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Declaration of Martial Law

Published: September 23, 2011. Latest update: September 13, 2012.

Declaration of Martial Law

The anniversary of the declaration of martial law is on September 23 (not September 21) President Jose P. Laurel issued Proclamation No. 29 on September 21, 1944 placing the Philippines under martial law, effective September 22, 1944. Marcos followed a similar process, although he did not actually sign his Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21: he signed it on September 17 or on September 22, in either case dating it September 21. Throughout the martial law period, President Marcos built up the cult of September 21, proclaiming it National Thanksgiving Day by virtue of Proclamation No. 1180 s. 1973 to memorialize the date as the foundation day of his New Society. The propaganda effort was so successful that up to the present, many Filipinos, particularly those who did not live through the events of September 23, 1972, labor under the misapprehension that martial law was proclaimed on September 21, 1972. It was not. The facts are clear. A week before the actual declaration of Martial Law, a number of people had already received information that Marcos had drawn up a plan to completely take over the government and gain absolute rule. Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., during a September 13, 1972 privilege speech, thus exposed what was known as Operation Sagittarius. The Senator said he had received a top-secret military plan given by Marcos himself to place Metro Manila and outlying areas under the control of the Philippine Constabulary as a prelude to Martial Law. Marcos was going to use the bombings, which includes the Plaza Miranda Bombing, in Metro Manila as a justification for his takeover and subsequent authoritarian rule. In his own diary, President Marcos in his entry for September 14, 1972, wrote that he informed the military that he would proceed with proclaiming martial law. This was indeed the culmination of a long period of preparation: in his January 1971 diary entries, Marcos discussed meeting business leaders, intellectuals from the University of the Philippines, and the military, to lay the groundwork that extreme measures would be needed in the future. By May 8, 1972, in his diary, Marcos confided that he had instructed the military to update its plans, including the list of personalities to be arrested, and had met with Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile to finalize the legal paperwork required.

Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. delivers a privilege speech on the Senate floor on September 21, two days before martial law was declared and implemented. (From A Garrison State in the Make, p. 353) On September 21, 1972, democracy was still functioning in the Philippines. On same date, Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. delivered his final privilege speech in the senate. Thursday, September 21, 1972 was the last session day of the week. Primitivo Mijares, among others, recounted the functioning of the House of Representatives and the Senate, with committee meetings scheduled for that night. That afternoon, as Edicio de la Torre[1] recounted in 2009, a protest march was held in Plaza Miranda, sponsored by the Concerned Christians for Civil Liberties (Eva-Lotta E. Hedman, John Thayer Sidel in their book Philippine politics and society in the twentieth century: colonial legacies, post-colonial trajectories, says this rally was led by a coalition of more than thirty civic, religious, labor, student and activist groups [and] mobilized a crowd of 30,000 in a protest rally at Plaza Miranda which received prominent national radio, television, and newspaper coverage.). For his part, in his diary, President Marcos wrote that he, together with members of his cabinet and staff, finished the preparation of Proclamation 1081 at 8 PM, September 21. A day after the final speech of Ninoy Aquino, that is, September 22, 1972, the newspapers still came out: they featured the rally held the previous day in Plaza Miranda. Mijares in his book

