is usually formed with the help of tan

"what"; e.g. id kam tan kakti "have you done this work?", fv oykti tan "have you seen?", ine p~r tan "what is your name?", tan kakati "what will you do?", etc. Other interrogative pronouns may also be used for this purpose; e.g. iv ~n anti "who are you?", eggoler ratter "how many (men) came?", etc. But in most cases an affirmative sentence is converted into

an interrogative one with the help of intonation. Thus, pay tindi uttered in an interrogative tone will mean "have you taken (lit. eaten) food?".

19. The emphatic particle used in Naiki is -ay/-ey. A similar emphatic

particle is also found in Kolami and Gondi. Examples from Naiki:

a~gon-ay tfrl pant.te "all the hair have become grey", ~run-ay daya t6ted

"there is no mercy even in a single man", augot.el-ey mankyaker itakan

jama kak "make all men assemble here", aggot.elun-ey jam kak "make everyone assemble", etc. Sometimes a particle -e (or -i) is found added to pronouns to indicate emphasis; e.g. ?m-i kaktir "it is you who did", am-e tindan "it is I who ate", etc. Another emphatic particle is -as; e.g. an id-as ftrta "I am of this very village", etc. Besides these, the Hindi particle bhf > bi is also commonly used: an-bi "I too", etc.

20. The echo-words are usually formed with the help of an initial

m-; e.g. pay-muy tindun s~ "go eating bread, etc.", ine apa.r-mupa.r sam-

jiyen "I do not understand your (arguments regarding) house, etc.",

But in the sentence ine mayenokon

gtt.i-mat.e edun "I had a talk (lit. word, etc.) with your mother", mate

mankyaker-munkyaker

"men, etc.".

seems to be a Telugu loan-word.

F.

Verbs

Present and Future tenses

21. (a) The simple present tense is formed in Naiki by adding a suffix -t- to the root followed by the personal ending. Thus, an raja(k) an-t-an "I am a king", am rajaker an-t-am "we are kings", etc. The full paradigm for the verb an- (and-) to be, will be:

 

1 Pers.

2 Pers.

3 Pers. masc.

3 non-masc.

Sing.

an-t-an

an-t-i

an-t-en

an-t-un

P1.

an-t-am

an-t-ir

an-t-er

an-t-e

97

These verbal forms may be illustrated by the following sentences: fv ~n

NAIKI OF CHANDA

anti "who

are you?", tin erku antan "I am a Naik",

id ~rtun erku lagit

anter "the Naiks are quite numerous in this village", ane mdsane Mtun ern.di rupyagu ante "there are two rupees in my wife's hand", 6n certes antan "he is awake", 6he ndli t6ndgu ante "he has four sisters"

(lit. "of him 4 sisters are"), 6he ~nden oykeka antun "his dance is worth- seeing", dm One sdt.i uttun antam "we are sitting (i.e. waiting) for you (pl.)", 6n mankyak asan anten "that man is like that", etc.

(b) It is to be noted that this type of present tense construction has

been found only in the case of irregular verbs having a separate stem for the past. The mono-stem verbs, on the other hand, use this construction for the past tense; e.g. dn sek-t-an "i quarrelled", ad sek-t-un "she quar- relled", etc. (c) The present tense construction as shown in w21a is also used to express (i) a habitual action, (ii) an action which has just commenced and is now in progress, (iii) an action which is just to commence, (iv) or an immediate future action. Thus, dine r~] pay tin-t-am "we eat rice

daily", portun ser-t-an "I am going (or: "will be going now") to the hills" (lit. : "above"), indi sereka an-t-un "I will have to go now" (lit. "now to be going is"), dmi imun saytun set-t-an "we are going away leaving you", .do~gak kuytun t.~-t-en "having been out the thief will run away", esen ser-t-i "how will you go?", etc.; also aunun dn entar "I will tell him" (LSI, IV, p. 572).

22. The verb er- "to be" has an extra stem in en- which forms the

present tense without any further tense-suffix. Thus, id bdy ~d enun "who is this woman?" This -n of the stem en- seems to be a relic of an old present tense suffix, still found in some Drav. languages; cf. Kon.da.

23. Another important feature of Naiki conjugation is its frequent

use of an -l suffix to form the present tense instead of the -t- suffix dis-

cussed in w21. Both of them are used mostly with the verb an- (and-) "to be", which forms the second member of a present continuous verb when a compound construction is used for it. Thus, tineig an-t-an "I am eating", kie pet.aye an-len "fire is burning", etc. Both these formatives are found to express different shades of meaning in the present and future tenses. But the -l suffix occurs mostly as 3rd non-masc, sing. -len and pl. le in our material, except in forms like dn kat.eltan "I am cutting", dn kakeltan "I am doing". The other difference is that the -t suffix is meant for irregular verbs having an extra stem for the past, while the -I suffix is found added also to the mono-stem regular verbs. We will now quote a few examples to illustrate the use of this -len and -le:

98

(a) okko ummela tdn ari an-len "what fear is there from one mos-

quito?", id fr kdyta an-len "this water is hot", pdmku gun.daytun an-le

"snakes are encircling (the tree)", ettan rupya an-len "where lies (fit. is) the rupee?", itte phar an-len "(it) is this-much big", edde bhdy anlen (also

an-le

edde mast

"strength of elephant is greater than that of tiger", pul maktun an-len

s. BHATTACHARYA

an-le)

"sun is fierce", pulne pakse

hatine

tdkot jdsti

"tiger is concealed", etc.

(b) kavri kak-e-len "(it) is chewing the cud" (lit. doing kavri), ghdy

var-len "wind is blowing", vdna var-len (also vallen) "it will rain (shortly)", koke b6ke-len "cloth is being wet", p6d kuy-len "sun is appearing", nd.ri a.rg-e-len-ka nay "pulse beating (lit. moving, walking) or not?", nd.ri

a.rg-e-len "pulse beating", kfqe gadam r6j tin-len "cow eats grass daily", kic pet.ay-len "fire is burning", pdt.a er-len "there will be singing", ghSy

vattun, sat.t, halay-len "wind has come, the tree is shaking", korr kacra ikrip-e-len "fowl is scratching rubbish", kdm in-ndt.le ma.dd.-e-len "work

wiU be finished in two days": ir ndn "two days", etc. It will be found that the SUffLXtakes an anaptyctic -e- when a consonant like -k, -g, -.d or -p ends the stem. Thus kak-e-len, etc., but tin,len, er-len. This anaptyctic vowel is very short when -y precedes; e.g. kuy-3-len,

halay-3-1en, etc.

24. The more common suffix for expressing the present, or more cor-

rectly the present-future, tense is, however, -en-t which follows the con-

Thus, 6nun

jugational pattern of the -t suffix demonstrated in w21a.

d.rp-en-t-am "we are making him play", puc-en-t-an

~nd-en-t-am "we dance", inet.un an-en-t-an "i shall stay today", tdn kak-

-en-ti "what are you doing?", 6n all-en-t-en "he is weeping", it.k-en-t-en "he is showing", 3nd-en-t-er "they (m.) are dancing", p~r .dig-en-t-un "flood is subsiding", av pd.r-en-te "they (f.) are singing", etc. Infinitives are formed in Naiki by adding -en: mucc-en vatten "he has come to shut", tin-en rattan "I have come to eat", etc. The first part of the present-future -en-t, shown above, is identical with this infinitive -en. From the evidence of Naik.ri where a similar construction based on the Infinitive verbs occurs, it appears that the whole present-future form (-en-t-an, etc.) is a contraction of an original verbal compound which had the infinitive form of the principal verb as its first member. Thus we

have in Naik.ri, por-ev "to bark": dte por-ev uttin (also dte por-ev-tin)

"dog barks, dog is barking"; etc. The relation between this -en-t and the -t discussed in w21 is obscure; the latter may be a further contraction

"I am opening",

of -en-t.