recounts President Marcos was agitated by a statement reported in the Daily Express that if martial law were declared, Aquino said he would have to be arrested soon after or he would escape to join the resistance to martial rule. The pretext for martial law was provided later in the evening of Friday, September 22, 1972[2], the convoy of Secretary of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile was ambushed in Wack-Wack as he was going home to Dasmarias village in Makati before 9 PM. This ambush, as Enrile later revealed in 1986, was staged by Marcos to justify Martial Law. Marcos himself, in his diary entry for September 22, 1972 (9:55 PM) wrote, Sec. Juan Ponce Enrile was ambushed near Wack-Wack at about 8:00 pm tonight. It was a good thing he was riding in his security car as a protective measure This makes the martial law proclamation a necessity. His diary entry for September 25, 1972 mentions conditions after two days of martial law, also indicating martial law in reality is dated to September 23, 1972. This means that when President Ferdinand E. Marcos appeared on television at 7:15 PM on September 23, 1972, to announce that he had placed the entire Philippines under Martial Law by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081, he framed his announcement in legalistic terms that, however, were untrue, and that has helped camouflage the true nature of his act, to this day: for it was nothing less than an autogolpe, or self-coup. He said he had placed the entire country under martial law as of 9 PM on September 22, 1972, which, he claimed, he signed on September 21, 1972. Yet accounts differ. David Rosenberg, writing in the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars (The End of the Freest Press in the World, Vol. 5, 1973) chronicled that about six hours after the ambush, President Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081, placing the entire country under Martial Law, placing the signing at around 3 AM on September 23. Raymond Bonner, in his book Waltzing with the Dictator, narrates his interview with Juan Ponce Enrile with which the former Defense Secretary recalls that he and Acting Executive Secretary Roberto Reyes witnessed President Marcos sign Proclamation No. 1081 in the morning of September 23, 1972. The Bangkok Post in a series of articles called The Aquino Papers published in February 20 22 of 1973, asserted Proclamation No. 1081 had been signed even earlier, on September 17, 1972, postdated to September 21. Mijares also mentioned in his book that President Marcos said as much in an address to a conference of historians, in January, 1973. Two things emerge: first, whether they conflict or not, accounts all indicate President Marcos obsession with numerology, seven being his lucky number, necessitated that Proclamation No. 1081 be officially signed on a date that was divisible by seven. Thus, September 21, 1972 became the official date that Martial Law was established and the Marcos dictatorship began. It also allowed Marcos to control history on his own terms. The second is that the arbitrary date underscores that the actual date for martial law was not the numerologically-auspicious (for Marcos) 21st, but rather, the moment that Martial Law was put into full effect, which was after the nationwide address of Ferdinand Marcos as far as the nation was concerned: September 23, 1972. By then, personalities considered threats to Marcos (Senators Benigno S. Aquino Jr., Jose Diokno, Francisco Rodrigo and Ramon Mitra Jr., and members of the media such as Joaquin Roces, Teodoro Locsin Sr., Maximo Soliven and Amando

Doronila) had already been rounded up, starting with the arrest of Senator Aquino at midnight on September 22, and going into the early morning hours of September 23[3], when 100 of the 400 personalities targeted for arrest were already detained in Camp Crame by 4AM. In the meantime, the military had shut down mass media, flights were canceled, incoming overseas calls were prohibited. Press Secretary Francisco Tatad went on air at 3PM on September 23 to read the text of Proclamation No. 1081. The reading of the proclamation was followed by President Marcos going on air at 7:15 p.m. to justify the massive clampdown of democratic institutions in the country. He would subsequently issue General Order No. 1, asserting that all powers had been transferred to the President who was to rule by decree. Congress would not convene until, in anticipation of it in January, 1973, President Marcos accelerated the approval of a new constitution to preempt the legislature. The New York Times reported about these events in an article entitled Mass Arrests and Curfew Announced in Philippines; Mass Arrests Ordered in Philippines in their September 24, 1972 issue. The Daily Express itself, announced in its September 24 issue, that President Marcos had proclaimed martial law the day before, September 23, 1972. After the declaration and imposition of Martial Law, citizens would still go on to challenge the constitutionality of Proclamation No. 1081. Persons arrested filed petitions for habeas corpus with the Supreme Court. But President Marcos, who had originally announced that martial law would not supersede the 1935 Constitution, engineered the replacement of the constitution with a new one. On March 31, 1973, the Supreme Court issued its final decision in Javellana v. Executive Secretary, which essentially validated the 1973 Constitution. This would be the final legitimizing decision with on the constitutionality of Martial Law: in G.R. No. L-35546 September 17, 1974, the Supreme Court dismissed petitions for habeas corpus by ruling that martial law was a political question beyond the jurisdiction of the court; and that furthermore, the court had already deemed the 1973 Constitution in full force and effect, replacing the 1935 Constitution. Martial Law would officially end on January 17, 1981 with Proclamation No. 2045. President Marcos, however, reserved decree-making powers for himself. Today, the Constitution safeguards our institutions from a repeat of martial law. The Supreme Court is empowered to review all official acts to determine if there has been grave abuse of discretion. Congress cannot be padlocked. Martial Law is limited in duration and effects, even if contemplated by a president.

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Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law

Philippines Table of Contents

On September 21, 1972, Marcos issued Proclamation 1081, declaring martial law over the entire country. Under the president's command, the military arrested opposition figures, including Benigno Aquino, journalists, student and labor activists, and criminal elements. A total of about 30,000 detainees were kept at military compounds run by the army and the Philippine Constabulary. Weapons were confiscated, and "private armies" connected with prominent politicians and other figures were broken up. Newspapers were shut down, and the mass media were brought under tight control. With the stroke of a pen, Marcos closed the Philippine Congress and assumed its legislative responsibilities. During the 1972-81 martial law period, Marcos, invested with dictatorial powers, issued hundreds of presidential decrees, many of which were never published.

Like much else connected with Marcos, the declaration of martial law had a theatrical, smoke-and-mirrors quality. The incident that precipitated Proclamation 1081 was an attempt, allegedly by communists, to assassinate Minister of National Defense Enrile. As Enrile himself admitted after Marcos's downfall in 1986, his unoccupied car had been riddled by machinegun bullets fired by his own men on the night that Proclamation 1081 was signed. Most Filipinos--or at least those well positioned within the economic and social elites-initially supported the imposition of martial law. The rising tide of violence and lawlessness was apparent to everyone. Although still modest in comparison with the Huk insurgency of the early 1950s, the New People's Army was expanding, and the Muslim secessionist movement continued in the south with foreign support. Well-worn themes of communist conspiracy--Marcos claimed that a network of "front organizations" was operating "among our peasants, laborers, professionals, intellectuals, students, and mass media personnel"--found a ready audience in the United States, which did not protest the demise of Philippine democracy.
The New Society

Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating a "New Society" based on new social and political values. He argued that certain aspects of personal behavior, attributed to a colonial mentality, were obstacles to effective modernization. These included the primacy of personal connections, as reflected in the ethic of utang na loob, and the importance of maintaining in-group harmony and coherence, even at the cost to the national community. A new spirit of self-sacrifice for the national welfare was necessary if the country were to equal the accomplishments of its Asian neighbors, such as Taiwan and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). Despite Marcos's often perceptive criticisms of the old society, Marcos, his wife, and a small circle of close associates, the crony group, now felt free to practice corruption on an awe-inspiring scale. Political, economic, and social policies were designed to neutralize Marcos's rivals within the elite. The old political system, with its parties, rough-and-tumble election campaigns, and a press so uninhibited in its vituperative and libelous nature that it was called "the freest in the world," had been boss-ridden and dominated by the elite since early American colonial days, if not before. The elite, however, composed of local political dynasties, had never been a homogeneous group. Its feuds and tensions, fueled as often by assaults on amor proprio (self-esteem) as by disagreement on ideology or issues, made for a pluralistic system. Marcos's self-proclaimed "revolution from the top" deprived significant portions of the old elite of power and patronage. For example, the powerful Lopez family, who had fallen out of Marcos's favor (Fernando Lopez had served as Marcos's first vice president), was stripped of most of its political and economic assets. Although always influential, during the martial law years, Imelda Marcos built her own power base, with her husband's support. Concurrently the governor of Metro Manila and minister of human settlements (a

post created for her), she exercised significant powers.

Crony Capitalism

During the first years of martial law, the economy benefited from increased stability, and business confidence was bolstered by Marcos's appointment of talented technocrats to economic planning posts. Despite the 1973 oil price rise shock, the growth of the gross national product (GNP) was respectable, and the oil-pushed inflation rate, reaching 40 percent in 1974, was trimmed back to 10 percent the following year. Between 1973 and the early 1980s, dependence on imported oil was reduced by domestic finds and successful energy substitution measures, including one of the world's most ambitious geothermal energy programs. Claiming that "if land reform fails, there is no New Society," Marcos launched highly publicized new initiatives that resulted in the formal transfer of land to some 184,000 farming families by late 1975. The law was filled with loopholes, however, and had little impact on local landowning elites or landless peasants, who remained desperately poor. The largest, most productive, and technically most advanced manufacturing enterprises were gradually brought under the control of Marcos's cronies. For example, the huge business conglomerate owned by the Lopez family, which included major newspapers, a broadcast network, and the country's largest electric power company, was broken up and distributed to Marcos loyalists including Imelda Marcos's brother, Benjamin "Kokoy" Romualdez, and another loyal crony, Roberto Benedicto. Huge monopolies and semimonopolies were established in manufacturing, construction, and financial services. When these giants proved unprofitable, the government subsidized them with allocations amounting to hundreds of millions of pesos. Philippine Airlines, the nation's international and domestic air carrier, was nationalized and turned into what one author has called a "virtual private commuter line" for Imelda Marcos and her friends on shopping excursions to New York and Europe. Probably the most negative impact of crony capitalism, however, was felt in the traditional cash-crop sector, which employed millions of ordinary Filipinos in the rural areas. (The coconut industry alone brought income to an estimated 15 million to 18 million people.) Under Benedicto and Eduardo Cojuangco, distribution and marketing monopolies for sugar and coconuts were established. Farmers on the local level were obliged to sell only to the monopolies and received less than world prices for their crops; they also were the first to suffer when world commodity prices dropped. Millions of dollars in profits from these monopolies were diverted overseas into Swiss bank accounts, real estate deals, and purchases of art, jewelry, and antiques. On the island of Negros in the Visayas, the region developed by Nicholas Loney for the sugar industry in the nineteenth century, sugar barons continued to live lives of luxury, but the farming community suffered from degrees of malnutrition rare in other parts of Southeast Asia. Ferdinand Marcos was responsible for making the previously nonpolitical, professional Armed Forces of the Philippines, which since American colonial times had been modeled on the United States military, a major actor in the political process. This subversion