25. (a)

Apart from these present-future formatives there is a separate

NAIKI OF CHANDA

99

future suffix in Naiki formed by the suffix -at-un, etc.

The conjugation

of the verb kak- to do, in the future tense will be:

kak-at-un

kak-at-i

kak-d-an

kak-an

kak-at-um

kak-at-ir

kak-d-ar

kak-da

A similar though not identical conjugation is also to be found in Kolami.

In this conjugation in Naiki the first and the second persons have -at-

as the tense suffix, the 3rd pers. masc. sing. and pl. and the 3rd non-masc.

pl. have the suffix as -d-, while the 3rd non-masc, sing. has no tense suffix at all as is found in some Gondi dialects. The personal endings used here are also somewhat different from those of the other conjugation discussed in w21 and w24. Some examples of this type of future:

p~d-d-an "he will squeeze", p~d-an "she will squeeze", sek-at-i "you (sing.) will quarrel", sek-d-an "he will quarrel", d.r-at-um "we will play", d.rp-at-un "I will make (him) play", d.rup-d-an "he will make (him) play", tin-at-iv "you (pl.) will eat", tin-d-an "he will eat", tin-d-a "they (non- masc.) will eat", kit.p-at-un "I will extinguish fire", kit.up-d-an "he will extinguish fire", kit.p-an "she will extinguish fire", kit.up-d-a "they (non- masc.) will extinguish fire", puc-at-un "I will bring out", pus-d-an "he will bring out", p6d kuy-an "sun will appear", sup-at-un "I will lift", sup,d-an "he will lift", ilp-at-un "I will make (him) stand", ilup-d-an "he will make (him) stand", iliy-an "it will be torn", putt-an "it will be cut", set.t,p6gp-at-un "I will make the tree grow", k~t.e mdy-an"cow will graze", fro-d-an "he will blow", egur-d-an "he will jump", jeab-d-an "he will eat", ikrip-an "(fowl) will scratch", an,at-un "I shall be", an-d-an "he will be", ser-at-i "you (sing.) will go", set-d-an "he will go", set-an "she will go", me.d-d-an "he will touch", ved-da "they (non-masc.) will pull", min-d-ar "they (m.) will swallow", eru~-d-an "he will defecate", kot-d-ar "they (m.) will bring", dr-an "(wound) will dry up", it.k-at-un "I will show", it.uk-d-a "they (non-masc.) will show", ay-d-an "he will sweep", ay-an "she will sweep", etc.

(b) It will be noticed that some transitive and causative verbs which

end in a double consonant, introduce an anaptyctic -u- between the two consonants before the -d- of the future tense, or any other suffix beginning with a consonant, is added; thus kit.p-at-un, but kit.up-d-a. But verbs like indap- "to weave", ikrip- "to scratch", do not seem to fall under this category: indap-atun "I will weave", ikrip-an "it will scratch". The -d future is also found to soften the final -c of put-, kac-, etc. to -s. Thus, pucatun "I will pull out", but pus-d-an "he will pull out"; kae-an "she will bite", but kas-d-an "he will bite"; etc.

100

s. BHATTACHARYA

(C) A major variation in this conjugation is, however, observed in a

number of verbs where as a result of an old sandhi the future-tense particle -d- is changed to -.d-. Thus, su.r-at-un "I will fry", su.d-.d-an "he will fry", su.r-an "she will fry"; pa.r-at-un "I will fall", pa.d-d.-an "he will fall", par-an "she will fall"; ir-a-ti "you (sing.) will put", i.d-.d-an"he will

put", i.d-d-a "they (non-masc.) will put"; etc. The .r in some stems has developed from an original .d. in the case of en-/en.d- "to say" (e.g.

en-at-un "I will say", en.d-an "he will say") the stem with -.d seems to be original. 26. (a) Besides using the present tense formatives discussed in w16721, 23 and 24, there is another way in which a present continuous action can be expressed in Naiki. It is to form a compound verb by adding -c, -cik/-cig or -sik/-sig to the root followed by an- as the auxiliary verb which takes either the -t- or the -l- suffix. It appears that a compound formation is preferred when the present action is continuing for some

time.

scratching rubbish, it is again scratching". Other examples are: kicpet.ayc

anlen "fire is burning", a.rkain-cik anlen "pot is being filled", a.rkaindup-cik

Thus, korr kacra ikrip-e-len, puna ikrip-cik anlen "the fowl is

anlen "she is filling the pot", povay-sik antan "he is swimming", pSd kuy-cik anlen "sun is appearing", kak-sik antir "you (pl.) are doing",

mdy-cik anlen "(cow) is grazing", okkod ummel u.ray-cik anlen "one mos-

quito is flying", tin-cig antun "she is eating", pdmku ser-cik anle "snakes are crawling (lit. going)" ad btiy en-sik anlen "that woman is speaking", etc.

(b) The same -cik/-sik, etc. is used to form the future continuous

tense with the auxiliary verb in the future; e.g. iv serati, dn 6y-cik an-at-un

"when you will go I shall be seeing you". (See w27c for the past con- tinuous tense).

Past Tense

27. The past tense particle is -t- followed by the regular set of personal

endings given in w21a. Thus, the verb kak- "to do", will conjugate in the past tense as follows:

kak-t-an

kak-t-i

kak-t-en

kak-t-un

kak-t-am

kak-t-ir

kak-t-er

kak-t-e

Most Naiki verbs follow the above conjugation in the past tense. Ko- lami past conjugation is similar to it. Variations in the above conjugation occur in the case of a few irregular verbs where either the stem or the

101

tense particle, or in some cases both, are found to be changed giving rise to some irregularities. The irregularities may be summed up as follows:

(i) Before the past tense suffix -t- is added, the roots ending in -nd

are found to drop the final consonant to avoid a 3-consonant conjunct. Thus, ~nd- (~n-t-) "to blow": 6n ~n-t-en "he blew", 3nd- (3n-t-) "to dance":

~n-t-an "I danced"; see also vadd- (vatt-) below.

NAIKI OF CHANDA

(ii) In some cases the final consonant of the root is assimilated to the

tense particle. Thus, ud- (ut-t-) "to sit": dn ut-t-an "I sat"; k~d- (k3tt-)

"to winnow": iv k~t-t-i "you (sing.) winnowed"; vadd- (vatt-) "to cook":

vattun "she cooked"; also compare var-/va- (vatt-) "to come".

(iii) In a few cases the tense particle is found to be cerebralized and

voiced.

drink", yen- (ven-.d-) "to hear", etc. The past stems en.d- and vend- are interesting for they have been derived from an original *-n_r < *n+t; e.g. e_n + past -t > e_nr- > end-, etc. The cerebrafization in un.d- is obviously due to an old sandhi with an original *u.n-. The etymology of an- (and-)

is not clear; here also the past stem may be derived from an original *_n_r.

(iv) In some cases both the phonological changes, namely, the assimi-

lation of the stem-ending with the tense particle, and the cerebralization of the tense particle due to contact with a cerebralizing consonant, seem to have taken place. Thus, or- (obt.) "to wash" < *o.d-+t (cf. Pa. no.d-

(noN-)); Or- (6.t-t-) "to break"< *6.d-+t (cf. Ta. otiv-); pad-/par- (pabt-)

"to fall" < -.d+ t (cf. Te. pad-, Ga. (Oll.) par-, Kol. (SR) pdre~ "to fall"); su.r- (subt.-) "to fry" < *-d+t (cf. Ta. cut.u "to bake, roast"); it- (ibb) "to put" < *-.d+t (cf. Ta. it.u); etc. A long vowel in the root often simplifies the conjunct; e.g. dr- (d-t-) "to play", pd.r- (p&t.-) "to sing", etc. in some cases the vowel is found to be shortened if the conjunct is retained; e.g. fty-/ft- (ut-t.-) "to put on clothes", etc.