occurred done in two ways. First, Marcos appointed officers from the Ilocos region, his home province, to its highest ranks. Regional background and loyalty to Marcos rather than talent or a distinguished service record were the major factors in promotion. Fabian Ver, for example, had been a childhood friend of Marcos and later his chauffeur, rose to become chief of staff of the armed forces and head of the internal security network. Secondly, both officers and the rank and file became beneficiaries of generous budget allocations. Officers and enlisted personnel received generous salary increases. Armed forces personnel increased from about 58,000 in 1971 to 142,000 in 1983. Top-ranking military officers, including Ver, played an important policy-making role. On the local level, commanders had opportunities to exploit the economy and establish personal patronage networks, as Marcos and the military establishment evolved a symbiotic relationship under martial law. A military whose commanders, with some exceptions, were rewarded for loyalty rather than competence proved both brutal and ineffective in dealing with the rapidly growing communist insurgency and Muslim separatist movement. Treatment of civilians in rural areas was often harsh, causing rural people, as a measure of self-protection rather than ideological commitment, to cooperate with the insurgents. The communist insurgency, after some reverses in the 1970s, grew quickly in the early 1980s, particularly in some of the poorest regions of the country. The Muslim separatist movement reached a violent peak in the mid1970s and then declined greatly, because of divisions in the leadership of the movement and reduced external support brought about by the diplomatic activity of the Marcos government. Relations with the United States remained most important for the Philippines in the 1970s, although the special relationship between the former and its ex-colony was greatly modified as trade, investment, and defense ties were redefined. The Laurel-Langley Agreement defining preferential United States tariffs for Philippine exports and parity privileges for United States investors expired on July 4, 1974, and trade relations were governed thereafter by the international General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). During the martial law period, foreign investment terms were substantially liberalized, despite official rhetoric about foreign "exploitation" of the economy. A policy promoting "nontraditional" exports such as textiles, footwear, electronic components, and fresh and processed foods was initiated with some success. Japan increasingly challenged the United States as a major foreign participant in the Philippine economy. The status of United States military bases was redefined when a major amendment to the Military Bases Agreement of 1947 was signed on January 6, 1979, reaffirming Philippine sovereignty over the bases and reducing their total area. At the same time, the United States administration promised to make its "best effort" to obtain congressional appropriations for military and economic aid amounting to US$400 million between 1979 to 1983. The amendment called for future reviews of the bases agreement every fifth year. Although the administration of President Jimmy Carter emphasized promoting human rights worldwide, only limited pressure was exerted on Marcos to improve the behavior of the military in rural areas and to end the death-squad murder of opponents. (Pressure from the United States, however, did play a role in gaining the release of Benigno Aquino in

May 1980, and he was allowed to go to the United States for medical treatment after spending almost eight years in prison, including long stretches of time in solitary confinement.) On January 17, 1981, Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, formally ending martial law. Some controls were loosened, but the ensuing New Republic proved to be a superficially liberalized version of the crony-dominated New Society. Predictably, Marcos won an overwhelming victory in the June 1981 presidential election, boycotted by the main opposition groups, in which his opponents were nonentities.