(v) in a few verbs the past tense particle is found only to be voiced;

e.g. tin- (tind-) "to eat". This phonological change is also due to a historical

process of *-_n+t > *nr >nd, which is the normal development in this language. A similar voicing of the past -t occurs also in the case of verbs

"to go", er- en- (edd-/ed-) "to be",

ending in -r; e.g. ser-/se- (sedd-/sed-)

etc.

Thus, an (an-d-) "to be", en- (en-d-)

"to say", un- (un-.d-) "to

(b) For the formation of the past perfect the auxiliary an- (and-)

"to be" is added to the past forms of the verb, both the members of the compound conjugating in the past tense; e.g. ern.dkun an seddan an.dan "I had gone last year", ~v oykti an.di "you (sing.) had seen", etc.

102

s. BHATTACHARYA

past forms of an- (an.d-) "to be" to the principal verb having the suffix -c/-cig, etc. (see w26); e.g. tin-cig an.dan "I was eating", etc.

Conditional Verbs

28. (a) The conditional tense, expressed in English by "if you do",

"when you do", etc. is formed in Naiki by adding -te/-ta to the past or

future verbal forms. The corresponding suffix in Kolami is also -te. Examples from Naiki are:

Past conditional: okonan sitan-te tinden "when I gave (him) yesterday

he ate", etc.

Future conditional: iv siyati-te 6n tintan "if you give he will eat", 6n

sidan-te dn tinatun "if he gives I will eat", etc.

(b) It is difficult to say whether this Kolami-Naiki -te has anything

to do with the Hindi suffix -to used to form conditional verbs, e.g. Hi. turn karoge-to "if you do", etc. The idea can also be expressed in Hindi with the help of instr. -se added to the obl. -ne forms of the Infinitive nouns ending in -nd; e.g. tumdrd khd-nd "your eating": turn khd-ne-se "if you eat" (lit. "by your eating"). This seems to have influenced the

Naiki construction fv kak-ta-la

the instr. -la has been added to the verbal noun kak-ta (see w17b). Other examples from Naiki are: itan utta-la ajuk kaecan "if you sit here, it (mosquito) will again bite you", mand laota-la ca~le era "if you apply

medicine it will be good", etc.

"if you do" (lit. "by your doing"), where

Causative -p

29. (a) The suffix -p found in the Dravidian languages to form causative

verbs is one of the most living verbal suffies in Naiki. It is used to con-

vert verbs into causatives in this language. As most verbs in Naiki end in a consonant, an anaptyctic -u- is found to separate the -p from the final consonant of the root, giving rise to an alternate stem which is used with the suffixes beginning with a consonant. Thus, alp-atun "I will cry", but alup-dan "he will cry". Other examples are." dr- "to be dry", cs. drp-,

drup-; dr- "to play", cs. d.rp-, d.rup-; il- "to stand", cs. ilp-, ilup-; il-, iliy-

"to tear" (intr.), cs. ilp-, ilup-; ud- "to sit", cs. udp-, udup-; (nd- "to dance", cs. ~ndp-, (ndup-; git- "to pierce", gitp-, gitup- "to bury"; .dig- "to descend",

cs

arup- "to cut" (tr.) is probably from an intr. at- which has not so far been

recorded in Naiki; cf. Ta. ari, etc.

digp-,

.digup-; p6g- "to grow", cs. pSgp-, p6gup-; etc.

The form arp-,

NAIKI OF CHANDA

103

(b) We will now show a few irregularities in the formation of the

causative verbs:

(i) In a few verbs the causative -p is added to a shortened stem;

i.e. a part of the stem at the end is dropped before the cs. suffix is added. In most cases the deleted part consists of an -y, which is perhaps an intr. suffix. Thus, kdy- "to be hot", cs. kdp-; suy- "to rise", cs. sup-; gun.day- "to be twined round", gun.dap- "to twine round"; etc. Other sounds

which are dropped in such circumstances will be found in: tOril-/tOriy- "to tear" (intr.), trrup "to tear" (tr.); karug- "to call", cs. karup-; etc.

(ii) In some cases the final -y of the intr. stem is retained. These verbs

take an anaptyctic -i- and not -u-; e.g. pay- "to break, fall", payp-,

payip- "to demofish"; ray- "to burn" (intr.), cs. vayp-, vayip-; etc.

(iii) Some verbs ending in -.r change this final consonant to -.t before

taking the cs. -p. Thus, o.r- (at.t,) "to break" (intr.), cs. ot.p-, o.tup-; ki.r- (kit.t-) "fire to go out", cs. kit.p-, kit.up-; but cs. of dr- "to play" is d.rp-, d.rup- "to make to play".

(iv) In some cases a final consonant which is quiescent in the in-

transitive form reappears in the causative; e.g. in- "to fill" (intr.), cs.

inp-, indup-; etc.

30. (a) A large number of regional Indio-Aryan words have been absorbed in Naiki with the help of this cs. -p and an -y, the latter forming the intransitive. Thus IA. u.r- "to fly", Naiki u.ray- "id.", cs. u.rap-; Mar. at.- "to be dry", Naiki at.ay- "id.", cs. at.ap-; IA. phir- "to return (one- self)", Naiki phiray- "id.", cs. phirap-; IA. ~ikh- "to teach", Naiki sikay- "id.", sikap- "to learn", etc. The union vowel in these cases is usually -a- and not -u-.

(b) The suffix -p is sometimes found in forms which are not real

causatives. Thus, thukap, "to spit out", dhaklip- "to push", aklip- "to plough" (Kol. na~rip- "id."), etc.; also arap- "to crow" (Kol. ar-, art- "to cry"), ikrip- "fowl to scratch rubbish".

Participial Conjuncts

31. The conjunctives are formed by adding -tun to the root. Thus, ir

indup-tun rattan "I have come having filled water (in the pot)", krndan pak-tun t~ "drive away the cow beating", vet-t.un pue "bring (it) out having pulled", adum-tun "having squeezed", sam-tun halap "shake hold-

ing (it)", pulu ki-tun k6 "bring flower plucking", kava.r mus-tun vatten

"he has come having shut the door", vayk-tun "having searched", oko oko kak-tun si "give one each" (lit. "one-one-doing give"), pulun vayk-tun

104

S. BFIATTACHARYA

arustan "I was afraid seeing the tiger", a.ruk-tun sertun "she went walking":

arg- "to walk", vds ~k-tun oluk "perceive the smell taking it", phiray-tun vd "having returned come", kis kit-tun sedun "fire has been completely extinguished", etc. Variations occur in our material in tin-dun "having eaten", and un-.dun "having drunk". The corresponding suffix in Kolami is -tna.

Negative Verbs

32. (a) Naiki negative conjugation is very much similar to Kolami. The negative particle is -e-. In verbs in the past tense it is inserted between the stem and the tense particle -t-. There is only one negative conjugation for the present and the future. In this case no tense affixes are added. The following paradigms for d.r- "to play" will illustrate the two neg. conjugations:

Present-future

d.r-e-n

dr-nero

d.r-e-n

dr-e-d

d.r-e-m

d.r-ner

d.r-e-r

d.r-e

 

Past

dr-e-tan

d.r-e-ti

dr-e-ten

dr-e-tun

dr-e-tam

d.r-e-tir

d.r-e-ter

d.r-e,te

It is to be noted that the neg. Imperative sg. -hem, and pl. -her are used in the 2nd person present-future neg. verbs. It is further to be noted that the irregular verbs use the root-stem and not the past stern for the neg. past. Thus, Naiki i.r-e-tan "I did not put": i.r- (it.t-) "to put", anun pdt.a var-e-d "I cannot sing" (lit. "song does not come to me"): var-[va- (vatt-) "to come", etc.