The following guide will help you plan, prepare, and get ready in the event that martial law threatens you safety and well being. It is divided into two parts. The first part describes the framework for martial law and the second part the actions to take in preparing for the actual declaration of martial law. INTERESTING FACTS

Martial law is defined as: military rule or authority imposed on a civilian population when the civil authorities cannot maintain law and order, as in a time of war or during an emergency. Hitler turned Germany into a Nazi dictatorship through executive orders. Executive Order 10995: All communications media are to be seized by the Federal Government. Radio, TV, newspapers, CB, Ham, telephones, and the internet will be under federal control. Hence, the First Amendment will be suspended indefinitely. Executive Order 10997: All electrical power, fuels, and all minerals well be seized by the federal government. Executive Order 10998: All food resources, farms and farm equipment will be seized by the government. You will not be allowed to hoard food since this is regulated. Executive Order 10999: All modes of transportation will go into government control. Any vehicle can be seized. Executive Order 11000: All civilians can be used for work under federal supervision. Executive Order 11490: Establishes presidential control over all US citizens, businesses, and churches in time of "emergency." Executive Order 12919: Directs various Cabinet officials to be constantly ready to take over virtually all aspects of the US economy during a State of National Emergency at the direction of the president.

Executive Order 13010: Directs FEMA to take control over all government agencies in time of emergency. FEMA is under control of executive branch of the government. Executive Order 12656: "ASSIGNMENT OF EMERGENCY PREPAREDNESS RESPONSIBILITIES", "A national emergency is any occurrence, including natural disaster, military attack, technological emergency, or other emergency that seriously degrades or seriously threatens the national security of the United States. Policy for national security emergency preparedness shall be established by the President." This order includes federal takeover of all local law enforcement agencies, wage and price controls, prohibits you from moving assets in or out of the United States, creates a draft, controls all travel in and out of the United States, and much more. Martial law can be declared due to natural disasters, Y2k Crisis, Stock Market crash, no electricity, riots, biological attack, .... anything leading to the breakdown of law and order.


Prepare before any declaration of martial law by becoming self reliant. You may become subject to a bureaucratic system and be prepared to stay one step ahead of it which is easy to do if you are prepared and in a position to be self reliant. You may also face mob rule, chaos, panic, or a complete breakdown in law and order. Surival situations may be easier to handle in rural areas than urban. Avoid areas of marital law. Can be imposed due to natural disasters or man caused events. Important to have a retreat or place in a rural area away from populated areas. Create alliances with like minded neighbors or community members that share your views. Team work and numbers may help your situation. Become transparent in the sense that you do not draw attention to yourself or your family. For instance, do not tell people that you are storing food just store food. Be prepared to render assistance to neighbors if need be. You never know when you will need them. Remain calm! Do not panic. Avoid areas of civil unrest if possible. If caught in civil unrest take appropriate action. Get informed and stay informed. Understand martial law can be a temporary crisis or an extended one. In extreme cases the shape of a whole nation can change. Declaration of martial law means your rights are suspended and it is government by decree. Your constitutional rights may no longer apply. This could mean a state of National Emergency. People can be arrested and imprisoned indefinitely without charges. Freedom of speech and freedom of assembly can be suspended, and censorship of the media imposed. Gun ownership will also come under severe attack during marital law. We could see house to house searches by the military or National Guard looking for guns and seizing any they find along with stored food. Take a stand on issues and make a choice that fits your beliefs and the situation. Do you believe as Patrick Henry, "Give me liberty or give me death?" Realize you may have some hard choices to make. Understand you may have to sacrifice your principles on trivial matters or take a hard stand. Always remember that you may have to come back and fight another day. (

The Philippines During Martial Law

Proclamation of Martial Law: On September 21, 1972, President Ferdinand E. Marcos placed the Philippines under Martial Law. The declaration issued under Proclamation 1081 suspended the civil rights and imposed military authority in the country. Marcos defended the declaration stressing the need for extra powers to quell the rising wave of violence allegedly caused by communists. The emergency rule was also intended to eradicate the roots of rebellion and promote a rapid trend for national development. The autocrat assured the country of the legality of Martial Law emphasizing the need for control over civil disobedience that displays lawlessness. Marcos explained citing the provisions from the Philippine Constitution that Martial Law is a strategic approach to legally defend the Constitution and protect the welfare of the Filipino people from the dangerous threats posed by Muslim rebel groups and Christian vigilantes that places national security at risk during the time. Marcos explained that martial law was not a military takeover but was then the only option to resolve the countrys dilemma on rebellion that stages national chaos threatening the peace and order of the country. The emergency rule, according to Marcoss plan, was to lead the country into what he calls a New Society. Marcos used several events to justify martial law. Threat to the countrys security was intensifying following the re establishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) in 1968. Supporters of CPPs military arm, the New Peoples Army, also grew in numbers in Tarlac and other parts of the country. The alleged attempt to the life of then Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile gave Marcos a window to declare Martial Law. Marcos announced the emergency rule the day after the shooting incident. Marcos also declared insurgency in the south caused by the clash between Muslims and Christians, which Marcos considered as a threat to national security. The Muslims were defending their ancestral land against the control of Christians who migrated in the area. The minority group organized the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in Malaysia and pushed for the autonomy of Mindanao from the national government. The move was initially supported by most Filipinos and was viewed by some critics as a change that solved the massive corruption in the country. Martial law ceased the clash between the executive and legislative branches of the government and a bureaucracy characterized by special interest. Marcos started to implement reforms on social and political values that hindered effective modernization. To match the accomplishments of its Asian neighbors, Marcos imposed the need for self-sacrifice for the attainment of national welfare. His reforms targeted his rivals within the elite depriving them of their power and patronage but did not affect their supporters (US Library of Congress, Martial Law and the Aftermath). Thirty-thousand opposition figures including Senator Benigno Aquino, journalists, student and labor activists were detained at military compounds under the Presidents command (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). The army and the Philippine Constabulary seized weapons and disbanded private armies controlled by prominent politicians and other influential figures (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Marcos took control of the legislature and closed the Philippine Congress (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Numerous media outfits were either closed down or operated under tight control (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Marcos also allegedly funnelled millions of the countrys money by placing some of his trusted supporters in strategic economic positions to channel resources to him. Experts call this the crony capitalism. The deterioration of the political and economic condition in the Philippines triggered the decline of support on Marcos plans. More and more Filipinos took arms to dislodge the regime. Urban poor communities in the countrys capital were organized by the Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community and were soon conducting protest masses and prayer rallies. These efforts including the exposure of numerous human rights violations pushed

Marcos to hold an election in 1978 and 1981 in an aim to stabilize the countrys chaotic condition. Marcos, in both events, won the election; however, his extended term as President of the Republic of the Philippines elicited an extensive opposition against his regime. Social unrest reached its height after former Senator Benigno Aquino was murdered. The incident sent thousands of Filipinos to the streets calling for Marcos removal fr om post. Turning again to his electoral strategy, Marcos held a snap election in 1986 but what he hoped will satisfy the masses only increased their determination to end his rule that seated Corazon Aquino, widow of Benigno Aquino, as President of the Philippines ousting Marcos from Malacaang Palace and ending the twenty-one years of tyrant rule.

Martial Law in the Philippines Martial law in the Philippines (Tagalog: Batas Militar sa Pilipinas) refers to the period of Philippine history fromSeptember 21, 1972 to January 17, 1981 when the government of the Republic of the Philippines led by the 10thPresident Ferdinand E. Marcos imposed martial law in an attempt to counteract the Communist insurgency on thecountry. This was in effect a ploy designed to establish authoritarian rule in the country, with the President and hisFirst Lady Imelda at the head of the regime. President Marcos declared Martial law by saying... Macliing Dulag, andothers.Proclamation No. 1081 was the declaration of martial law in the Philippines by President Ferdinand E. Marcos. Oncein effect, it covered the entire republic on September 21, 1972. It was announced to the public two days later.Under the pretext of a staged assassination of his former Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile (now SenatePresident) and an ensuing communist insurgency, Marcos ruled by military power through martial law, altered theConstitution of the Philippines#Commonwealth and Third Republic (1935) in the subsequent year, made himself both Head of State as President and Head of Government as Prime Minister, manipulated elections and the politicalarena in the Philippines, and had his political party-Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) (English: New SocietyMovement) control the unicameral legislative branch of government called the "Batasang Pambansa". All theseallowed Marcos to remain in power and to plunder.The proclamation was actually signed on September 17, but was postdated four days later on September 21because of Marcos' superstitions and numerology beliefs. Marcos formally announced the proclamation two daysafter at midnight on September 23, 1972 via live national television broadcast.Martial law was lifted by President Marcos on January 17, 1981.General OrdersListed below are the general orders promulgated by President Marcos following the declaration of martial law.General Order No. 2 - The President directed the Secretary of National Defense to arrest or cause the arrest andtake into his custody the individuals named in the attached list and to hold them until otherwise so ordered by thePresident or by his duly designated representative, as well as to arrest or cause the arrest and take into his custodyand to hold them otherwise ordered released by him or by his duly authorized representative such persons who may