(b) A salient feature of the neg. conjugation in Naiki is its use of a

-d SUffLXin the non-masc, sing. It is absent in the affirmative verbal forms

in Naiki, but occurs optionally both in the affirmative and the negative 3rd non-masc, sing. forms in Kolami.

(c) The causative verbs use their un-extended stems for the formation

of negatives in the present-future, while the extended ones are used for the past negatives: an kiken d.rp-en "I will not make the child play", but an kiken d.rup-tan "I did not make the child play"; etc.

(d) A present tendency in Naiki is to add the IA. neg. word nay

before a form already in the negative. Thus, 6n nay dren "he will not play", ad bay nay dred "that woman will not play", nay dr-e-tan "I did not play", etc.

NAIKI OF CHANDA

105

Imperative Verbs

33. (a) In Naiki and Kolami (also in some other Drav. languages) the uninflected root is used to form the 2nd pers. Imperative sing. Thus, dr, "play", ud "sit", il "stand", an "be", s~ "give", kak "do", tin "eat", etc.: t~.r-"to play", ud- (utt-) "to sit", il- "to stand", an- (an.d-) "to be", si-/siy-"to give", kak "to do", tin- (tind-) "to eat", etc. Verbs having an alternate stem for the past tense use the principal stem to form the Imperative. Some verbs of this type ending in -r drop the final consonant and lengthen the preceding vowel in the Imperative sing. Examples:

s~ "go", vd "come", k6 "bring", etc. : ser- (sedd-) "to go", vat- (vatt-) "to come", kor- (kott-) "to bring", etc. Verbs which end in a consonant conjunct and therefore often have an alternate stem with an -u- separating the conjunct, usually form the Imperative with the help of the extended stem. Examples: udup "make (some one) to sit": udup-/udp- "to make to sit"; usur "tie": usur,/usr- "to tie"; .digul "descend": .digul-].digl- "to descend"; etc.

(c) The sufftx -nero is used in the sing. and -ner in the pl. to form the

neg. Imperatives. Verbs having extended stems use them for this purpose. Examples:puonem "do not open", pl. pue-ner; d.r-nem "do not play", pl.

d.r-ner; cs. sing. ~.r-up-nem, pl. d.r-up-ner; tin-nem "do not eat", pl. tin-ner; sen-nem "do not go", pl. sen-ner; karug-nem "do not call", pl. karug-ner;

etc.

Infinitives, Verbal Nouns, etc.

34. The Infinitive suffix in Naiki is -en added to the root. The corres-

ponding suffix in other languages of the Parji-Kolami group ends in a velar nasal (see w8). Examples of Infinitive verbs from Naiki are: tin-en rattan "I have come to eat", kat.el katk-en rattan "I am going to cut fuel",

nae oyk-en sertan "I am going to see the dance", u.ray-en vayktun "she

saw it fly", sasa sum-en sereka "let us go to catch hare", anun kiee-en vatten "he came to pinch me", ~.r-en s~ "go to play", etc. 35. (a) The same suffix as above is used to form one kind of verbal nouns: e.g. tin-en un-en "eating (and) drinking", etc.; also anun hindi-grt.i kak-en vared "I cannot speak Hindi" (lit. "doing-Hindi-word does not come to me"), ~nd-en "dance", etc.

(b) Participles formed with past -t are also used as verbal nouns;

e.g. eru~-ta anlen "there is excreta": eru~- "to defecate", similarly umul-ta

"urine", etc.

106

s. BHATTACHARYA

are real verbal nouns; e.g. kak-mu.r "work": kak- "to do", agul-mur "the act of digging": agul- "to dig", etc.

36. A suffix -eka is usually found to form gerundives. Thus, sasa

sumen ser-eka "we have to go to catch hare". Sometimes different forms of the verb an- "to be" are added; e.g. vdl roapeka antun lit. "paddy- sowing is to be", nde oykeka antun "dance-seeing is to be", okkona an sereka an.dun "I was to go yesterday" (lit. "my going was"). The con- struction here resembles the regional Hindi formsjdneka thd "was to go", i.e. "should have gone", etc. 37. (a) The only suffix recorded in our incomplete material to form

relative participle is -na; e.g. tinder-na "one who ate", tindi-na "you who

to past verbal forms to indicate a past action. These

forms can also be taken as agent-nouns. This -na has also been found

ate". It is added

being used adverbially, e.g.a.rug-na a.rug-na patten "(he) fell while walk- ing".

(b) In the sentence inen val atey arup-ta payjel lit. "today paddy-all-

cutting has to be", arupta may be taken to be a past participle form (i.e. "the state of all-paddy-has-been-cut has to be"). The corresponding form in the regional Hindi is sdb dhdn kdt.-ne-kd h6nd. Here the gen. -ka has been added to the obl. of the nominal base derived from Infinitive -na. But in Naiki -ta in arup-ta cannot be taken as the gen. suffix, as it has been added directly to the verbal root. Once this -ta is added the form can be treated as a noun capable of taking case sutTaxes. Thus, iv kak-ta-la eran "if you do, it will be (done)", lit. "by your doing it will

be (done)".

VOCABULARY~

agul-/agl- to dig; agulmur digging [Kol. agul- id. Ta. aka.l dig out; etc.: DED

12]

auga.rmarket [Kol. augad,i, Ta. a~kat.iid.; etc. : DED 37] augur(u), augul tongue augot.e(y), augot.el, augonay all [Kol. au- ged.na id. ; etc. : DED 1] aug.reshirt [cf. Kol. augi id. < IA.] accir day-before-yesterday, lit. that day [Kol. a si.dthat day; etc.: DED 2103] ajuk again at. bread [cf. Kol. ipate id., Te. nippat.ia sort of cake; etc. : DED 3039]

at.ap- to dry up (water) [cf. Mar. at.a.neto thicken or inspissate by boiling; also DED 86] at.ay- to be dried up a.~.m obstruction [Pa. ad.d.om id., Te. add.anamu shield; etc. : DED 73] ad.d.umtamiddle (adj.); admun in the mid- dle [Kol. na.dum,Ta. na.tumiddle, etc. :

DED 2959] atan there [Kol. attin there; etc. : DED 1] atey all ato bay father's sister [cf. Ga. (Oll.) ata, Te. atta id.; etc.: DED 121] atte that much

NAIKI OF CHANDA

107

ad she, that (non-masc.) [Kol. etc. ad id., DED 1] ada.rin therefrom [cf. Kol. attat, id. ; etc. :

DEE) 1] adum- to squeeze, press [Kol. adum-, Te. adumu id. ; etc. : DED 114]

a

id.; etc.: DE/) 282] anda they (non-masc.) [KoL andav;

etc. :

an- (and.-) to be [Kol. an- (and-),

Ta.

DED

1)

ap(p)a.r, pl. ap(p)al house

aple one's own (Mar.) abar sky, cloud; abar kak- to be cloudy [Kol. abar id.; etc. EK 2] ambat, sour (IA.)

ammanin then

am.to elder brother's wife

id.; etc. : DEE)

ay- to sweep [Kol. ayk-

162]

ayel that direction

arap- to crow; [cf. al- below]

ari fear

[Kol. ari,

Ta.

ara.tt.i id.;

DED 2980]

etc.:

arup-/arp- to cut (tr.)

arup-/arp- to frighten (see ari above) arus-/ars- to fear (see ari above) ark- to cut paddy, harvest [Kol. ark- id., Ta. ari to cut off; etc.: DED 175] argil chest [Kol. arag.di id. ; etc. : DED

165]

ar sSla a measure equivalent to 88paeli [cf. Ta. arai half: DED 192] a.rka earthen pot [cf. Go. at.ka id.] arg- to walk [Kol. ad.g-, Ta. nat.a id.; etc. : DED 2957] al(l)- to weep [Kol. at-, Ta. a_luid.; etc.:

DED 240] alup- to make to weep asen like that (person) askur axle [EK 2014] aklip- to plough, to harrow [EK 576]

ate, Ta. nay id.; etc. :

ate, pl. -I dog [Kol

DED 3022] an I [Kol. Pa. an, Ta. yah, nan id. ; etc. :

DED 4234] am(e) we [Kol. am, Ta. yam id.; etc.:

DED 4231] ay- to winnow with side-wise motion [Pa. ac- to choose; etc.: DED 306] at- to be dried, be emaciated [cf. DED

346]

~rup-/arp- to dry up, to heal (tr.) ari saw (Hi.)

a.r- (fq-) to play [Kol. a.d-, Nk. a.r- id., Ta. at.u id.; etc.: DED 290] a.rup-/4rp- to make to play ala ginger (Mar.) (den night; arda alen midnight [cf. Ta. al night; etc.: DED 199] ikrip- fowl to scratch up rubbish iyg-/ig- to grind on a stone-slab [cf. Pa.

ne~g-]

ijam seed, stone of a fruit [of. DED 4428] ijgur house lizard (Mar.) i.duk-/itk- to show; (C.) i.d- id. [Kol. id id.; cf. DED 723(a)]

itak, itakan, itan here [EK 326]

itte this much [DED 351] id this (non-masc.) [DED 351] ida.r from here in- to be filled [Kol. nin.d-, Ta. ni.rai id. ; etc. : DE]) 3049] inet- (st.) one day [EK 309] inen to-day [EK 309] indap- to weave

indi, ind.i now [EK 311]

d-

indup-/inp- to fill (tr.) [DED 3049] iyand, this year [DED 351] iyel this direction irot.el, (C) iroter two (m.) [DED 401] ir nan (st. nat-) two days [EK 565] ira two (f.) [EK 302]

irpu mahua [Kol. ippa, Pa. irup, irpa, Ta.

iruppai id.; etc. : DED 410]

it- (it.t-) to put [Kol. id.-, Pa.

Ta. it.u id.; etc. : DED 375] i.rgil court-yard il- to stand [Kol. il-, Pa. nilp-, Ta. nil id. ; etc. : DED 3043] il(O- (or iliy-) to tear (intr.) [Kol. iri- id.,

id-, Nk. it-,

Ma. iriyuka, cf. DED 406]

ilup-/ilp- to tear (tr.) ilup-/ilp- to make to stand ivsa soot on the ceiling ~sen in this manner

t'k- to pound; (C.) to husk (rice) [EK2125]

fj lightning (IA.)

ij ka.ralil- to thunder

id (C.) ashes [ea. n~d, Ta. n(ru id.; etc. :

DED 3060] fr water; fr kak- to bathe [Kol. ir, Pa. Ta. nir id. ; etc. : DED 3057]

iv (st.

id.; etc.: DED 3051] ug(g) ur rope, bowstring [cf. DED 488]

uygriyam, pl. -ku, (C.) uggra finger-ring

in-) pl. fm you

[Kol. niv, Te.

ivu

108

S. BHATTACHARYA

0A.)

uclip- to lift ut.up- to split, break (tr.) (See 6r-) ud.uk-/ut.k- to speak, suggest [cf. DED

3137]

uttu (also ~tu) rope for suspending ar- ticles [Cf. DED 607] ud- (utt-) to sit [Kol. ud-; etc. : DED 623] udup-[udp- to make to sit udri white ant un- (un.d-) to drink, smoke (cigarette) [Kol. un- (undO, Pa. un- (und.-), Ta. u.n to drink; etc. : DED 516] up.rip- to pull out, uproot (IA.) umulta, umlen urine umbul- to urinate [Kol. umbul-, umul- id., Ma. mo[l.u urine; etc. : DED 553] ummel mosquito [Tu. umil.u id.] uy (C.) well [cf. Te. nuyi] u.rap- to make to fly (IA.) u.ray- to fly (intr.) ullig onion [Kol. ulli id., Ta. u[l.i id., garlic; etc. : DED 605] uvvi, pl. -gu well [-Kol. nuvvi, Te. nuyi id. ; etc. : DED 3070] us- to remove dirt, to clear [cf. Kol. usm- to wipe, Te. usumu to scour; etc.:

DED 493] usur-/usr- to add salt while cooking, to mix, to pour [cf. DED 6481 usur-/usr- to tie (knot), to build; to thatch t~ sesamum [Kol. (SR) nuvvu, Ta. nt~ id.; etc.: DED 3081] a- to comb [Pa. ur- to plough, Kol. ur-, Ta. u.lu id. ; etc. : DED 593] a./ay- (at.t-) to put on cloth [Kol. at-, Pa. na.r- id.; etc. : DED 3088] fmd-(ant-) to blow [Kol. and-, Te. ~du id.; etc.: DED 638] ar village [Kol. t~r, Ta. arid.; etc.: DED

643]

ase a swing [Kol. ase, Ma. agcal id.; etc.:

DED 629] ~s- to spit; Osen spit [DED 495] ektari one stringed musical instrument

0A.)

eg, egu, evgu (C.) leaf [DED 662] egur- to jump [cf. DED 684] e~got.e how many (fem.) [/)El) 4228; Pa. e~got., etc.] e~eotel, e~got.er how many (masc.) e~gon how many (neut.) eccir when, at what time [Kot. (SR) ejir

when; etc.: EK 824]

ettur blood [Kol. net(Our, Ta. neyttOr id. ; etc. : DED 3106] ette how much [Kol. ette id.; etc. : DED

42281

eddar from which direction [Kol. ettat. id. ; etc. : DED 4228] edde sunshine [DED 738: Pa. nendi, Go. (A) eddi, Ta. enru id.] en- (end.-) to say [Kol. en- (ent-), Pa.

en- (end-/ett-), Ta. e_n-(en.r-) id. ; etc. :

DED 737] enjo when, which day [cf. Naikr.i enjep, DED 4228] ey, yeyi oil [DED 3104: Kol. Pa. Ta. ney oil, butter; etc.] er-/en- (ed-/edd-) to be [Kol. er- (e-, a-; edd-) to become; etc.: DED 702] erap- to strain off water from boiled rice [cf. DED 775] eru~- to defecate; eru~ta excrement [Kol. ergg-, Ta. eruku id. ; etc. : DED 696] erku a man or men of the Naik tribe erukra, pl. -gu a woman of the Naik tribe ernd. last year [cf. Pa. nird.i, and DED

4230]

ern.di two (n.) [DED 401] ern4ik two years ernd. id.a twice elli, pl. -g rat [Pa. el, Kol. elka, Ta. eli id.; etc.: DED 710] esar vat- (C.) (water) to boil [Kot. esar, Ta. ecar; etc. : DED 664] esen how ~k- to take, lift [DED 652: Pa. ~k-, Te. ~ku to pick; etc.] ~gen (C.) tomorrow [DED 4570; v~gen] gd which, who (f.n.) [DED 4228] gn (st. &-) who (m.) [DED 4228] ~nd- (~nt-) to dance [Kol. ~nd-; etc.:

see

DED 757] ~ndup-, ~ndp- to make to dance ~I which direction, where; ~I bi in any direction (bi < Hi. bhi) ~l (C.) creeper (see v~lig) oko.da once okon, ((2.) okkon yesterday [cf. Kol. ok- ko.d, Tu. ka.dd id.; etc. : DED 785] okko, (C.) okkod one (m., f., n.) [DED 834 (b)] ogur rope [.9cf. DED 488] o~- to take child in lap [Kol. Pa. o~g-;

NAIKI OF CHANDA

109

etc.: DED 791] oe-/os- to sew [Kui osa id.]

ozgir, (st. ozgit-) one day ot.up-/ot.p- to break (tr.)

oy- (C.) to hurt (intr.) [Kol. oy-, Ta. n6; etc.: DED 3143] oyk- to see; (C.) also vayk- id. orkil- to recognise [cf. Mar. orkal test by touch-stone]

or- (off-) to wash (hand, feet, etc.) [Kol.

o.d-, Pa. nod.-, Ta. nut.akku;

3136]

etc.: DED

ovva udder ~dil day [cf. Kol. ul day, Kur. od.ul, undul one day" DED 584] 6n, pl. 6the [Pa. 6d; etc.: DED 1] 6p god Or- (aft-) to break (intr.) [Kol. Pa. 5.d-, Nk. 5.r-, Ta. oti id.; etc.: DED 799] 51uk- to feel for oneself [cf. Mar. 6[akh.ne to know thyself] kak-x to do; (C.) kakmu.r doing (verbal

cey id.; etc. :

DED 1628] kak-~to shave (= to do?) kat.- to bind, tie hair, build, attach bow- string; (C.) kat.t.- to bind [Kol. kat.-, Ta. kattu id. ; etc. : DED 961] kat.t.e, kate stick; (C.) fuel (< IA?) kata story (IA.)

katuk-]katk- to cut with axe [Kol. katk-;

etc. : DED 1015] katrip- to cut hair with scissors (< IA.) kan, pl. -l eye [DED 973: Kol. Pa. kan, Ta. kan id.] kaniya particle of rice (Mar.)

kanta gud.d.a, pl. -gu eye-ball kamt.a bow (generally tir-kamt.a)

kayek unripe [Kol. kay-, Ta. kay- to bear fruit, Te. kaya unripe fruit; etc.: DED

noun) [Kol. kak-, Ta.

1220]

kay~g-, kay,- to laugh [Kol. kay~g- id. ;

etc.: DED 1053] kay~ga wife's younger sister, husband's younger sister (< kay~g-) kayman, pl. kaymar husband's younger brother, wife's younger brother kayye, pl. -1 fish [Kol. kaye, Nk. kayye id., Ta. kayal carp; etc. DED 1050] kara silver necklace [DEE) 1173?]

karan, (C.) karen, kareyan black [DED

1073(a) and 1175] karug-, karuk- to call, crow; invite, sum-

mort

karup- cause to summon (a physician) karnul kind of bird (Mar.)

karrka bamboo [cf. DEE) 1140] kalay threshing floor [Kol. kalave, Ta.

ka[am id.: etc.: DED

1160]

kalla noise

karat door (/A.) kavri kak- to chew the cud kap- to beat, to boil [DED 1219] kam work (IA.) kay- to be hot; k~yta hot kaso tortoise (Mar.) ki- to pluck

kie (c

=

ts) fire [Kol. kis, Ta. kiccu id. ;

etc. : DED 1272]

kitup-/kitp- to put out fire

kinup- to

break, crack knuckles [DED

1336?]

kit'- (ki.tt.-) fire to go out [Kol. kit.-, id.,

Ta.

ket.u

16141

be

destroyed;

etc.:

DED

kis-]kice- to pinch [Kol. kism-, Pa. kice-,

Te. giccu id.; etc. DED 1271] kf, pl. lku, (C.) pl. kikul hand [Kol. kf,

Ta. kai id.; etc.: DED 1683] Mken, pl. kiker son [Kol. kfke boy; etc. :

DED 1326] kucce cooked vegetable [DED 1467]

kud.d.i mud-wall [EK 435?]

kutuk-/kutk- to cut (meat) [DED 1429?] kutup- to cut with axe kumba.re pumpkin (IA.) kuy- to come out, appear (star), to rise (sun) [cf. Kol. kuri; etc.: DED 1480] kurra (C.) male calf [DED 1497]

kurmam; (C.) kurrmam horse [Kol. gut-

ram, Ta. kutirai id. ; etc. : DED 1423] ku.ro a measure equal to 8 paeli kul- to measure [Kol. kul-, Te. kolucu; etc.: DED 1517] kussi (C.) side kate (C.) cow [EK 455: Kol. kate id.; etc.] kekre crab (IA.) ker- to shave [Ta. cirai shave; Ka. kere id.; Kol. kerk- (kerek-t-) id.; etc.:

DED 1305] kerig (C.), keri, pl. -gu shoe, slipper [Kol. kerri id., Ta. ceruppu id.; etc.: DED

1633]

key, pl. -ul (also -ul-gu) ear [Kol. kev, Ta.

cevi id.; etc.: DED

1645]

110

S. BHATTACHARYA

k~t, pl. -ku winnowing fan [Kol. k~t, Te. c~tta id.; etc.: DEE) 1679]

k~d- (kgtt-) to winnow [Kol. k~d- (kgtt-),

Ka. k~ru id. ; etc. : DED 1679] kok(k)e cloth (for women) kod hill [cf. DED 1548] ko~ga, koho~ga elbow [cf. DED 1689]

kodli (C.) axe [Kol. golli, Nk. gho.li, Ka.

kod.aB id.; etc.: DED 1702] komba.r far [Pa. korea4 id.; etc. : DED

1760]

komma daughter [Kol. kommal, pl. kom-

masil id.; etc.: DED 1787]

kor-/ko- (kott-)

to bring [Kol. kor-/ko-

(kott-) id.; etc. DED 1788]

korvand, i, (C.) korand,i sickle

korse, pl. -I charcoal (Mar.) ko.rka cowshed [Kol. (Kin.) korka id.; EK 2168; el. DED 1713] kola bride, son's wife, younger brother's wife kollan bear; (C.) jackal

kdt.a fence

k6d.ap, pl. -ker a man of the 6-god Naik clan; fern. kOd.apni,pl. -gu

k6nda bullock [Kol. kdnda,

id.; etc.: DED 1837] kOmt.i a man of the trader caste [Te. k6- mat.i a Vaisya; etc. : DEE) 1840] k6mttigra, pl. -gu a woman of the trader caste kOl pestle [Kol. kOla stick, Ta. kOl id., Kon.da kOl big wooden pestle; etc.:

Ka. g6nde

DED 18521 khake hip (IA.?) kha] itch [Ka. kajfi, Pa. kajra id. ; etc. :

DED 925]

khatik blacksmith khanda branch of tree (Mar.)

khabarek- to ask khalan below

kh~nd shoulder (Mar.) khfr line [DED 1352] khura silver [cf. Go. (Hislop, Lind) kuro, Nk., Kol. (Hislop) kuro id.] khuriya, pl. -gu bee [cf. Kuvi kriyya] kh6nd, bullock's hump (Mar.) gad.d.astone, pestle made of stone [cf. Te. go.d.da cylindrical stone: DED 1400] gadam grass, rubbish gayda pit, pool, trench garsuli necklace gar got.i (C.) hail stone [Kol. gar, id. :

EK 246; also Ga. (On.) gar id.]

ga.rva a measure equivalent to

gay wound (IA.) g~.t knot (IA.) fit- to get stuck, to be trapped, penetrate, pierce

1 paeli

gitup- to bury

gud.,pl. -legg [Kol. gu.dtesticle, Ka. gu.dflu egg; etc. : DED 1400] gu.d.da,pl. -gu eyeball [Ka. gud.d.uid. DED

1400]

gund.ap- to tie turban [Kol. gund.ap- to wind (string): EK 287; cf. Pa. gun4pip-, gund.pit- to make to bend] gund.ay- (snake) to wind round gu.ru~ga (C.) neck [Go. Tr. gu.rngd the oesophagus]

gogo.di, gogo.ri cock [Go.] g3t.i-mat.e conversation [matte < Te.; gdt.i

<

Sk.]

gori blanket

gorre (C.) sheep [Kol. gorre id., Ta. ko.ri id.; etc.: DED 1799]

gond. a man of the Gond

tribe;

fern.

gond.ia, pl. -gu

gdr (C.) finger-nail [Kol. g6r, Ta. ukir id.; etc. : DED 479] g6.r sweet (< IA.?) ghafi cow-bell (IA.] gha.ri fold (IA.) ghasap- to rub (IA.) ghasiril- to slip down (IA.) ghdm sweat (IA.) ghay wind [Kol. gMi, Nk. ghafi, Ka. gMi id.; etc.: DED 1258] ghar hawk (Mar.) ghu~gru dancing bell (IA.) caggap- to make to climb eaugay- to climb [cf. Ka. cat~guto jump; etc.: DED 1885] cabap- to chew (IA.) camki- to flash (IA.) calay- to sift (IA.) cat.ay- to lick (IA.) cikla mud (Mar.) cittu (C.), cittukli (?) scorpion

ciparta d.okka rib bone [Te. d.okka skele-

ton] cimni bird [Kol. (SR) cim.ni sparrow: EK

2053]

cirpo.re skin of fruit

cukkin

(C.) star [Kol. cukka, Go. sukkum;

etc., id.: DED 2175]

cuma kiss (IA.) curap- to thrash

curl, tsuri (C.) knife cettes awake

ceppu, (C.) cep flesh, meat [Pa.

NAIKI OF CHANDA

111

taggon husband's elder brother, wife's elder brother INk. taggon wife's elder brother: DED 2445 (b)]

cep

id. ;

tat

ta

(C.) gourd

tap- to make to lie down; to add fuel; to

etc.: DED 2281] jagap- to wake (IA.) jaggo moon [cf. Go. (Hislop)jago id.] jama kak- to collect jambey yawn [IA.] jay kind of food called in Mar. ambil

put on shirt [Kol. tap- to put, etc., turn upside down; etc. : DED 2500] taras difficulty ta/, pl.-ku head [Kol. tal id.,Ta, talai id. ; etc. : DED 2529] tavr (C.) chaff [Ta. tavit.u bran, minute

2580]

j'ikay- to win [Mar. jigk.ne id.] jeap-/jeab- to eat (Mar.)

particle; etc.: DED 2537] tak butter-milk (Mar.)

jhalava wave (Mar.) jhulir cricket (Mar.) .tapru wooden cow-bell [Kol. t.apor id.:

takat strength (Hi.) tdta grandfather [Ta. tdttd id.; etc.: DED

DED 2405; cf. Mar.]

tan what [Kol.

taned

id. ; etc. : EK

899]

!it.to, pl. -gu scorpion [Kol. tit.or id.; etc. :

DED 2409]

run [Kol. tal- (tat.-) to run, go ; etc.: DED 2792]

.tdkam, pl. -ker a man belonging to the

.ta- (ta.t-) to Ka. t~[ to

tandun why [Kol. tag id.: EK 902]

tar toddy palm [Pa.

td.l id.; etc. : DEE) 2599] tasap- to scrape tik- to die [Kol. tik-, Te. tegu id.; etc.:

tar, Kol.

tat.i, Ka.

4-god Naik clan; fern

t~kamni,

pl. -gu

DED 2802]

t.oggre (C.) elbow, knee [DED 2419]

tikat, pungent

d.aray- tiger to crouch (Hi.?)

tin- (rind-) to eat [Kol. tin- (tind-),

Ta.

d.akiyan kf left hand

.dik-, dig- flood water to subside, to de- scend [Kol. (Kin.) d.igg- to descend,

Te. d.igu alight, Ta. i.li to descend; etc.:

DED 426, cf. also 364] d.ikay- to be stuck

d.igap- to make to subside, to make to descend d.igup-/d, igp- to make to descend d.igul-/d.igl- to descend [DEE) 426] d.umra ant-hill d.~ri post (Mar.)

d.okka (C.) bone [cf. Te

skeleton;

dokka

etc. : DED 2414] d.oggak, pl. -er thief [Kol. d.ogga thief, Ta. t.ohka_n id.; etc.: DED 2417] d.6gga boat (Mar.) d.6li (C.) a heap

d.habu money, coin, pice

d.hekla sod d.h~Icun bug .dhgt.a stubble d.h6l drum tagg (C.) liver [Kol. targgu.d, Tu. tagka

id. : DED 2546] taggoda husband's elder sister [Kol. (SR) taggodd wife's elder sister; etc. : DED 2445 (b)]

tin (tinp-, tinr-) id. ; etc. : DED 2670(a)] tina ki right hand [Pa. tinda key id. ; etc. :

DED 2670(b)] tipan a sowing instrument having 3 out- lets (Mar.) tipu.r cloth for women tirup sun's ray [cf. DED 2831] tirg- to tremble [Ga. (Oll.) tirg- id.; etc. :

DED 2662] ti.rigga kind of bird like parrot tir, pl. -l hair [Kol. tfr, pl. tid.lid.; etc. :

DED 2684) tir arrow (IA.) turn- to sneeze [Kol. turn-, Ta. tummu id. ; etc. : DED 2740]

tumik, (C.) turmig tendu tree [Kol. tumki,

Ta. tumpi; etc. : DED 2732] tur, (C.) turre pig [Kot. turre id. ; etc. :

DED 2752] ta- to drive away (see .ta-) tup ghee (Mar.) tSr cot [Kol. Nk. tSr id. : DED 2848]

tSlik oilman; fem. t~ligra, pl. -gu

tore, pl. -ker a man of the 12-god Naik clan; fern. tori, pl. -gu. tdt- neg. verb; only 2 forms recorded:

tdted it is not, pl. tdte [Kol. tot- id. ; Ta. t6_n.ru to be visible; etc.: DED 2942]

112

S. BHATTACHARYA

t6nd, pl. -gu sister, mother's sister's daughter [Kol. tOrndal younger sister; etc.: DED 2939] t6nd sanjin younger sister's husband t6riy- (t6rilt-) to be spilled t61 (C.) skin [Kol. t61, Ta. tOl id.; etc.:

DED 2937] t6len, pl. t6ler brother, mother's sister's son ['Kol. tOren younger brother; etc.:

DED 2939] thakay- to be tired (IA.) thaputi, pl. -gu clapping of hands th~.ri high bank of river thukap- to spit (IA.) them drop dan.d paddy field damore, pl. -I red ant diva lamp flA.) divre, pl. -I a woman of the fisherman caste (IA.) dura (C.) earth (cf. Gondi; < IA.) devari priest (IA.) d~vur temple (/A.) dou.rip- to make to be lost (IA.) douril- to be lost d6sig insanity (Mar.) dhivrak, pl. -er fisherman; see divre dhuar mist flA.) dhOtar cloth for man OA.) nay not 0A.) navrak- bridegroom; navri bride (Mar.) naugar, pl. -ku plough [Kol. na~gli, Ta. na~cil id.; etc.: DED 2368] nan (obL st. nat.-) day [Ta. na_n_rutime, day, Te. n~d.u, Go. n6nd. today; etc.:

DED 2381] nac dance (IA.) nfmak father's younger brother nani father's younger brother's wife narel coconut (IA.) na.ri pulse; n~ a.rg- pulse to throb (IA.) nali four (f.n.), nalgur (m.) [Kol. nalig (n.), nalgur (m.), Ta. nal; etc.: DED

3024]

nali odil four days [Kol. nal udul id.; DED 3024] nipp- to play on musical instrument niv, (st. in-) you (sing.) [Kol. niv, Ta. nf id.; etc.: DED 3051] n~k- (musical instrument) to sound, to be played on [Go. (Tr.) ngkana id.] n~kup-/n~kp- to play on instrument parka fan; p~ halap- to fan (IA.)

pati back pad.-/par- (pat.t-) to fall [Kol. (SR) par-, Pa. pad.- (patt-), Te. pad.u id., Ta. patu to perish; etc.: DED 3190] pan.d- (pant-) to be ripe [Kol. pand.- (pant-), Te. pan.du, Ta. pa.lu id.; etc. :

DED 3299] pant.a ripe pand.ran white pat- to throw padgare stone-mill for grinding pande frog [Kol. pande id., Tu. paraetu bull frog.; etc.: DED 3261] panni winter, cold [Kol. (SR) pant cold, Ta. pa_nibecome cool; etc.: DED 3322] pay- to break [Kol. (Kin.)pay- to divide; etc.: DED 3247] paya calf of cow [Pa. peyya calf, Te.

peyya id.; etc. : DED 3248]

payj- to be in need (Mar.) payip-/payp- to make to fall, demolish par, par but (Hi.) paray- to grind [Kol. (SR.)paray id.; etc. : DED 3273] pargen : alen pargen the whole night pars- (C.) to scratch [Kol. pars- id., Ta. pa.ra.nt.u id.; etc. : DED 3313] pal, pl. -ku/-gu tooth [Kol. Ta. pal id.; etc. : DED 3288] pavli flute pasam turmeric [Kol. (Kin.) pasap id., Te. pasimi yellow; etc. : DED 3161] pahar crowbar [DED 3367?] pak wing (IA.) pak./pag- to beat, shoot [cf. Pc. pak-, Go. Kuvi pay- id.] pat.a song [Kol. pat.a, Ta. Pattu id.; etc.:

DED 3348] p~ta slab of stone for pounding (IA.) pare, pl. -ku snake [Kol. pam, Ta. pampu id.; etc.: DED 3361] pay, pay boiled rice, food par a man of the Brahmin caste; fem. pariya, pl. -gu [Ta. par id.; etc. : DED

3366(b)1

par- (pat-) to sing [Kol. pad.- (pad.t-) id.;

etc.:DED 3348]

pal milk [Kol.

3370]

Ta. pal id.; etc.: DED

pay path [Kol. Pa. pay id.; etc.: DED

3380]

pika, pl. -gu feather, peacock's tail [Malt. pice, Ta. pfli id. ; etc. : DED 3469]

NAIKI OF CHANDA

113

pigu, piggu intestine [Kol. p(gul intestines,

Pa.

DED 3445]

pi.rul, Te. p(r)(gu

entrail;

etc.:

pinda, pinde, pl. pindeI ant [Pa. pinda fly,

Ga. (O11.)pinde insect: DED 3430] pinne(n) day-after-tomorrow [Pa. pidne, Ga. (OIL) pitne id., Go. (Tr.); pirn( id. ; etc. : DED 3452] pipuli butterfly

piya (C.) cow-calf [Pa. etc. : DED 3248]

piyot.el chicks [cf. Go. pise]

pirtun at the back, after [DED 3452] pisak mad [Go. (Sironcha) pissa id.] pt'- to pour pfd- to milk, squeeze [Pa. pid- id.; etc. :

DED 3474] pfri straw [Kol. piri, Te. pari id. ; etc. :

DED 3468] puc(c)- (pust-) to take out something, to pull out [Kol. pus- (pust-) id., Ta. puy to be pulled out; etc.: DED 3513] put(t)- to cut (intr.), break (intr.) [Kol. put- to cut in pieces, break (rope): EK

Te. peyya calf;

733]

putuk- to cut to pieces (tr.) putte gourd [Kol. (SR) burra pumpkin, Te. bu.rraempty shell of a long gourd; etc. : DED 3553]

pun wound [Kol. pun, pl. pund.l, Ta. pun

id. ; etc. : DED

3506]

puni new [Pa. pun, Ta. putu id.; etc.: DED

3511-]

puna again (IA.) purre, pure worm, insect [Kol. purre, Pa. pu.rut, Ta. pu_luid. ; etc. : DED 3537]

pul(a) tiger [Kol. pul, Ta. pull, pul id. ;

etc. : DED 3532] pus fever pust.i tail (Mar.) pa pus pgtr flood pM flower

peddave lip [Kol. pedave, Te. pedavi id.;

etc. : DED 3609] penli marriage [Kol. Te. pend.li id., Ta. pen woman; etc.: DED 3608]

peruk-/perk- to live [Kol. perg- (perekt-)

to grow, Ta. peru to grow, prosper; etc.: DED 3613]

rice [Pa. peruk, Te.

perku (pl.) husked

pralu id. ; etc. : DED 3286] p~t.ap- to set fire to, burn (tr.)

p~.tay- to burn (intr.) [Mar. pet.ane to kindle fire]

etc.:

DED 3643] p~r; pl. -I name [Kol. p~r, pl. p~d.l, Ta.

peyar, p~r, id.; etc.: DED 3612] poucil- to arrive (IA.)

p~n louse [Kol. pgn, Ta. p~_n id.;

po.ta, pot. t.a belly

[Kol. Te. pot. t.a, Ka. pot. t.e

id. ; etc. : DED 3677] p~d sun, day [Kol. pod, Te. podu id., Ta. pol.utu, p6tu sun, time; etc. :DED 3724]

podil flour [Pa. podil, poyil id., Te. po.di

id.; etc. : DED 3667] podn, pl. podl father-in-law; pod(d)a, pl. -gu mother-in-law [Kol. podal mother- in-law, Tu. podu relationship by mar- riage; etc.: DED 3685]

popond,el bubbles

pomme

pamme] pot hill, the top ;portalfrom above ;portun

breast,

teat

[DED

3246,

Kol.

above [Kol. pode high, the top, Go. parro top, Ta. po.rai hill; etc.: DED

3730]

povay- to swim p6g- to grow; cs. p6gup-/p6gp- to make

to grow, save parak, pl. -er/-lu boy, son, bridegroom; fern. pOri, pl. -gu daughter, bride, girl (Mar.)

phdkam comb

phan harrow phar big, elder; phar ban father's elder brother; phar ba(n) mother's elder sister's husband; phar maye, father's elder brother's wife, mother's elder sister [DED 3613; cf. Go.] pharel (C.) fruit (IA.) phirap- to make to return; to turn phiray- to return (IA.)

phukni small piece of hollow bamboo used to blow up fire (IA.) phugay- to swell (intr.) [cf. Kol. pogg- to boil over, Ta. po~ku to boil up; etc.:

DED 3658] phekap- to throw away (IA.) ph~t.a turban (Mar.) ph~s foam (Mar.) baka.r female calf of cow (Mar.) bakkar leveller (Mar.)

(Muria) bakoval

bagale, pl. -I cat

[Go.

male cat; cf. Mar. bOka a he-cat]

balkyak herdsman [Mar. balki]

114

S. BHATTACHARYA

baher outside (IA.) bat.ap- to distribute (IA.) babak child, son (Mar.) ban father [Kol. ban id.] bandi lowland for paddy bay husband's eider brother's wife

bay, pl. -ku woman