have committed crimes described in the Order.General Order No.3 - The President ordered that all executive departments, bureaus, offices, agencies andinstrumentalities of the National Government, government owned or controlled corporations, as well all governmentsof all the provinces, cities, municipalities and barrios should continue to function under their present officers andemployees, until otherwise ordered by the President or by his duly designated representatives. The President further ordered that the Judiciary should continue to function in accordance with its present organization and personnel,and should try to decide in accordance with existing laws all criminal and civil cases, except certain casesenumerated in the Order.General Order No. 4 - The President ordered that a curfew be maintained and enforced throughout the Philippinesfrom twelve o'clock midnight until four o'clock in the morning.General Order No. 5 - All rallies, demonstrations and other forms of group actions including strikes and picketing invital industries such as in companies engaged in manufacture or processing as well as in production or processingof essential commodities or products for exports, and in companies engaged in banking of any kind, as well as inhospitals and in schools and colleges are prohibited.General Order No. 6 - No person shall keep, possess or carry outside of his residence any firearm unless suchperson is duly authorized to keep, possess or carry any such Philippines except to those who are being sent abroadin the service of the Philippines. Ferdinand Marcos Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (September 11, 1917 - September 28, 1989) was the tenth President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He was a lawyer, member of the PhilippineHouse of Representatives (1949-1959) and a member of the Philippine Senate (1959-1965). He was SenatePresident from 1963-1965. He claimed to have led a guerrilla force called Ang Maharlika in northern Luzon duringthe Second World War, although this is doubted. As Philippine president and strongman, his greatest achievement was in the fields of infrastructure development and

international diplomacy. However, his administration was marred by massive authoritarian corruption, despotism,nepotism, political repression, and human rights violations. He benefited from a large personality cult in thePhilippines during his regime.In 1983, his government was implicated in the assassination of his primary political opponent, Benigno Aquino, Jr.The implication caused a chain of events, including a tainted presidential election that served as the catalyst for thePeople Power Revolution in February 1986 that led to his removal from power and eventual exile in Hawaii. It waslater alleged that he and his wife Imelda Marcos had moved billions of dollars of embezzled public funds to theUnited States, Switzerland, and other countries, as well as into alleged corporations during his 20 years in power.Martial law and the New Society (1972-1981) Amidst the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a Communist insurgency, Marcos declared martial law onSeptember 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081. Marcos, ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom andother civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leadersand militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jovito Salonga and JoseDiokno. The declaration of martial law was initially well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines wasexperiencing. Crime rates plunged dramatically after a curfew was implemented. Many political opponents wereforced to go into exile. A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution,continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went intoeffect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stayin power beyond 1973.Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on newsocial and political values. The economy during the 1970s was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. TheGross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to

P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to theeconomy's growth. However, Marcos, his cronies and his wife, Imelda, willfully engaged in rampant corruption. After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and withthe Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and CentralMindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere "face lifting" as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II.Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's "New Order administration". He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos's book, "Notes on the New Society," it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged towork as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over byMarcos's family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds frominstitutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as "crony capitalism," Marcos'friends using them for personal benefit. With genuinely nationalistic motives, crony capitalism was intended toredistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though inpractice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also silenced the free ne. He also seized pripress, making the state press the only legal ovately owned lands and distributed them tofarmers. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses though hewas to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrileusing his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcosadministration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and manyothers were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social andeconomic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly.The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines wasexperiencing though the rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted Marcos's self-imposeddictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared martial law, one American official described the Philippines as a countrycomposed "of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch"; otherwise, he reasoned, they should have risen againstthe destroyer of their freedom.Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented and thecountry would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willedrule toward the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity of compliance or forced to go intoexile. As a result, thousands migrated to other countries, like the U.S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streetswas not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard fromagain. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, wherethey multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law draggedon for the next nine years, human rights violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and theadministration became widespread, as made manifest by the Rolex 12.Over the years, Marcos's hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled to230,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations.Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine

Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, andthe three remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's 'sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholichierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade.