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Blogposts on Indus Writing

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/sarasvati-is-vagambhrini.html Sarasvat is vgmbhi Sarasvat is vgmbhi

(After KS Valdiya) The width of the riverbed at Shatrana is 20 kms. attesting to the 90-degree westward migration of utudr (Sutlej) at Ropar (a site of the civilization with a site museum with a huge gorge of a Himalayan river making incisions into the terrain).

Saptasindhu (Nation of seven rivers): Theatre of Pacajanh, five peoples (Source: Marius Fontane, 1881, Histoire Universelle, Inde Vedique (de 1800 a 800 av. JC), Alphonse Lemerre, Editeur, Paris.

IRS P3 WiFS True Color Composite image: palaeo-drainage of Sarasvati river basin. 4 to 10 kms. wide channels. Indian Space Research Organisation, Jodhpur. Methinks, this note provides a clear reference to a speech area and a union of people (perhaps pacajanh) in the sprachbund, defined by an ancient river basin unraveled by scientific studies -- also attested in the Rigveda. Sarasvat is vgmbhi, Vk says: aham rr sangaman vasnm (RV 10.125 Devskta). The root morphemes of the compound word vgmbhi indicate a reference to rapidly flowing waters and sounds of the river Sarasvat, the nourisher of the people of a civilization which flourished on the river banks.

vgmbhi is a union of people, nourished and nurtured by and along sacred union of waters, rr or rram is light of the path. This path is vk, speech.
The devat is vgmbhi, the name of riik is the same. The entire skta is rendered as a monologue, as tmastuti, self-praise. . (RV 10.125.1) 3

. . . . . . . Translation (based on Wilson): 10.125.01 I proceed with the Rudras, with the Vasus, with the dityas, and with the Vis'vedev; I support both Mitra and Varua, Agni and Indra, and the two As'vins. [Deity Paramtm: the word, or first of creatures]. 10.125.02 I support the foe-destroying Soma, Tva, Pan and Bhaga; I bestow wealth upon the institutor of the rite offering the oblation, deserving of careful protection, pouring forth the libation. 10.125.03 I am the sovereign queen, the collectress of treasures, cognizant (of the Supreme Being), the chief of objects of worship; as such the gods have put me in many places, abiding in manifold conditions, entering into numerous (forms. 10.125.04 He who eats food (eats) through me; he who sees, who breathes, who hears what is spoken, does so through me; those who are ignorant of me perish; hear you who have hearing, I tell that which is deserving of belief. 10.125.05 I verily of myself declare this which is approved of by both gods and men; whomsoever I will, I render formidable, I make him a Brahm, a i, or a sage. [A Brahman: Brahm, the creator]. 10.125.06 I bend the bow of Rudra, to slay the destructive enemy of the Brhmaas, I wage war with (hostile) men. I pervade heaven and earth.

10.125.07 I bring forth the paternal (heaven) upon the brow of this (Supreme Being), my birthplace is in the midst of the waters; from thence I spread through all beings, and touch this heaven with my body. 10.125.08 I breathe forth like the wind giving form to all created worlds; beyond the heaven, beyond this earth (am I), so vast am I in greatness.

Translation (based on Ralph Griffith):

I TRAVEL with the Rudras and the Vasus, with the Adityas and AllGods- I wander. I hold aloft both Varuna and Mitra, Indra and Agni, and the Pair of Asvins. 2 I cherish and sustain highswelling- Soma, and Tvastar I support, Pusan, andBhaga. I load with wealth the zealous sdcrificer who pours the juice and offers his oblation 3 I am the Queen, the gathererup- of treasures, most thoughtful, first of those who merit worship. Thus Gods have stablished me in many places with many homes to enter and abide in. 4 Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them, each man who sees, brewhes, hears the word outspoken They know it not, but yet they dwell beside me. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it. 5 1, verily, myself announce and utter the word that Gods and men alike shall welcome. I make the man I love exceeding mighty, make him a sage, a Rsi, and a Brahman. 6 I bend the bow for Rudra that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion. I rouse and order battle for the people, and I have penetrated Earth and Heaven. 7 On the worlds' summit I bring forth the Father: my home is in the waters, in the ocean. Thence I extend over all existing creatures, and touch even yonder heaven with my forehead. 8 I breathe a strong breath like the wind and tempest, the while I hold together all existence. Beyond this wide earth and beyond the heavens I have become so mighty in my grandeur. sangamanya 'leading to union, effecting union'. I am rram, I effect the union. Union of what? Uniting water and sound of speech, union of people with wealth is effected. 5

a. (- f.) [-] consisting of water, being watery, fluid. [, ] To sound. 'water' 'water'. 'Bearing, maintaining, supporting, nourishing.' 'good mother'. ambhia 'powerful, great' (RV i.133.5); 'roaring terribly' (Syaa); a vessel used in the preparation of Soma juice (VS). Name of a rishi, father of vc. mbhi 'daughter of mbhia, name of vc.' The compound sounds as an extraordinary construct linking the 'bearing' of 'sound and water' in vk 'speech' and ambhas 'sound, water'. vgmbhi thus means a nourisher who, in speech, bears the sound and water. She is vgdevi 'divinity of speech'.

Rigveda attests many Ekki Riik or Brahmavdin or householder Riik who had the educational discipline of brahmacarya: Aditi (author of Vaivadev skta), Aditi Dkya, Suditi, Agastyavas, Agastyapatni, Roma (RV 1.126.7), Devarav, Surdh, Lopmudr (RV 1.179), Citramah, Vyghrapt akti, Rakoh, Jet Madhucchand, Sarpargyi, Apl, Kadru, Vivavara, Indri, Nidhruvi, Vivrih, Dakin, Kakvati Gho, Juhu, vgmbhi (RV 10.125), Paulomi, Jarita, raddha-Kamayani, rvai, rnga, Yami, Indrani, Sry Svitr, Sumitr, Devayni, Suveda saurii Saur, rdhvaadhy, Kritaya. Samaveda has Nodh (Prvrccik, Akriam, Sikatanivavari (Uttarrccik) and Gaupyana. (For a full list of Rii and rihik, see: Prof. Shrikant Prasoon, 2009, Rishis and Rishikas, Pustak Mahal, pp.61-66). Bhadrayaka Upaniad refers to a prayer for a daughter who would become a pait. This is consistent with the tradition of Svitr Vacana referring to higher studies, upanayana (sacredthread-wearing) performed for girls, equal rights for performing prayers recognized by Prvammmsa and as noted by Pini, girls also studied the Veda.. Ghya and rauta stra note that wives repeat with their husbands, the veda mantra.

See: http://www.hinduwisdom.info/nari.pdf Women in Hindu dharma -- a tribute (Vishal Agarwal) See: http://www.hinduwisdom.info/Women_in_Hinduism.htm Women in Hinduism Like Vaiambhaly, vgmbhi is explained as an explanatory synonym of Sarasvat or vk. Vaiambhaly (TB 2.5.8.6; -phaly, -baly Apss 4.14.4; Bharadvaja siksa. These variants referring to Sarasvati is explained: "The reader can easily check Taittiriya Brahmana 2.5.8.6 and verify that nothing of this sort is stated or implied therein. The word actually has a very transparent IA etymology as explained even in the Jnanayajnabhashya of Bhatta Bhaskara. Sarasvati was so called because it nourished and sustained masses of people. This is a meaning which fits the ritual context of the sections very well. As for his reference on the occurrence of the word in Bharadvaja Siksha, the reader should note that the Siksa is a late text and is merely an index of words in the Taittiriya Brahmana. So its occurrence in the Siksa is of no independent utility. (Witzel argues that the word occurs with variant spellings in Apastamba Srautasutra, Bharadvaja Siksa and Taittiriya Brahmana and that these spelling variations are proof of the words foreign origin. The argument is curious and not sustainable.)" http://vishalagarwal.voiceofdharma.com/ReplytoWitzelJIES.doc

Five peoples and attributes of Rram dhruv te rj vruo dhruv dev b haspti dhruv ta ndra cgn ca rr dhrayat dhruvm (RV 10.173.5) (RV 10.173.1) 10.173.01 I have consecrated you, (Rasa); come among us, be steady and unvacillating, may all your subjects desire you (for their king), may the kingdom never fall from you. [A play on the words: rasa and rj, as the devat].

Trans. Steadfast, may Varua, the Rj, steadfast, the Divine Bhaspati. Steadfast, may Indra, steadfast too, may Agni keep they steadfast Rram. In this Rgvedic statement, Rram is emphasized as the epitome of steadfastness. (RV 10.45.6)

10.045.06 The manifester of all, the germ of the world, Agni, as soon as born fills heaven and earth (with light); he fractures as he advances the solid cloud, for which the classes of men praise him. [Five classes: pacajanh = five men; or, the four chief priests and the yajamna].

pah parivahi stha Rrad Rram me datta svh pah parivahi stha Rrad Rramumumai datta svh
Give me that lighted path...

mu means surpassing, excelling; ma crucible. parivahi stha -- Place with (ocean) waves apm patirasi Place adjoining the ocean (apm pati) apm garnosi Place moistened (endowed) with water sryatvacas stha Place covered by sunshine
mnd stha Place with gladdening (potable) waters

vrajkita stha Place with marked roads, cattle-sheds, enclosures or herdsmen stations v stha -- Place with plants (arable land) vih stha Place with resolute, mightiest (craftsmen)(cf. RV 5.29.15) akvar stha Place with artificers
jananta stha Place with agriculturists (anta)

vivanta stha Place with culture (cultivator tradition) of pit-s. va rmirasi stha -- powerful wave (cutting like a sword) va senosi stha -- powerful battle-array (cutting like a spear) artheta stha -- place with work opportunities to create wealth
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ojasvat stha -- place filled with water, vigour, lustre viva bhtam -- place bearing, nourished by the dharma of pitr-s pah svarja stha -- place with self-luminous, resplendent rays of the sun and water
(springs) (Vjasneyi Samhit 10.4)

The following 5 skta are attibuted to i kavaa aila: RV 10.30 to 10.34: i kavaa aila; devat: po devat or apmnapt; chanda: triup RV 10.30 i kavaa aila; devat-: vivedev; chanda: triup RV 10.31 i kavaa aila; devat: vivedev: chanda: jagat, 6-9 triup RV 10.32 i kavaa aila; devat; 1 vivedev, 2-3 indra, 4-5 kururavaa trsadasyava, 6-9 pamarav maitrtithi; chanda: 1 triup, 2-3 pragtha (sambhat, viamsatobhat), 4-9 gyatr RV 10.33 5.i kavaa aila or aka maujavn; devat: 1,7,9,12 akasamha; 13 ki; 2-6,8,10,11,14 aka-kitava; chanda: triup; 7 jagat RV 10.34 Anuvka III; i kavaa aila; devat: po devat or apmnapt; chanda: triup (RV 10.30.1) (RV 10.30.2) (RV 10.30.3) (RV 10.30.4) (RV 10.30.5) 9

(RV 10.30.6) (RV 10.30.7) (RV 10.30.8) (RV 10.30.9) (RV 10.30.10) (RV 10.30.11) (RV 10.30.12) (RV 10.30.13) (RV 10.30.14) (RV 10.30.15) [Note: Translations based on Wilson, followed by Ralph Griffith noted as Gprefix to a ca]

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10.030.01 (Honoured) by adoration, let the advancing Soma approach the celestial waters like the celerity of the mind; offer abundant (sacrificial) food, and perfect praise for the sake of Mitra and Varua, and for (Indra) the rapid mover. G1. As it were with swift exertion of the spirit, let the priest speed to the celestial Waters, The glorious food of Varuna and Mitra. To him who spreadeth far this laud I offer. 10.030.02 Priests, since you are charged with the libation, desiring (to present it), proceed to the waters desiring (to receive it), to those (waters) which the red hawk beholds descending (from the clouds); do you, dextrous-handed (priests), cast today that flood (of Soma) into (the consecrated water). [Red hawk: supara = supatanah somah, the Soma descending gracefully (ava) from the firmament, and suhasta = ornamented with golden filter etc., because they are engaged in the graceful work of expressing the Soma etc.] G2 Adhvaryus, he ye ready with oblations,, and come with longing to the longing Waters, Down on which looks the. purpletintedEagle. Pour ye that flowing wave this day, defthanded. 10.030.03 Go, priests, to the water, to the reservoir; worship the grandson of the waters with oblations; may he today give you the consecrated water, and do you pour forth to him the sweet-flavoured Soma. [The grandson of the waters: apm naptam = deity appointed to produce the rain]. G3 Go to the reservoir, O ye Adhvaryus worship theWaters Child with your oblations. A consecrated wave he now will give you, so press for him the Soma rich in sweetness. 10.030.04 (He) who shines, without fuel, in the midst of the waters, he whom the pious worship at sacrifices, grandson of the waters, give us those sweet waters by which (mixed with the Soma), Indra is elevated to heroism. [Soma personified, as the grandson of the waters is related to Soma which is to be mixed with the water of the Vasatvar]. G4 He who shines bright in floods, unfed with fuel, whom sages worship at their sacrifices: Give waters rich in sweets, Child of the Waters, even those which gave heroic might to Indra. 10.030.05 Those waters with which Soma sports and delights as a man (sports) with elegant young damsels; do you, priest, approach to obtain them; when you sprinkle them (in libation), purify (them with the filter) along with the plants. G5 Those in which Soma joys and is delighted, as a young man with fair and pleasant damsels. Go thou unto those Waters, O Adhvaryu, and purify with herbs what thou infusest. 10.030.06 Verily as young damsels welcome a youth when desiring (them), he comes to them desiring (him), so the priests and their praise and the divine waters agree in mind and contemplate (their mutual assistance). [The youth and nymphs are the Soma and the Vasatvar 11

waters; nothing more is meant than their mixture]. G6 So maidens bow before the youthful gallant who comes with love to them who yearn to meet him. In heart accordant and in wish oneminded- are theAdhvaryus and the heavenly Waters. 10.030.07 Present, waters, the sweet-flavoured god-exhilarating mixture to that Indra who has made an issue for you when enveloped (by the clouds); who has liberated you from a great calamity. G7 He who made room for you when fast imprisoned, who freed you from the mighty imprecation, Even to that Indra send the meathrich- current, the wave that gratifies the Gods, O Waters. 10.030.08 Send forth, rivers, the sweet-flavoured beverage to him who is your germ, a well of the sweet (Soma), the Soma which is mixed with butter adorable at sacrifices; hear, opulent waters my invocation. G8 Send forth to him the meathrich- wave, O Rivers, which is your offspring and a well of sweetness,Oilbalmed-, to be implored at sacrifices. Ye wealthyWaters, hear mine invocation. 10.030.09 Send, rivers, (to our sacrifice), that exhilarating wave the Soma of Indra, which sends us both (kinds of fruit), exciting exhilaration, desirous (of mixing with the Soma). Generated in the firmament, spreading through the three (worlds), flowing (amidst the vessels of sacrifices), a well (of satisfaction to the gods). [Both kinds of fruit: the fruit, whether reward or punishment, of the present life (da), and of a former life (ada)]. G9 Send forth the rapturegiving- wave, O Rivers, whichIndra drinks, which sets the Twain in motion;The well that springeth from the clouds, desirous, that wandereth tripleformed-, distilling transport. 10.030.10 Praise, i, the waters like (those) of the cloud-warring Indra, falling in many showers, returning, flowing to mix (with the Soma), the mothers of the world and its protectresses, augmenting and combining (with the Soma). G10 These winding Streams which with their double current, like cattleraiders-, seek the lower pastures, Waters which dwell together, thrive together,Queens, Mothers of the world, these, Rsi, honour. 10.030.11 Direct our sacrifice to the worship of the gods; direct our adoration to the acquisition of wealth; open the udder on the occasion of (this) rite; be to us, waters, the givers of felicity. [The udder: dhas is the skin in which the Soma is contained (adhiavanacarma); yoga = the cart on which Soma is placed; opoen the skin which is on (or below) the sacrificial cart (Nirukta 6.22: dhasodhastdavasthiteneti manyamno niruktakro bravti -- yje akaa iti v)]. G11 Send forth our sacrifice with holy worship send forth the hymn and prayer for gain of riches. For need of sacrifice disclose the udder. Give gracious hearing to our call, O Waters. 10.030.12 Opulent waters, you rule over riches; you support good fortune, pious rites, and 12

immortality; you are the protectresses of wealth and of offspring; may Sarasvat bestow all this opulence on him who praises you. G12 For, wealthy Waters, ye control all treasures: ye bring auspicious intellect and Amrta. Ye are the Queens of independent riches Sarasvatigive full life to the singer! 10.030.13 I behold you, waters, coming to (the sacrifice), conveying the butter, the water, the sweet (Soma); conversing mentally with the priests, and bringing the well-effused Soma for Indra. G13 When I behold the Waters coming hither, carrying with them milk and mcath and butter, Bearing the wellpressed- Soma juice to Indra, they harmonize in spirit with Adhvaryus. 10.030.14 These opulent and life-sustaining (waters) have come (to my sacrifice); friendly priests, make them sit down; place them on the sacred grass, you offerers of the Soma, conversing with the grandson of the waters. G14 Rich, they are come with wealth for living beings, O friends, Adhvaryus, seat them in their places. Seat them on holy grass, ye Somabringers- in harmony with the Offspring of the Waters. 10.030.15 The waters desiring (it) have come to this sacred grass, and wishing to satisfy the gods, have sat down at our sacrifice; express priests, the Soma for Indrra; for you the worship of the gods is easy. G15 Now to this grass are come the longing Waters: the Pious Ones are seated at our worship. Adhvaryus, press the Soma juice for Indra so will the service of the Gods be easy. i kavaa aila; devat-: vivedev; chanda: triup (RV 10.31.1) (RV 10.31.2) (RV 10.31.3) (RV 10.31.4)

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(RV 10.31.5) (RV 10.31.6) (RV 10.31.7) (RV 10.31.8) (RV 10.31.9) (RV 10.31.10) (RV 10.31.11) 10.031.01 May he, who is to be praised by us, his worshippers, and to be adored, (Indra), come with all his swift (Maruts), for our protection, may we be excellent friends with them; may we be freed from all sins. G1. MAY benediction of the Gods approach us, holy, to aid us with all rapid succours. Therewith may we be happily befriended, and pass triumphant over all our troubles. 10.031.02 Let a mortal be ever desirous of affluence, (having acquired it), let him worship with oblations on the path of the sacrifice; and let him with his own intellect meditate upon (the gods); let him grasp with his mind the best and most mighty (of the universal deities). 2 A man should think on wealth and strive to win it by adoration on the path of Order,Counsel himself with his own mental insight, and grasp still nobler vigour with his spirit. 10.031.03 The sacrifice has been prepared; the invigorating portions (of the oblation) approach the beautiful (god) of excellent birth, as (the waters) at a holy spot (approach the gods); may we 14

obtain the happiness of heaven; may we have a real knowledge of the immortals. [Waters at a holy spot: as at a trtha (sacred ford) the portions of water sprinkled in the act of tarpaa (libation) go to the assembly of the gods; may we have a real knowledge: navedasah = na na vettro vettra eva, i.e., svarpato jtra eva, knowing personally; the derivation is: notknowers (cf. also Pini 6.3.75); na paretam vetti, he does not know falsely]. G3 The hymn is formed, poured are the allotted portions: as to a ford friends come unto the Wondrous. We have obtained the power of case and comfort, we haVe become acquainted, with Immortals. 10.031.04 May the eternal (Prajpati), the lord of wealth, of generous mind, be willing to bestow (benefits on him) to whom the divine Savit has given birth; may Bhaga (induced) by (our) praises, and the divine Aryaman unfold (future rewards); or may some (other) gracious (divinity) be inclined to favour this (institutor of the rite). G4 Pleased be the Eternal Lord who loves the household with this man whom God Savitar created. May Bhaga Aryaman grace him with cattle: may he appear to him, and be, delightful. 10.031.05 May this (our praise) be accessible like the earth at dawn, when the glorious (gods) assemble in their might; may the Vjas, the dispensers of happiness, come to us, soliciting the laudation of this (their) adorer. G5 Like the Dawns' dwellingplace- be this assembly, where in their might men rich in food have gathered. Striving to share the praises of this singer. To us come strengthening and effectual riches! 10.031.06 May this glorification, of this (assemly of the gods), ancient and frequent, approaching (the deities), be widely diffused, (may the universal gods), collected together, bearing (future rewards, come) to the common place (of sacrifice) of this one who is mighty, which nourishes (them). [Of this one who is mighty: i.e., of me who has strength in the nature of progeny]. G6 This Bulls' most gracious farextended- favour existed first of all in full abundance. By his support they are maintained in common who in the Asuras' mansion dwell together. 10.031.07 What is the forest, which is the tree, out of which (the gods) have fabricated heaven and earth, ever-stationary and undecaying, giving protection to the deities; through numerous days and dawns (men) praises (the gods for this). G7 What was the tree, what wood, in sooth, produced it, from which they fashioned forth the Earth and Heaven? These Twain stand fast and wax not old for ever: these have sung praise to many a day and morning. 10.031.08 Not such (is their power); there is another greater than they; the creator, he sustains heaven and earth; possessed of might, he makes a pure skin, before his horses bear it to the sun. [Not such is their power: naitvat, not so much; the race of gods is not possessed of so much power, namely, that of creating heaven and earth; the creator: uka = lit., the bull, the 15

sprinkler of seed, i.e., the creator of people, hiran.yagarbha; extremely subtle, in the form of wind, consisting of the linga (i.e., the subtle body that accompanies the soul in its migration, not being destroyed at death, when the outer gross body is destroyed) entering the waters supports heaven and earth; before his horses bear it to the sun: i.e., before creation; the creator took upon himself a bodily form, before creating other forms]. G8 Not only here is this: more is beyond us. He is theBull, the Heavens' and Earths' supporter. With power divine he makes his skin a filter, when theBay Coursers bear him on as Surya. 10.031.09 The sun does not pass beyond the broad earth, the wind does not drive the rain from off the earth; (I glorify Prajpati) in whom Mitra and Varua being manifested, disperse their radiance, as Agni (spreads his flames) in a forest. G9 He passes over the broad earth like a Stega: he penetrates the world as Wind the mistcloud. He, balmed with oil, near Varuna and Mitra, like Agniin the wood, hath shot forth splendour. 10.031.10 When a barren cow being suddenly impregnated bears (a calf), she the repeller of evils, free from pain, self-protected, produces (offspring); when (Agni), the ancient son, is generated by his two parents, earth ejects the am which the priests are seeking. [am: amgarbhdagnim manthanti: Taittirya Brhmaa 1.1.9; the cow which was barren is the am tree, which brings forth the avattha, and from the wood of these two trees are made the arai, the two pieces of wood which are rubbed together to produce the sacred fire-- the upper and harder piece is the am (acacia suma) and the lower and softer piece is the avattha (ficus

religiosa); the ancient son: or, the saviour from hell, from put and tra]. G10 When suddenly
called the cow that erst was barren, she, selfprotected-, ended all her troubles. Earth, when the first son sprang from sire and mother, cast up the gami, that which men were seeking. 10.031.11 (The expounders of the Vedas) spoke to Kava, the son of Nad, and he the darktinted, having food, acquired wealth; (Agni) sprinkled (the milk of the brilliant udder for the dark (complexioned sage); no other divinity so favours the sacrifice for him]. G11 To Nrsads' son they gave the name of Kainva, and he the brownhued-courser won the treasure. For him darkcoloured- streamed the shining udder: none made it swell for him. Thus Order willed it. i kavaa aila; devat: vivedev: chanda: jagat, 6-9 triup (RV 10.32.1) 16

(RV 10.32.2) (RV 10.32.3) (RV 10.32.4) (RV 10.32.5) (RV 10.32.6) (RV 10.32.7) (RV 10.32.8) (RV 10.32.9) 10.032.01 Indra sends his quick-going horses to the service of the (worshipper) expectant (of his arrival); may he come to the excellent (adorations) of the (worshipper), propitiating him by suitable means; Indra is gratified by both our (oblations and praises), when he recognizes (the taste) of the food presented by the offerer of the Soma. G1. FORTH speed the Pair to bring the meditating God, benevolent with boons sent in return for boons. May Indra graciously accept both gifts from us, when he hath knowledge of the flowing Soma juice. 10.032.02 Indra, who is praised by many, you pervade the luminaries of heaven and earth with your lustre; may the horses that repeatedly bring you to our sacrifices, pleased by our praise, 17

bring affluence to us who are poor. G2 Thou wanderest far, O Indra, through the spheres of light and realms of earth, the region, thou whom many praise! Let those who often bring their solemn rites conquer the noisy babblers who present no gifts. 10.032.03 May (Indra) desire for me this (act of sacrifice). The most beautiful of beautiful things, (as) when a son proclaims his birth from his parents. The wife brings her husband (to her side) with gentle words; the good fortune of the husband is perfected only as marriage. [When a son proclaims his birth: at the time of the Subrahman.ya recitation, the sacrificer proclaims his birth, saying, "the son of so and so and worships"; the wife...marriage: the Soma to be divided for the sake of the heroic Indra bearing (Soma?) to the gods is sanctified-- may Indra desire it]. G3 More beautiful than beauty must this seem to me, when the son duly careth for his parents' line. The wife attracts the husband: with a shout of joy the mans' auspicious marriage is performed aright. 10.032.04 Shine, Indra, upon this elegant chamber of sacrifice when our praises desire (your approach) as kine (desire) their stalls; since the praise of (me) the worshipper precedes (the adoration) of the company, and this person accompanied by the seven officiating priests is the offerer of praise. G4 This beauteous place of meeting have I looked upon, where, like milchcows-, the kine order the marriage train; Where the Herds' Mother counts as first and best of all, and round her are the seventoned- people of the choir. 10.032.05 The devout (priest) excels (going) towards your place of worship; the quick-moving (Indra), the chief (of the priests), proceeds with the Rudras, (the Maruts); sprinkle the exhilarating (Soma with water) for the protecting (deities), the immortals among whom praise is (able) to procure wealth. G5 The Pious One hath reached your place before the rest: One only moves victorious with the Rudras' band. To these your helpers pour our meath, Immortal Gods, with whom your song of praise hath power to win their gifts. 10.032.06 The guardian of the sacred rites of the gods, Indra, said to me, (Agni), who had been deposited in the waters; the sagacious Indra, following you, Agni, has discovered you, therefore, admonished by him may I, Agni, proceed to heaven. [Deposited in the waters: a play on the word nidhi_yama_nam, being deposited; also, a title of the fire placed on the altar, at the kurus'ravan.a ceremony]. G6 He who maintains the Laws of God informed me that thou wast lying hidden in the waters. Indra, who knoweth well, beheld and showed thee. By him instructed am I come, O Agni. 10.032.07 One who knows not the road inquires it of one who knows it; and directed by him who knows the way proceeds (to his destination); such verily is the good of instruction, and 18

(thereby) one finds tehe path of the things that are to be reached by a straight path. [One finds the path: i.e., the thirsty man finds the right road to the waters which have to be reached by a straight path, or taking ajasnm as an adjective agreeing with stutim, not crooked, a path which may be easily travelled over]. G7 The stranger asks the way of him who knows it: taught by the skilful guide he travels onward. This is, in truth, the blessing of instruction: he finds the path that leads directly forward. 10.032.08 Today (Agni) breathed; he purposed (to conduct) these days surrounded (by lustre), and drank the sap of his mother (earth); the praise of his (worshippers) reaches the overyouthful (Agni), and he has become gentle, generous, and well-disposed. G8 Even now he breathed: these days hath he remembered. Concealed, he sucked the bosom of his Mother. Yet in his youth old age hath come upon him: he hath grown gracious, good, and free from anger. 10.032.09 (Indra), the possessor of the pitchers, the bearer of the praise of the Kurus, let us celebrate these auspicious adorations of you, the giver of riches; may he, (Indra), be the donor (of affluence) to you who are opulent, (in pious offering), and (so may) this Soma which I cherish in my heart. [The possessor of the pitchers: kalas'a = complete in all the arts (kal? lunar digits); kururavaa = hearer of the praise of priests; the next skta refers to this term as the name of a prince]. G9 O Kalasa, all these blessings will we bring them, OKurusravana, who give rich presents. May he, O wealthy princes, and this Soma which I am bearing in my heart, reward you. i kavaa aila; devat; 1 vivedev, 2-3 indra, 4-5 kururavaa trsadasyava, 6-9 pamarav maitrtithi; chanda: 1 triup, 2-3 pragtha (sambhat, viam satobhat), 4-9 gyatr (RV 10.33.1) (RV 10.33.2) (RV 10.33.3) 19

(RV 10.33.4) (RV 10.33.5) (RV 10.33.6) (RV 10.33.7) (RV 10.33.8) (RV 10.33.9) 10.033.01 The (divinities, the) appointers of men, have appointed me to kururavaa; I have borne Pan on the way; the universal gods are my protectors; the cry is: "duhsu comes" [cf. Taittirya Samhit 2.2.1.4]. G1. THE urgings of the people have impelled me, and bythe, nearest way I bring you Pusan. The Universal Gods have brought me safely. The cry was heard, Behold, Dubsasu cometh! 10.033.02 My ribs pain me on both sides, like rival wives; disease, nakedness, hunger, afflict me; my mind flutters like a bird. G2 The ribs that compass me give pain and trouble me like rival wives. Indigence, nakedness, exhaustion press me sore: my mind is fluttering like a birds'. 10.033.03 Afflictions consume me, your worshipper atakratu, as mice (eat) threads, for once, Indra, possessor of opulence, grant us felicity; be to us as a father. [As mice eat threads: threads that have been washed]. G3 As rats eat weavers' threads, cares are consuming me, thy singer, gatakratu, me. Have mercy on us once, O Indra, Bounteous Lord: be thou a Father unto us. 10.033.04 I, the i, (wealth) of the munificent prince kururavaa, the son of Trasadasyu for the priests. G4 I the priests' Rsi chose as prince most liberalKurusravana, The son of Trasadasyus' son, 10.033.05 Whose three horses bear me pleasantly in the chariot; I praise him at the ceremony 20

in which he presents thousands. G5 Whose three bays harnessed to the car bear me straight onward: I will laud The giver of a thousand meeds. 10.033.06 Upamaravas, the words of whose father were sweet, like a pleasant field given to a beggar. [This and the following cas are explained as the consolatory verses addressed by Kavaa to Upamaravas on the death of his father king Mitrtithi]. G6 The sire of Upamasravas, even him whose words were passing sweet, As a fair field is to its lord. 10.033.07 Come to me, my son, grandson of Mitrtithi; I am the eulogist of your father. G7 Mark, Upamasravas, his son, mark, grandson ofMitratithi: I am thy fathers' eulogist. 10.033.08 If I were lord oover immortals and mortals, then should my munificent (benefactor) live. G8 If I controlled Immortal Gods, yea, even were I Lordof men, My liberal prince were living still. 10.033.09 No one lives hundred years passing the limit fixed by the gods; so he is separated from his friends. [Hundred years: No one, even if he has a hundred lives, can live beyond the limit fixed]. G9 None lives, even had he hundred lives, beyond the statute of the Gods So am I parted from my friend. i kavaa aila or aka maujavn; devat: 1,7,9,12 akasamha; 13 ki; 2-6,8,10,11,14 aka-kitava; chanda: triup; 7 jagat (RV 10.34.1) (RV 10.34.2) (10.34.3) (RV 10.34.4) 21

(RV 10.34.5) (RV 10.34.6) (RV 10.34.7) (10.34.8) (RV 10.34.9) (RV 10.34.10 (RV 10.34.11) (RV 10.34.12) (RV 10.34.13) (RV 10.34.14) 10.034.01 The large rattling dice exhilarate me as torrents borne on a precipice flowing in a desert; the exciting dice animate me as the taste of the Soma of Maujavat (delights the gods). [Flowing in a desert: irie varvtnah: a reference to the dice; rolling on the dice-board; exciting dice: vibhtaka, the seed of the myrobalan, used as a die; Maujavat: a mountain, where is said 22

the best Soma is found]. G1. SPRUNG from tall trees on windy heights, these rollers transport me as they turn upon the table. Dearer to me the die that never slumbers than the deep draught of Mujavans' own Soma. 10.034.02 This (my wife) has not been angry (with me), nor was she overcome with sham; kind was she to me and to my friends; yet for the sake of one or other die, I have deserted this affectionate spouse. G2 She never vexed me nor was angry with me, but to my friends and me was ever gracious. For the dies' sake, whose single point is final, mine own devoted wife I alienated. 10.034.03 My mother-in-law reviles me, my wife opposes me; the beggar meets no compassionate (benefactor); I do not realize the enjoyment of the gamester any more than that of a valuable horse grown old. G3 My wife holds me aloof, her mother hates me: the wretched man finds none to give him comfort. As of a costly horse grown old and feeble, I find not any profit of the gamester. 10.034.04 Others touch the wife of him whose wealth the potent dice covet; his mother, father, brothers say, "we know him not, take him away bound (where you will)". [Touch the wife: parimanti: they drag her by her clothes or her hair]. G4 Others caress the wife of him whose riches the die hath coveted, that rapid courser: Of him speak father, mother, brothers saying, We know him not: bind him and take him with you. 10.034.05 When I reflect, (then I say), "I will play no more with them". I pay attention to my friends who desert (me); and the tawny dice rattle as they are thrown; I hasten to their accustomed place as a harlot (to an assignation). G5 When I resolve to play with these no longer, my friends depart from me and leave me lonely. When the brown dice, thrown on the board, have rattled, like a fond girl I seek the place of meeting. 10.034.06 The gamester goes to the gambling table, radiant in person, and asking himself, "Shall I win?" The dice increase his passion for play as he practises the arts of (gambling) with his adversary. [Shall I win: asking what rich man is here; I shall beat him]. G6 The gamester seeks the gamblinghouse-, and wonders, his body all afire, Shall I be lucky? Still do the dice extend his eager longing, staking his gains against his adversary. 10.034.07 Dice verily are armed with hooks, with goads, pricking, paining and torturing (the gamester); to the winning (player) they are the givers of sons, they are tipped with honey; slaying him in return by taking away the gambler's (all). [They are the givers of sons: by acquiring wealth through their means a family may be reared; by taking the gambler's all: barhaa = parivddhea sarvasvaharaena]. G7 Dice, verily, are armed with goads and driving 23

hooks-, deceiving and tormenting, causing grievous woe. They give frail gifts and then destroy the man who wins, thickly anointed with the players' fairest good. 10.034.08 The aggregate fifty-three of them are played as the divine truth, observant Savit, (travels); the dice bow not before the wrath of any, however violent; a king himself pays them homage. [The aggregate...travels: as the sun roams (viharati) in the world, so the heap of dice moves or plays on the dice table (sphre). Maybe, fifty-three dice were used, akikh pryea tvadbhir akair dvyati, gamblers usually play with so many dice; maybe, the dice were thrown from east to west to render the comparison with the sun meaningful]. G8 Merrily sports their troop, the three and fifty, like Savitar the God whose ways are faithful. They bend not even to the mightys' anger: the Kinghimself pays homage and reveres them. 10.034.09 Now they abide below; now they palpitate on high handless, they overpower him who has hands; cast upon the dice-board like coals from the sky, even though cold they burn the heart. G9 Downward they roll, and then spring quickly upward, and, handless, force the man with hands to serve them. Cast on the board, like lumps of magic charcoal, though cold themselves they burn the heart to ashes. 10.034.10 The deserted wife of the gamester is afflicted; the mother (grieves) for the son wandering wherever he likes; involved in debt, ever in fear, anxious for wealth, (the gambler) goes forth by night to the dwellings of others (to plunder). G10 The gamblers' wife is left forlorn and wretched: the mother mourns the son who wanders homeless. In constant fear, in debt, and seeking riches, he goes by night unto the home of others. 10.034.11 The gamester, having observed the happy wife and well-ordered home of others, suffers regret; yet in the forenoon he puts to the tawny steeds, and at night the sinner lies down by the fire. G11 Sad is the gambler when he sees a matron, anothers' wife, and his wellordereddwelling. He yokes the brown steeds in the early morning, and when the fire is cold sinks down an outcast. 10.034.12 Dice, I offer salutation to him who has been the general of your great army, the chief lord of your host; I do not provide him with wealth; I raise my ten (fingers) to the east; that (which) I speak (is) the truth. [I do not provide him wealth: na dan ruadhmi = I do not withhold my wealth; na sampdaymi]. G12 To the great captain of your mighty army, who hath become the hosts' imperial leader, To him I show my ten extended fingers: I speak the truth. No wealth am I withholding. 10.034.13 Giving serious attention (to my advice), play not with dice; pursue agriculture; delight in wealth (so acquired); there, gambler, are cows; there is a wife; so has this (visible) sovereign 24

Savit declared to me. [Their: there, i.e., in agriculture]. G13 Play not with dice: no, cultivate thy cornland-. Enjoy the gain, and deem that wealth sufficient. There are thy cattle there thy wife, O gambler. So this good Savitar himself hath told me. 10.034.14 Be friends with us (dice); bestow upon us happiness; approach us not in terrible wrath; let your anger light upon our enemies; let our enemy fall under the bondage of the tawny (dice). [Let your anger light upon our enemies: let your hostile wrath against us settle down, i.e., grow calm, cease]. G14 Make me your friend: show us some little mercy. Assail us not with your terrific fierceness. Appeased be your malignity and anger, and let the brown dice snare some other captive. NOTE: Thanks to Prof. Shrinivas Tilak for the following comment (Private communication): As we continue to discuss the movements of the river Sarasvati in ancient times, it would be useful to keep in mind that one of its movements is attributed to Kavasha Ailusha who was born of a Dasa girl by the Brahmana Ilusha. Once, when Kavasha tried to attend a yajna being performed by the members of the Angirasa family, they chased him away (for being a Shudraaputra and not being a Brahmana) to a desert. While there, Kavasha composed a sukta in praise of Apanapat (it was subsequently recognized as Jalasukta and incorporated into the tenth mandala as (10:30). Sarasvati thereupon changed its course and came to quench Kavasha's thirst.This spot became known as Parisaraka according to the Aitareya Brahmana (2:19). Kavasha was now recognized as a rishi and four other suktas by him were included in the tenth mandala (10: 31-34). Shrinivas Tilak July 1, 2013 Thanks for the references provided by Prof. Shrinivas Tilak which are of extraordinary significance in the repeated linking in Rgveda, of Sarasvati with the sacred waters; is it possible to locate Parisaraka along the palaeo-channels of Sarasvati? Kalyanaraman

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http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/dholavira-civilization-hub-ts.html Dholavira, a civilization hub TS Subramanian (Photos: D. Krishnan) Dholavira, a civilization hub -- TS Subramanian (Photos: D. Krishnan)

Print edition : July 12, 2013 DHOLAVIRA The Harappan hub

A stone masonry reservoir.

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Residential quarters in the citadel area.

Middle town with perfectly aligned streets, intersecting at right angles.

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Lower town. Street lined with houses.

A bathroom in one of the houses in the middle town with limestone slabs for flooring and covered drains to let out water.

Jamalbhai R. Makwana and Ravjibhai Solanki. Both are guides at the site and have taken part in the Dholavira excavation.

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Remains of circular huts in the citadel built in post-Harappan period

Broad northern gate. Has a flight of steps leading to the citadel. In the background is the bigger of the two stadia.

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The two 'sthambs' or pillars, which are claimed to resemble Sivalingas, in the citadel.

At the site museum in Dholavira, pots unearthed during the excavation.

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A chessboard (on the stone slab at right) and an architectural member that resembles a Sivalinga.

A grinding stone at the site museum.

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The three-metre-long signboard, with 10 Indus Writing glyphs, which was mounted above the northern gate of the citadel.

A rock-cut reservoir. Dholavira was encircled with such resevoirs.

Open drain for ferrying surplus water from them to reservoirs on the western side.

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Veteran archaeologist Ravindra Singh Bisht receiving the Padma Shri from President Pranab Mukherjee at the Rashtrapati Bhavan on April 5, 2013.

The bigger of the two stadia, with the ruins of the terraced stand for spectators.

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A covered drain and its mouth in front of the eastern fortification wall with its gate. This small stormwater drain let rain water into the eastern reservoir situated in front.

The fortification wall of the citadel on the northern side. Note how the wall slopes towards the top as in walls in other Harappan sites, to give it life and strength.

The entrance to the middle town.

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A rock-cut well in the citadel from which was manually drawn and taken by an underground drain to a storage tnk (in the background, at left), from which it was ferried by another drain to the bathing place (in the background, at right). A great bath?

The eastern gate in the fortification wall of the citadel, with a flight of steps leading upto the citadel.

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The layout of Dholavira.

The eastern reservoir, with a flight of steps into it. It has a rock-cut stepped well inside (not seen in the picture).

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A man-made channel, around two metres deep, to harvest rain water snakes through the citadel. It has filtration points to ensure that the water is clean.

The ruins of fairly large houses in the citadel, seen on the left. The finds in Dholavira in Gujarat's Kutch district, unlike elsewhere, throw light on the rise and fall of the Indus civilisation in its entirety and in the correct sequence. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN recently in Dholavira. Photographs by D. KRISHNAN.

YOU should visit Dholavira. The site adds a new dimension to the personality of the Indus civilisation, Ravindra Singh Bisht, former Additional Director-General of the Archaeological 37

Survey of India (ASI), had told me in 2010. Dholavira in Gujarat is among the five biggest Harappan sites, the others being Mohenjo-Daro, Harappa, Ganweriwala (all three in Pakistan) and Rakhigarhi in Haryana, India. Professor Bisht had led 13 seasons of excavation at Dholavira from 1990 to 2005 and had revealed to the world the grandeur of the Harappan site and its futuristic water-harvesting techniques. The efficient system the Harappans of Dholavira developed for conservation, harvesting and storage of water speaks of their advanced hydraulic engineering, given the state of technology in the third millennium BCE, he had said. Dholavira today is a small village in Bhachau taluk, Kutch district, and is situated in a corner of an island called Khadir in the Great Rann of Kutch. Its Harappan story began circa 3000 BCE and ended around 1500 BCE. Its genesis, growth, development, decay and collapse spanned seven stages in those 1,500 years. It means we found the nascent, childhood, adolescent, ageing and, finally, de-urbanisation stages of the Indus civilisation there. That is why I call it the rise and fall of the Indus civilisation. This has been found elsewhere, but the sequence in its entirety is found at Dholavira, in the stratified debris in the castle, which witnessed the vicissitudes spread over 1,500 years, Bisht had said (Frontline, June 18, 2010). Journey to Dholavira

After spending two days at Khirsara, a Harappan site in western Kutch, where an ASI-led excavation was under way (Frontline, June 28), we set out for Dholavira on a hot April 20 afternoon. Our destination was 340 kilometres away. As the car crossed Bhuj, 85 km from Khirsara, rain clouds and gusty winds eclipsed the blazing sun. Spells of rain greeted us as we crossed over to Rapar town, 100 km from Dholavira. On either side of the road were endless stretches of mesquite bushes. The few villages on the route were drowned in darkness owing to power failures after the rain. The car sped through the famed Great Rann of Kutch, that vast, featureless expanse.

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Some 11 km to Dholavira, the driver insisted that we halt for the night because the roads ahead were rain-ravaged. We rang up Gautam Chauhan, Senior Conservation Assistant, ASI, Dholavira, and he advised us to go back to Rapar and stay in one of the lodges there. We spent the night on the hard kitchen floor of a guest house of the Gujarat State Electricity Corporation, on the way back to Rapar. The guest house was in fact a control station, situated right in the middle of the Rann of Kutch. It was a sleepless night, with the cold wind from the Rann blowing through the kitchen windows. Early next morning, we went straight to the Dholavira site, for the photographs had to be taken before the sun got harsh. Waiting for us at the site museum were Ravjibhai Solanki and Jemalbhai R. Makwana, who had taken part in the excavation and were assigned to guide us. The local name of the site is Kotada, Solanki told us by way of introduction. The entire site was spread over 100 hectares, with the built-up area occupying half that, he said. Solanki sketched the site on the ground with a twig for our benefit. The layout of the excavated city consists of a citadel which can be divided into a castle and a bailey, a middle town and a lower town (where the traders and artisans lived), two stadia (one big and one small), servants quarters (also called annexe) and the reservoirs. They were set within an enormous fortification wall. Sixteen reservoirs, some rock-cut, formed a garland around the site. Several of them were inter-linked, allowing surplus water to flow from one to another. As we walked a few hundred metres to the mound of the excavated site, we were greeted by the citadels towering fortification wall. (The citadel was the seat of authority as the ruling elite lived there.) The wall, built of partly dressed sandstone blocks, rose steeply but sloped towards the top as fortification walls in Harappan sites do. The wall with its eastern gate and a steep flight of steps inside the citadel proper signalled the grandeur that marked this Indus Valley Civilisation site more than 4,600 years ago.

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What gave us an insight into Dholaviras amazing water-harvesting system was a big reservoir on the eastern side, in front of the eastern gate, that was 79 metres long, 74 m broad and 10 m deep. It could hold 2,00,000 cubic metres of water, Makwana said. It had a beautiful rock-cut, stepped well, too. The city itself lay between the seasonal rivulets of Mansar and Manhar. The Dholavirans had built check dams on these nullahs, and water from these dams was let into the reservoirs too. The ASI website on Dholavira says, The citadel has yielded an intricate network of storm water drains, all connected to an arterial one and furnished with slopes, steps, cascades, manholes (air ducts/ water relief ducts), paved flooring and capstones. The main drains were high enough for a tall man to walk through easily. The rain water collected through these drains was stored in yet another reservoir that was carved out in the western half of the bailey. Besides, city has yielded toilets, sullage jars, or sanitary pits. Drains have shown a good variety. They, it adds, included even pottery pipes.

R.N. Kumaran, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI, who took part in the excavations at Dholavira in the 2001-03 and 2008-09 seasons, said: Dholavira had the first rock-cut reservoir in the world. The Dholavirans harvested every drop of water and sent it to the reservoirs. The site is ringed by a series of 16 reservoirs, which were built on the eastern, southern and western sides, and they were inter-linked. In several reservoirs, stone masonry was used. The reservoirs had a flight of steps [for people to go down and fetch water when the water level went down]. On the southern side, the reservoirs were rock-cut. These rock-cut reservoirs were inter-linked and had distillation chambers [to provide pure water]. They had channels to divert the overflowing water. The rock-cut stepped well found in the eastern reservoir was built during the early phase of Dholaviras development, Kumaran said. It was only 4,000 years laterduring the medieval periodthat the rulers of Gujarat took to building ornate, stepped wells again. A steep flight of steps at the eastern gate led to the citadel proper. Inside the citadel was another rock-cut well with a platform for drawing water manually, a drain with filtering chambers 40

to ferry this water to a tank, and a drain from the tank to a hamam, where the elite took bath. If this rock-cut well and the hamam represented the mature phase of Dholaviras development, what mirrored its collapse were the ruins of circular huts with postholes, that residents of the late-Harappan phase had built. Two in situsthambs, which looked like Sivalingas, stood near by. Behind the fame

Bisht said Dholaviras fame rested on several counts. These included its long cultural sequence documenting the rise and fall of the Indus civilisation over a period of 1,500 years, its meticulous town planning with mathematical precision, its monumental architecture, its water management system, its stadia with terraced gallery for spectators, its sepulchral architecture in the form of spoked wheels and symbolic burials, and the discovery of a sandstone quarry, about 9 km away. Sandstone was mined and cut here and transported to Dholavira to build the reservoirs, fortification walls and residential quarters in the citadel, the middle town and the lower town. Among the 1,500 Harappan sites found in India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran, Dholavira has yielded the longest inscription, comprising 10 large-sized Indus signs, embedded on a threemetre-long board. This board was strategically positioned above the northern gate to the citadel. The ten letters, each 37 cm in height, were made of baked gypsum and they shone at night. But there is no knowing what the sign says because the Indus script has not been deciphered yet. It could stand for the name of the city or a king or it could just mean welcome. An equally important discovery was a sandstone block carved with four big Indus signs.

Of the two stadia, the bigger one, 305 m in length and 49 m in width, was in all likelihood a multi-purpose stadium, used for royal ceremonies, trade fairs, wrestling competitions and so on. The ruins of its terraced stands for spectators are a reminder of Dholaviras glorious past. This playground was mud-plastered, with layers in different colours. Solanki scratched the track to show us white, pink and yellow-coloured layers! There was a drainage system in the stadiumit 41

is still in a remarkably good condition even nowto prevent water from stagnating in the playground during the rainy season. Seven stages

Kumaran divides the seven stages of Dholaviras rise, fall and collapse into pre-Harappan, mature Harappan, late Harappan and post-Happaran. If the elite of Dholavira, during its mature phase, lived in stone-built houses with inter-connected rooms, verandahs and sullage facilities, the post-Harappans, after Dholaviras collapse, lived in jerry-built circular huts, made of wattle and daub, in the citadel. The tradition of building circular huts continues to this day in Dholavira, said Kumaran. The first settlement, built during the first stage which began circa 3000 BCE, included a strong fortress (Frontline, June 18, 2010). In the second stage, the settlement expanded northwards. Although an earthquake struck the settlement between the end of stage II and the beginning of stage III, the most creative phase belonged to stage III, from circa 2850 BCE to 2500 BCE. During this phase, the fortress expanded into a castle and another fortified area called bailey came up adjacent to it. The castle and the bailey together formed the citadel. The two stadia came up to the north of the citadel and the Dholavirans built reservoirs on the east, south and west of the citadel. Middle town, with quarters to house artisans and traders, has perfectly aligned streets and houses built to a plan at an elevated level. The houses have verandahs, inter-connected rooms and bathrooms with sloping limestone slabs for the water to flow into covered drains that extended into the streets. In a few places, collapsed structures serve as reminders of an earthquake that struck during stage III. When the city burgeoned again, the lower town was built. Seals without the Harappan script and painted pottery, belonging to this period, have been found.

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The Harappan culture at Dholavira reached its peak during stage IV, which began circa 2500 BCE and lasted for about five centuries. Several massive gates were built into the fortification wall. The board with the ten Indus signs belongs to this period. Classical Harappan elements such as pottery, seals, beads, and items made of gold, silver, copper, ivory, shell, faience, steatite, clay and stones from this period were found in abundance during excavations, according to Bisht. Stage IV extended into stage V. This phase was creatively active, going by excavations that have yielded a bonanza of seals, sealings, tablets, pottery, weights, shellbangles, stone-ware, copper objects, beads and so on.

At the end of stage V, which was around 2000 BCE, the Harappans abandoned the settlement for several decades. When stage VI began, the Harappans returned to occupy it but they lived only in the citadel and at the edge of the middle town. The city was reduced to the size of a town. The Harappans lived there for about a hundred years, after which they deserted it for a few centuries. Those who belonged to stage VII lived in circular huts in the citadel for a few decades before they abandoned the site for good around 1500 BCE. In the assessment of Bisht, Dholavira was a great commercial centre, a great manufacturing centre; raw materials were brought from Gujarat and southern Rajasthan and converted into finished goods there. These finished products, such as beads made of semi-precious stones, were marketed in other Harappan cities and towns. Dholavira was a great centre for making shell products, copper items, beads of semi-precious stones there is evidence to show that Mesopotamia [modern-day Iraq] imported timber from Meluha, which has been identified as a Harappan area, Bisht said. Different kinds of shank productssuch as jewellery, small medals and souvenirsand cosmetics were made at Dholavira. A great amount of inlays manufactured at Dholavira were unearthed during the excavations there. A variety of shells, which the Harappans at Dholavira used to convert into bangles and tools and so on, were available in the Gulf of Kutch. The Harappans of Dholavira procured raw materials for making shell products from the Gulf of Kutch, Bisht said. They made 43

different varieties of aromatic gums and marketed them in other Harappan towns and even in Mesopotamia. So Dholavira must have been a great political centre, a commercial centre, and, of course, a manufacturing centre. It must have been a great hub, asserted Bisht. It was also administratively controlling the entire Kutch because a powerful king or a group must have ruled from there. Whatever the administrative structure, whether it was hierarchical or republican, or a monarchy or an oligarchy, Dholavira must have been a great centre of authority, he added. The entire Kutch and part of Saurashtra came under its administrative control. Lothal [Gujarat] was possibly under its influence. About 10,000 people could have lived in Dholavira. Bisht said there were several Harappan cities like Dholavira which lasted a long time. For instance, Harappa had a long life. Harappa faced a problem when the water table shot up, and a major part of the city now lies buried under the water table. Asked how Dholavira marketed its products in other far-away Harappan centres because no dockyard such as the one found at Lothal, has been discovered at Dholavira, Bisht replied, Even if there is no dockyard of the kind found at Lothal, the entire Rann of Kutch was then a navigable sheet of water, which was connected to the Arabian Sea in the west and the Gulf of Kutch in the east. It was connected to the Arabian Sea in the west by the Khori Creek, where one of the tributaries of the Indus also met.

K.C. Nauriyal, who was Superintending Archaeologist, Vadodara Circle (now he is with the ASI headquarters in Delhi), ASI, who was site-in-charge for several seasons of excavations at Dholavira, said: The Rann of Kutch at that point of time must have been navigable and ships must have been able to reach Khadir. It was not necessary that there must have been a formal dockyard at Dholavira. Dhows and boats could have been stationed at the mooring point. There was brisk trade by sea and land. There was a high degree of mobility among the people of the surrounding sites. The bigger sites were helping the satellite sites. All of them were production

44

centres, and goods were being exchanged. There was long-distance and short-distance trade. Ships could have come to Dholavira. Bisht was non-committal when asked if the two sthambs found at the Dholavira site and the phallus-like stone artefacts excavated there but kept in Purana Qila, New Delhi, looked like Sivalingas. Nauriyal said, separately: They definitely resemble male organs. What the concept was, it is difficult to comment. Whether they were used for worship, magic, ritual or as a good omen, we do not know. On what led to the collapse of Dholavira, Nauriyal said: The snap in the trade relationship with foreign countries, possibly. It was largely maritime trade. Goods could not be traded any more. There must have been a host of factors and the economic factor must have been one of them, he said.

http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/heritage/the-harappanhub/article4840474.ece?homepage=true

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/asur-metallurgists.html Ancient Near East: Traditions of smelters, metallurgists validate the Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine. Ancient Near East: Traditions of smelters, metallurgists validate the Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine.

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Bull capital on Asoka pillar, Rampurva. This was set atop the pillar 46

using an inscribed copper bolt with Indus Writing. Altar, Pyrenees (South of France). I Century BC (The altar shows a svastika and a fish both are Sarasvati hieroglyphs of Indus writing.) In the context of metallurgists' or stone work, the glyphs read rebus: ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal' (Gujarati) satthiya 'svastika glyph' Rebus satthiya, jasta 'zinc' (Kashmiri. Kannada); sattva 'zinc' (Prakrit)

Location Date Description Status View

Rampurwa, Champaran, Bihar, India Upto 3rd century BC ca 299-200 BCE Plaster of Paris Stucco, 200 x 135 cm Architectural fragment Presently located at: Calcutta, Indian Museum Overview Accession No 36104

Image Identification

Negative No 249.87 American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi

Notes

American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi

"According to Cunningham, who wrote about the pillars says, that he excavated the surrounding of the site and disconnected its broken Capital from the shaft. The Capital was fastened to the shaft by a solid barrel shaped bolt of pure copper, measuring two and a half feet long and 55/16 inches in diameter at the centre and tapered slightly towards the ends where its circumference was 3-5/8 inches. The bolt projected exactly half its length or 1-1/4 inches from the shaft, and the projecting portion received the Capital; both ends were beautifully fitted into the stone, thus dispensing with any cement substance to firmly hold it together. The copper bolt was an exquisite piece of work, created into shape apparently with a hammer. The bolt is now kept in the Indian Museum, Kolkata and weighs 79 lbs." Ref: Cunningham, ASI, XVI, pp.110117; Carlleyle, CASI, XXII, pp.51-57; An. Rep., ASI, 1902-3, pp.38-40; 1907-8, pp.181-88; An Rep., ASI, E.C. 1906-7, p.16; 1912-13, p.36; BDG, Champaran, pp. 17247

74. http://bhpromo.org.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=47&Itemid=54 The bolt is apparently forged into form by hammer after being cast. This is confirmed by the inscription on the bolt written in Indus writing. The lexeme is: koe forging (metal)(Munda) Background narrative, dawn of Bronze Age

Linga Purana describes Asura as linga worshippers. (LXXXI, 24-37.) Could the linga pillars
found in Dholavira be an attestation of this worship?

The Vedic struggle, Banerji-Sastri concludes, drove the Asura from the Indus Valley; the epic conflict routed them in the Madhyadesa and the subsequent readjustment lost them the Gangetic Valley and pushed them southwards. The Nagas were the spearhead and backbone of the Asura people in India. Daityas, Danavas, Rakshasas, Kalakanyas, Kaleyyas, Nivatakavachas, Paulomas, etc., are offshoots and families. With the downfall of the Nagas ended organized Asura supremacy in India. And the remnants of Nagas who once ruled Gosringa in Khotan, had to seek shelter in places still bearing their name, e.g. Nagpur, Chota Nagpur, and are today completely absorbed in the Dasa aborigines haunting woods, mountain fastnesses, and desolate regions, of the jungles of Assam, of Chota Nagpur and the Vindhya range. (A. Banerji-Sastri, The Asuras in Indo-Iranian Literature, JBORS, Vol. XII, pp. 110 ff.) 48

This interpretation of the narrative is challenged by Satish Chandra Roy. (SC Roy, The Asuras: Ancient and Modern, JBORS, Vol. XII, pp. 147 ff.) His view was that we have here a reflection of the worldwide contest between the denizens of the Stone Age and the new metal-working people, who invaded and disturbed it. He referred to a widespread tradition among the Mundas and several other aboriginal tribes of Chota Nagpur of the previous occupation of the country by a metal-using people called the Asuras who are said to have been routed by the Mundas with the help of their deity Sing-bonga. The iron-smelting activities of the Asura, tradition says, greatly disturbed the even tenor of existence of the Munda and other deities who were as yet innocent of the use and manufacture of metals. This monograph seeks to dethrone the ruling linguistic paradigm of 'Aryan invasion' as a Linguistic doctrine and replaces this doctrine with Bronze Aze Linguistic Doctrine validating Indian sprachbund as a reality of ancient times. As we attempt to clear the mists of history and see through the dominant idiom which explains a language-speech-area described as a language union (for e.g. Indian sprachbund), many lexemes of languages of the sprachbund demonstrate the essential features of the language union seen in many metalware/metallurgical terms, together with about 8000 cognate semantic clusters of Indian

Lexicon -- a compendium of Munda, Dravidian and Indo-Aryan lexemes. The demonstration is a


process involving rebus readings of hieroglhyphs of Indus Writing, a process which yields the core semantic features of Meluhha (mleccha), the lingua franca of the sprachbund. The Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine postulated in this monograph explains a sprachbund. Innovations of the Bronze Age, the processes of alloying minerals in particular, necessitated innovations of sememes to facilitate trade transactions and contacts among people, across many language-speaking zones including Tocharian, Kashmiri, Pushto, Elam, Sumer, Akkadian, Hebrew-speaking regions. The substratum lexical repertoire has been identified through rebus readings of Indus Writing hieroglyphs to outline the semantic structures of Meluhha (Mleccha) language used in the conversation between Vidura and Kanaka, the miner in the Great Epic, the Mahabharata. Surely, more language studies are needed, beyond this rudimentary listing of glosses, to unravel the morphology and syntactical structures of Meluhha (Mleccha). The area spanned is the area of the Ancient Near East of the Bronze Age, extending from Haifa in Israel to Rakhigarhi, near Delhi. Meluhhans and Meluhha-speaking settlers outside Meluhha authored thesprachbund, the speech union. 49

Surprising confirmation of Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine comes from a copper alloy bolt which holds the Rampurva Capital to the Asokan pillar. The copper bolt is inscribed with hieroglyphs of Indus writing attesting to two facts: 1. hieroglyphic writing system as a continuum in Indian sprachbund; 2. hieroglyphs denote 50

metallurgical processing.

Rampurva pillar edict text: Thus saith king Priyadarsi, Beloved of the Gods. Twelve years after my coronation, records relating to Dharma were caused to be written by me for the first time for the welfare and happiness of the people, so that, without violation thereof, they might attain the growth of Dharma in various respects. Thinking: Only in this way the welfare and happiness of the people may be secured. I scrutinize as to how I may bring happiness to the people, no matter whether they are my relatives or residents of the neighborhood of my capital or of distant localities. And I act accordingly. In the same manner, I scrutinize in respect of all classes of people. Moreover, all the religious sects have been honored by me with various kinds of honors. But what I consider my principal duty is meeting the people of different sects personally. This record relating to Dharma has been caused to be written by me twenty-six years after my coronation. Rampurva bull capital is a depiction of bos indicus comparable to the glyph on an Indus seal m1103.

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A solid copper bolt (24 in length and a circumference of 14 at the center and 12 at the ends), was found in the Rampurva Asoka Pillar near Nepal border.

Some of the hieroglyphs seen on this list are also seen on the Sohgaura copper plate inscription.

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It can be demonstrated that the four hieroglyphs inscribed on Rampurva copper bolt are hieroglyphs of Indus writing. See: http://www.docstoc.com/docs/4430996/Hieroglyphs-ofhistorical-periods-in-India Four hieroglyphs inscribed on Rampurva copoper bolt are:

On some cast copper coins coming out of mints, in addition to these four hieroglyphs, two additional hieroglyphs are inscribed:

All these six hieroglyphs are a continuum of the legacy of Indus writing. The language is Meluhha (mleccha) of Indian sprachbund. The rebus readings of these six hieroglyphs evolved in the context of Bronze Age are as follows, the readings validate the Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine which should replace the 'Aryan invasion' Linguistic Doctrine which is the ruling paradigm in language studies. The Asur are found in the districts of Gumla, Lohardaga, Palamau and Latehar of Jharkhand state. They have been iron-smelters. The modern Asur vanavasi are divided into three subextended family divisions, namely Bir(Kol) Asur, Birjia Asur and Agaria Asur. An unresolved problem in the study of Bronze Age civilizations has been the identification of sources of tin. Arsenical bronzes of the millennia earlier to the 5th millennium were replaced by tin-bronzes creating a veritable revolution in the march of civilization. John Muhly has highlighted and contributed significantly to the resolution of this problem. Many 53

cuneiform texts do point to Meluhha as the major source of tin, reaching through the transit points of Magan and Dilmun along the Persian Gulf region and west of Mehergarh. A possible scenario is presented by a geologist, TM Babu (2003) in: Advent of the bronze age in the Indian subcontinent In Mining and metal production: through the ages, eds. P. Craddock and J. Lang, London, British Museum Press, pp175-180. In this article, Babu starts with the traditions in ancient India of making idols for worship using pancha-loha (lit. five metals), creating an alloy of copper, tin, lead, zinc, arsenic and less commonly, silver and gold. A word in Tamil denoting this alloy is kol which also means working in iron. This lexeme is denoted by the hieroglyphs: tiger (kola), woman (kola), rice-plant (kolom). Similar rebus readings of hundreds of hieroglyphs on Indus writing point to the Indian sprachbund, a linguistic union which explains the presence, for example, Munda words in ancient Sanskrit texts. Bronze Age doctrine explains Indian sprachbund This speech area indicates a linguistic doctrine. Just as Aryan invasion theory was postulated as a linguistic doctrine to explain the Indo-European languages, advent of Bronze Age can be presented as a linguistic doctrine to explain the Indian sprachbund. Bronze Age dawned with the inventions of tin and zinc as alloying minerals, alloyed with copper to create tin-bronze or brass. An extraordinary search for the sources of tin and zinc resulted in the creation of an extended interaction area involving what are referred to as Meluhha, Magan, Dilmun, Elam, Sumer, Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex, Tocharian-speaking regions of Kyrgystan and the Mediterranean. The interactions among various language-speakers led to the formation and evolution of Indian sprachbund with evidences of metallurgy-related lexemes in Munda, Dravidian and Indo-Aryan language groups. Papagudem boy wearing a bangle of tin Bronze articles such as ornamental mirrors, arrowheads, pins, bangles and chisels, of both low tin and high tin content, have been recovered from Lothal, the Harappn port on the Gujarat coast, which has been dated earlier than 2200 BCE. The tin content in these articles range from 2.27% to 11.82%; however, some of the articles contain no tin. Tin is said to have been brought as tablets from Babylon and mixed with copper to make an alloy of more pleasing colour and 54

luster, a bright golden yellow. The utilization of bronze is essential only for certain articles and tools, requiring sharp cutting edges, such as axes, arrowheads or chisels. The selection of bronze for these items indicates the presence of tin was intentionalRecent discoveries of tin occurrences in India are shown inFig. 11.2. However, none of these occurrences shows evidences of ancient mining activity. This is because, unlike copper ores, the mining and metallurgy of the tin ore cassiterite is simple, and leaves little permanent tracetin ore is usually recovered by simple panning of surface deposits, often contained in gravel, which soon collapse, leaving little evidence of having once been worked. Cassiterite is highly resistant to weathering, and with its high specific gravity, it can be easily separated from the waste minerals. The simple mining and metallurgical methods followed even now by Bastar and Koraput tribals in Chattisgarh and Orissa, central India, could be an indication of the methods used in the past. These tribal people produce considerable quantities of tin without any external help, electric power or chemical agents, enough to make a modern metallurgist, used to high technology, wonder almost in disbelief. Clearly though, the technology practiced has a considerable importance for those studying early smelting practices. The history of this process is poorly known. Back in the 1880s Ball (1881) related the story of a Bastar tribal from the village of Papagudem, who was observed to be wearing a bangle of tin. When questioned as to where the metal had come from, he replied that black sands, resembling gunpowder were dug in his village and smelted there. Thus it is very likely that the present industry is indigenous, and may have a long history. That being said, neither the industry or its products appear in any historical document of any period, and thus is unlikey to have been a significant supplier of metalThe tin content of cassiterite ranges from 74.94% (mean 64.2%), showing that pebbles contain about 70% to 90% of the tin oxide, cassiteriteThe ore is localized in gravel beds of the black pebbles of cassiterite which outcrop in stream beds etc. and there are other indicators, in the vegetation. The leaves of the Sarai tree (Shoria robusta) growing on tin-rich ground are often covered in yellow spots, as if suffering from a disease. (The leaves were found to contain 700 ppm of tin on analysis!) Wherever the tribals find concentrations of ore in the top soil, the ground all around the area is dug up and transported to nearby streams, rivers or pontsThe loose gravelly soil containing the tin ore is dug with pick and shovel, and carried to the washing sites in large, shoulder-strung bamboo baskets. The panning or washing of the ore is carrie out using round shallow pans of bamboo. The soil is washed out, leaving the dense casiterite ore at the bottom of the panThe ore is smelted in small clay shaft furnaces, heating and reducing the ore using charcoal as the fuelThe shft furnaces are square at the base and of brick surmounted by a 55

clay cylindrical shaftThe charcoal acts as both the heating and reducing agent, reducing the black cassiterite mineral into bright, white tin metala crude refining is carried out by remelting the metal in an iron pan at about 250 degrees C. The molten tin is then poured into the stonecarved moulds to make square- or rectangular-shaped tin ingots for easy transportation. (Babu, TM, opcit., pp.176-179)

two late bronze age tin ingots from the harbor of Haifa, Israel contain glyphs used in epigraphs with Indus Writing of Sarasvati civilization!See:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/archaeological-mystery-solved-siteof.htmlThe inscriptions on two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck in Haifa have been discussed in: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010) -- The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two Rosetta Stones By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)http://www.indojudaic.com/index.php?option=com_contact&view=contact&id=1&Itemid=8 ( See embedded document). Here is a pictorial gallery:

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Panning for cassiterite using bamboo pans in a pond in Orissa. The ore is carried to the water pond or stream for washing in bamboo baskets. 57

People panning for cassiterite mineral in the remote jungles of central India.

58

59

The ore is washed to concentrate the cassiterite mineral using bamboo pans. Base of small brick and mud furnace for smelting tin.

60

61

The tin is refined by remelting the pieces recovered from the furnace in an iron pan. The molten tin is poured into stone-carved moulds to make square- or rectangular-ingots. As the pictorial gallery demonstrates, the entire tin processing industry is a family-based or extended-family-based industry. The historical traditions point to the formation of artisan guilds to exchange surplus cassiterite in trade transactions of the type evidenced by the seals and tablets, tokens and bullae found in the civilization-interaction area of the Bronze Age.

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Illustrated London News 1936 - November 21st. A 'Sheffield of Ancient India: Chanhu-Daro's metal working industry 10 X photos of copper knives, spears, razors, axes and

dishes. The words used in the lingua franca of such tin-processing families constitute the words invented to denote the Bronze Age products and artifacts such as tin or zinc or the array of metalware discovered in the Sheffied of the Ancient East, Chanhu-daro as reported in the London News Illustrated by Ernest Mackay. Validating the Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine Hence, the search for the identification of the language Meluhha (mleccha) of Indian sprachbundhas to be carried out in documenting the practices of the types shown in the pictorial gallery of tin processing and from within the cluster of over 8000 semantic clusters of the languages of the Indiansprachbund. This will be a first step in reiterating the Bronze Age 63

Linguistic Doctrine. The directions of borrowings of lexemes from one language to another are secondary features. The fact that such common lexemes related to metallurgy and metalware exist in Indian sprachbund is enough to validate the Bronze Age Linguistic Doctrine.

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Four women composing a svastika. Samarra. 5th millennium BCE. Pottery from Samarra. 5th millennium BCE. Four antelopes composing a svastika.Samarra artiface. Thesea re hieroglyphs denoting working with zinc and other alloys in Bronze Age.

Shipwreck Greek pottery. Ischia museum. 8th century BCE.Bee-divinity goddess and svastika (Beotia). 700 BCE.

Sources of tin and the beginnings of bronze metallurgy (James Muhly, Journal of Archaeology 89 (1985), pp. 275 to 291. http://www.docstoc.com/docs/document-preview.aspx?doc_id=159597663 Sources-of-Tin-and-the-Beginnings-of-Bronze-Metallurgy Iron smelting by Asur-A thing of Past BY DR. NITISH PRIYADARSHI The word Asur occurs in a number of places in the Rigveda, Brahamanas, Aranyakas, Upanishadas and Epics which 65

comprise the sacred literature of the Hindus. The Asur have been identified as primitive tribe in Jharkhand State of India. Their original occupation was iron smelting but now very few live by this profession. When the Asurs came to their present area of habitation is not known, but according to legend they lived with their kinsmen the Mundas, who in course in time drove them away. Driven by their kinsmen, the Asurs took shelter in the Netarhat Plateau, where they have been living for centuries unknown. According to other thoughts Asur had settled in Jharkhand before one thousand B.C. There are references to the asurs in the Rigveda describing them as great builders. Centuries of isolation coupled with exploitation and subjugation by one or the other alien element, have driven the Asur into comparatively inaccessible tract of the land amidst hills and mountains, forests and undulating slopes. The Asur locality is known as the Netharhat group of plateaus within Chotanagpur Plateau of Jharkhand State of India. The Netarhat plateau hills are of a nearly uniform height of about 3,600 feet above the sea level. The Plateau is formed of LATERITE rocks. It is from these rocks, the Asur used to extract iron ore for iron smelting. Iron-smelting used to be the principal occupation of the Asurs, but now it has ceased to be so. Few years ago only one furnace was found working at village Ramgaria in Bishunpur thana where only two families worked and earned a very meager living. IRON SMELTING BY ASURS:- Three varities of iron ore are recognized by the Asur at the Netharhat Plateau. One is magnetite which is called POLA by the Asur. The other one is Haematite from coal measures known as BICHI and third one is Haematites from Laterite known as GOTA. The Asur were able to locate a site for the ores by observation and experience. On the basis of their family labour iron smelting was carried on by them. Green sal trees were cut by them in the neighbourhood of their furnace for preparing char coal as char coal of green sal was capable of generating sufficient heat for smelting iron ore in their furnaces which were usually located in the neighbourhood of water sources like Dari, Chua or rivulet. The Asur family engaged in iron smelting perform SANSIKUTASI worship which may be called productive magic, as it is aimed at securing good iron while smelting. All the implements required for smelting and black smithy are collected in the front of the house. A cock and hen both of red colours are sacrificed during the worship. The ritual is followed by dance and drinks and merry-making. The peculiar feature of this festival is that musical instruments which are so essential for all social and festive occasions among the Asur are not played on this occasion when the youths and girls are engaged in dancing. Every head of a family has to don himself with a new piece of cloth on this occasion which is considered important in the annual cycle of festivals of the Asur. During the last several decades due to the introduction of improved metallurgy and the forest conservation 66

policy of the Government imposing restriction on wanton cutting of forest gave a final death blow to the industry of iron smelting in this plateau. Iron-smelting has now practically become a thing of the past. References: Gupta, S.P. 1976. The Asur, Ethno-Biological Profile. Bihar Tribal Welfare Research Institute, Ranchi. Gupta, S.P. 1974. Tribes of Chotanagpur Plateau. Bihar Tribal Welfare Research Institute, Ranchi. Ranchi District Gazetteer, 1970. Government of Bihar. S.K.Singh, 2005. Inside Jharkhand. Crown Publications, Ranchi. http://newsjharkhand.com/Special.asp?Details=15 http://www.docstoc.com/docs/documentpreview.aspx?doc_id=159598058 Prakash_ B._ 1991_ Metallurgy of iron and steel making and blacksmithy in ancient India

Rise and Fall of Ancient Indias Iron and Steel Metallurgy SATURDAY, 27 JUNE 2009 00:00 Two new books on the history and products of ancient Indian iron and steel technology Infinity Foundation Series Contributions to History of Indian Science and Technology Rupa and Co. Marvels of Indian Iron through the Ages -by R. Balasubramanian (2008) History of Iron Technology in India From Beginning to Premodern Times -by Vibha Tripathi (2008.) {Republished on Medha Journal from: Pp 24 Ghadar Jari Hai, Vol 3, Issue 1&2, 2009} It is a well acknowledged fact that the level of societal development is closely linked to the development of iron and steel industry. It is no wonder therefore that the world production of steel today is around 1.4 billion tons per year, also emphasising the importance of this technology to us in India. The production of iron ore (iron oxide), the basic natural raw material required to produce steel is more than two billions tons per year. Today, India is the fourth largest producer of iron ore (after China, Brazil, Australia) and the third largest consumer of steel (but consuming only 60 million tons of steel as compared to China which is consuming close to 500 million tons with a comparable population). India is exporting around 50% of its iron ore production currently. Despite India being a large producer and consumer of steel, it is not considered the source of new technologies today. It is therefore important to note that this was not the case until the advent of British East India Company. Two books published recently on the iron and steel technology in ancient India up to pre-British times are an important contribution to documenting the rise and decline of this technology in India. While the modern iron and steel technology was patented and commercialized in Europe in the mid nineteenth century, our Indian craftsmen, more than two thousand years back, had mastered this technology of making excellent iron and 67

steel. It is this fascinating saga of world class technological products being manufactured and exported to other parts of the world which is captured in the two recent volumes published as a part of the Infinity Foundation Series.

History of Iron Technology in India (From Beginning to Pre-modern Times), authored by Vibha Tripathi, an eminent historian from Banaras Hindu University, covers the long span of Indian history stretching over three and a half millennia from the first half of the second millennium BCE to pre-modern times. It traces the development of iron technology from the humble beginning when Indian artisans melting relatively low temperature metals like copper, copper zinc (brass) and copper tin (bronze). They hit upon the process of producing iron and also evolved it into an advanced technology and a flourishing industry, thereby becoming a supplier of the best iron and steel, on a tonnage scale, to all parts of the world. With a systematic review of the recorded evidence, Vibha Tripathi demolishes the myth that iron reached India through diffusion from the West as late as the sixth-fi fth century BCE. She argues that there was an independent origin and development of iron ore mining, extraction and manufacturing technology rooted in the raw materials available in India. Well recognized occurrence of iron is reported around 1500 to 1000 BCE in all parts of India. Tripathi refers to Arthashastra, a treatise on statecraft composed in the 4th-3rd century BCE, authored by Chanakya during Mauryan times. It mentions iron as Kalyasa. There is even a discussion of mines as an important source of income for the Mauryan state. It mentions the post of superintendent of mines to supervise and manage the mines. It lays down the duties of the director of mines in detail. In the sixth-fi fth century BCE, Sushruta began surgery using surgical tools made of iron requiring precision and quality of the highest order. Varahamitra in his khadga lakshanam dated 550 AD, elaborated on the carburization and hardening processes of iron swords. Classification of different kinds of irons is included in the famous Ras Ratna Samuchhaya, a tenth-twelfth century text on alchemy. 68

For example, Kanta Loha, Tikshna Loha and Munda having distinct properties are well documented in the text. Iron production was suffi ciently developed in India by the 4th-5th century CE. There was a flourishing trade between India and Iran, Iraq (Mesopotamia), Indonesia, China and Africa. There are references to rich Indian traders living in Mesopotamia. India received gold in return for export of copper, tin, lead and solid steel ingots, spices, drugs, cotton cloth, leather goods, precious stones and timber. The Indian metallurgical industry was one of the most advanced industries in the world at that time, according to Vibha Tripathi. Iron technology reached new heights of excellence during the Gupta period (3rd-to-6th centuries CE).

Massive iron based artifacts such as the Delhi iron pillar testify to the level of metallurgical skills mastered by Indians. The processes such as rapid cooling, carbon alloying, quenching, tempering, hardening and forge welding were known to them. Large lead baths were being used to achieve uniform heating of a bundle of wrought iron bars to the forging temperature. India is endowed with rich iron deposits and hence iron ore mining was being carried out in different parts of India for more than two thousand years. According to Dharmapal there were several important centres of iron ore mining, smelting and manufacture spread over from KumaonGarwhal to Assam, Hyderabad, Karnataka, Orissa, Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Madhya Pradesh. Vibha Tripathi has referred to the documented evidence about the flourishing iron and steel 69

industry in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Wages for workers were paid in kind. For example ordinary workers received 2-3% of the produce. The persons in charge of smelting house and forging house on the other hand received six and eight percent of the produce respectively.

Professor Balasubramaniam (Bala), a well known metallurgist from IIT Kanpur, in his book Marvels of Indian Iron Throughthe Ages, has documented the marvelous creations of the Indian craftsmen, the massive iron pillars, beams and cannons produced in different parts of India by forge welding the lumps of heated iron. The most famous example of the status of Indian technological excellence in the past is the magnificent Delhi iron pillar weighing seven tons, which remains an object of technological curiosity even today. The fact that these massive iron objects have not corroded even after more than two thousand years has also been explained in terms of contemporary scientific understanding by Bala in this book. Furthermore, the book also contains a section on the world renowned Wootz steel technology invented by Indians. Forgewelded and non-corroding iron pillars and beams As illustrated by Bala in the book, Indian artisans in the early days had not found a way to attain a temperature of 1540 degrees centigrade (the temperature at which iron melts) and hence they could not cast iron (as they had done for copper, brass and bronze, for example by the famous lost wax process invented in India). Hence they practiced forge welding. The lumps of iron (containing traces of slag) were heated and fused together by a process known as forge welding. This process to produce iron objects of a large diameter and weighing several tons is very well illustrated by Bala in the book. Documentary evidence is provided to substantiate the way these pillars, beams and cannons were manufactured and transported. The famous iron pillar in Delhi was set up by the iron smiths in India in the Gupta period in a place called Udaygiri near Vidisha and Sanchi around 70

400 CE. It was later moved to Delhi by Iltumish in 1233 CE. The excellent corrosion resistance of the iron pillar is attributed to the presence of phosphorous (using high phosphorous containing iron ores) in the reduced iron. Similar technology was used to produce an even longer pillar (13 meters) lying in three broken pieces in front of the Lal Masjid in Dhar, situated near Indore in Madhya Pradesh. Dhar was the capital of Malwa founded by King Bhoja (1010 1053 CE). Archaeological study indicates that the Dhar pillar was also erected during the Gupta period. Another famous iron pillar at the Mookambika temple in Kodachari hill, located in a town near Mangalore, also belongs to the same era. The iron beams lying in the Surya temple at Konark are of even larger dimensions. These iron beams were used to support the roof stones of the famous temples at Bhubaneswar as well as Puri. In fact non-corroding iron beams were being used extensively in building temples in Orissa dating back to the sixth and thirteenth centuries CE. Forge-welded iron cannons of India According to Bala, the forge welded cannons truly represent the mastery of iron ore mining, extraction and manufacturing technology of Indian blacksmiths. As opposed to cast iron cannon technology developed in Europe, Indians practiced forge welding technology and produced large cannons from direct reduced wrought iron. Bala has described in detail the technology as well as the history of some of the most massive forge-welded iron cannons in the world which are scattered all over the Indian subcontinent Thanjavur, Dhaka, Murshidabad, Bishnupur, Jhansi, Assam, Tripura, Gulbarga, Bijapur, Bidar, Golconda, Hyderabad, and many Deccan forts. The cannon technology was a crucial element in the rise and fall of several dynasties in India such as the Mughals, Marathas, Sikhs and Rajputs. It is certain that the latest technologies prevalent in Europe were also known to Indians. For example when the British defeated Tipu Sultan in 1799, they were astonished by the quality of his cannon. Nine hundred and twenty seven cannon were captured after the fall of Srirangapatnam in 1799. European colonizers used superior cast iron cannons and also systematically destroyed the forge-welded cannons from the Indian forts, according to Bala.

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Agarias, a tribe in Madhya Pradesh, are traditional iron smelters The above-mentioned examples illustrate the level of technological maturity achieved by Indian artisans and suggest the existence of a flourishing industry capable of producing iron and steel in hundreds of tons. It may be interesting to note that the British rated Indian iron highly and used it in preference to the iron produced by their own industry in making the famous tubular bridge in early nineteenth century across the Menai Straits in UK. It has also been recorded that 50 tons of Indian steel were used in the construction of the famous London Bridge in UK. Wootz Steel One of the greatest technological achievements to originate from the Indian subcontinent is Deccan Wootz Steel, often referred to as the wonder material of the orient. The world famous Damascus swords were made of Wootz steel and these were considered to be the most prized possessions and gift items (certainly more precious than gold and silver) by the aristocracy. There is no evidence to show that any of the nations of antiquity besides the Indians were acquainted with the art of making steel. The word Wootz is a distortion of the Kannada-Telugu word Ukku, for steel.

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Asur tribesmen from Bihar are experts in iron smelting Quintus Curtis records for example that a present of steel cakes was made to Alexander of Macedonia by Porus after his defeat in 326 BCE. Sir Robert Hadfield, a metallurgist, has reported on the possibility of the use of the chisels made of Indian steel and Indian craftsmen in the construction of the massive Egyptian pyramids.

Massive forge welded cannon, Bhavani Shankar, at Rani Lakshmi Bai's fort in Jhansi Wootz steel is an iron carbon alloy containing 1 to 1.8% carbon produced by the crucible melting process invented in India. The basic process, even though not fully understood, consisted of heating direct reduced iron with other ingredients including charcoal contained in a closed clay crucible. The crucibles containing steel were carefully cooled so that the metal solidified at the bottom of the crucible. The Wootz steel cake was of high quality. That the cooling of the crucible was crucial was well known to Indian metallurgists of that era since different ways of cooling in the furnace itself, in dry sand heaps, in moist clay, or by quenching with water are all well documented. Carburization of iron to controlled levels of carbon is thus the key to manufacturing Wootz steel. This technology was mastered by Indians quite early in the history of civilization, as early as 810 BCE. Studies indicate that the crucibles excavated in Tamilnadu date back to 250 BCE. The blades made of Wootz steel showed an intricate wavy pattern on the surface. A judicious combination of high strength and excellent formability in steels to be able to make sharp blades remains a technological challenge to this day. In fact the rigorous research conducted to understand and master the Wootz steel technology in Europe laid the foundations of modern metallurgy. Decline of Indian iron and steel industry in Pre-British era Both Vibha Tripathi and Balasubramaniam also discuss the possible reasons of the decline of the iron and steel industry in India. Tripathi has a separate section in her book where she brings out the possible reasons of the decline and death of the indigenous iron and steel industry in India with the advent of the British colonialists. It is interesting that the steel plants which were 73

commissioned in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century in India were based on imported European technology and had no connection with traditional Indian technology perfected over centuries. According to Vibha Tripathi With industrialization and imperial designs of foreign rule a decline set in.. The iron industry could not withstand the onslaught of the colonial forces working against its interests in a planned way. Once the blast furnaces came into existence in Britain, production started at a much cheaper rateIt could hardly compete with the cheap British pig iron being imported. . The laws enforcing non-felling of trees in the forest deprived the charcoal based indigenous iron industry of its very basic raw material. It made production of iron impossible. The powerful lobby in Britain succeeded. The colonizers succeeded in enslaving the Indian sub-continent in every sense of the word by systematically destroying the manufacturing capacity of India. Both the authors also ascribe the decline to the reluctance of master craftsmen to document the technological secrets and to share the knowledge with others except with their favored apprentices. Hence some of the technologies could not be developed further and declined with the decline of the fortunes of the select group of families who knew the process secrets. Tripathi and Bala passionately plead for supporting research into and revival of the ancient Indian method of making high strength, non-corroding, crucible steel and converting them to sharp cutting objects requiring high levels of formability. It is hoped that research on these topics by Indian professionals will unravel not only the technological mysteries of steel making but also the socio-economic and political circumstances which led to the decline of the Indian manufacturing industry. This analysis of the historical facts may also equip us to compete today in a world facing challenges of technology denial by big powers to those who need it. Both the books have high production values with good visuals, and the series editor Dr D P Agrawal, Infinity Foundation and Rupa Books need to be complimented for providing such valuable books on the history of Indian science and technology. (Dr Pradip is a well known Metallurgist and Material Scientist and a Fellow of Indian National Academy of Engineering, Pune http://www.medhajournal.com/articles/science/786-rise-and-fall-of-ancientindias-iron-and-steel-metallurgy.html Ramachandra Rao, 1997, Iron and steel heritage of India - contributions from the National Metallurgical Laboratory, in: Ranganathan, S. (ed.), ATM 97, Iron & Steel heritage of India, Jamshedpur, pp. 95-108 http://www.docstoc.com/docs/documentpreview.aspx?doc_id=159598633 Iron and steel heritage of India -- contributions from the National Metallurgical Laboratory (P. Ramachandra Rao, 1997) Srinivasan, S. and S. Ranganathan, 1997, Wootz steel: an advanced material of the ancient world, in: Ranganathan, S. (ed.), Iron & Steel heritage of India, ATM 97, Jamshedpur, pp. 6974

82. http://www.docstoc.com/docs/documentpreview.aspx?doc_id=159598806 wootzsteel Juleff, G., S. Srinivasan & S. Ranganathan, 2011, Pioneering metallurgy. The origins of iron and steel making in the southern Indian subcontinent, Telangana Field Survey, Interim Report 2011, Bengaluru, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Indian Inst. of Science. http://freepdfdb.org/pdf/the-origins-of-iron-and-steel-making-inthe-southern-indian-40180761.html

Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective J. S. KHARAKWAL1 AND L. K. GURJAR2 1JRN Rajasthan Vidyapeeth, Udaipur, 2Hindustan Zinc Limited, Udaipur Abstract Brass has a much longer history than zinc. There has been a bit of confusion about the early beginning of zinc as several claims are made out side of India. Both literary as well as archaeological records reveal that production of pure zinc had begun in the second half of the first millennium BC, though production on commercial scale begun in the early Medieval times. This paper attempts to examine the archaeological record and literary evidence to understand the actual beginning of brass and zinc in India. Introduction Zinc (Zn) is a non ferrous base metal, which is generally found in bluish-white, yellow, brown or in black colour. Its chief and important minerals are sphalerite or zinc blende, smithsonite, calamine, zincite, willemite and franklinite. As it boils at around 900 C, which is lower than the temperature it can be smelted at, therefore it is difficult to smelt this metal. Hence zinc technology was mastered later than that of copper and iron. For pure zinc production, therefore distillation technology was developed, in which India has the distinction of being the first. Zinc is used for galvanising iron and steel, brass making, alloying, manufacture of white pigment in chemicals and medicines. But in ancient times it was mainly used for brass making. In fact brass has a much longer history than zinc. Brass can be produced either by smelting copper ores containing zinc or copper and zinc ore in reduced condition or by mixing copper and zinc metals. Early evidence of zinc has been claimed from several parts of Europe and Middle East e.g., Switzerland, Greece, Cyprus and Palestine. But all these claims, except for the evidence of the sheet of zinc from the Athenian Agora (300 BC) are doubtful (Craddock et al., 1998: IS). Recent studies have shown that such small 75

percentages of zinc may occur due to accidental use of copper ore associated with zinc or its ore. Brasses containing up to 25 percent zinc have been reported from the fifth and third millennium BC contexts from China, but it seems that they did not play any role in the development of zinc production technology in the Far East. It is generally held that the Chinese started using zinc and brass from the last quarter of the third century BC when the Han Dynasty flourished in China. Craddock and Zhou have suggested that zinc was introduced in China through Buddhism around 2000 years ago. However, Weirong and Xiangxi (1994: 16-17) inform that the earliest literary record about brass mentioned as tutty is known from the Buddhist literature belonging to the Tan dynasty (619-917 AD). Brass (thou-shih) was not a common commodity in the early centuries of the Christian Era at least prior to 3rd century AD in China. Bowman et al. (1989) have analysed 550 coins ranging from 3rd century BC (Zhao dynasty) to the late 19th century (Ch'ing dynasty). They have found that the percentage of zinc suddenly increased by 20% or even up to 28% in brasses of the early 17th century AD. It is also supported by the well known textual evidence of T'ien Kung K'ai Wu, written in 1637 (Sung and Sun 1966). It is the first definite evidence of metallic zinc in China, which also mentions details of alloys used for coins. Weirong (1993) has examined ancient Chinese literature and archaeological record and claims that metallic zinc was not used in China prior to the 16th century AD. As far as India is concerned the firm evidence of zinc smelting is known only from Rajasthan. The antiquity of mining various types of ores in Rajasthan goes back to Bronze Age (mid-fourth millennium BC) as the evidence of Ganeshwar-Jodhpura cultural complex in north Rajasthan and Ahar culture in southern Rajasthan would indicate (Agrawal and Kharakwal, 2003; Misra et al. 1995; Shinde et al. 2001-02). Both these cultural complexes have yielded over 5000 copper-bronze objects (Hooja and Kumar, 1995) ranging from 4th to 1st millennium BC. Apart from these, the Mesolithic site of Bagor in Bhilwara district also yielded a few copper arrowheads (Misra, 1973). There are large number of ancient copper, iron, lead working and smelting sites across Rajasthan in the Aravallis, indicating a long tradition of metallurgy. Besides metal tools, a variety of pottery, beads of semi precious stones, terracotta, paste and other antiquarian material is known from such early settlements. These early farmers were practicing diverse crafts using pyrotechnologies. It appears that large scale production of different metals e.g., copper at Singhana, Toda Dariba, Banera, Suras, Bhagal, Kotri, lead-silver at Ajmer, Agucha and Dariba, zinc at Zawar and iron at Dokan, Iswal, Karanpur, Loharia, Parsola, Bigod, Jhikari-Amargarh, belonging to the medieval times (Kharakwal, 2005) was the result of such long experience of metal technology involving pyrotechniques. In fact the Aravallis 76

are a polymetallic zone like Anatolia. This paper is an attempt to present an overview of the archaeometallurgical researches on zinc and the position of zinc and brass in archaeological perspective in India. Zawar: The Oldest Production Center of Zinc Zawar (2421'N; 7343'E) is located on the bank of the River Tiri, about 38 km south of Udaipur town in the Aravalli hills in Rajasthan (Fig. 1). It is the only known ancient zinc smelting site in India (Craddock et al., 1985). The entire valley of Tiri at Zawar is marked by immense heaps of slag and retorts, which indicate a long tradition of zinc smelting at Zawar. On some slag-mounds are found remains of houses made of used retorts (Fig. 2) and stones, perhaps belonging to the smelters/smiths.

Fig. 1: Map showing location of Zawar (after Craddock et al 1985)

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Fig. 2: Residential structures made of discarded retorts Though archaeometallurgical activity at Zawar was casually recorded by several Indian and British scholars between 17th and 20th century, the credit of highlighting the importance of the ancient remains however goes to Crookshank (1947), Carsus (1960), Morgan (1976), Strackzeck et al. (1967) and Werner (1976 see in Gurjar et al., 2001). Perhaps these reports encouraged P.T. Craddock of British Museum and K.T.M. Hegde of M.S. University of Baroda to initiate archaeometallurgical study at Zawar jointly with Hindustan Zinc Limited, Udaipur in 1983 (Craddock et al., 1983, 1985; Gurjar et al., 2001; Hegde, 1989; Paliwal et al., 1986; Willies, 1984). This team carried out extensive investigations both for ancient mining as well as smelting of zinc at Zawar. They discovered incredible evidence for mining and furnaces used for zinc smelting, besides primitive smelting retorts from the dam fill at Zawar. Besides Zawar, the evidence of early zinc mining and smelting has also been found 2 km south east of village Kaya in form of a small retort heap and ancient mine workings in the adjacent hills. It is the northwestern continuation of Zawar mineralization. These remains have not been studied in detail but considering the shape of retorts it can be safely concluded that they are of the same period. Kaya is located 6 km north of Zawar, and about 15 km south of Udaipur town. Mining Zinc ores are widely distributed in the country, but major deposits are found in the Aravallis. In recent years one of the largest leadzinc deposits have been discovered at Agucha in Bhilwara district (Tewari and Kavadia 1984), though the well known ancient lead-zinc workings are located in the Zawar area of Udaipur 78

district. Zinc (Zn) is generally found in veins in association with galena, chalcopyrite, ironpyrite, silver and cadmium and other sulphide ores (Raghunandan et al., 1981). The Aravalli range in southern Rajasthan is composed of rugged and gorgeous hills of pre-Cambrian metamorphic rocks with narrow valleys. These rocks are rich in zinc ore in the form of sphalerite veins in association with galena and copper bearing deposits. This mineralized belt of Zawar extends for about 25 km. The major mineralization of sphalerite and galena with varying quantities of pyrite have been found in the form of sheeted zones, veins, stringers and lenticular bodies (Raghunandan et al., 1981). Since these minerals are quite distinct from each other it was possible to separate them manually and this explains why zinc mining and smelting developed only at Zawar. There are extensive remains of old workings in Zawarmala, Mochia Magra, Balaria, and at Hiran Magra in Zawar area in the form of deep trenches, shafts, open stopes, long serpentine galleries and inclines. These mines are narrow and vary from 10 to 300 m in length. There is extensive evidence of underground mining too (Fig. 3). It appears that this mining continued for several hundred years as indicated by the enormous mound of slag and smelting debris.

Fig. 3: The ancient mine in Zawar Once the ore was located on ground, based on the presence of gossan or mineralized veins, the miners followed the down ward extension along dip and pitch of the ore-shoot and developed huge inclined stopes and chambers underground. These stopes and branched chambers were supported by finger like inclines further down. Arch shaped pillars (about 4XSm) were left to support the roof while developing such stopes and chambers (Gurjar et al., 2001). Mining was carried out by fire setting as evidenced by the 79

rounded profile of galleries and stope chambers, the supporting pillars, smooth surface of rock faces with sooty deposits and the floors are buried deep in charcoal, ashes and calcined rocks (HindZinc Tech 1989). After dousing the fire the rocks were broken with chisels, pick axe, hoes and other iron implements. A few such objects have been discovered from Mochia mines (Craddock et al., 1989: 62, p13). Extensive use of wood in the form of ladders, roof support, haulage scaffold (14C date: 2350120 BP) have been found in the mines. Extensive open pit mining followed by underground method was carried out at Rajpura Dariba. An opencast mine of lead-zinc (300 m long and 100 m wide) developed over east lode at Dariba, (Raghunandan et al. 1981 :86-87) is a remarkable evidence of ancient mining technology practiced in southern Rajasthan. Excavation carried out by Hindustan Zinc Limited in 1986 has brought out the presence of massive timber revetment in the hanging wall of the open pit. This consists of three or probably four benches each 4m high with closely placed vertical posts, held back by three pairs of horizontal timbers and are pinned by long timbers to provide support to weak hanging wall. Here, in one of the underground mines of the East Load the miners reached up to a depth of 263 m, in the 3rd 4th century BC (Craddock et al. 1989:59; Willies et al. 1984). Such mines are rarely known in the ancient world. A 14C date from Dariba indicates that deep underground mining had begun in the second half of the second millennium BC. At Agucha also extensive evidence of mining of rich galena pockets datable to the Mauryan times has been discovered (Tiwari and Kavdia, 1984: 84-85). The smelting debris and mining clearly indicates that it was carried out for lead and silver. For dewatering mines launders of hollowed timber (3 m long and 20 cm wide) were used, which have been dated back to 2nd century BC (Bhatnagar and Gurjar, 1989: 6). It is likely that some kind of buckets may have also been used for pulling out water from such deep mines. The possibility of shallow depressions at certain interval in the slanting wall of the mines for collection of water can not be ruled out. A few shallow conical and U shaped pits have been reported in hard rocks at Baroi and Dariba. They may have been used for crushing/ breaking rock fragments in order to separate and beneficiate the ore before smelting. At Dariba such pits having a diameter of 27-30 cm and 60-70 cm deep were found close to a large opencast in calc-silicate rock. While at Baroi in Zawar these were 8-12 cm in diameter and 10-18 cm deep and found on the surface next to ancient mine workings. It is interesting to note that mining of such non-ferrous metals was also recorded in the contemporary literature like Kautilya's Arthasastra (2.12.23, 2.17.14 & 4.1.35), which mentions that there was a superintendent of mines in the Mauryan Empire (Kangle, 1972). His duty was to identify metals and establish factories. While describing silver ores the text clearly mentions 80

that it occurs with nag (lead) and anjan (zinc). Since there is extensive evidence of mining and smelting of lead, zinc and silver at Zawar, Dariba and Aguchha in Rajasthan, it is quite likely that Kautilya was aware of this activity. Harry (1991) points out that the imperial Maurya series of coins, particularly silver ones, containing one fourth of copper, strongly indicates the mining of silver and zinc from southern Rajasthan. Mining of such ores had surely begun in Rajasthan by the middle of the first millennium BC, if not earlier. Some scholars have argued that Zawar should be identified as Aranyakupgiri of the Samoli inscription (Halder, 1929-30) belonging to seventh century AD. The word Aranyakupgiri of the inscription perhaps stands for deep well like mines. Of course such mines were there in Zawar during this time, but the inscription may refer to the mines of Basantgarh located near Samoli in Sirohi district rather than Zawar. The underground mining of ores at Agucha, Dariba and at Zawar may have been the result of a gradual development of mining technology in Southern Rajasthan going way back to the middle of the fourth millennium BC when Bronze Age cultures had just appeared on the scene in the region. What is interesting is the fact that no evidence of smelting of zinc has been found so far prior to 9th century BC. Craddock et al. have pointed out that mining of zinc ore was surely done in Zawarmala in 3rd-4th century BC. Perhaps the evidence of smelting ranging from 4th century BC to 9th century is buried under the massive dumping of retorts and smelting debris and temple complexes. The evidence of a large stone structure and Early Historic pottery shapes exposed near the Jain temple in old Zawar also confirms the same.

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The consistency of these radiocarbon dates clearly suggest that mining activity was carried out during the Early Historic period and medieval times (Craddock et al., 1989:48). Traditionally Maharana Lakha or Laksha Singh (14th century), who was ruling in the last quarter of the 14th century, is believed to have re-opened these mines. He might have opened several new mines rather than reopening the old ones. Besides, Maharana Pratap (16th century) is also credited for opening new mines at Zawar. One of the major mines at Zawarmala is known after him. It seems that large scale production of zinc continued despite political instability in southern Rajasthan during the late medieval times. It was Abul Fazl who for the first time in 1596 in his well known Ain-i-Akbari recorded the zinc mines of Zawar (Blochmann, 1989: 41-43). The mining and smelting activity was not only registered in the contemporary local records and literature (e.g., Nainsi ri Khyat in 1657; Bakshikhana Bahi 91, Rajasthan State Archives records of Udaipur and Bikaner and others) but also in the writings of several scholars of the 19th and 20th century, mostly British (Anon, 1872; Brooke, 1850; Carsus, 1960; Erskine, 1908; Shyamal Das, 1986 I (originally published in 1886): 305; Tod, 1950: 221-222). Mining of several ores for example iron, copper, lead was being done as late as the 19th century in several parts of Rajasthan. Unfortunately the Zawar zinc operation came to a halt around 1812 AD, unlike the Chinese traditional zinc smelting. A few British officers attempted to restart these mines in the middle and late nineteenth century with the financial support of Maharana Sarup Singh (184261), Shambhu Singh (1861-1874 AD) and Sajjan Singh (1874-1884 AD), but failed. It is believed that due to political instability in Mewar, frequent attacks of the Mughals, Pindaris and the Marathas and recurrent famines in the 18th century these mines were abandoned. Smelting and Production The entire valley of the Tiri in Zawar is dotted by massive dumpings of slag and earthen retorts indicating a long tradition and commercial production of zinc. Several radiocarbon dates (see table 1) bracketed between 12th and 18th century also conform this activity. Gurjar et al. (2001: 633) write, "the earliest evidence of zinc smelting on industrial scale 82

is the carbon date of 840110 AD for one of the heaps of white ash removed from zinc smelting furnace. The fragment of relatively small, primitive retorts and perforated plates found in the earth fill of dam across the Tidi (Tiri) river may belong to the period or they must at least predate the dam itself. It appears that the main expansion of the industrial phase of zinc production began at Zawar sometime from 11th or 12th century". At Zawarmala a bank of seven distillation furnaces (Fig. 4), roughly squarish on plan (66x69 cm), were discovered by Craddock et al. Each furnace had two chambers, upper and lower, separated by a thick perforated plate of clay. It is presumed by the excavators that the furnaces may have looked like truncated pyramids and their height may have been about 60 cm. Brinjal shaped earthen retorts, filled with charge, were placed on the perforated plate in inverted position in the upper chamber. As many as 36 retorts were placed in each furnace for smelting and they were heated for three to five hours. The retorts were made in two parts and luted together after filling the charge. To prepare the charge the ore was subjected to crushing and grinding and mixed with some organic material and cow dung! rolled into tiny balls and left in the sun for drying. These balls then were placed in retorts after drying. A thin wooden stick was placed in the narrow opening of retort, which perhaps prevented falling of charge in the lower chamber before heating when they are initially inverted in the furnace, and at the same time would facilitate the escape of zinc vapour formed during heating. Such special retorts, ranging from 20 to 35 cm in length and 8 to 12cm in diameter, were developed by the metallurgists at Zawar for zinc distillation. Identification of different size of retorts is sure indication of different shape and size of furnaces at Zawar, as the evidence of a bigger furnace (base 110 cm square) from old Zawar would also indicate. After heating, zinc vapor was collected and condensed in the lower chamber in small earthen pots. It was surely an ingenious method that was devised for downward distillation of zinc vapour by the Zawar metallurgists. Thus, it was for the first time anywhere in the world that pure zinc was produced by distillation process on a commercial scale at Zawar. Gangopadhyay et al. (1984) and Freestone et al. (1985) have carried out technical studies of ore and retorts. Craddock (1995 :309- 321) compares these furnaces with koshthi type furnaces illustrated in Rasaratnasamuchchaya, an alchemical text datable to 13th century, and other earlier texts on the same subject. Thanks to the joint efforts of the Hindustan Zinc, British Museum and M.S. University Baroda for such wonderful discovery that is possibly the ancestor of all high temperature pyrotechnical industries of the world.

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Fig. 4: Zinc smelting furnaces at Zawar It has been estimated that each retort may have been filled with one kilogram of charge out of which 400 gram of zinc may have been produced. Thus each furnace produced around 25 to 30 kg of zinc in one activity of smelting. It has been estimated that 600,000 tons of smelting debris at Zawar, produced about 32,000 tones of metallic zinc in four hundred years (between 1400 and 1800 AD). If we estimate this production from 12th century to 18th century the quantity of metal would certainly be more than 50,000 tonnes. Colonel Tod in his well known work, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, has reported that the mines of Mewar were very productive during the eighteenth century, and in the year of 1759 alone the mines earned Rs. 2,22,000 (Tod, 1950: 222, 399). Tod writes that about haifa century ago these mines were earning Rs. three lakhs annually. Dariba mines yielded Rs. 80,000. He has recorded these mines as Tin mines of Zawar. Since we do not have any evidence of ancient tin working in Mewar region his tin mines must be nothing but zinc mines of Zawar. Moreover the Imperial Gazetteer of India Provincial Series Rajputana (1908: 52) clearly mention that these mines were famous for silver and zinc and were worked on a large scale until 1812-13 when the worst famine took place (Kachhawaha, 1992: 26-27; Malu, 1987; Singh, 1947). The production of zinc was perhaps very high under the rule of Maharana Jagat Singh and Maharana Raj Singh during 17th century as the local records of AD 1634-35 and 1657 reveal that annual revenue of Zawar was rupees 2,50,000 and 1,75,002 respectively. It is also clearly indicated in the record that per day income of these mines was Rs. 700; this estimate was confirmed by Muhnot Nainsi in his famous work Nainsi ri Khyat (1657) (Ranawat, 1987). Another record belonging to the reign of Maharana Raj Singh, reads that the revenue earned in a year from Zawar was Rs. 17,96,944 (Bhati, 1995: 1, 2, 11, 12, 14). Gurjar et al. (2001: 634) 84

have examined a record of the same king dated to 1655 AD, preserved in the State Archives, Udaipur which mentions an income of Rs. 1,70,967 in a single month from Zawar! We are however, not sure whether this income was obtained only from mining and smelting. As the entire area of Zawar is gorgeous and agriculture may not have been enough to generate revenue, therefore it is likely that the entire revenue was earned from mining and production of zinc. Erskine (1908) also informs that these mines were certainly an important source of income right from fourteenth to early nineteenth century as they yielded more than two lakh rupees annual revenue for Maharana's treasury at least until 1766. Thus the annual income from Zawar was quite handsome and it is likely that due to large scale production of zinc Zawar may have become one of the main sources of state revenue and an important trade centre between the 12th and early 19th century AD. The discovery of an earthen pot containing a coin hoard datable to 16th century by L.K. Gurjar in 1984 (Gurjar et al. 2001) at old Zawar also suggests that this area was an important commercial center. There are remains of few structures on top of a hillock at Zawar, which, according to knowledgeable villagers, belong to Vela Vania (a trader known as Vela). Perhaps Vela Vania was involved in zinc trade. It is worth mentioning here that most of the existing forts, huge water reservoirs, temple complexes, water structures, and other monuments in Mewar were built between 10th and 18th centuries AD. It is likely that the revenue earned due to brisk trade of zinc at Zawar was utilized for construction of these large monuments. Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective Only a few Harappan bronzes have yielded a small percentage of zinc. For example Lothal, a Harappan sites in Gujarat (22001500 BC) (Rao, 1985), has yielded around haifa dozen copper based objects containing zinc, which varies from 0.15 to 6.04 % (Nautiyal, et al. 1981). One of the objects (antiquity No. 4189), though not identified, contains 70.7% of copper, 6.04 % of zinc and 0.9% Fe, which could be termed as the earliest evidence of brass in India. From Kalibangan, another Harappan site in north Rajasthan, a long spear head of copper was found containing 3.4% of zinc (Lal et al. 2003: 266). There is some evidence of brass from the early Iron Age when we come across two examples from Atranjikhera (1200- 600 BC), a Painted Grey Ware culture site in the Ganga doab. One of the objects leaded bronze contains 1.68% tin, 9.0% lead and 6.28% of zinc whereas the other one assayed 20.72% of tin and 16.20% of zinc (Gaur 1983: 483-90). Unless we have more examples of bronzes containing appreciable percentage of zinc replacing tin, arsenic or other elements we can not infer that the Bronze or Early Iron Age cultures were aware of the nature and property of zinc. Nevertheless these examples perhaps represent the early or experimental stage of zinc in India. The archaeological record indicates that in the 85

second half of the first millennium BC the percentage of zinc started increasing and intentional use of brass appears on the scene. Such evidence has been found from Taxila, Timargarh and Senuwar. Taxila, located about 30 km north of Rawalpindi in Pakistan, has yielded a large variety of metal objects including those of copper, bronze, brass and iron (Marshall, 1951 :567 69). Several brass objects datable from the 4th century BC to 1st century AD have been discovered. One of them was a vase from Bhir mound, which predates the arrival of the Greeks at Taxila (Biswas, 1993) and has assayed 34.34 % of zinc, 4.25% of tin and small quantity of lead (3.0%), iron (1.77%) and nickel (0.4%). Another evidence of real brass was discovered recently at Senuwar in the Ganga Valley from the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP) levels (Singh, 2004: 594). It has 64.324% of copper and 35.52% of zinc. Brasses made by cementation method generally contain less than 28% of zinc and rarely could go up to 33% (Werner, 1970). Since the examples of Taxila and Senuwar have yielded more than 33 % of zinc, therefore these are the earliest definite examples of real brasses. They must have been made by mixing metallic zinc with copper. Zinc is a volatile metal and due to its low boiling point (907 C), which is lower than the temperature it could be smelted, it is difficult to smelt. Unlike other metals, it comes out in the vapour form from the furnace and gets reoxidised, if it is not condensed. Craddock et al. have pointed out that zinc ore was mined way back from 5th century BC (PRL 932 430100 BC; BM 2381 3805O BC) at Zawar and metallic or pure zinc was produced here by distillation process for the first time in the world. The production of metallic zinc has been traced back to 9th century AD at Zawar, but there is a strong possibility that the older evidence is buried under the immense heaps. Though Taxila folks were aware of the distillation process (Habib, 2000), yet in the absence of definitive evidence we cannot claim that they employed this process for obtaining zinc. It is possible, though not proven that metallic zinc was produced at Zawar way back from the 6th century BC, from here it reached at Taxila and Senuwar. The other possibility is that zinc was scrapped from the cooler parts of the furnaces at both sites! Besides these, Prakash (Athavale and Thapar, 1967: 132 table IV) and Mahurjhari in Mahararashtra (Deo, 1973; Joshi 1973:77), Asura sites in Chhotanagpur region (Caldwell, 1920: 409-411; Roy, 1920: 404- 405) have yielded brasses, which have been dated to the second half of the first millennium BC. Most of these brasses have more than 15% of zinc and some of them contain between 22 to 28 percent of zinc. This kind of evidence clearly points out they were made by cementation process. Several circular or rectangular punch-marked and other coins of brass, . bracketed between the 2nd century BC and 4th century AD (Smith, 1906) (see Table 2), are known mostly from northern India. Since none of them is analysed we do not 86

know if they are real brasses (objects containing more 28% zinc are called real brasses) or made by cementation process. What is interesting is that most of these coins belong to the regional kings, indicating popularity of brass in India. This kind of evidence goes against the assumption that the Greeks introduced brass in India. The archaeological record clearly points out that the Indians knew brass prior to the arrival of the Greeks.

Table 2: Early brass coins of lndia (After Smith 1906) Beside coins, several other brass antiquities have also been reported from the Early Historic sites in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, which include lids, caskets, bangles, finger rings, utensils, icons, chariot and religious object and utensil (Biswas, 1993, .1994: 360; Biswas and Biswas, 1996: 132). Since zinc could change the colour of copper and impart it a golden glitter, it was preferred for making Hindu, Buddhist and Jain icons throughout the historical period. For example among the brass icons of the Himalayan region (from Tibet to Gandhar) lead is present in appreciable amount and the percentage of zinc varies from 4 to 35 (Chakrabarti, and Lahiri, 1996: 108-109; Reedy, 1988). Obviously these brasses were made by selection of ore, cementation process and mixing metallic zinc with copper. In the absence of a source of zinc in the Himalayan region it may be suggested that metallic zinc may have been supplied from Zawar. The higher percentage of lead in these brasses clearly suggests that it was deliberately added to increase the casting ability of the metal. Such leaded brasses were called kakatundi in ancient India. Craddock (1981 :20-31) has reported analysis of 121 Tibetan and Himalayan icons/metal works by atomic absorption spectrophotometer for 13 elements in each sample down to 10ppm level. 87

He has shown that as many as 45 artifacts have more than 28% of zinc, which might have been made by mixing copper and zinc. The percentage of zinc in such artifacts ranges from 28 to 54. It seems that most of the brasses of his list belong to Medieval and later Medieval times. From Phopnarkala and East Nimar, in Madhya Pradesh, several standing brass images of Buddha have been discovered (Sharma and Sharma, 2000) assigned to the Gupta-Vakataka period (5th-6th centuries AD). These brasses contain high percentage of zinc ranging from 21 to 30%, which means that they were made by cementation process (Tondan, 1983). In the first half of the seventh century AD (AD 629-645) Hiuen Tsiang, a Chinese scholar of Buddhism, extensively traveled in India. He saw a magnificent vihara (residential complex of Buddhist monks) of brass near Nalanda under construction during the reign of Raja Siladitya (Harshavardhan AD 606-647). It would have been more than 100 feet long when completed (Beal, 2000 vol. ii: 174). He also noticed brass images (teou-shih) of Buddhist and Brahmanic deities at several places in northern India (Beal, 2000 vol. i: 51, 89, 166, 177,197, 198, vol. ii: 45, 46,174). The metal art of Eastern Indian complex, mainly coming from Bihar, West Bengal and Bangladesh, is also fairly well known. A large number of ancient bronzes, belonging to Pala and Sena School of art datable between 8th to 12th centuries AD contain considerable amount of zinc (Leoshko and Reedy, 1994; Pal, 1988; Reedy, 1991a, b). A large number of bronzes and brasses mostly icons of Jain and Hindu deities, containing appreciable amount of zinc, have been reported from various parts of Gujarat, and are datable to 6th to 14th centuries AD (Swarnakamal, 1978). Most of the late medieval brasses were made by mixing metallic zinc with copper as the percentage of zinc has been found to exceed more than 28%. In some cases lead is present up to 9.5%, which must have been useful rending fluidity to the metal. It is likely that all these brasses were made of using metallic zinc from Zawar. Biswas (1993) writes that the icon of seated Tirthankara dated AD 1752 from Gujarat is one the finest example of the late medieval brasses in India, which was made a few years before the Maratha invasion of Mewar. Table 3: Elemental percentage of brasses datable to 14th to 18th centuries AD (after Biswas, 1993 and Swarnakamal, 1978)

88

Table 3 contains a few brasses from medieval and late medieval period of India, most of which have a high percentage of zinc. All those examples containing more than 33% were certainly made of metallic zinc. In some cases lead is present up to 9.5%, which must have been useful rending fluidity to the metal. The metallurgists were obviously skilful to produce high quality of brass. It is quite likely that all these brasses were made by using metallic zinc from Zawar. The Mughals, who ruled over India between 12th and 16th centuries, had metal karkhanas (factories), in which a large number of brasses for example utensil, decorative pieces, guns, mortars and so on were produced perhaps employing zinc from Zawar (Neogi, 1979: 40-42). It is held that the artillery made of iron, bronze and brass was introduced in India during the Mughal period. Large cannons and guns made of brass have been reported from Agra, Bengal and other places (Neogi, 1979). There are a few brass cannons at Udaipur too, which might have been made by zinc obtained from Zawar. Bidri Ware The Bidri Ware of Bidar in South India, belonging to medieval period, is well known for its glossy black surface decorated with exquisite silver inlay art (Gairola, 1956). It is a zinc alloy decorated with silver or gold inlay. La Niece and Martin (1987) have done detailed technical study of27 vessels of this ware from the Victoria and Albert Museum's collection. Their results show that the content of zinc varies from 76 to 98%, copper 2 to 10% and lead 0.4 to 19%. Lead isotope studies have indicated that the zinc was not obtained from Zawar for Bidri ware (Craddock et al. 1989: 52-53). This kind of result has brought about a challenge to look for other zinc production sites in India, if this metal was not imported from outside! Literary Evidence Ayurvedic treatises such as Susrut Samhita (5th century BC) and Charak Samhita (2nd century BC) record the use of essence of various minerals and metals e.g., gold, silver, copper, tin, bronze and brass for preparation of medicine. These texts also mention that the instruments used for curing delicate parts of the body were made of gold, silver, copper, iron, brass, tooth, horn, jewels and of special variety of wood (Datt Ram, 1900: 12; Sharma, 2001 II: 444). Both these texts record brass as riti or ritika. It is 89

interesting that both Charak Samhita and Susruta Samhita refer to pushpanjan, which was prepared by heating a metal in air and was used for curing eyes and wounds (Chikitsasthanam 26.250) (Shukla and Tripathai, 2002: 661; Ray, 1956: 60). This could be identified as zinc oxide as Craddock (1989: 27) points out that "no other metal would react in the air to produce an oxide suitable for medicinal purpose". Therefore, these Ayurvedic texts are perhaps the earliest literary evidence of zinc in India. Kautilya's Arthasastra is one of the earliest firm datable (4th century BC) textual evidence for mining and smelting of metals, which reveals that the director of metals was responsible for establishing factories of various metals such as copper (tamra), lead (sisa), tin (trapu), brass (arakuta), bronze (kamsa or kamsya), tala and iron (Kangle, 1960 vol I: 59 and vol II: 124; Kangle, 1972 vol II: 108). Brass has also been frequently mentioned in ancient Sanskrit and Buddhist literature and was popularly known as harita, riti, ritika, arkuta or arkutah, pitala and so on (Chakrabarti and Lahiri, 1996: 149; Neogi, 1979: 41; Sastri, 1997:208). The term kamsakuta of Digha-nikaya and Dhammapada Atthakatha has been interpreted as brass coins by Chatterjee (1957: 104-111). He strongly argues that brass currency was in vogue between 6th and 4th century BC in India, though we don't have chemical analysis of known coins of this period. Darius I, a Persian king, had a few Indian cups, which were indistinguishable in appearance from gold except for their smell (Hett, 1993: 257). This may only be the Indian brass. Strabo quotes the explanation of Nearchus about India, who traveled the north-western part of this country with the Macedonian army in 4th century BC, and writes that "they use brass that is cast, and not the kind that is forged; and he does not state the reason, although he mentions the strange result that follows the use of the vessels made of cast brass. that when they fall to the ground they break into pieces like pottery" (Jones, 1954: 117). This kind of evidence indicates that Indians were making brass way back in 4th century BC. But we do not know whether it happened due to absence of lead or high percentage of zinc? The alchemist Nagarjuna is well known for his treatise on alchemy titled Rasaratnakara, which was perhaps originally written, as Biswas (1993: 317, 1994: 361-362; Ray, 1956: 116-118) argues, between 2nd and 4th century AD and compiled around 7th or 8th centuries AD. Nagatjuna was certainly a great scientist, who, for the first time, not only described cementation process but also zinc production by distillation technique (Biswas, 1993: 317; 1994: 361-362; Ray 1956: 129). This is therefore the earliest literary evidence, which records that brass is an alloy of copper and zinc. Rasarnavam Rastantram, an alchemical text datable to 12th century AD, is an important alchemical text, in which both brass and zinc have been recorded. This text clearly records zinc making process (Craddock et al, 1989: 31; Ray, 1956: 118), besides different kinds 90

of zinc ores e.g., mratica rasak, gud rasak and pashan rasak. Apart from these there are a few other alchemical texts such as Rasakalpa, Rasarnavatantra, Rasprakash Sudhakar of Yasodhara, Rasendrachudamani of Somadeva and Rasachintamani of Madanantadeva (all datable from 10th to 12th centuries AD), also explain different kind of brasses and zinc- making by distillation process (Ray, 1956: 171-191). The description by Yasodhara for extraction of zinc appears to be the best one as Craddock et al.'s (1989) work has shown that it fits well with the process used at Zawar. These texts reveal that koshthi type furnaces were used for smelting and had an arrangement of two chambers separated by a perforated plate. For distillation tiryakpatana yantra were used. The Rasaratnasamuchchaya, a late 13th or early 14th century work of iatro chemistry, is the best available literary evidence of zinc production process. In fact the zinc smelting process described by Yasodhara earlier has more or less been repeated in this text besides the illustrations of apparatus by Somadeva. Bhavamisra in the 16th century in his well known work, Bhavaprakasanighantu, recorded as many as seven different kinds of alloys (upadhatus) including bronze and brass (Chunekar and Pandey, 2002: 609). He has recorded two different kinds of brasses such as Rajariti and Brahmariti. Besides, two other types of brasses (pittala) i.e., ritika and kaktundi have also been recorded (Neogi, 1979: 41). Besides these, Allan (1979: 43-45) cites the work of Abu Dulaf, Al-risalat al-thqniya, datable to 9th-10th centuries AD, who described production of a variety of tutiya in Iran. He recorded that the Indian tutiya was preferred in Persia (Allan, 1979: 43-45), which obviously might have been better than the Persian one. It is likely that the Persians imported Indian tutiya. The Persians also recorded Indian tutiya as the vapour of tin (Allan, 1979: 44), which might be zinc (Craddock et al. 1989: 74) from Zawar. Thus the Persian literary source also supports production of zinc in India in 9th10th centuries AD. And brass has surely longer history than zinc. All the aforesaid literary references clearly suggest that metallic zinc was known in India several centuries before the actual dated evidence of commercial production at Zawar. Thus the aforesaid archaeological and literary evidence indicates that Indians had started using zinc rich ores from second millennium BC, though we can not claim that it was intentional. Of course stray discoveries of brasses have been made from Bronze and Early Iron Age sites, but we can not conclude that it was a common metal. The discovery of coins and other objects indicates that it became popular only in the second half of the first millennium BC. Zinc in Europe William Champion established a zinc-smelting furnace in 1738 AD at Bristol in England and started commercial production in 1743. His furnace was quite similar to the Zawar example with downward distillation (Day, 1973:75-76). What is interesting is that Champion used exactly the same technique of 91

distillation per descensum that was used at Zawar and even used 1.5% (weight) common salt in the zinc smelting charge (Biswas, 1993: 327). Thus his arrangement of retorts and technique was identical to Zawar. Dr. Lane is believed to have smelted zinc ore at his copper work in Swansea in 1720 (Porter, 1991: 60) around 20 years before Champion started zinc production in England. Was it Lane who came to Zawar and learnt zinc smelting technique and attempted it at Swansea, from where Champion, Henkel and 'others copied the Indian process! Craddock gives credit to the Portuguese ships for transporting zinc from India to China and eventually introduction of zinc technology. He emphatically states that the Zawar process is the ancestor of all known zinc smelting techniques in the world. Conclusion Though, early evidence of metallic zinc is known from Athenian Agora and Taxila (datable 4th to 2nd centuries BC), there is no evidence of regular production of metallic zinc at these sites. However, recent discovery of brasses from Senuwar has now strongly indicated that metallic zinc was surely being produced during the Early Historic phase in India. It can be suggested that zinc was no more a rare metal. To date the oldest evidence of pure zinc comes from Zawar as early as 9th century AD, when distilration process was employed to make pure zinc. The Bhils of Southern Rajasthan are held to be the aborigines of this region (Hooja 1994) and prepare alcohol by traditional down-word distillation method. Interestingly zinc was also produced Zawar by using same principle of distillation. Moreover, Brooke (1850) has recorded that until 1840 the Bhils of Zawar knew distillation process of pure zinc. Therefore the credit of innovating special retorts and furnaces for distillation of zinc surely goes to the Bhil tribe of Southern Rajasthan. It was surely this local knowledge which they could successfully employ for distillation of zinc. Thus the Zawar metallurgists brought about a break through in non-ferrous metal extraction around 12th century, if not earlier, by producing it on commercial scale. On the other hand in China commercial production of zinc started almost three hundred years later than India. It appears that brass was introduced in China in the early centuries of the Christian Era through Buddhism, though the idea of zinc distillation process may have traveled in 16th century via international trade to China. From China it was exported to Europe in the middle of the 17th century AD under the name totamu or tutenag, which was derived from Tutthanaga - a name of zinc in South Indian languages (Bonnin, 1924; Deshpande, 1996). However, Indian zinc had already reached Europe prior to this and had created great curiosity about this metal. Thus the commercial production of zinc at Zawar had begun almost three hundred years earlier than China, if not earlier. Therefore, Zawar has globally stolen the march by becoming the oldest commercial center of zinc in the world. William Champion's furnace in the 18th century at Bristol 92

was based on Indian downward distillation process, the idea of which may have reached there through the Portuguese or East India Company or by some European traveler. Hence Zawar, in the words of Craddock, is the ancestor of all zinc production techniques of the world. It was an industrial activity, which laid the basis of various modern chemical and extractive industries. Acknowledgements We would like to record our sincere thanks to Prof. D. P. Agrawal and Rajiv Malhotra for constant encouragement to work on archaeometallurgy in Rajasthan. We are grateful to Profs. P. T. Craddock, V. H. Sonawane, K. K. Bhan, Toshiki Osada, G. L Possehl, V. S. Shinde, K. S. Gupta, S. Balasubramaniam, Michael Witzel, Meena Gaur and Drs Piyush Bhatt, S. Aruni, Shahida Ansari, P. Dobal, J. Meena, R. Barhat, B. M. Jawalia, S. K. Sharma, Vishnu Mali, H. Chaudhary and Mr. P. Goyal, L. C. Patel and Miss Noriko Hase for helping us at various stages while collecting data for this paper. References Agrawal, D. P. and J. S. Kharakwal 2003. Bronze and Iron Ages in South Asia, Delhi: Aryan Books International. Allan. J. W. 1979, Persian Metal Technology 700-1300 AD. London: Ithaca Press. Anon. 1872. The Mines of Mewar, The Journal of Indian Antiquary (see under Miscellany section) (Ed. J. A. S. Burgess) 1: 63-4. Athavale, V. T. 1967. Chemical Analysis and Metallographic Examination of Metal Objects, in B. K. Thapar ed. Prakash 1955: A Chalcolithic site in the Tapti Valley, Ancient India 20-21: 135-39 (see table IV) Beal, S. 2000 (1884). Buddhist Records o!the Western World vol 2. Trans, From the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang, Trubner, London. Bhati, H. S. 1995 (Ed.). Maharana Rajsingh Patta Bahi Pattedaran ri Vigat (in Hindi), Himanshu Publication, Udaipur. Bhatnagar, S. N. & L. K. Gurjar 1989. Zinc - A Heritage, Hind Zinc Tech, Jan. 1989 Vol. 1. Biswas, Arun Kumar 1993. The primacy of India in ancient brass and zinc metallurgy, Indian Journal of History of Science 28(4): 309-330. Biswas, Arun Kumar 1994. Minerals and Metals in Ancient India Vol. 1 Archaeological Evidence, D. K. Printworld (P) Ltd., New Delhi. Biswas, A. K. and S. Biswas 1996. Minerals and Metals in Ancient India vol II, D.K. Printworld, Delhi. Blochmann, H. (trans and ed.) 1989. The A-in-IAkbari of Abul Fazl Allami, Low Price Pub, New Delhi (originally pub in 1927). Bonnin, A. 1924. Tutenag and Paktong, Oxford University Press, Milford. Bowman, S. G. E, M. R. Cowell and J. Cribb 1989. Two thousand years of coinage in China: an analytical survey, Journal of Historical Metallurgy Society 23 (1):25-30. Brooke, J. C. 1850. Notes on the zinc mines of Jawar, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal XIX (1-7): 212215. Caldwell. K. S. 1920. The result of analyses of certain ornaments found in Asura sites, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6: 390-423. Carsus, H. D. 1960. Historical background, In C. H. Mathewson (Ed.). Zinc, New York: American Chemical Society. Pp 1-8. Chakrabarti, D. K. & Nayanjyot Lahiri. 1996. Copper and Its Alloys in Ancient India, Munshiram 93

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Museum 22: 16-21. Willies, L., P. T. Craddock, L. K. Gurjar and K. T. M. Hegde 1984. Ancient lead and zinc mining in Rajasthan, India, World Archaeology 16(2): 222- 233, http://www.jstor.org/stable/124574. How to cite: Gurjar, L.K. and Kharakwal, J.S. 2006. Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective. Ancient Asia 1:139-159, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/aa.06112 http://www.ancient-asia-journal.com/article/view/aa.06112/23 Notes on Vedic references: "Spencer gives details from Malcom's "History of Ancient Persia" and states that for 2598 years some four dynasties ruled over Persia from Yama Vivanghao (Yama Vaivaswat in Sanskrit) in whose time the Deluge commenced, i.e., in 9844 B.C. The rule of these four dynasties ended therefore in approximately 7200 B.C. By this time, Kai Vishtaspa became ruler of Persia. Sage Kaksivan (RV 1-122-13) speaks of one Istasva who is identified with Vishtaspa by E.S.Bharuca (quoted by Hodivala). This king is supposed to have ruled for 120 years, and so his period can be fixed to about 7100 B.C. Iranian Zarathustra was a contemporary of king Vishtaspa, and therefore his date can be worked out to be around 7100 B.C. On the basis of astronomy, Spencer determines Zarathustra's date to be in between 7388 to 7052 B.C., coinciding with the dates determined above." http://www.hknet.org.nz/aryaninvasion-page.htm Prasad Gokhale, Antiquity and Continuity of Indian History. Hodivala S.K., Zarathustra and His Contemporaries in the Rg Veda, 1913. Spencer H.S., Are the Gathas pre-Vedic? 1965. Asur (anthropological perspectives): ASSYRIA [ISBE]"...In bronze work the Assyrians excelled, much of the work being cast. But in general it was hammered, and the scenes hammered in relief on the bronze gates discovered by Mr. Rassam at Balawat near Nineveh are among the best examples of ancient oriental metallurgy at present known. Gold and silver were also worked into artistic forms; iron was reserved for more utilitarian purposes. The beautiful ivory carvings found at Nineveh were probably the work of foreign artificers, but gems and seal cylinders were engraved by native artists in imitation of those of Babylonia, and the Babylonian art of painting and glazing tiles was also practiced. The terra-cotta figures which can be assigned to the Assyrian period are poor. Glass was also manufactured. (A. H. Sayce) ASSYRIANS - a-sir'-i-ans ('ashshur): The inhabitants of Assyria." http://classic.net.bible.org/dictionary.php?word=ASSHUR [quote]Abstract This paper discusses for interrelated aspects of prehistoric and proto-historic cultures from the Chotanagpur region of India. It begins by looking at the ethno-archaeological data from the region. Then, it goes on to discuss the various kinds of rock art sites in the entire region. Third, it looks at the iron sites in the region. Finally, it looks at the phenomenon often described as Asura sites or Asura cultures in the region. All these elements would be studied to glean important facts regarding the 97

prehistoric sites in the region and to attempt to find ways to understand their cultures. It is hoped that this paper would generate many studies that expand the scope of this paper to incorporate more data and many more ideas for a further and better understanding of these early cultures... Data From Ethno-Archaeology...Bhattacharya[9] comments on the terracotta snake found from Chirand and links it up with the cultural aspects of the Bauris of Bankura district in West Bengal. Their worship of the cult of Manasa is symbolically associated with their linkage to the king, and hence to power, prestige and economic advantages. Such studies have also been conducted very fruitfully in great detail on the Kanjars of Uttar Pradesh by Malti Nagar and V.N. Misra[10] and on the Van Vagris of Rajasthan by V.N. Misra[11]. As far as the metallurgy of the region is concerned, many authors have tried to link up the metallurgy of local indigenous communities with the meals found from archaeological sites. Ray, et al.[12] and Ray[13] have found that the Sithrias caste practise a brass working in an indigenous style which is remarkably similar to the brass artifacts found at Kuanr. In this regard, the structure of the indigenous iron-making communities as studied by Sarkar[14] is of great importance. He divides the art of the blacksmith into two sections the removal of iron from the ore or smelting, and the fashioning of iron into other products or forging. He sees, often, that the two are supported by two different groups of people. Sometimes, the two are looked upon differently by local populations, one being kept lower than the other in the hierarchy. The Agaria are a tribal community that have inhabited the Central Indian region and their name comes from the word aag or fire. The Agaria were less numerous in the Ranchi plateau but had become incorporated with the Asurs of the region. Lohars are a group of communities who work on iron and they may have either a tribal or non-tribal origin. They were often secluded and were of a low caste designation. He was required widely and most villages had at least one Lohar. In the Santal Parganas, they trace their origin either from Birbhum, Manbhum or Burdwan, as well as from Magahi. It seems that in these areas, general use of iron had not started in the early historical period. Thus, though mining and extraction of the metal was important to the states of the period, its use seems to have remained unmentioned. In fact, the word Munda (as a tribe of this region is called) also means a ball of iron. Tribal groups were mostly relegated to iron extraction and often the ores were found in the forested and hilly regions which were claimed to be traditionally their habitats. The iron of Bengal was famed for its malleability. In Birbhum, the iron smelters included Santals, Bonyahs and Kols. Such activity was part-time and seasonal and was combined with agriculture. Iron earth was obtained either from the surface or by digging small shafts under the ground. The extraction was normally in the open, but the smelting houses were like blacksmiths 98

workshops and run by Kol-lohars, who were a non-agricultural group. They were in contact with iron merchants and received advances from them. There were also others who sold it to others and carried to iron markets called aurangs[15]. In Bihar and Jharkhand, such iron-smelting was an ancient craft in the Rajmahal Hills, Palamu-Ranchi and Dhalbhum-Singhbhum regions. Many tribals participated. In the Rajmahals it was the Kols, who were migrants with hunting as a subsidiary occupation or even some agriculture. Then, there were the Agaria/Asurs of Ranchi and Chotanagpur, the Cheros and Bhoktas of Palamau, Hos and Kharias of Dhalbhum, Korahs and Nyahs of Bhagalpur district, often on their way to becoming settled agriculturists. They handed over iron to the Lohars for cash. In the Rajmahal hills and Santal parganas there were larger forges and indications of organized, large-scale and long-term smelting of iron also, leading to functional specialization and blacksmith colonies. In Orissa, Patuas and Juangs created iron of the best quality. In Bonai it was done by the Kols, probably from Singhbhum. It was a subsidiary craft practiced by Sambalpur villagers along with agriculture. In Darjeeling, iron was manufactured but not smelted by the Kamins. In Khasia hills it was done by the Garos, Khasis and Nagas, though this region had features different from that of the Chotanagpur[15]. Thus, over time, the blacksmith became part of the caste hierarchy and often rose in it through the process of Sanskritization while the iron-smelters remained lower in the hierarchy. While the Lohars and Lohras were allowed to become smiths in the villages of Oraons, the Agarias were not even allowed to use Oraon wells. Myths exist in the whole region, which separate the Gonds, the Santals, Bhumij, Ho or Lohars from the iron-smelting tribes and they involve the invoking of gods (like the Sun) to destroy the Asurs/Agarias. Thus, while these tribes worship the sun the Asur-Agarias do not. The Kherwars, Cheros and Bhoktas similarly removed the Bhurs and Marhs to Singhrauli or Kaimur where they were smelting iron. One group of Kols, under the influence of the Oraons, started worshipping the sun, doing agriculture and left ironsmelting. Another group ran from there, hid in the Bonai hills and started iron-smelting. Women in tribal communities like the Agaria or Kol were allowed to work in the smelting process while the Lohars did not allow women in their work. Such practices recreated this social division between them. As Lohars from outside kept adjusting to the communities they stayed with, they also became more and more confused in the adoption of these new cultural mores[15] Tripathi and Mishra[16] also studied the iron-making communities in detail and found out that the Mahuli Agarias produced white iron which was used for preparing weapons. A high grade iron was also produced by the Parsa group of Agarias as well as the Kamis of Darjeeling... The Problem Of The Asura Sites Over a hundred sites were described by S.C. Roy over the years (see an 99

outline in Roy[31]). They were described as Asur sites due to local mythology, Asur garhs or forts and Asur sasans or burial grounds. In fact, the great slabs of stones on some of these Asur graves had been removed by the Mundas for the graves of their ancestors. Roy saw them as having the following basic features (after Chakrabarti[32]): They were always on elevated areas conveniently located on the banks of a water course and eminently suited for defence. They had foundations of brick buildings, large tanks, cinerary urns, copper ornaments and stone beads, copper celts and traces of iron-smelting. The antiquity of the stone temple ruins and stone sculptures found associated with some reputed Asura sites was unlikely to be applicable to them. The period covers a wide chronological horizon, though Roys assertion that they cover the Stone, Copper and early Iron Age are wrong. They are mostly within the early historic period. Further, S.C. Roy divided two kinds of urns found in the graves as belonging to Group A or Group B. Group A in Khuntitoli included large earthenware urns not found by him earlier in Ranchi and Singhbhum excavations. Group A and Group B in this village were separated by a water channel. Group B urns were of the usual ghara shape that he normally found in such graves in the district. In both cases, the contents of the urns do not indicate any differences. He also indicates that since the area had seen prolonged use, perhaps one group (group A) was more advanced and had a more improved pattern of urn than group B which might have been an earlier form. The slabs were supported like a seat with four stones on four corners like a house and the size of the slab was no indication of the amount of grave goods included. Each slab was placed East-West on its long axis. The grave goods included bronze and copper chains, bracelets, anklets, finger rings, toe rings, beads, bronze ankle bells, ear ornaments, dishes, bells, unstamped copper coins, iron arrowheads, rings, jugs (some spouted) with patterns on them and bones, which had been kept here after burning. Below the level of the graveyard some Neolithic stone celts were also found. Here, after the rains, Roy picked up stone crystal beads, arrowheads, axe-heads, stone cores and flakes from 7/8-15 feet below the brick foundations of Asur buildings. Shiva-lingas with the encircling yonis were also present. Roy believed the Asurs to be the worshippers of these. At Khuntitoli, a tiny metal figure of a man driving a plough drawn by two bullocks was ploughed up near an Asur site. Further small stools were found in regions like Palamau district, and such stools are still worshipped and kept under trees, people believing them to have been there for many centuries. Further, Roy also comments on the fact that even if Asurs invented the smelting of iron, there were too few iron artifacts. Thus, he sees a four or three stage culture represented by the Asur graves first a Neolithic stage, over that a Copper Age and overlapping that an Iron Age. Under this there may 100

be some palaeolithic tools. Above this there may be Kushan coins. The Asurs of yore seem to have great forts, were skilled potters and workers in copper, bronze and iron. The currency involved coins of shells and small, round, thick pieces of copper. A strong belief in the after-life was also inferred from the grave goods. The bodies were burnt, then broken with a heavy stick and put into the cinerary urns. Some of the bones show injury marks, one on a skull, if it be ante-mortem which is likely, resulted in the death of the individual. The stature was between 4 feet 10 inches to 5 feet with good musculature. Such an injury that resulted in death was inferred from a skull in Khuntitoli, Singhbhum district[33]. The skull capacity was smaller and there were prominent cheek bones, with small jaws, face and slight prognathism[34]. Caldwell[35] also analyzed the proportion of various metals in the artifacts found. Murrays report in 1940 indicates his studies of Ruamgarh in 1926 of such a site from Singhbhum district. There are problems of lumping all the cultural materials into one horizon and then labeling it as being from 3rd-4th centuries AD. The two crania found were not part of the site itself but were found some way beside it due to the exposure of their burial and two stones resting near them indicate a burial area. One was a male of between 22-26 years, the other, also a male, between 17-21 years. They could possibly be linked to Mundas in the region[33]. The skulls and skeletal material found from Bulandibagh and Kumrahar near Patna are dated to about 2115 250 BP (Kumrahar). The Kumrahar adult female skull was more recent and different to the Bulandibagh young adult male[36]. Though the issue may be argued, there is no true megalithic formation present. The so-called megalithic sites found in the district could be interpreted in a different way. The majority of the tribals of the region, especially the Mundas and the Oraons, worship not only the forests, land, river, and mountains but also the stones around them. Spirits are given a place in the hearth by digging in a wooden block or a piece of stone. There is ancestor worship and many of the spirits are those of ancestors. Hence, the usage of large stone pieces to mark graves or to extend the usage to give a khunt or permanent place for a spirit cannot be extrapolated into an entire, regulated practice and cultural features that is a hallmark of megalithic cultures in South India. Secondly, there are problems with the dating of this practice since large stones or pulkhi are still placed on top of the place where the remains of the dead are interred to this date in many tribal villages, especially among the Mundas. Thus, the Asura sites are characterized by remains of brick buildings, traces of iron-smelting, copper implements and ornaments, gold coins, stone implements, beads, silted up tanks, cinerary urns, iron implements, potsherds, stone implements and sculptures. The pottery is of coarse fabric, thick in section, terracotta red in colour and mostly wheelmade. It includes jars, bowls and vases[32]. 101

The radio carbon dates suggested that these finds belonged to the late centuries B.C. and the early centuries A.D. Copper objects found sometimes overlap with these Asura sites[37]. Two uncalibrated radiocarbon dates for some of these sites are TF-369 1970+90 BP (20 BC) and TF-70 1850+100 BP (100 AD)[32]. Was there an Asura kingdom at the time? We cannot know this for certain. There are indications that some of these sites were located on elevated areas which were highly defensible. It is entirely possible that what is taken to be Asura finds may be the finds of two or more cultures living in close association or trading, with one of them participating in early chiefdoms or states. That the Asura community was practicing trade with others is evident from the gold coins found in some of the sites. In Darbhanga district, Bihar, there is a fort called Asurgarh, about 40 miles from Darbhanga and Madhubani. Supposedly, it had been settled by Asur Shah, a Muslim chieftain, some of whose punch marked coins were also found. Locals claim the area to be old, if not Buddhistic in period, but a Muslim chieftain would put it not older than 15th century. The name given to the chieftain is also not complimentary[38]. What we know of present Asuras is very little. The 1981 Census shows them to be less than 8,000 in number. They remember that their sole earning used to be from smelting iron ore with the help of charcoal. Few families maintain this practice now, and NGOs like Vikas Bharati in Bishunpur are trying to train them and others to teach and re-learn these dying skills[3940]. Banerji-Sastri[41] tried to trace them through historical sources and found the earliest reference to be around 2nd century BC. Earlier to this, they may have belonged to the land of the Assyrians. It is claimed that the Ashur absorbed the cultures of ancient Egypt and Babylon and passed them on to India. They are known in history as Ashur about the 1200s (BC) after which they disappear to re-emerge in the 10th century BC. The author claims they came to India through sea routes rather than land ones. They then became incorporated into Indian society, traveling into many of its parts. They became the Brahmans who sat beside the various kings in India and were well-versed in astronomy and medicine. They also collaborated and fought with a variety of different groups. They may have become the kings of Magadh (now the Patna and Gaya districts of Bihar) and have left traces in Rajgir and various other Central Indian sites along with the mythology of the sacrifice conducted by Raja Janmejaya due to which all the snakes of the Chotanagpur region died, a mythology still enacted by many tribals of the region[42]. Further, they were seafarers and traveled all over India often through waterways. They became gradually absorbed into Indian society of that time, though some returned back to Assyria and others went on to the Pacific. Small groups of them often lost at wars and hid in the jungles of Chotanagpur, Nagpur, the North East, going to the places which carried their names, 102

for they brought to India their own serpent symbols of the Naga and that of Garuda[43]. Initially, it may be supposed that the defined Asuras of Sanskritic mythology of those who were of unintelligible speech, devoid of rites, following strange ordinances, without devotion, not sacrificing, indifferent to the gods and lawless were the tribals of the Chotanagpur and other regions. However, this may not be entirely true, since Munda mythology refers to the Asuras as being killed by their gods, the variety of Asura sites and their graveyards. Roy[44] claims that the present-day Asurs took up the name of this ancient group and its iron-smelting. These Asurs are divided into three kinds: there are the Soika Asurs, also called Agarias or Agaria Asurs (the iron-smelters), the Birjias who have also taken up plaiting bamboo baskets, etc. with ironsmelting and the Jait Asurs who live in villages, smelt iron and manufacture ploughshares and other rude iron implements, some families also taking up agriculture and being Hinduised neither marry nor interdine with other sections. Incidentally, iron-smelting Agarias are also found in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh states also[44]. The Birjias as well as the Soika Asurs have nomadic or migratory groups (uthlu) as well as settled groups (thania). The settled Birjias are further divided into the Dudh Birjias who do not eat beef and the Rarh Birjias who do. A further division among the Birjias are those who anoint their brides and bridegrooms only with oil (Telia Birjias) and those who use vermilion as well as oil (Sinduraha Birjias). The Asurs seem to have similar practices with the Mundas and the Birjias seem to have clan as well as individual totems. They now practise only cremation of the dead and there is no urn-burial. However, such burial is seen among the Hos and Mundas. In a particular ritual called sanrsi-kulasi, iron implements are used to sacrifice fowl to ancient Asur spirits in order that they continue giving them a plentiful supply of iron-ore. Though the two tribes look similar, the title Asur seems to have been given to them because they practice iron-smelting. The earlier Asurs were not from the same racial stock as the Mundas[44]. Roy[44] further avers that they were an earlier advanced group of people who lost to the Indo-Aryans and escaped to the jungles. They were rapidly absorbed into the Indian groups through intermarriage and the Bengalis contain a large proportion of this mixture also. They are also found in Southern and Central India. He refers to them as the Nag branch of the Asurs and finds similarities with Asur sites and the ruins of the Indus Valley civilization. He also feels that this group may have had more than one division and may have been as widespread as the Indus Valley sites. In the mythology of the Mundas, there is an account of the existence of the Asuras, who were iron-smelters, long before the advent of Mundas. The Asuras would not allow the Mundas to stay. Hence, the Munda gods tried to intercede on behalf of the Mundas. When the Asuras still refused to allow Mundas into their 103

territory, the Asuras were punished by the gods. The men went into their iron-smelting furnaces believing that they would find gold. Doors were shut on them and they burnt to death. The women became part of the Munda tribe. The dates match this version of mytho-history, for the first Munda King, Phanimukut Rai, was crowned in 93 A.D. according to the Vansavali or genealogy kept by his 63rd descendant, the present Maharaja of Chotanagpur. The coming of the Oraons into the region is also clouded in mystery. Some accounts claim that the Oraons were present at the coronation of Phanimukut Rai. Others claim that they lost their kingdom when the Turkish Muslims attacked and won Rohtasgarh in 1198 A.D. Still others vehemently declare that they were beaten by Sher Shah Suri who treacherously defeated them and won Rohtasgarh from them in 1538 A.D., leaving them to flee to Chotanagpur[45]. It is also a matter of confusion that Oraons are a Dravidian language speaking group[46] while the Asuras and the Mundas are an Austro-Asiatic language speaking group[46]. Apart from the Oraons, the Sauriya Paharia, the Mal Pahariya and the Gond speak the Dravidian language. Hence, by this token it was believed that since all the other communities spoke either Indo-Aryan or Austro-Asiatic languages they must have migrated from the Southern parts of India. According to S.C. Roy, the route could not be ascertained but he suspected that a small portion of this group settled in the Rajmahal hills and came to be called the Maler tribe. S.C. Roy thus influenced his student to conduct a study on the Maler. The study of S.S. Sarkar on the Maler of Rajmahal Hills disproved this hypothesis. However, it is clear that the Oraons came after the Mundas had already established themselves in the region. This can be seen from their mythological accounts. The Oraons of Ranchi district frequently claim that they had to give up their language as well as their gods when they settled on Munda land which may be seen even now. Then, many Oraons villages still have their old Munda names. Finally, the original, communal land-ownership of the Mundas (known as the khuntkatti) gave way to the present bhuinhari land tenure of the Oraons which is a breakdown of the khuntkatti tenure. This land tenure also was broken down into a tenure system for the later settlers and who were required as service providers (whether castes or tribes) for the dominant caste or tribe of the village. This became the raiyati tenure. Having delineated these problems, I again return to the issue of state formation or of the rise of chiefdoms. The case of the Asuras makes it clear that there was trade with others outside this area. Whether such Asuras can be linked to the Asuras of the Mahabharata period is a matter of conjecture[40]. However, if the black or gray clayey layer is taken to be the site of a neolithicchalcolithic industry, then other evidences would have to be taken into account. Iron is known from many regions in the area. At Barudih in Singhbhum district, an iron sickle with a profusion 104

of Neolithic celts and coarse black-and-red pottery has been dated to 1055/210 BC (calibrated to 140-830 BC). Further, in the Neolithic-Chalcolithic phase, a total of 80 sites are recorded from Bengal alone. Of these, the iron-bearing layers of Bahiri, Pandu Rajar Dhibi and Mangalkot yield dates around 1000 BC for their first iron-bearing levels[47]. It is necessary for a large population to go in for an intensification of their agriculture as arable land decreases. However, early states need not have intensification of agriculture as a necessary hallmark[48]. They may have a root crop agriculture tradition which would require the small-sized celts and ring-stones found in the region[4950]. It is not yet clear when or how sedentary agricultural practices came into the region. The Oraons claim that they first started practicing agriculture but there is no evidence to prove this. What is clear is that the early inhabitants of Ranchi district did not solely practice sedentary agriculture. All of them had alternative modes of livelihood. Conclusions Considering the fact that the Hathnora calvarium was dated to about 760,000 BP, it seems important to find out the spread and dispersion of prehistoric cultures in India during the entire period. The Chotanagpur region may be taken to be one geographic zone and thus it has been taken as a unit, even though it spans many states. One of the states that it spans is Madhya Pradesh, which includes the Hathnora region. This tenuous link has been taken to include the fact that populations from these regions must have passed through the region or even settled there. The diversity and specificity of the tools found in the region need to be explained, if not through direct stratigraphic and other hard evidences, then through the lens of a variety of theoretical approaches. The data from ethno-archaeology teaches us that there is a very tenuous link between the current classification of communities as tribes or as peasants since there is a deep interlinkage between these two hypothetically created definitions. Also, many communities also traditionally participated in metal-working and so their simple or primitive nature is thrown into doubt. Different communities seem to have formed niches or economic-categories in between modern communities. This model that is seen in the current context may also have been followed earlier. As a result, it seems clear that earlier communities need not have followed one culture but would have been composites of populations having many cultures, often interspersed and sharing traits and ideas. Thus, the iron using and iron making cultures of the past could not have been a unified Iron Age but was a product of this past multi-cultural heritage where many cultures collected, smelted and worked iron to help out and earn from the iron using communities that emerged. The rock art-creating cultures are another offshoot of this complexity that is emerging in this zone. There seems to be a large variety in these as well and spatially this is to be expected since they are located in regions fairly separated. However, the 105

rock art that is seen here seems to have lent itself readily to being transmitted culturally to present generations of tribals in the Jharkhand region who use such motifs as decorations on the mud walls of their huts even today. Also, there seems to be a traditional sequence from one stage to the next and associated skeletal finds that substantiate this. The Asura sites are much more varied and interesting than they had appeared at first. It seems that most states, grave goods and use of iron and other metals has often made early archaeologists call them Asura sites, which has been linked with some mythological material or researches into local folklore. However, the Asura sites seem to be developing into the same pattern of variety within the structure that we see in the ethno-archaeological, iron using and iron making and rock art contexts. Thus, they are also formed from a variety of cultures and communities and their apparent similarity should not blind us to this basic reality. In the next stage of analysis we shall see how the entire structure of the prehistory of the Chotanagpur region may be seen from this perspective. References 1. Ghosh, Abhik. 2008(a). Prehistory of the Chotanagpur region part 1: Making sense of the stratigraphy, Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology 1(2). 2. Ghosh, Abhik. 2008(b). Prehistory of the Chotanagpur region part 2: Proposed stages, Palaeolithic and the Mesolithic, Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology 2(1). 3. Ghosh, Abhik. 2009. Prehistory of the Chotanagpur region part 3: The Neolithic problem and the Chalcolithic, Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology 2(2). 4. Sahlins, M.D. 1968. Tribesmen. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. 5. Ghosh, Abhik. 2004. Reasoning the Oraons out of being: A look at the concept called tribe, P. K. Misra (ed.) Studies in Indian Anthropology: Festschrift to Professor Gopala Sarana. Jaipur and New Delhi: Rawat Publications, pp. 105-132. 6. Prasad, H.K. 1960. The Naga-cult in Bihar, Journal of the Bihar Research Society 46(January-December): 129-134. 7. Sharma, R.P. 1972-73. A socio-economic note on tribes and peasants, Puratattva 6: 60-63. 8. Fried, Morton H. 1975. The notion of tribe. Menlo Park, California: Cummings Publishing Co. 9. Bhattacharya, D. K. 1989. Terracotta worship in fringe Bengal, Ian Hodder (ed.) The Meaning of Things: Material Culture and Symbolic Expression (One World Archaeology 6). London: Unwin Hyman, pp. 12-22. 10. Nagar, Malti and V.N. Misra. 1990. The Kanjars A hunting-gathering community of the Ganga Valley, Uttar Pradesh, Man and Environment 15(2): 71-88. 11. Misra, V.N. 1990. The Van Vagris Lost hunters of the Thar desert, Rajasthan, Man and Environment 15(2): 89-108. 12. Ray, Ranjana, Sharmilla Majumdar, Sutapa Ghosh and Sutapa Mukhopadhyay. 1997. A study on brass working communities in Pallahara region: An anthropoarchaeological approach, Journal of the Department of Anthropology, Calcutta University 4(1): 51-59. 13. Ray, Ranjana. 2004. Man and culture in Eastern India: An anthropological study on 106

quality of life through time. Sectional Presidents Address, 91st Session 2003-2004, Anthropological and Behavioural Sciences, Chandigarh. Kolkata: The Indian Science Congress Association. 14. Sarkar, Smritikumar. 1997. From Agaria to Lohar: Blacksmiths in the tribal society of colonial Eastern India, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 32: 139-154. 15. Dasgupta, P.C. 1997. The excavations at Pandu Rajar Dhibi, F. Raymond Allchin and Dilip K. Chakrabarti (eds.) A Sourcebook of Indian archaeology vol. II. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., pp. 200-205. 16. Tripathi, Vibha and Arun K. Mishra. 1997. Understanding iron technology: An ethnographic model, Man and Environment 22(1): 59-67. 17. Ansari, Shahida. 1999-2000. Small game hunting Musahars: An ethnoarchaeological approach, Puratattva No. 30: 142-150. 18. Ansari, Shahida. 2000. Clay storage bins in India: An ethnoarchaeological study, Man and Environment 25(2): 51-78. 19. Mohanta, Basanta K., Kishor K. Basa, Pranab K. Chattopadhyay and Tapan K. Das. 2003. Pre-industrial iron smelting in Mayurbhanj, Northern Orissa: An ethnohistoric study, Man and Environment 28(2): 81-90. 20. Ray, Ranjana and Falguni Chakraborty. 2004. Mesolithic stage in West Bengal: An appraisal, Vinay Kumar Srivastava and Manoj Kumar Singh (eds.) Issues and Themes in Anthropology. Felicitation volume in honour of Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya. Delhi: Palaka Prakashan, pp. 137-146. 21. Anderson, C.W. 1918. The rock paintings of Singanpur, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 4: 298-306. 22. Imam, Bulu. 1995. Bridal caves: A search for the Adivasi Khovar tradition. New Delhi: INTACH. 23. Neumayer, Erwin. 1994-95. Rock paintings from Hazaribagh, Bihar, Puratattva 25: 80-84. 24. Prasad, Prakash Charan. 1992-93. Prehistoric rock paintings in Bihar, Puratattva 26: 87-88. 25. Jayaswal, K.P. 1933. The Vikramkhol inscription, Sambalpur district, The Indian Antiquary 62: 58-60. 26. Pradhan, S. 1995-96. Rock engravings in the rock shelters of upland Orissa, Puratattva 26: 32-42. 27. Fabri, C.L. 1936. The Vikramkhol rock inscription, Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of India, 1930-34 I: 230. 28. Mohapatra, G.C. 1982. Notes on the Vikramkhol and Ushakothi rock-shelters in Orissa, Man and Environment 6: 97-100. 29. Gordon, D.H. 1960. The prehistoric background of Indian culture, 2nd ed. Bombay. 30. Neumayer, Erwin. 1988-89. Rock pictures in Orissa, Puratattva 22: 13-24. 31. Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1920. Distribution and nature of Asur sites in Chota nagpur, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 393-406. 32. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. 1993. Archaeology of Eastern India, Chotanagpur plateau and West Bengal. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. 33. Kennedy, Kenneth A.R. 1972. Anatomical description of two crania from Ruamgarh: An ancient site in Dhalbhum, Bihar, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 7: 129-141. 34. Roy Chowdhury, Amal Kumar. 1920. Appendix I: Note on Asur bones, 107

Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 407-408. 35. Caldwell, K.S. 1920. Appendix II: The result of analyses of certain ornaments found in Asur sites, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 409-423 (with Appendices III and IV). 36. Ray, Gautamsankar. 1972. A note on the human remains from Pataliputra, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 7: 143-147. 37. Patil, D.R. 1963. The antiquarian remains in Bihar. Patna: Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute. 38. Krishnan, H.R. 1939. Asurgarh An unexplored ruin, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 25: 52-57. 39. Singh, R.P. 1993. Asur (in Hindi). Ranchi: Bihar Tribal Research Institute. 40. Ruben, Walter. 1940. The Asur tribe of Chota-nagpur: Blacksmiths and devils in India, Man In India 20(4): 290-294. 41. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(a). The Asuras in Indo-Iranian literature, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 110-139. 42. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(b). Asura expansion in India, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 243-285. 43. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(c). Asura expansion by sea, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 334-360. 44. Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1926. The Asurs Ancient and modern, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 147-152. 45. Ghosh, Abhik. 2002. History and culture of the Oraon tribe. Delhi: Mohit Publications. 46. Grierson, G.A. (Ed.). 1906. Linguistic survey of India vol. IV. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing. 47. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. and Nayanjot Lahiri. 1993-1994. The Iron Age in India: The beginning and consequences, Puratattva No.24: 12-33. 48. Netting, Robert McC. 1990. Population, permanent agriculture, and politics: Unpacking the evolutionary port-manteau, Steadman Upham (ed.) The Evolution of Political Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 21- 61. 49. Bhattacharya, D.K. 1993. Is prehistory dead in India?, Journal of the Asiatic Society 35(3): 52-73. (Read in 1992 under Panchanan Mitra Lecture Series). 50. Bhattacharya, D.K. 1996. Towards a regional archaeology in India, K. M. Shrimali (ed.) Indian Archaeology since Independence. Delhi: Association for the Study of History and Archaeology, pp. 85-94. [unquote] http://archive.ispub.com/journal/theinternet-journal-of-biological-anthropology/volume-3-number-1/prehistory-of-the-chotanagpurregion-part-4-ethnoarchaeology-rock-art-iron-and-the-asuras.html#sthash.C8Ap5UTw.dpbs Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 4: Ethnoarchaeology, Rock Art, Iron And The Asuras Abhik Ghosh PhD Department of Anthropology, Panjab University Chandigarh Citation: A. Ghosh: Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 4: Ethnoarchaeology, Rock Art, Iron And The Asuras. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2009 Volume 3 Number 1. DOI: 10.5580/83bhttp://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-ofindus.html 108

NOV 12 Decoding two long inscriptions of Indus Script (Kalyanarman, 2011) "Indus inscriptions resemble the Egyptian hieroglyphs...": John Marshall "A good many important facts can be determined, however, to clear the ground for more satisfactory research. In the first place this script is in no way even remotely connected with either the Sumerian or Proto-Elamitic signs. I have compared some of the signs with the signs of these scripts. For the references to the Sumerian pictographs, or the earliest forms of the Sumerian signs, I have referred the reader to the numbers of REC. (Thureau-Dangin, "Recherches sur l'Origine de l'Ecriture Cuneiforme") and for the Proto-Elamitic signs to Professor Scheil's "Textes de Comptabilite Proto-Elamites", in vol. xvii of Memoires de la Mission Archeologique de Perse, pp. 31-66. This series is commonly cited as Del. Per. (Delegation en Perse). The Indus inscriptions resemble the Egyptian hieroglyphs far more than they do the Sumerian linear and cuneiform system." [John Marshall, 1996 (Repr.), Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization: Being an

official account of Archaeological Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro carried out by the Government of India between the years 1922 and 1927,Asian Educational Services, pp. 423424] http://books.google.com/books?id=SZWE7O5vusC&dq=elam+indus&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Mohenjodro 0304 Seal impression. Identical impression on m0494/0495 two prism-shaped tablets. This is an update on Nov. 13, 2011 of a note posted on Nov. 12, 2011. An annex is added, decoding another long inscription. (The blog post was originally titled: 'Decoding the longest inscription of Indus Script'). Now it has been retitled to cover another long inscription. 109

This note decodes the longest inscription --on one side of a tablet -- of Indus Script. There are two prism tablets (m0494 and m0495) with an identical inscription of three lines on three sides (of the two tablets). The three lines of m0494/m0495 read together, may constitute an inscription longer than the one on m-0304 seal impression. The inscription on m-0494/m-0495 which contains 23 glyphs (adding all the glyphs on three sides of a prism) is decoded in the annex -- treating the three lines of inscriptions on the prisms as one composite inscription with a composite message. There can only be a congecture as to why the prism tablets were mass produced with identical three lines of impression: it is likely that the tablets were used by artisans of a guild performing identical metal work for transporting packages with identical contents and hence, identical messages conveyed through the inscription. Executive summary The indus script inscription is a detailed account of the metal work engaged in by the Indus artisans. It is a professional calling card of the metalsmiths' guild of Mohenjodaro used to affix a sealing on packages of metal artefacts traded by Meluhha (mleccha)speakers.

Text. Reading of glyphs on m0314 Seal impression. A notable featue of the sequencing of glyphs is the use of three variants of 'fish' glyphs on line 1 of the inscription. Each variant 'fish' glyph has been distinctively decoded as working with ore, metalwork (forging, turning) and casting. Rebus decoding of glyphs on the seal impression: Three lines of the inscription with glyphs can be read rebus from right to left -- listing the metallurgical competence of the artisans' guild: Line 1: Turner workshop; forge, stone ore, ingot; excellent cast metal Line 2: Metal workshop, ingot furnace, casting, riveting smithy,forge; Furnace scribe Line 3: Smithy, lump of silver (forging metal); Mint, gold furnace; Smithy/forge; Turner small workshop Details: Line 1 1.1. Turner workshop

kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali) Rebus: kundam, kund a sacrificial fire-pit (Skt.) kunda turner kundr turner (A.) sal splinter; rebus: sal workshop (Santali) 1.2. Forge, stone ore, ingot Fish + corner, aya koa, metal turned, i.e. forged Fish + scales aya s (amu) metllic stalks of stone ore Fish + sloping stroke, aya dh metal ingot (Vikalpa: h = a slope; the inclination of a plane (G.) Rebus: : hako = a large metal ingot 110

(G.) 1.3. Excellent cast metal ol the shaft of an arrow, an arrow (Santali) Vikalpa: dul casting (Santali) Vikalpa: kaa arrow (Skt.) ayaska a quantity of iron, excellent iron Line 2 2.1 Iron workshop [ mh ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. [ mh ] m A stake, esp. as forked. Vikalpa: kotta a mason (Ta.) kotti pick-axe, stone-digger, carver (Ma.) Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.) 2.2 Ingot furnace S. bahu m. large pot in which grain is parched, Rebus; bhah m. kiln (P.) baa = a kind of iron (G.) Vikalpa: mego = rimless vessels (Santali) bhaa furnace (G.) baa = kiln (Santali); baa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaha -- m.n. gridiron (Pkt.) bahu large cooking fire bah f. distilling furnace; L. bhah m. grainparcher's oven, bhah f. kiln, distillery, aw. bhah; P. bhah m., h f. furnace, bhah m. kiln; S. bhah ke distil (spirits). (CDIAL 9656)Rebus: me iron (Ho.) abu an iron spoon (Santali) Rebus: ab, himba, hompo lump (ingot?), clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali) 2.3 Casting, iron (riveting smithy), forge kolmo rice plant (Mu.) Rebus: kolami furnace,smithy (Te.) Vikalpa: M. me(h), meh f., meh m. post, forked stake (CDIAL 10317). Rebus: me, mht 'iron'(Mu.Ho.) mth m. pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts AV., th -- f. Ktyr.com., mdh -- f. Divyv. 2. mh -- f. PacavBr.com., mh -- , m -- f. BhP. 1. Pa. mdhi -- f. post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stpa ; Pk. mhi -- m. post on threshing floor , N. meh(e), miho, miyo, B. mei, Or. ma -- di, Bi. mh, mh the post , (SMunger) meh the bullock next the post , Mth. meh, meh the post , (SBhagalpur) mh the bullock next the post , (SETirhut) mhi bi vessel with a projecting base . 2. Pk. mhi -- m. post on threshing floor , mhaka<-> small stick ; K. mr, mr f. larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts (for semantic relation of post -- hole see kpa -- 2); L. meh f. rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ; P. meh f., meha m. oxen on threshing floor, crowd ; OA meha, mehra a circular construction, mound ; Or. meh, meri post on threshing floor ; Bi. m raised bank between irrigated beds , (Camparam) mh bullock next the post , Mth. (SETirhut) mh id. ; M. me(h), meh f., meh m. post, forked stake . (CDIAL 10317) Vikalpa: pajha = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra smithy, forge (Santali) Vikalpa: *jyadhnya winter rice . [jya -- , dhny -- ] Bhoj. jaahan winter rice ; H. jahan m. rice reaped at the end of the Rains .(CDIAL 5181) *ja -- joining, pair . [ Drav. LM 333]; 2. S. jo m. twin , L. P. j m.; M. j f. a double yoke . (CDIAL 5091) Rebus: *jaati joins, sets . 1. Pk. jaia -- set (of jewels), joined ; K. jarun to set jewels ( Ind.); S. jaau to join, rivet, set , jaa f. rivet, boundary between two fields ; P.jau to have fastened or set ; A. zariba to collect ; B. jana to set jewels, wrap round, entangle , 111

ja heaped together ; Or. jaib to unite ; OAw.jara sets jewels, bedecks ; H. jan to join, stick in, set ( N. janu to set, be set ); OMarw. ja inlaid ; G. jav to join, meet with, set jewels ; M.ja to join, connect, inlay, be firmly established , ja to combine, confederate . (CDIAL 5091) Vikalpa: dula m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rm. 966) (Kashmiri); dol likeness, picture, form (Santali) Rebus: dul to cast metal in a mould (Santali) dul mee cast iron (Mundari. Santali) 2.4 Furnace scribe ka kanka rim of jar; Rebus: karaka scribe; ka furnace, fire-altar. Thus the ligatured sign is decoded: ka karaka furnace scribe Line 3 3.1 Smithy kolmo three (Mu.); rebus: kolami smithy (Te.) 3.2 Lump of silver (forging metal) gu1. In sense fruit, kernel cert. Drav., cf. Tam. koai nut, kernel; A. go a fruit, whole piece, globular, solid, gui small ball, seed, kernel; B. go seed, bean, whole; Or. go whole, undivided, goi small ball, cocoon, goli small round piece of chalk; Bi. go seed; Mth. goa numerative particle (CDIAL 4271) Rebus: koe forging (metal)(Mu.) Rebus: go f. lump of silver' (G.) Fish signs (and variants) seem to be differentiated from, perhaps a loop of threads formed on a loom or loose fringes of a garment. This may be seen from the seal M-9 which contains the sign:

Sign 180 Signs 180, 181 have variants. Warp-pegs kor.i = pegs in the ground in two rooms on which the thread is passed back and forth in preparing the warp (S.) Edging, trimming (cf. orthography of glyph in the middle of the epigraph) K. goh f., dat. i f. chequer or chess or dice board ; S. gou m. large ball of tobacco ready for hookah , f. small do. ; P. go f. spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ; N. goo piece , goi chess piece ; A. go a fruit, whole piece , globular, solid , gui small ball, seed, kernel ; B. go seed, bean, whole ; Or. go whole, undivided , goi small ball, cocoon , goli small round piece of chalk ; Bi. go seed ; Mth. goa numerative particle ; H. go f. piece (at chess &c.) ; G. go m. cloud of smoke , m. kernel of coconut, nosegay , go f. lump of silver, clot of blood , ilm. hard ball of cloth ; M. go m. roundish stone , f. a marble , gou spherical ; Si. guiya lump, ball ; -- prob. also P. go gold or silver lace , H.go m. edging of such ( K. goa m. edging of gold braid , S. goo m. gold or silver lace ); M. go hem of a garment, metal wristlet . Ko. gu silver or gold braid .(CDIAL 4271) Rebus: go 112

f. lump of silver' (G.) 3.3 Mint, gold furnace kamhiyo = archer; kmahum = a bow; kma, kmaum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kmahiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammai a coiner (Ka.); kampaam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) 3.4 Smithy, forge kolmo rice plant (Mu.) Rebus: kolami furnace,smithy (Te.) Vikalpa: pajha = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra smithy, forge (Santali) 3.5 Turner S. kua f. corner; P. k f. corner, side ( H.). (CDIAL 3898) Rebus: kundr turner (A.) k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295). 3.6 Small Workshop tsni, tsnye squirrel (Kon.) caila squirrel (To.); Vikalpa: sega a species of squirrel (Santali) rebus: ann a small workshop (WPah) ann f. small room in a house to keep sheep in (WPah.) Bshk. an, Phal.n roof (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). sei (f.) [Class. Sk. rei in meaning "guild"; Vedic= row] Wo. en roof , Bshk. an, Phal. n(AO xviii 251, followed by Buddruss Wo 126, < ar(a)a -- ); WPah. (Joshi) ann f. small room in a house to keep sheep in . Addenda: ara -- 2. 2. *ara --WPah. kg.nni f. bottom storey of a house in which young of cattle are kept . ara protecting , n. shelter, home RV. 2. *ara -- . [ar] 1. Pa. Pk. saraa -- n. protection, shelter, house ; . rn m. roof ( Sh.?), Dm. aran; P. sara m. protection, asylum , H. saran f.; G. sar n. help ; Si.saraa defence, village, town ; -- < *ara -- or poss. *raa -- : Kho. arn courtyard of a house , Sh. ar m. fence . (CDIAL 12326) Vikalpa: Other lexemes (for rebus readings of variant readings of glyphs): mea A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) (CDIAL 10312). Rebus: me iron (Ho.) salae sapae = untangled, combed out, hair hanging loose (Santali.lex.) Rebus: sal workshop (Santali) Vikalpa: hompo = knot on a string (Santali) hompo = ingot (Santali) kana, kanac = corner (Santali); kacu = bronze (Te.) kan- copper work (Ta.) kel bandicoot (Pa.) [koel = rat (Go.)] Rebus: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) Vikalpa: m h = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mh mht = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~he~t mh akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.) The superscript ligatures can be read as suffixes: - kra artisan. kruvu = mechanic, artisan, Vis'vakarma, the celestial artisan (Te.); kruvu. [Skt.] n. An artist, artificer. An agent . One is a loha-kra (metalsmith). the other is a cunda-kra (ivory turner). ka1 m. (n. lex.) fort Kaths., ka -- 1 m. Vstuv. A. sn. koa -- fort, fortified town , Pk. koa -- , ku n.; Kt. ku tower (?) NTS xii 174; Dm. k tower , Kal. k; Sh. gil. k m. fort ( . k m.), 113

koh. pales. k m. village ; K. kh, dat. kas m. fort , S. kou m., L. ko m.; P. ko m. fort, mud bank round a village or field ; A. kh stockade, palisade ; B. ko, ku fort , Or. koa, kua, H. Marw. ko m.; G. ko m. fort, rampart ; M. ko, koh m. fort (CDIAL 3500). Cloak, trefoil glyph: got.a_ a garment with clusters of flowers woven in it; got.a_kor [+ kor a border] a border of a garment having clusters of flowers woven in it; got.iyum a piece of cloth made use of in making up a turban to give it a round shape (G.) go_t.u embroidery, lace (Tu.); go~_t.u an ornamental appendage to the border of a cloth, fringe, hem, edging (Te.); got. Hem of garment; got.a_ edging of gold lace (H.)(DEDR 2201). go_t.u = an ornamental appendage to the border of a cloth, fringe, hem, edging (Te.); embroidery (Tu.) kont.l.= pocket in outside edge of cloak (Ko.); got. = hem of garment (M.); got.a_ = edging of gold lace (H.) got. hem of a garment, metal wristlet (M.); got.t.a_ gold or silver lace (P.)(CDIAL 4271). Gu {N} ``^cloth''. Rebus: (Z),,(Z) {N} ``^worker, ^assistant, ^serf, ^slave; ^serfdom''. #11620. Annex Decoding Indus script inscription on two prism tablets There are two tablets with identical seal impressions which contain a long Indus inscription composed of 23 glyphs. Reported in Marshall 1931 (Vol. II, p.402); repeated in Vol. III, Pl. CXVI.23.

m0494A,BGt Prism Tablet in bas-relief. (BGt is a side view of two sides B and G -- the prism tablet).

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m0495A,B,Gt Prism Tablet in bas-relief

A reading of m0495G shown and discussed in http://indusscriptmore.blogspot.com/2011/09/indus-signs-of-17-and-18-strokes.html with particular reference to the first sign read as 'X'. If the glyph is a composite glyphic of four forked sticks, a vikalpa (alternative) reading is: [ mh ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. [ mh ] m A stake, esp. as forked. me(h), meh f., meh m. post, forked stake .(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.) gaa 'four'; rebus: kaa 'furnace, altar'. Thus, the composite glyphis is read rebus: iron (metal) furnace, me kaa. Inscription on tablet m0495 serves as a reinforcement of the reading of inscription on tablet m0494 (see the side shot of sides B and G reproduced above). The organizer of the photographic corpus, Asko Parpola, should be complimented for a painstaking effort to produce a high resolution reading of 3 lines of the text on the prism tablets (which almost look like five- sided object as may be seen from the photograph M-494F). Sharper resolution images of the two tablets (3.6 cm. long) with three sides of a prism are as follows: m-0495A m-0495B m-0495G The reading of the text of the inscription on the two prism tablets provided in Mahadevan concordance is as follows:

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Text 1623/Text 2847 Decoding the identical inscription on Prism tablets m0494 and m0495 Line 1 Turner, mint, brass-work, furnace scribe, smelter, gridiron smithy, smithy/forge Line 2 Mineral (ore), furnace/altar, furnace scribe workshop; metal (a kind of iron), casting furnace; cast metal ingot; casting workshop Line 3 Furnace scribe workshop; cast bronze; kiln; gridiron; casting workshop; smithy (with) furnace; cast bronze; native metal; metal turner; furnace scribe. Thus, line 1 is a description of the repertoire of a smithy/forge including mint and brass-work; line 2 is a smelting, casting workshop for ingots; line 3 is furnace scribe workshop for caste bronze, with kiln, furnace and native metal turning. Line 1 1.1 Corner (of a room) glyph. S. kua f. corner; P. k f. corner, side ( H.). (CDIAL 3898) Rebus: kundr turner (A.) k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295). 1.2 Crab glyph

Sign 57. Crab or claws of crab. kamaha crab (Skt.) Rebus: kammaa = portable furnace (Te.) kampaam coiner, mint (Ta.) Vikalpa: ato claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs; aom, iom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; akop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhtu mineral (Vedic); dhatu a mineral, metal (Santali) Vikalpa: er claws; Rebus: era copper.

Argument: Allographs of a leaf sign, ligature with crab sign [After Parpola, 1994, fig. 13.15] The archer shown on one copper tablet seems to be equivalent to a glyph on another copper plate -that of ligatured U (rimless wide-mouthed pot) with leaves and crabs claws. The archer has been decoded: kamhiyo = archer; kmahum = a bow; kma, kmaum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kmahiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammai a coiner (Ka.); kampaam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) 1.3 Backbone, rib cage

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Sign 48. karu the backbone (Bengali. Skt.); karuka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasr metal worker (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) Spine, rib-cage: A comparable glyptic representation is on a seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak. (I. Mahadevan, 'Murukan' in the Indus Script, The Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). B.B. Lal, 1960. From Megalithic to the Harappa: Tracing back the graffiti on pottery. Ancient India, No.16, pp. 4-24. 1.4 Rim of jar glyph kaa kanka (Santali); Rebus: kaa kanka furnace scribe. kaa fire-altar, furnace (Santali); kan copper (Ta.) karaka 'scribe, accountant' (Skt.) Vikalpa: ka kanaka gold furnace. knaka n. gold (Skt.) ka ,n. perh. . 1. workmanship; . (. . 5, 8, 3). 2. copper work; . (W.) 3. copper; . (, 5, 8, 3.) MBh. Pa. kanaka -- n., Pk. kaaya -- n., MB. kanay ODBL 659, Si. kan EGS 36.(CDIAL 2717) [ kanakamu ] kanakamu. [Skt.] n. Gold. (Telugu) kaakam, n. < kanaka. 1. Gold; . (. 502, 9 (Tamil) kanaka (nt.) [cp. Sk. kanaka; Gr. knh_kos yellow; Ags. hunig=E. honey. See also kacana] gold, usually as uttatta molten gold; said of the colour of the skin Bu i.59; Pv iii.32; J v.416; PvA 10 suvaa).-- agga gold -crested J v.156; -- chavin of golden complexion J vi.13; -- taca (adj.) id. J v.393; -- pabh golden splendour Bu xxiii.23; -- vimna a fairy palace of gold VvA 6; PvA 47, 53; -- sikhar a golden peak, in rj king of the golden peaks (i. e. Himlayas): Dvs iv.30. (Pali) Vikalpa: ka copper work (Ta.) The sequence of two glyphs discussed in 1.3 and 1.4 above occur with high frequency on copper tablets. The pair of glyphs is read rebus as: metal work, furnace scribe --

kasr kaa kanka. The following examples are of 8 copper tablets recovered in Harappa by
HARP project. A third glyph on these tablets is an oval sign -- like a metal ingot -- and is 117

ligatured with an infixed sloping stroke: hiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) The ligatured glyph is read rebus as: hlako = a large metal ingot (G.) hlak = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.) The inscription on these tablets is in bas-relief:

Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) with raised script found in Trench 43. Slide 351 harappa.com Copper tablets with Indus script in bas-relief, Harappa. The three glyphs on the ingots are read in sequence: hlako kasr kaa kanka 'metal ingot, metal work, furnace scribe'. This is a professional calling card of the artisan engaged in metal work.

Water-carrier glyph kui water-carrier (Telugu); Rebus: kuhi smelter furnace (Santali) ku f. fireplace (H.); krvI f. granary (WPah.); ku, kuo house, building(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kui hut made of boughs (Skt.) gui temple (Telugu) A comparable glyptic representation is provided in a Gadd seal found in an interaction area of the Persian Gulf. Gadd notes that the water-carrier seal is is an unmistakable example of an 'hieroglyphic' seal. Seal impression, Ur (Upenn; U.16747); [After Edith Porada, 1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf States. Artibus Asiae 33 (4): 331-7: pl.9, fig.5]; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. The parenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse (Hunter, G.R., JRAS, 1932, 476). 1.6 Three (rimless) pots kolmo three (Mu.); rebus: kolami smithy (Te.) S. bahu m. large pot in which grain is parched, Rebus; bhah m. kiln (P.) baa = a kind of iron (G.) Vikalpa: mego = rimless vessels 118

(Santali) bhaa furnace (G.) baa = kiln (Santali); baa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaha -- m.n. gridiron (Pkt.) bahu large cooking fire bah f. distilling furnace; L. bhah m. grainparcher's oven, bhah f. kiln, distillery, aw. bhah; P. bhah m., h f. furnace, bhah m. kiln; S. bhah ke distil (spirits). (CDIAL 9656)Rebus: me iron (Ho.) kolmo rice plant (Mu.) Rebus: kolami furnace,smithy (Te.) Vikalpa: pajha = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra smithy, forge (Santali) Line 2 2.1 Cross du = cross (Te.); Rebus: dhatu = mineral (ore)(Santali) dhtu mineral (Pali) dhtu mineral (Vedic); a mineral, metal (Santali); dhta id. (G.) 2.2 Arrow kaa arrow; Rebus: ka = a furnace, altar (Santali) 2.3 Rim of jar + infixed short stroke Rim of jar is decoded as: kaa kanka furnace scribe. (See line 1.4) sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); sal workshop (Santali) Vikalpa: aar a splinter (Ma.) aaruka to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aarcca splitting, a crack; aarttuka to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); a aruni to crack (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru native, unsmelted metal Rebus: adaru = native metal (Ka.) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddha_nti Subrahman.ya Sastris new interpretation of the Amarakosa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) Thus, the ligatured glyph is read rebus as: scribe (of) native,unsmelted metal furnace.

2.4 Body md body (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); me iron (Ho.) 2.5 Bird (circumscribed in bracket) Decoding: Furnace for riveting metal (a kind of iron) baa= quail (Santali) Rebus: baa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaa furnace (G.) baa = kiln (Santali) Vikalpa: pota pigeon; pot beads (H.G.M.)(CDIAL 8403). Vikalpa: baai quail (N.) vartaka = a duck (Skt.)(CDIAL 11361). batak = a duck (G.) vartik = quail (RV.); wuwrc partridge (Ash.); barti = quail, partridge (Kho.); vaaka_ quail (Pali); vaaya (Pkt.) (CDIAL 11361). Rebus: vartaka merchant (Skt.) ( ) A pair of enclosures: *ja -- joining, pair . [ Drav. LM 333]; 2. S. jo m. twin , L. P. j m.; M. j f. a double yoke . (CDIAL 5091) Rebus: *jaati joins, sets . 1. Pk. jaia -- set (of jewels), joined ; K. jarun to set jewels ( Ind.); S. jaau to join, rivet, set , jaa f. rivet, boundary between two fields ; P.jau to have fastened or set ; A. zariba to collect ; B. jana to set jewels, wrap round, entangle , ja heaped together ; Or. jaib to unite ; OAw.jara sets jewels, bedecks ; H. jan to join, stick in, set ( N. janu to set, be set ); OMarw. ja inlaid ; G. jav to join, meet with, set jewels ; M.ja to join, connect, inlay, be firmly 119

established , ja to combine, confederate . (CDIAL 5091) Vikalpa: dula m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rm. 966) (Kashmiri); dol likeness, picture, form (Santali) Rebus: dul to cast metal in a mould (Santali) dul mee cast iron (Mundari. Santali) cast bronze; it is a glyptic formed of a pair of brackets (): kuila bent; rebus: kuila, katthl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) 2.6 Two over-lapping (or pair of) ovals: Oval is the shape of an ingot (of metal). Paired ovals (ingots) are decoded as cast metal ingots. m h metal ingot (shaped like an oval) (Santali) m h = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mh me~r.he~t = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~r.he~tko mh akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.) kaula mengro blacksmith (Gypsy) paired: dul likeness; dul cast (metal)] 2.7 A pair of linear strokes (two long linear strokes) Decoded as casting workshop dula pair; rebus: dul cast (metal)(Santali) go = one (Santali); goi = silver (G.) koa one (Santali); ko workshop (G.) Line 3 3.1 Rim of jar + infixed short stroke as in Line 2.3 above. Decoded as: furnace scribe workshop. 3.2 Two bent (curved) lines. Decoded as cast bronze. kuila bent; rebus: kuila, katthl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) dula pair; rebus: dul cast (metal)(Santali) 3.3 Rimless pot. Decoded as: gridiron. See 1.6 above (for three rimless pots). S. bahu m. large pot in which grain is parched, Rebus; bhah m. kiln (P.) baa = a kind of iron (G.) Vikalpa: mego = rimless vessels (Santali) bhaa furnace (G.) baa = kiln (Santali); baa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaha -- m.n. gridiron (Pkt.) bahu large cooking fire bah f. distilling furnace; L. bhah m. grainparcher's oven, bhah f. kiln, distillery, aw. bhah; P. bhah m., h f. furnace, bhah m. kiln; S. bhah ke distil (spirits). (CDIAL 9656)Rebus: me iron (Ho.)

3.4 Nave of spoked wheel. Decoded as (molten cast copper) turner, kundr turner. era = knave of wheel; rebus: era = copper; erako = molten cast (G.) eraka, (copper) metal infusion; ra spokes; rebus: ra brass as in raka (Skt.) kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali) Rebus: kundam, kund a sacrificial fire-pit (Skt.) kunda turner kundr turner (A.); k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe 120

(Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Vikalpa: era, er-a = eraka = ?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.) [Note Sign 391 and its ligatures Signs 392 and 393 may connote a spoked-wheel, nave of the wheel through which the axle passes; cf. ara_, spoke] ram , n. < ra. 1. Spoke of a wheel. See . (. 253) (Tamil) 3.5 As in 2.7 above. A pair of linear strokes (two long linear strokes) Decoded as casting workshop. dula pair; rebus: dul cast (metal)(Santali) go = one (Santali); goi = silver (G.) koa one (Santali); ko workshop (G.) 3.6 Four + Three short strokes. Decoded as smithy (with) furnace. Four + three strokes are read (since the strokes are shown on two lines one below the other) : gaa four (Santali); Rebus: kaa furnace (Santali); kolmo three (Mu.); rebus: kolami smithy (Te.) Vikalpa: ?ea seven (Santali); rebus: ?eh-ku steel (Te.) Vikalpa: pon four (Santali) rebus: pon gold (Ta.) 3.7 As in 3.2 above. Two bent (curved) lines. Decoded as cast bronze. kuila bent; rebus: kuila, katthl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) dula pair; rebus: dul cast (metal)(Santali) 3.8 Harrow aar harrow; rebus: aduru native metal 3.9 Horned body (Body as in 2.4 above.) Decoded as metal (iron) turner. md body (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); me iron (Ho.) k, ka horn. Pa. k (pl. kul) horn; Ka. ku horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kr horn Tu. k, ku horn Ko. k (obl. k-)( (DEDR 2200) Pa. kbald, Kal. rumb. ka hornless.(CDIAL 3508). Kal. rumb.kh a half (CDIAL 3792). Rebus: [kaa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) kd to turn in a lathe (Bengali) knda engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems (Marathi) [ kndaa ] n () Setting or infixing of gems.(Marathi) [ khdakra ] n an engraver; a carver. n. engraving; carving; interference in other's work. [ khdi ] n engraving; carving. v. to engrave; to carve. v. & n. en graving; carving. [ khdita ] a engraved. (Bengali) [ khdakma ] n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver. [ khdagir ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work. [ khdavaa ] f () The price or cost of sculpture or carving. [ khda ] f (Verbal of ) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. v , . 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith's die. [ khda ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. or - To question minutely and searchingly, to probe. [ khd ] f ( H) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving. [ khdva ] p of Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured. (Marathi) 3.10 Rim of jar. As in 1.4 above. Decoded as: kaa kanka furnace scribe.

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Sit Shamshi. Model of a place of worship, known as the Sit Shamshi, or "Sunrise (ceremony)" Middle-Elamite period, toward the 12th century BC Acropolis mound, Susa, Iran; Bronze; H. 60 cm; W. 40 cm Excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1904-5; Sb 2743; Near Eastern Antiquities, Muse du Louvre/C. Larrieu. Two nude figures squat on the bronze slab, one knee bent to the ground. One of the figures holds out open hands to his companion who prepares to pour the contents of a lipped vase onto them.The scene takes place in a stylized urban landscape, with reduced-scale architectural features: a tiered tower or ziggurat flanked with pillars, a temple on a high terrace. There is also a large jar resembling the ceramic pithoi decorated with rope motifs that were used to store water and liquid foodstuffs. An arched stele stands by some rectangular basins. Rows of 8 dots in relief flank the ziggurat; jagged sticks represent trees.An inscription tells us the name of the piece's royal dedicator and its meaning in part: "I Shilhak-Inshushinak, son of Shutruk-Nahhunte, beloved servant of Inshushinak, king of Anshan and Susa [...], I made a bronze sunrise."

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Three jagged sticks on the Sit Shamshi bronze, in front of the water tank (Great Bath replica?) If the sticks are orthographic representations of 'forked sticks' and if the underlying language is Meluhha (mleccha), the borrowed or substratum lexemes which may provide a rebus reading 123

are: kolmo 'three'; rebus; kolami 'smithy' (Telugu) [ mh ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. [ mh ] m A stake, esp. as forked. me(h), meh f., meh m. post, forked stake .(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.) Thus, three jagged sticks on the Sit Shamshi bronze may be decoded as me kolami 'iron (metal) smithy'. 'Iron' in such lexical entries may refer to 'metal'. Sit Shamshi bronze illustrates the complex technique of casting separate elements joined together with rivets, the excavations at Susa have produced one of the largest bronze statues of Antiquity: dating from the 14th century BC, the effigy of "Napirasu, wife of Untash-Napirisha," the head of which is missing, is 1.29 m high and weighs 1,750 kg. It was made using the solid-core casting method. These metallurgical techniques find an expression on Indus script inscriptions as seen on this longest inscription on a seal impression found in Mohenjodaro (m-314)-- all glyphs of the inscription relate to the repertoire of artisans engaged in metal work. See related links:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/mohenjo-daro-stupa-great-bathmodeled.htmlhttp://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-indus-scipt-susa-cylinderseal.htmlhttp://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-indus-scipt-susa-cylinderseal.html

Ancient Anatolian Metallurgy by Hadi Ozbal, Bogazici University, Istanbul (Slide show) Origins of iron-working in India, Rakesh Tiwari

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Damaged circular clay furnace, comprising iron slag and tuyeres and other waste materials stuck with its body, exposed at Lohsanwa mount, Period II, Malhar, Dist. Chandauli, India. This report is significant because recent excavations have produced clear evidence of ironworking at Malhar, Dist. Chandali -- Lat. 24deg.-59'-16"N; Long. 83deg.-15'-46" where a damaged circular clay furnace, comprising iron slag and tuyeres and other waste materials stuck with its body in a stratigraphically dated location. (See Figure 6, page 542). "As discussed elsewhere (Tewari et al. 2000) the sites at Malhar, the Baba Wali Pahari, and the Valley are archaeologically linked to the area of Geruwarwa Pahar which appears to have been a major source of iron ore. The Geruwarwa Pahar situated to the southeast of the Baba Wali Pahari, is full of hematite. Villagers reported (as a tradition passed down from several generations), that the agarias (a particular tribe known for their iron smelting skills) from Robertsganj side, used to come in this area to procure iron by smelting the hematite...The presence of tuyeres, slags, finished iron artefacts, above-mentioned clay structures with burnt internal surface and arms, revealed at Malhar, suggest a large scale activity related to manufacture of iron tools." (p. 542). Malhar is located on river Karamnasa which joins River Ganga at Varanasi. Two radiocarbon dates recorded at this site range around 1800 cal. BCE (Table 2, p. 540) -- precise dates are: 1882 and 2012 BCE. Rakesh Tewari provides the following summary of the evidence from Malhar and other Central Ganga Plain and Eastern Vindhya sites: [Quote]Discussion These results indicate that iron using and iron working was prevalent in the Central Ganga Plain and the Eastern Vindhyas from the early second millennium BC. The dates obtained so far group into three: three dates between c. 1200-900 cal BC, three between c. 1400-1200 cal BC, and five between c. 1800-1500 cal BC. The types and shapes of the associated pottery are comparable to those to be generally considered as the characteristics of the Chalcolithic Period and placed in early to late second millennium BC. Taking all this evidence together it may be concluded that knowledge of iron smelting and manufacturing of iron artefacts was well known in the Eastern Vindhyas and iron had been in use in the Central Ganga Plain, at least from the early second millennium BC. The quantity and types of iron artefacts, and the level of technical advancement indicate that the introduction of iron working took place even earlier. The beginning of the use of iron has been traditionally associated with the eastward migration of the later Vedic people, who are also considered as an agency which revolutionised material culture particularly in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (Sharma 1983: 117-131). The new finds and their dates suggest that a fresh review is needed. Further, the evidence corroborates the early use of iron in other areas of the country, and attests that India was indeed an independent 125

centre for the development of the working of iron. [unquote](pp. 543-544). Thus, both the Gufkral evidence evaluated by Possehl and Gullapalli and the evidence from Malhar and other Central Ganga Plain and Eastern Vindhya sites discussed by Rakesh Tewari point to an indigenous evolution of iron-working in India dated to early 2nd millennium BCE. The evidence leads to a reasonable hypothesis that the metal-workers of the chalcolithic periods of Sarasvati Civilization moved into the Ganga and Eastern Vindhya iron-age sites to continue the tradition of metal-working, exemplified by the asur-s of Mundarica tradition. No wonder, the Sarasvati hieroglyphs have a significant number of homonyms from the Mundarica tradition to represent metal-working artefacts such as furnaces and minerals used to produce metal products. The cultural continuity and the indigenous origins of metal-working are areas for further research as

excavations proceed on over 2000 Sarasvati River basin sites. (DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, Pl. LXXIII, 9-11)

Bronze statue

of a woman holding a small bowl, Mohenjodaro; copper alloy made using cire perdue method

Foot with anklet; copper alloy. Mohenjodaro (After Fig. 5.11 in Agrawal. D.P. 2000. Ancient

Metal Technology & Archaeology of South Asia. Delhi: Aryan Books International.) Examples of
metallurgical skills of Indus artisans: Possehl, Gregory L. and Gullampalli, Praveena, 1999, The 126

early iron age in South Asia. In Vincent Piggott, ed., The Archaeometallurgy of the Asian Old World. University Museum Monograph 89, MASCA research papers in science and archaeology Vol. 16, Philadephia: The Univrsity Museum, UPenn, pp. 153-175

Gold pendant with Indus script inscription. The pendant is needle-like with cylindrical body. It is made from a hollow cylinder with soldered ends and perforated oint. Museum No. MM 1374.50.271; Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3 (After Fig. 4.17 a,b in: JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 196)

Illustrated London News 1936 - November 21st

http://www.iln.org.uk/iln_years/year/1936a.htm A 'Sheffield of Ancient India: Chanhu-Daro's metal working industry 10 X photos of copper knives, spears, razors, axes and dishes.

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Copper model of a passsenger box on a cart. Chanhudaro, 'a Sheffield of ancient India'.

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Inscribed metal tools, copper tablets: Mohenjodaro, Harappa.

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Axe with inscription and other tools, Chanhudaro, Kalibangan

Copper tablets m0438; m1449; m1452; m1486; m1493; m1498; m1501; m0582 (123 copper tablets)

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Copper plate, Mohenjodaro with Indus script glyph.

Silver seals with Indus script inscriptions, Mohenjodaro

Inscribed lead celt, Harappa.(Slide 209 Harappa.com HARP)

Two pure tin ingots with Indus script inscription. Shipwreck in Haifa. More examples in embedded document (attached at the end). Chanhudaro was called Sheffield of the east (See embedded document decoding smith guild tokens)

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Indus script cipher: Hieroglyphs of Indian linguistic area (2010) Kalyanaraman, November 12, 2011 kalyan97@gmail.com Indus writing on utensils and metal tools Decoded smith guild tokens Bhirrana artefacts (See the dancing step glyph shown on a potsherd, decoded as 'iron').

Copper celts, Bhirrana.

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Bronze statue, Mohenjodaro. 'Dance step' glyph on Bhirran potsherd. me body, dance (Santali) - meu-, v. tr. cf. -. [K. meu.] To spurn or push with the foot; . (. 12). (Tamil) meu to put or place down the foot or feet; to step, to pace, to walk (Ka.); meisu to cause to step or walk, to cause to tread on (Ka.) me dance (Santali); Rebus: me, mht 'iron'(Mu.Ho.)

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Daimabad bronze chariot. c. 1500 BCE. 22X52X17.5 cm.

Buffalo. Daimabad bronze. Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai.

Daimabad bronzes. Buffalo on four-legged platform attached to four solid wheels 31X25 cm.; elephanton four-legged platform with axles 25 cm.; rhinoceros on axles of four solid wheels 25X19 cm. (MK Dhavalikar, 'Daimabad bronzes' in: Harappan civilization, ed. by GL Possehl, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 361-6; SA Sali, Daimabad 1976-1979, New Delhi, 1986). 134

The three animals: buffalo, rhinoceros, elephant occur together with a leaping tiger on a seal. cf. Decoding of animal glyphs and other glyphs on the seal as related to lapidaries/metalsmith/metalwork artisan guild/mint Indus script cipher: Hieroglyphs of Indian linguistic area (2010) Mleccha rebus decoding: ibha 'elephant' (Skt.) Rebus: ib 'iron'; ibbho 'merchant' (cf.Hemacandra, Desinamamala, vaika); badhia 'rhino'; Rebus: bahoe a carpenter, worker in wood; badhoria expert in working in wood(Santali); kol 'tiger'; kolla 'smith'; sal 'bos gaurus'; rebus: sal 'workshop'.]kamaha penance (Pkt.); Rebus: kammaa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) tttru 'buffalo horns' (Munda); Rebus: hahero 'brassworker'(Ku.)c, cl, cliy tigers mane (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4883)sodo bodo, sodro bodro adj. adv. rough, hairy, shoggy, hirsute, uneven; Rebus: sodo [Persian. sod, dealing] trade; traffic; merchandise; marketing; a bargain; the purchase or sale of goods; buying and selling; mercantile dealings (G.lex.) sodagor = a merchant, trader; sodgor (P.B.) (Santali) A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kolla blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kolel smithy, temple in Kota village; kolhali to forge (DEDR 2133)(Kuwi). krda m. jump , grda -- m. jump Kh. [krd] S. kuu m. leap , N. kud, Or. kuda, d, kud -- kudi jumping about .krdati leaps, jumps MBh. [grdati, khrdat Dhtup.: prob. Drav. (Tam. kuti, Kan. gudi to spring ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 375]S. kuau to leap ; L. kua to leap, frisk, play ; P. kudd to leap , Ku. kudo, N. kudnu, B. k d, kd; Or. kudib to jump, dance ; Mth. kdab to jump , Aw. lakh. kdab, H. kdn, OMarw. kda, G. (CDIAL 3411, 3412) Rebus: kunda turner kundr turner (A.) Vikalpa: u Pouncing upon, as an eagle; . (. 43, 5). Rebus: eruvai copper (Ta.); ere dark red (Ka.)(DEDR 446). [ klh ] [ klh ] Pouncing tiger glyph is read rebus: k d kol 'turner smith'. The four animal glyphs surrounding the seated person thus connote: merchant (ibbho), carpenter (bahoe), turner-smith (k d kol), workshop (sal). Addendum with glyphs and inscriptions consistent with the themes depicting repertoire of artisan-smiths of the civilization: A lexeme 135

which may explain the 'mountain' or 'haystack' glyphs; Rebus: Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.): kunda 'hayrick'; rebus: kundr turner (A.)

Indus script seal impression. Mohenjodaro. Symmetrically flanking goats with feet on central tree and mountin (ASI)

Sumerian cylinder seal showing flanking goats with hooves on tree and/or mountain. Uruk period. (After Joyce Burstein in: Katherine Anne Harper, Robert L. Brown, 2002, The roots of tantra, SUNY Press, p.100)Hence, two goats + mountain glyph reads rebus: me kundr 'iron turner'. Leaf on mountain: kamakom 'petiole of leaf'; rebus: kampaam 'mint'. loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali) Rebus: lo iron (Assamese, Bengali); loa iron (Gypsy). The glyphic composition is read rebus: me loa kundr 'iron turner mint'. kundavum = manger, a hayrick (G.) Rebus: kundr turner (A.); k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) This rebus reading may explain the hayrick glyph shown on the sodagor 'merchant, trader' seal surrounded by four animals.Two antelopes are put next to the hayrick on the platform of the seal on which the horned person is seated. mlekh 'goat' (Br.); rebus: milakku 'copper' (Pali); mleccha 'copper' (Skt.) Thus, the composition of glyphs on the platform: pair of antelopes + pair of hayricks read rebus: milakku kundr 'copper turner'. Thus the seal is a framework of glyphic compositions to describe the repertoire of a brazier-mint, 'one who works in brass or makes brass articles' and 'a mint'.

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Ta. meu mound, heap of earth; mu height, eminence, hillock; muu rising ground, high ground, heap. Ma. mu rising ground, hillock; mu hillock, raised ground; mil rising ground, an alluvial bank; (Tiyya) maa hill. Ka. mu height, rising ground, hillock; miu rising or high ground, hill; mie state of being high, rising ground, hill, mass, a large number; (Hav.) mue heap (as of straw). Tu. mi prominent, protruding; mue heap. Te. mea raised or high ground, hill; (K.) meu mound; mia high ground, hillock, mound; high, elevated, raised, projecting; (VPK) mu, ma, mi stack of hay; (Inscr.) mea-cnu dry field (cf. meu-nla, meu-vari). Kol. (SR.) me hill; (Kin.) me, (Hislop) met mountain. Nk. me hill, mountain. Ga. (S.3, LSB 20.3) mea high land. Go. (Tr. W. Ph.) ma, (Mu.) maa mountain; (M. L.) me id., hill; (A. D. Ko.) mea, (Y. Ma. M.) mea hill; (SR.) me hillock (Voc. 2949). Kona mea id. Kuwi (S.) metta hill; (Isr.) mea sand hill. (DEDR 5058) kamakom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarma (Has.), kamakom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.)Rebus: kampaam coinage, coin (Ta.)(DEDR 1236) kampaa- muai die, coining stamp (Ta.) Vikalpa: lo iron (Assamese, Bengali); loa iron (Gypsy) In same measures: Harappa to Taj K. S. Jayaraman

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Balasubramaniam in front of the Sun Temple in Konark, Orissa. A researcher analysing designs of historical buildings and monuments of India has made a profound discovery. He has shown that the unit of length used by the builders through the ages surprisingly remained the same for over 3900 years. This reveals a new dimension in metrology the science of measurement in the Indian subcontinent. From the Harappan settlements of 2000 B. C. and the Delhi Iron Pillar of Gupta period (320600 AD) to the 17th century Taj Mahal, the unit 'angulam' had remained the standard of measurement in engineering plans, says Ramamurthy Balasubramaniam from the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) in Kanpur.

Angulam and its multiples vitasti (12 angulams) and dhanus (108 angulams) find mention in the
Indian treatise Arthasastra by Kautilya who codified the metrology that was prevalent around 300 B.C. But the exact value of angulam was derived only in 2008 by Michel Danino, the French author who made India his home. Danino who studied the Dolavira settlement the largest Harappan civilization site in India found1 that the dimensions used were exact multiples of 1.904 metre, a unit that he assumed to be the dhanus mentioned in Arthasastra. Further, takingdhanus to be 108 angulams, Danino derived the value of angulam to be 1.763 cm. Balasubramaniam, a professor of materials and metallurgical engineering, says he got interested in metrology after Danino's derivation of the value of angulam and his own observation2 that a terracotta scale of Harappan civilisation from Kalibangan, that was given to him for analysis, indicated markings of 1.75 cm. "Seeing 1.75 cm markings on the Harappan scale and Danino's derived value of 1.763 cm for angulam no doubt excited me," Balasubramaniam told Nature India."That prompted me to 138

carry out dimensional analysis of some of India's historical structures to see if their builders used a standardised unit of measurement," he said. Balasubramaniam who studied the 1600 year old Delhi Iron Pillar3 found that its dimensions "matched remarkably well" with the units of angulam and dhanus of the Harappan civilization. "For example, the total height of the pillar is precisely fourdhanus and several measures come out as whole numbers of vitasti, " he said. The IIT professor had also carried out dimensional analysis of the earliest engineered caves at Barabar and Nagarjuni Hills in Bihar (Ashokan period, 300 B. C.), the Gupta Temple at Deogarh in Uttar Pradesh (6th century AD) and very recently4 the Taj Mahal in Agra. "All these studies confirm the use of a constant basic measurement unit ofangulam, " the IIT professor said. "What is surprising is the fact that the constant of 1.763 cm, when matched for the angulam, leads to the realisation of the other multiples," Balasubramaniam said, "and surprisingly, important historical structures of the Indian subcontinent show a more than good match with these multiples." For instance he found4 that the modular plan of the Taj Mahal complex is based on use of grids of sides measuring 60 and 90 vitasti. The mausoleum was designed on a master square of 270 vitasti to the side a number that allows the area to be divided into nine smaller squares of side 90 vitasti. "Further subdivision of the 90 vitasti length in thirds is evident in the length of the large arched doors (60 vitasti) and the small arched doors (30 vitasti) on each (outer) face of the mausoleum," Balasubramaniam explained. "We now know that the modular design and architecture of the Taj is based on Indian principles and there is nothing foreign in the design plan," Balasubramaniam said. According to Balasubramaniam, the important outcome of his research is that it has establishes the continuity of metrological tradition from the Harappan civilisation down to pre-modern India indicated by the fact that the unit of angulam matches so well the dimensions of important monuments. "This implies an unbroken engineering tradition in the use of the angulam over a period of more than 3900 years which is really amazing," he said. The tradition was broken with the adoption of British units in early twentieth century. "With the new knowledge we can now analyse all the important ancient structures in India, using 1.763 cm as the standard with different multiplying units. This work will open a new chapter in metrological studies," he said. 139

But how did the angulam knowledge get transmitted through the ages to maintain continuity? "It is reasonable to propose that the workers were following some kind of scale that was handed over through generations," says Balasubramaniam. "Otherwise, such a good match of the dimensions cannot be due to chance." References Danino, M. New insights into Harappan town-planning, proportions, and units, with special reference to Dholavira. Man Environ. 33, 66-79 (2008) Balasubramaniam, R. et al. Analysis of terracotta scale of Harappan civilization from Kalibangan. Curr. Sci. 95, 588-589 (2008) Balasubramaniam, R. On the mathematical significance of the dimensions of the Delhi Iron Pillar. Curr. Sci. 95, 766-770 (2008) Balasubramaniam, R. New insights on the modular planning of the Taj Mahal. Curr. Sci. 97, 4249 (2009) http://www.nature.com/nindia/2009/090708/full/nindia.2009.227.html Dravidian languages have a word for steel: uruku, ukku, karugu, urku, ukku many of which mean either melt or dissolve. R. Balasubramanian underlines the continuity of tradition for example in the use of linear measures for artifacts since the days of Indus-Sarasvati civilization to the historical periods. DP Agrawal and Manikant Shah point to iron processing in Kumaun in first millennium BCE and note words like lo, lu, loha directly related to iron; agar related to mines and mining activities; place names such as Lohaghat, Loharkhet, Lob, Lukhani and Assurchula; Asur tradition associating King Banasur with old iron site of Lohaghat. B. Prakash notes the categories of kanta loha (wrought iron), tiksna loha (carbon steel) and munda loha (cast iron which evolved in refining techniques into ukku or wootz steel) Smelters and blacksmiths were the same people. Viswakarma caste in Telengana region consists of five distinct craft communities: blacksmiths, goldsmiths, bronze-smiths, carpenters and stonemasons or sculptors. They wear sacred threads like the Brahmins.

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Agaria smelters use bundles of reeds of straw plastered with clay as furnace walls. Forging realized the desired grain structure and plasticity. Diagram showing the formation of alluvial tin deposits (From JB Richardson, Metal Mining, London, 1974, 60, fig. 7) Noting this method of sourcing tin near granite sources as placer deposits, James Muhly discusses the possibility of such fluvial deposits from, for e.g., Afghanistan, as constituting sources for tin to replace arsenical bronzes with tin-bronzes, a process which was revolutionary in the Bronze Age. Inscription on Rampurva copper bolt:

Rebus readings L: to R. are: kai mountain (Tamil) Rebus: kam = temple (Tamil) koe forging (metal)(Mu.) ko workshop (G.) [ kha ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Kashmiri) baa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baa = furnace (Santali) Glyph: dulo hole (N.); rebus: dul to cast metal in a mould (Santali) baa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baa = furnace (Santali) gaa four (Santali) Rebus: ka = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) Pali. kuila bent, n. bend; Prakrit. kuila crooked Rebus: kuila, katthl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) Thus, the inscription on Rampurva copper bolt describes the metallurgical processes of makiing the bolt: 141

a mass of kha metal melted down in furnace; koe forged' the metal cast (dul) in a mould ingot subjected to fire-altar (ka) furnace Bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) used in casting the alloy, kuila Rimless-pot glyph is ligatured to two glyphs: 1. mountain; 2. circle baa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baa = furnace (Santali) bhrra = furnace (Skt.)

ku summit of a hill, peak, mountain; kai mountain (Tamil) ka = peak (Telugu) kam = workshop (Tamil); koamu, koama. [Tel.] n. A pent roofed chamber or house as distinguished from midde' which is flat-roofed. Pounding in a mortar. A stable for elephants or horses, or cattle A. i. 43. [ komu ] komu. [Tel.] n. A pent roofed house. [ koaruvu ] koaruvu. [Tel.] n. A barn, a grain store. [koru], [Tel.] n. A store, a granary. A place to keep grain, salt, &c. [ kohru ] Same as [ koh ] koh. [H.] n. A bank. A mercantile house or firm (Telugu) kha2 n. pot Kau., granary, storeroom MBh., inner apartment lex., aka -- n. treasury , ik f. pan Bhpr. [Cf. *kttha -- , *ktthala -- : same as prec.?] Pa. koha -- n. monk's cell, storeroom , aka<-> n. storeroom ; Pk. koha -- , ku, kohaya -- m. granary, storeroom ; Sv. dntar -kuha fire -- place ; Sh. (Lor.) kti (h?) wooden vessel for mixing yeast ; K. kha m. granary , kuhu m. room , kuh f. granary, storehouse ; S. koho m. large room , h f. storeroom ; L. koh m. hut, room, house , h f. shop, brothel , aw. koh house ; P. koh, koh m. house with mud roof and walls, granary , koh, koh f. big well -- built house, house for married women to prostitute themselves in ; WPah. p. kuh house ; Ku. koho large square house , gng. khi room, building ; N. koho chamber , hi shop ; A. koh, kh room ,kuh factory ; B. koh brick -- built house , kuh bank, granary ; Or. koh brick -- built house , h factory, granary ; Bi. koh granary of straw or brushwood in the open ; Mth. koh grain -- chest ; OAw. koha storeroom ; H. koh m. granary , h f. granary, large house , Marw. koho m. room ; G.koh m. jar in which indigo is 142

stored, warehouse , h f. large earthen jar, factory ; M. koh m. large granary , h f. granary, factory ; Si. koa storehouse . -- Ext. with -- a -- : K. khr f. small room ; L. koh f. small side room ; P. koh f. room, house ; Ku. kohe small room ; H. kohr f. room, granary ; M. koh f. room ; -- with -- ra -- : A. kuhar chamber , B. kuhr, Or. kohari; -- with -- lla -- : Sh. (Lor.) kotul (h?) wattle and mud erection for storing grain ; H. kohl m., l f. room, granary ; G. kohl m. wooden box khapla -- , *kharpa -- , *kha -- , khgra -- ; *kajjalakha -- , *duvrakha-, *dvakha -- , dvrakhaka -- .Addenda: kha -- 2: WPah.kg.k hi f. house, quarters, temple treasury, name of a partic. temple , J. koh m. granary , koh f. granary, bungalow ; Garh. kohu house surrounded by a wall ; Md. koi frame , <-> koi cage (Xka -- ). -- with ext.: OP. kohr f. crucible , P. kuhl f., H.kuhr f.; -- Md. koari room .(CDIAL 3546) khapla m. storekeeper W. [kha -- 2, pla -- ] M. kohva m. (CDIAL 3547) 3550 khgra n. storeroom, store Mn. [kha -- 2, agra -- ] Pa. kohgra -- n. storehouse, granary ; Pk. kohgra -- , kohra -- n. storehouse ; K. kuhr m. wooden granary , WPah. bhal. k hr m.; A. B. kuhar apartment , Or. kohari; Aw. lakh. kohr zemindar's residence ; H. kuhiyr granary ; G. kohr m. granary, storehouse , kohriy n. small do. ; M. kohr n., kohr n. large granary , -- r f. small one ; Si. kora granary, store .khgrika -.Addenda: khgra -- : WPah.kg. khr, kc. kuhr m. granary, storeroom , J. kuhr, khr m.; -- Md. koru storehouse Ind. (CDIAL 3550). khgrika m. storekeeper BHSk. [Cf. kh- grin -- m. wasp Sur.: khgra -- ] Pa. kohgrika -- m. storekeeper ; S. kohr m. one who in a body of faqirs looks after the provision store ; Or. kohr treasurer ; Bhoj. kohr storekeeper , H. kuhiyr m. Addenda: khgrika -- : G. kohr m. storekeeper . khin -- see kuhin -- Add2. (CDIAL 3552) Ta. koakai shed with sloping roofs, cow-stall; marriage pandal; koam cattle-shed; koil cow-stall, shed, hut; (STD) koambefeeding place for cattle. Ma. koil cowhouse, shed, workshop, house. Ka. koage, koige, koige stall or outhouse (esp. for cattle), barn, room. Ko. ko shed. Tu.koa hut or dwelling of Koragars; koyashed, stall. Te. komu stable for cattle or horses; koyi thatched shed. Kol. (Kin.) koka, (SR.)korkcowshed; (Pat., p. 59) konoi henhouse. Nk. khoa cowshed. Nk. (Ch.) koka id. Go. (Y.) koa, (Ko.) koam (pl. koak) id. (Voc. 880); (SR.) koka shed; (W. G. Mu. Ma.) koka, (Ph.) korka, kurkacowshed (Voc. 886); (Mu.) koorla, koorli shed for goats (Voc. 884). Malt. koa hamlet. / Influenced by Skt. goha-. (DEDR 2058) koakai, n. < ghaka. [T. koamu, K. koage, Tu. koya.] Shed with sloping 143

roofs, cow-stall, marriagepandal; . (. . 84, 4). koam, n. House; . (, 47). kam, n. < kha. 1. Room, enclosure; . (. 6, 59). 2. Temple; . (. 14, 10). Glyph: dulo hole (N.); rebus: dul to cast metal in a mould (Santali)

kuila bent; kui in cmpd. curve (Skt.)(CDIAL 3231); rebus: kuhi smelter (Santali) CDIAL 3231 kuil bent, crooked Ktyr., aka Pacat., n. a partic. plant lex. [ku 1] Pa. kuila bent, n. bend; Pk. kuila crooked rebus: kuila, katthl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. ra-ka, brass (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230) [kh] m a jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). kh tools, pots and pans, metal-ware. Glyph: piece: k m. a kernel (Kashmiri) [kha] A lump or solid bit (as of phlegm, gore, curds, inspissated milk); any concretion or clot. (Marathi) gu1. In sense fruit, kernel cert. Drav., cf. Tam. koai nut, kernel; A. go a fruit, whole piece, globular, solid, gui small ball, seed, kernel; B. go seed, bean, whole; Or. go whole, undivided, goi small ball, cocoon, goli small round piece of chalk; Bi. go seed; Mth. goa numerative particle (CDIAL 4271) Rebus: koe forging (metal)(Mu.) ko workshop (G.).Sa. gOta? `to scrape, scratch'.Mu. gOta? `to scrape, scratch'.KW gOta?@(M087) Rebus: [ kha ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Kashmiri) L. kho f. alloy, impurity, alloyed, aw. kho forged; P. kho m. base, alloy M.kho alloyed, (CDIAL 3931)

gaa four (Santali) Rebus: ka = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil)

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sangaa lathe, portable furnace. Rebus: jaga entrusment articles. jangaiyo military guard
who accompanies treasure into the treasury (G.) sangaa association, guild. sangatarsu stone cutter (Telugu) sghiyo a worker on a lathe (G.) Vikalpa: mehi pillar. me iron : mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.)

Glyph:kui tree; kui, kuhi, kua, kuha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); ku tree; kaek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kuha, kua (Ka.), kudal (Go.) (Te.lex.) Glyph: tree, rebus: smelting furnace kuhi kua, kui, kuha a tree (Kaus.); kua tree (Pkt.); ku tree; kaek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). Kuha, kua (Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kuhra, kuha, kuaka = a tree (Skt.lex.) ku, kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khu = id. (Or.) kua, kuha = a tree (Ka.lex.) gura = a stump; khuut = a stump of a tree left in the ground (Santali.lex.) kuamu = a tree (Te.lex.) 2 [ kunda2 ] n a stock or butt (of a gun); a stump or trunk (of a tree); a log (of wood); a lump (of sugar etc.). (Bengali) Rebus: k dr turner (B.) , [ kundana, kndana ] n act of turning (a thing) on a lathe; act of carving; act of rushing forward to attack or beat; act of skip ping or frisking; act of bragging. (Bengali) [ kunda ] n a (turner's) lathe; a variety of multi-petalled jasmine.1 [ kunda1 ] v to turn (a thing) on a lathe, to shape by turning on a lathe; to carve; to rush forward to attack or beat; to skip, to frisk; to brag. kui, smelting furnace (Mundari.lex.).kuhi, kui (Or.; Sad. Kohi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuire bica duljako talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of kui has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2 6 dia. At the base and 1 6 at the top. The hole in the center, into which the mixture of charcoal 145 kudar. (Go.) kuha_ra, kuha, kuaka = a tree (Skt.lex.) ku, kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id. (Or.) kuamu = a tree

and iron ore is poured, is about 6 to 7 in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity. Vikalpa: M. ha m. loppings of trees, h m. leafy branch, f. twig, h m. sprig, f. branch. (CDIAL 5546).hako = a large metal ingot (G.) hlak = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)

Close-up of cassiterite crystals 146

Advent of the bronze age in the Indian subcontinent (TM Babu, 2003) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-ziggurat-and-related.html Ancient Near East ziggurat and related hieroglyphs in writing systems Ancient Near East ziggurat and related hieroglyphs in writing systems

Ur. Ziggurat. This is a call for further excavation and exploration of a comparable structure -- the 'stupa' or 'dagoba' in Mohenjo-daro. The results may help redefine the functions of the 'Great Bath' located west of this 'dagoba'.

Three stone Siva Lingas found in Harappa. Plate X [c] Lingam in situ in Trench Ai (MS Vats, 1940, Excavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta): In the adjoining Trench Ai, 5 ft. 6 in. below the surface, was found a stone lingam [Since then I have found two stone lingams of a larger size from Trenches III and IV in this mound. Both of them are smoothed all over]. It measures 11 in. high and 7 3/8 in. diameter at the base and is rough all over. (Vol. I, pp. 51-52)." Worship of iva lingam is an abiding Hindu tradition -- for millenia -- evidenced by the finds at

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Harappa. sanghiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati) have created the stone cuttings of ringstones and pillars as evidenced in Dholavira and Mohenjo-daro.

"Major Sites and Interaction Networks. This map shows the networks that connected urban centers such as Mohenjo-daro and Harappa during the Harppan Period (2600-2000 BC) with their hinterlands and distant resource areas.In addition to these two cities, other known urban centers include Dholavira, Ganweriwala and Rakhigarhi." http://www.harappa.com/indus2/161.html

These giant ringstones of Harappa are similar to ones found in Mohenjo-daro and Dholavira. Local legend claims they were the rings of a giant 17th century saint (Baba Nur Shah) who is buried on Mound AB. Early excavators believed that were significant to the ancient Indus

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religion. Today, archaeologists think that they were used to secure wooden posts at gateways to the city. http://www.harappa.com/walk/21.html .. Several have been found together at Mohenjo-daro, but none are in their original position of use. Discoveries of simil ringstones in the gateways at the site of Dholavira (See the Ancient Indus Region Map in Indus 2, Slide 161.) suggest that they may have been used as the base of wooden columns. Small dowel holes are often found on one side. It is possible that several of the ringstones were stacked with a wooden pole running through the center. A miniature version of such a ringstone column made from shell rings has been reported from the site of Dholavira." http://www.mohenjodaro.net/ancientringstone97.html

" Hieroglyph: Smithy with furnace

The frames of buildings used in the glyphic composition are hieroglyphs: sg m. frame of a building (M.)(CDIAL 12859) Rebus 1: jangaiyo military guards who accompanies treasure into the treasury (G.) Rebus 2: sangho (G.) cutting stone, gilding (G.); sangatar = stone cutter; sangatari = stone-cutting; san:gsru karan.u = to stone (S.) sanghiyo, a worker on a lathe (G.)

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Worshipping couple atop a frame of buildig on Warka vase, denoting a sacred place, temple, sg. See:

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/mohenjo-daro-stupa-great-bathmodeled.html Mohenjo-daro stupa & Great Bath -Modeled after Ziggurat and Sit Shamshi (Kalyanaraman, 2011) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-scarf-hieroglyph-on.html Ancient Near East 'scarf' hieroglyph on Warka vase, cyprus bronze stand and on Indus writing

Indian sprachbund is the linguistic area from which the rebus readings of Indus writing are drawn. 150

The area has produced a remarkable evidence of a lexeme, kole.l The word in Kota language means both a smithy and a temple. A cognate word in Toda kwalal denotes a temple in a Kota village.

Text 1554. Mohenjo-Daro Seal m296 The smithy had evolved into a temple. It is possible to further hypothesize that the metal weapons produced in a smithy were carried by the divinities shown on hieroglyphs as tools of protection and valor. Fire-altars in smithy were sacred. Metal alloys produced there were sacred. Tools and weapons forged out of the metal alloys were sacred. The metalware imbued with sacredness rendered the smithy to be a temple.

A variant appears as Glyph 243 with infixed U glyph.

The U glyphic could be bai

'broad-mouthed, rimless metal vessel'; rebus: bai 'smelting furnace'. The U glyphic is a semantic determinant to emphasize that this is a temple with a smithy furnace. The structural form within which this sign is enclosed may represent a temple: kole.l The last sign on epigraph 1554 (m296 seal) is read as: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Kota) kol working in iron, blacksmith (Ta.); kollan- blacksmith (Ta.); kollan blacksmith, artificer (Ma.)(DEDR 2133) kolme = furnace (Ka.) kole.l 'temple, smithy' (Ko.); kolme smithy' (Ka.) kol = pacaloha (five metals); kol metal (Ta.lex.) pan~caloha = a metallic alloy containing five metals: 151

copper, brass, tin, lead and iron (Skt.); an alternative list of five metals: gold, silver, copper, tin (lead), and iron (dhtu;Nnrtharatnkara 82; Mangarjas Nighau. 498)(Ka.) kol, kolhe, the koles, an aboriginal tribe if iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals (Santali) Read rebus: Glyphs: ayas fish. Rebus: aya metal. Glyph: kaa arrow Rebus: stone (ore)metal; kaa fire-altar. ayaska is explained in Panini as excellent quantity of iron. It can also be explained as metal of stone (ore) iron. kamaha = ficus religiosa (Skt.); kamar.kom ficus (Santali) rebus: kamaa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaam = mint (Ta.) Vikalpa: Fig leaf loa; rebus: loh (copper) metal. loha-kra metalsmith (Skt.).

Glyphic element: erako nave; era = knave of wheel. Glyphic element: ra spokes. Rebus: ra brass as in raka (Skt.) Rebus: Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt (DEDR 866) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) Glyphic element: kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali) Rebus: kundam, kund a sacrificial fire-pit (Skt.) kunda turner kundr turner (A.); k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Glyphic element: corner: *khua2 corner . 2. *kua -- 2. [Cf. *khca -- ] 1. Phal. khun corner ; H.kh m. corner, direction ( P. kh f. corner, side ); G. kh f. angle . <-> X ka -- : G. khu f.,kh m. corner .2. S. kua f. corner ; P. k f. corner, side ( H.). (CDIAL 3898). Rebus: kh community, guild (Mu.)

The sacred space of the smithy and forge constituted the temple, kole.l And the divinities were like sparks from the smith's anvil, effulgent, creative actions. dhtu n. substance RV., m. element MBh., metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) Mn., ashes of the dead lex., *strand of rope (cf.tridhtu -- threefold RV., ayugdhtu -- having an uneven number of strands Ktyr.). [dh] Pa. dhtu -- m. element, ashes of the dead, relic ; KharI. dhatu relic ; Pk. dhu -- m. metal, red chalk ; N. dhu ore (esp. of copper) ; 152

Or. hu red chalk, red ochre (whence hu reddish ; M. dh, dhv m.f. a partic. soft red stone (whence dhva m. a caste of iron -- smelters , dhv composed of or relating to iron ); -- Si. d relic ; -- S. dh f. wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted , L. dh f.(CDIAL 6773). Dhtughara "house for a relic," a dagoba SnA 194. -- cetiya a shrine over a relic DhA iii.29 (Pali) - the ashes of the body , relics dagoba [dgb] n (Fine Arts & Visual Arts / Architecture) a dome-shaped shrine containing relics of the Buddha or a Buddhist saint [from Sinhalese dgoba, from Sanskrit dhtugarbha containing relics] [ aadhtu ] m pl (S) The eight metals, viz. , , , , , , , , Gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, brass, iron, steel. (Marathi) aa-lka-

papam , n. < id. +. Calcined compound of eight metals, viz., , , , ,


, , , .

ttu, n. < dhtu. 1. Mineral, fossil; any natural product from a mine;
. 2. Metals; . (. upatatu, n. < upa-dhtu. Any one of seven minerals, inferior to ttu, viz. , , , , , , ; . (. .) ulkattu , n. < lha * ulka-nimiai , n. < id. +. Variety of bismuth; .

(W.) karu-n-ttu, n. < id. +. Iron; . (. 57,


29). Allograph, Rebus: talai-t-ttu , n. perh. sthaladhtu. Ground palm. See . (.) haj-dt, s.m. (6th) (corrup. of S )The name of a mixed metal, bell-metal, brass. Sing. and Pl. da haj-dto gar, A mountain of brass, a brazen mountain. S ajdaht, s.m. (6th) The name of a mixed metal, bell-metal or brass. Sing.

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and Pl. See . (Pashto)

The Sumerian Ziggurat at Ur During Excavations


Sumerian Ziggurat at Ur reconstructed. "The most prominent Sumerian building was the religious temple, built atop a stepped tower called a ziggurat. Some ziggurats were as high as 70 feet. The temple was dedicated to the patron deity of the city. The people devoted great resources and labor to building these temples and to the houses of priests. The ziggurats housed workshops for craftsmen as well as temples for worship. The ziggurats were built of clay bricks joined together with bitumen, a sticky asphalt like substance. There were artisans who sculpted, cut gems, fullers who stomped on woven wools to soften cloth, and metal workers who crafted weapons as well as artistic creations." http://www.historywiz.com/exhibits/sumerianreligion.html Choga Zambil (Elam) means 'basket mound.' It was built about 1250 BC by the king UntashNapirisha. The structure is comparable to the 'ziggurat' shown on Sit-Shamshi bronze.

Mohenjo-Daro:

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The Great Water reservoir west of 'stupa' area. Without excavations and studies on the 'stupa' and the 'great water reservoir', how can there be an assertion that there are no monumental or religious buildings in the Indus realm? Jansen indicates that the unique access to water had a ritual significance resulting from '...people's mythical awe of the life-giving aspect of the element, rather than from an increasingly profane exploitation of water in the manner of later times...' (Jansen 1993, Mohenjo-daro: Stadt der Brunnen und Kanale: Wasserluxus vor 4500 Jahren. City of Wells and Drains: Water Splendour 4500 years ago. Bergisch Gladbach: Frontinus Gesellshaft: 17).

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Mohenjo-daro 'Stupa' seen from north-west after excavation [Marshall, MIC, Pl. xv(a)].

Depicting water ablutions on sunrise in front of the four-step ziggurat: Susa. Sit-Shamshi (Muse du Louvre, Pars). Tabla de bronce que parece resumir sabiamente el ritual del antiguo Elam. Los zigurats recuerdan el arte mesopotmico, el bosque sagrado alude a la devoci n semita por el rbol verde, la tinaja trae a la mente el "mar de bronce". Los dos hombres en cuclillas hacen su abluci n para celebrar la salida del Sol. Una inscripci n, que lleva el nombre del rey Silhak-in-Shushinak, permite fijar su dataci n en el siglo XII a.C. http://www.historiadelarte.us/mesopotamia%20primitiva/arteelamita.html From Akkadian ziqqurratu, 'temple tower', from zaqru (to build high). Cognates? ikhar m.n. point, peak MBh., erection of hair on body, armpit lex. 2. *ikkhara - .[kh -- ]1. Pa. sikhara -- m. top, summit of mountain, point or edge of sword ; Pk. sihara -- n. crest of hill, top ; K. r m. top, pinnacle ; B. siyar place where head lies in sleep ; Or. siyara head pillow, head end of bed ; M. er m. end, extremity ; -- N. siur cock's comb (X ca -- 1?). -- A. xihariba, xiya (hair) to stand on end, bristle , caus. xiyariba; B. sihar (hair) to stand on end, start , siharna to startle ; Mth. sihrab to shiver , H. siharn. 2. WPah.bhal. ikkhar f. precipitous ridge . (CDIAL 12435) <sika>(D) {NI} ``^marks ^burnt on the arm of the deceased for recognition by ancestors in the other world''. ^funeral. #28491. (Munda) "The texts mention the "temples of the grove," cave sanctuaries where ceremonies related to the daily renewal of nature were accompanied by deposition of offerings, sacrifice and libations. The Sit Shamshi is perhaps a representation. It is also possible that this object is a commemoration of the funeral ceremonies after the disappearance of the sovereign. Indeed, this model was found near a cave, and bears an inscription in Elamite where ShilhakInshushinak remember his loyalty to the lord of Susa, Inshushinak. The text gives the name of 156

the monument, the Sit Shamshi, Sunrise, which refers to the time of day during which the ceremony takes place." Source: http://www.3dsrc.com/antiquiteslouvre/index.php?rub=img&img=236&cat=10 Three stumps on Sit-Shamshi bronze: 1676 Ma. kua a knotty log. Ko. gu stake to which animal is tied, any large wooden peg. To. kuy a stump. Ka. (Coorg) kuu stem of a tree which remains after cutting it. Ko. kue log. Tu. kui stake, peg, stump. Go. (Mu.) kua, gua, (G. Ma.) gua, (Ko.) gua stump of tree; (S.) kua id., stubble; (FH.) kuta jowari stubble (Voc. 731). Pe. kua stump of tree. Kui ga, (K.) gua id. Kuwi (Su.) guu *khua1 peg, post . 2. *khua -- 1. [Same as *khua -- 2? -- See also ka -- .] 1. Ku. khu peg ; N. khunu to stitch (der. *khu pin as khilnu from khil s.v. khla -- ); Mth. khu peg, post ; H. kh m. peg, stump ; Marw. khu f. peg ; M. khu m. post . 2. Pk. khua -- , khoaya -- m. peg, post ; Dm. kua peg for fastening yoke to plough -- pole ; L. kh f. drum -- stick ; P. khu, m. peg, stump ; WPah. rudh. khu tethering peg or post ; A. kh post , i peg ; B. kh , i wooden post, stake, pin, wedge ; Or. khua, pillar, post ; Bi. (with --

a -- ) kh r, r posts about one foot high rising from body of cart ; H. kh m. stump, log
, f. small peg ( P. kh m., f. stake, peg ); G. kh f. landmark , kh m., f. peg , n. stump , iy n. upright support in frame of wagon , kh n. half -- burnt piece of fuel ; M. kh m. stump of tree, pile in river, grume on teat (semant. cf. kla -- 1 s.v. *khila -2), kh m. stake , f. wooden pin , kh a to dibble .WPah.kg. khvnd pole for fencing or piling grass round (Him.I 35 nd poss. wrong for ); J. khu m. peg to fasten cattle to . (CDIAL 3893). Rebus: kuhi smelter furnace (Mu.) kuamu a pit for receiving and preserving consecrated fire (Te.) ku f. fireplace (Hindi); krvI f. granary (Wpah.); ku, kuo house, building(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kui hut made of boughs (Skt.) gui temple (Telugu) kd, k 'bunch of twigs' (Skt.) Rebus: kuhi smelter furnace (Santali) kuh factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) kui, kuhi, kua, kuha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); ku tree; kaek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kuha, kua(Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kuha_ra, kuha, kuaka = a tree (Skt.lex.) ku, kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id. (Or.) kuamu = a tree (Te.lex.) Rebus: kuhi a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron; kolheko kut.hieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuhi, kui (Or.; Sad. kohi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kut.ire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of kui has been given 157

to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2 6 dia. At the base and 1 6 at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6 to 7 in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari.lex.) kuhi= a factory; lil kuhi= an indigo factory (H.kot.hi)(Santali.lex.Bodding) kuh = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kut.hi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. koh) (Santali.lex. Bodding) kuhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuakam, kuukam = cauldron (Ma.); kuuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudga_ to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gu_du_vwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dntar-kuha = fireplace (Sv.); kti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kot.ha_ house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuth factory (A.); koh brick-built house (B.); kuh bank, granary (B.); koho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); koh lare earthen jar, factory (G.); koh granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; koh a store-room; a factory (G.lex.) ko = the place where artisans work (G.lex.)

158

Molded terracotta tablet showing a tree with branches; the stem emanates from a platform (ingot?). Harappa. (After JM Kenoyer/Courtesy Dept. of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Pakistan). Rebus readings provide an explanation for the abiding hieroglyph of a tree which adorns hundreds of punch-marked coins in an expansive area from Taxila to Sri Lanka, across the Indian sprachbund denoting the stock-in-trade of smiths: a smelter furnace. The following etymon explains why a cottage or shed like the Toda mund is a temple is a smithy and why the rectangular ziggurat takes a circular form in veneration of the lineage and of ancestors; the extended family is a lineage with the mund (Iraqi mudhif) serving as the meeting place of the members of the guild of artisans. The term gui uses a mollusc-type form to denote the secondary form of the vowel i ; this form adorns the cap of Gudea: - curi-, 4

v. intr. prob. -. 1. To be spiral, as conch; to whirl round, eddy, as water; .


(. . 7, 3, 1). 2. To wrinkle; . 3. curl; . (. 160). - cui-, 4 v. intr. [T. suiyu, K. sui, M. cui.] 1. To become curved, curled, involved; to form eddies, as on the surface of water; . (. . 34) Ta. curi (-v-, -nt-) to be spiral as conch, whirl round, eddy (as water), curl; (-pp-, -tt-) to wind spirally, whirl, curl, lie in a circle; n. whirling, spiral, curve, screw, white curl on the forehead of bulls; curiyal curling, curly hair, lock of hair, woman's hair; curu (curuv-, curu-) to become coiled, roll, curl (as hair); n. rolling, roll, coil, curl, woman's hair curled and tied up in dressing; curual ringlet, 159

coil; curuairoll; curuu (curui-) to roll up, coil, curl, fold, twist; n. curling, coiling, anything rolled up, cheroot; curuai curly hair, curly-haired boy or girl; curuai anything rolled up; cr (-pp-, -tt) to revolve, whirl round; crppu whirling, revolving, bracelet; cral whirling as of wind. Ma. curiyal a round rattan basket; curuu a roll, cheroot, a sheaf; curu scroll, roll; curuuka to be rolled up, be curled; curuuka to roll up (tr.). Ko. cur- (cur-) to lie in coils (snake, rope); cur- (cury-) to coil, roll (tr.). To. tu (tu-) to be rolled up (curl, leaf); tu- (tuy) to roll up (tr.), curl (hair), tie up (hair); tuk hair curl; tur storm; su cigar (< Ta. curuu).Ka. surui, surue, surai a coil, roll; suruu, suruu to coil, roll up (intr.); surku, sukku to curl; surku, sukku, suku, sokku a curl. Ko. tur- (tur-) to be rolled up; tur- (turi) to roll up (tr.); tore a string that goes round; (torev-, torand-) (string) is wound round and round; tora- (torap-, torat-) to wind (string) round and round. Tu. turu a female's hair tied into a knot; surai, (B-K.) surui a coil, roll of anything. Pa. cir- to turn; cirip- (cirit-) to make to turn; cirukucircuit, roundabout way; cirl- to revolve; cirlip- (cirlit-) to make to revolve. Ga. (S.2) sirl- to revolve; caus. sirlap-; (S.3) sirl- (silr-, silir-) to rotate; silurp- id.(tr.).

Go. (Tr.) surunn to go round and round, esp. in the Bhawar marriage ceremony;
(Ch.) surun- to roll (Voc. 344); (LuS.) hoorchunna to roll up. Pe. hr- (-t-) to wind, wind round, roll up. Kui sursui curly. Kuwi (Su.) rup- to twine round, wind round (tr.); (F.) pali to roll up (as a rope) ( = r); rpali to wind into a ball; (S.) rujja koddinai rigle (sic); (Isr.) r- to roll fibres; (F.) rmblli curly. Kur. krn to put on and tie a sri round one's waist. Malt. kuge to roll up, wrap up. Br. kring to roll up (tr.), make a clean sweep of. Cf. 1794 Ta. kuru. (DEDR 2684)

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[ gui ] gui. [Tel.] n. A circle. The name of the secondary form of the vowel . A temple. A halo round the sun or moon. to meet harm where none was expected. gui-kau. n. The round or total extent of land under a village: a district. gui-konu. v. n. To spread. .(Telugu) Ta. kui house, abode, home, family, lineage, town, tenants; kuikai hut made of leaves, temple; kuical hut; kuicai, kuiai small hut, cottage; kuimaifamily, lineage, allegiance (as of subjects to their sovereign), servitude; kuiy- tenant; kuiyilr tenants; kuil hut, shed, abode; kuakar hut, cottage; kaumpurelations. Ma. kui house, hut, family, wife, tribe; kuima the body of landholders, tenantry; kuiyan slaves (e.g. in Coorg); kuiyn inhabitant, subject, tenant;kuiil hut, thatch; kuil hut, outhouse near palace for menials. Ko. kujl shed, bathroom of Kota house; kum family; ku front room of house; ku hut; guytemple. To. kw shed for small calves; ku room (in dairy or house); ku outer room of dairy, in: ku was fireplace in outer room of lowest grade of dairies (cf. 2857), ku moy bell(s) in outer section of ti dairy, used on non-sacred buffaloes (cf. 4672); kuy Hindu temple; ? kwy a family of children. Ka. kuiya, kuudra, farmer; gui house, temple; guil, gualu, guisalu, guasalu, guasala, etc. hut with a thatched roof. Ko. kui family of servants living in one hut; kuiman of toddy-tapper caste. Tu. gui small pagoda or shrine; guisal, guisil, gusil, guicil hut, shed. Te. koika hamlet; gui temple; guise hut, cottage, hovel. Kol. (SR) gu temple. Pa. gui temple, village resthouse. Ga. (Oll.) gui temple. Go. (Ko.) kuma hut, outhouse; (Ma.) kurma menstruation; (Grigson)kurma lon menstruation hut (Voc. 782, 800); (SR.) gui, (Mu.) gui, (S. Ko.) gui temple; gu (Ph.) temple, (Tr.) tomb (Voc. 1113). Kui gui central room of house, living room. / Cf. Skt. ka-, kui-, k- (whence Ga. (P.) kue hut; Kui ki hut made of boughs, etc.; Kur. kuy small shed or outhouse; Malt. kuya hut in the fields; Br. ku() hut, small house, wife), kuk-, kura-, kuugaka-, kucaka-, koa- hut; kuumba- household (whence Ta. Ma. kuumpam id.; Ko. kumb [? also kum above]; To. kwb, kwbl [-l from wkl, s.v. 925 Ta.okkal]; Ka., Ko., Tu. kuumba; Tu. kuuma; Te. kuumbamu; ? Kui kumbu house [balance word of iu, see s.v. 494 Ta. il]). See Turner, CDIAL, no. 3232,ku-, no. 3493, ka-, no. 3233, kuumba-, for most of the Skt. forms; Burrow, BSOAS 11.137. (DEDR 1655). The three stumps on Sit-Shamshi bronze are likely to have connoted this smelter furnace of bronze-age artisans offering water oblutions, a sacred tradiion which continues without break 161

from Rigvedic times in tirthayatra-s (pilgrimages) and continuous offering of abhishekam to Sivalingas venerating the sacred metaphors of a water-giving divinity in penance over Mt. Kailas yielding Ganga and other himalayan rivers from his locks of hair. He is tryambaka. - He is Rudra. m. "three-eyed" (originally probably "three-mothered" fr. the threefold expression / / / VS. &c ; cf. -/ and ) or (later on) RV. vii , 59 , 12 VS. &c (- Kapisht2h. viii , 10 R.vii Kum. iii , 44 ; cf. Pa1n2. 6-4 , 77 Va1rtt. Pat. )(MonierWilliams, p. 463). Vk is [- P.IV.1.49 Vrt.] The wife of an or holy preceptor; Mv.3.6. cf. . She is / / Sit Shamshi Bronze can be used as an architectural model for reconstructing ancient Mohenjodaro stupa in front of two worshippers. The surround structures of jars holding metal and metalmaking artefacts (e.g. smelter/furnace), water tank model (comparable to the Great Bath) and Lshaped structure comparable to the granary in sites such as Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. On either side of the Sit Shamshi ziggurat there are four (making a total of eight), very smoothed bun- or dome-shaped ingots in bas-relief.. The eight bun ingots may denote [ aadhtu ] m pl (S) The eight metals, viz. , , , , , , , , Gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, brass, iron, steel (zinc?). (Marathi) Dotted circle glyph may note 'pit furnace' associated with a smithy assuming that gaming pieces with dotted-circle hieroglyphs are somehow associated with the life-activities of the people -- mining. Kanaka who conversess with Vidura in mleccha in the Great Epic Mahabharata, also denotes a miner, khanaka.

Ta. curi (-pp-, -tt-) to bore, perforate as in an ola leaf or book; n. hole, aperture, perforation
through the leaves of an ola book, instrument for boring ola leaf or book; curai hollowness, hollow interior, tubularity, cavity; a kind of sharp crowbar; cr (-v-, -nt-) to bore, pierce, scoop out; crvu piercing, boring. Ma. curi round hole pierced through olas to thread them, the instrument which makes the hole. Ka. (Bark.) suri to string, as flowers. Tu. (B-K.) suri to string, bore.(DEDR 2685). cf. gui 'whirl, temple' discussed above (DEDR 1655). kui in cmpd. curve , kuika -- bent MBh. [ku1] Ext. in H. kuuk f. coil of string or rope ; M. ku m. palm contracted and hollowed 162

, kuap to curl over, crisp, contract .(CDIAL 3230). Rebus: ku f. hut MBh., ik -- f. Divyv., k -- f. Hariv. [Some cmpds. have a(ka) -- : Drav. EWA i 222 with lit.: cf. ka -3] Pa. ku -- , ik -- f. single -- roomed hut ; Pk. ku -- f., aya -- n. hut ; Gy. pal. kri house, tent, room , as. kuri, guri tent JGLS New Ser. ii 329; Sh. ki village, country ; WPah. jaun. ko house ; Ku. ku, o house, building , ghar -- ku house and land , gng. ku house ; N. kur nest or hiding place of fish , kuri burrow, hole for small animals , ka -- kuro small shed for storing wood ; B. kuiy small thatched hut ; Or. ku, i hut ; H. ku f. fireplace ; M. ku f. hut ; Si. kiiya hut, small house .ku -- : WPah.kg. krvi f. granary (for corn after threshing) ; Garh. kuu house ; -- B. phonet. k e.(CDIAL 3232).

kola, kolum = a jackal (G.) kolhuyo (Dh.Des.); kulho, kolhuo (Hem.Des.); kro (Skt.) kul seren = the tigers son, a species of lizard (Santali) kolo, kole jackal (Kon.lex.) Rebus: kol metal (Ta.) kol = pan~calokam (five metals) (Ta.lex.) kol = pan~calokam (five metals); kol metal (Ta.lex.) pan~caloha = a metallic alloy containing five metals: copper, brass, tin, lead and iron (Skt.); an alternative list of five metals: gold, silver, copper, tin (lead), and iron (dhtu; Nnrtharatnkara. 82; Man:garjas Nighan.t.u. 498)(Ka.) kol, kolhe, the koles, an aboriginal tribe if iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals (Santali) kol = kollan-, kamma_l.an- (blacksmith or smith in general)(Ta.lex.) kollar = those who guard the treasure (Ta.lex.) cf. golla (Telugu) khol, kholi_ = a metal covering; a loose covering of metal or cloth (G.) [The semant. expansions to kollpuri or kolhpur and also to 'kollppan.t.i' a type of cart have to be investigated further]. kol working in iron, blacksmith (Ta.); kollan-blacksmith (Ta.); kollan blacksmith, artificer (Ma.)(DEDR 2133) 163

erugu = to bow, to salute or make obeisance (Te.) er-agu = obeisance (Ka.), ir_ai (Ta.) er-agisu = to bow, to be bent; to make obeisance to; to crouch; to come down; to alight (Ka.lex.) cf. arghas = respectful reception of a guest (by the offering of rice, du_rva grass, flowers or often only of water)(SBr.14)(Skt.lex.) erugu = to bow, to salute or make obeisance (Te.) Rebus: eraka, er-aka any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.) eruvai copper (Ta.); ere dark red (Ka.)(DEDR 446). erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) Metal: akka, aka (Tadbhava of arka) metal; akka metal (Te.) arka = copper (Skt.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) agasle, agasli, agaslavd.u = a goldsmith (Te.lex.) erakaddu = any cast thng; erake hoyi = to pour meltted metal into a mould, to cast (Ka.); cf. arika = rice beer (Santali.lex.) er-e = to pour any liquids; to pour (Ka.); ir-u (Ta.Ma.); ira- i (Ta.); er-e = to cast, as metal; to overflow, to cover with water, to bathe (Ka.); er-e, ele = pouring; fitness for being poured(Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) ehkam any weapon made of steel (C.); eh-ku steel; eh-ku-pat.utal to melt, to soften (Cilap. 15, 210, Urai.)(Ta.lex.) eraka, era, era = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.) eraklu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) eh-kam any weapon made of steel (C.); eh-ku steel; eh-ku-pat.utal to melt, to soften (Cilap. 15, 210, Urai.)(Ta.lex.) Person kneeling under a tree facing a tiger. [Chanhudaro Excavations, Pl. LI, 18] 6118 Seal TA-T ID 1743 Alloy of five metals, moltencast copper (erako), smelter-furnace, mineral (dhatu) smelterfurnace, fire-altar smithy du= cross over; da- (da.-t-) to cross (Kol.)(DEDR 3158) Rebus: dhtu mineral; rebus: dhatu = a mineral, metal (Santali)

gae to place at a right angle to

something else, cross, transverse; ga ga across, at right angles, transversely (Santali) [Note: A slanted line Lahn.d.a writing of accounts connotes a quarter; a straight line connotes one.] Rebus: kaa fire-altar (Santali) ka iron as in ayaska excellent iron (Pan.Skt.) kolmo three (Mu.); rebus: kolimi smithy (Te.)

Rebus: kandi (pl.l) beads, necklace (Pa.); kanti (pl.l) bead, (pl.) necklace; kandi bead (Ga.)(DEDR 1215). Rebus Vikalpa 1: kha ivory (H.) Rebus Vikalpa 2: khaaran, kharun pit furnace (Santali) 164

kha f. Hole, mine, cave (CDIAL 3790). Kanduka, kandaka ditch, trench (Tu.); kandakamu id. (Te.); kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings (Konda); kanda small trench for fireplace (Kui); kandri a pit (Malt)(DEDR 1214) khaa hole, pit. [Cf. *gaa and list s.v. kart1] Pk. Kha f. hole, mine, cave, aga m. one who digs a hole, laya m. hole; Bshk. (Biddulph) kd (= kha?) valley; K. kh m. pit, kh f. small pit, khou m. vulva; S. khaa f. pit; L. kha f. pit, cavern, ravine; P. kha f. pit, ravine, f. hole for a weavers feet ( Ku. Kha, N. kha; H. kha, kha m. pit, low ground, notch; Or. Khi edge of a deep pit; M. kha m. rough hole, pit); Wpah. Kha. Kha stream; N. kho pit, bog, khi creek, khal hole (in ground or stone). Altern. < *kha: Gy. Gr. Xar f. hole; Ku. Kh pit; B. kh creek, inlet, khal pit, ditch; H. kh f. creek, inlet, khahar, al m. hole; Marw. Kho m. hole; M. kh f. hole, creek, m. hole, f. creek, inlet. 3863 khtra n. hole Hpari., pond, spade U. [khan] Pk. Khatta n. hole, manure, aya m. one who digs in a field; S. khru m. mine made by burglars, ro m. fissure, pit, gutter made by rain; P. kht m. pit, manure, khtt m. grain pit, ludh. Khatt m. ( H. khatt m., khatiy f.); N. kht heap (of stones, wood or corn); B. kht, kht pit, pond; Or. Khta pit, t artificial pond; Bi. Kht hole, gutter, grain pit, notch (on beam and yoke of plough), khatt grain pit, boundary ditch; Mth. Kht, khatt hole, ditch; H. kht m. ditch, well, f. manure, kht m. grain pit; G. khtar n. housebreaking, house sweeping, manure, khtriy n. tool used in housebreaking ( M. khtar f. hole in a wall, khtr m. hole, manure, khtry m. housebreaker); M. kht n.m. manure (llsd. khatvi to manure, khter n. muck pit). Unexpl. in L. khv m. excavated pond, kh f. digging to clear or excavate a canal (~ S. kht f. id., but khyro m. one employed to measure canal work) and khaa to dig. (CDIAL 3790) gaa 1 m. ditch lex. [Cf. *gaa1 and list s.v. kart1] Pk. Gaa n. hole; Pa. Gau dike; Kho. (Lor.) g hole, small dry ravine; A. gar high bank; B. ga ditch, hole in a husking machine; Or. Gaa ditch, moat; M. ga f. hole in the game of marbles. 3981 *gaa 1 hole, pit. [G. < *garda? Cf. *ga1 and list s.v. kart1] Pk. Gaa m. hole; Wpah. Bhal. Cur. Ga f., pa. ga, p. Ga river, stream; N. gatir bank of a river; A. gr deep hole; B. g, hollow, pit; Or. Ga hole, cave, gi pond; Mth. Gi piercing; H. g m. hole; G. gar, m. pit, ditch (< *graa < *garda?); Si. Gaaya ditch. Cf. S. gii f. hole in the ground for fire during Muharram. X khn: K. gn m. underground room; S. (LM 323) g f. mine, hole for keeping water; L. g m. small embanked field within a field to keep water in; G. g f. mine, cellar; M. g f. cavity containing water on a raised piece of land Wpah.kg. g hole (e.g. after a knot in wood). (CDIAL 3947) 165

A variety of rods of ivory (SV 14: 03R00338; SV 13:01G02011). Courtesy Jansen, RWTH. Aachen University.

A 'casting bone/casting stick' (Marshall 1931: Plate XXXII.22)

Ivory 'fish' (Marshall 1931, Mohenjodaro and the Indus civilization. Being an official account of archaeological excavations at Mohenjo-daro carried out by the Govt. of India between the years 192 and 1927, Vol. I-III, London: Arthur Probsthain: Plate CXXXII.19). In some cases, eyes and fins show traces of white, red or black paint.

Hair-pin of the short, flat and rectangular type (Mackay 1938, Further excavations at Mohenjodaro: being an official account of archaeological excavations at Mohenjo-daro carried out by the Govt. of India between the years 1927 and 1931, Vol. I-II: Govt. of India Press: Plate CXXXVI.79). See: Elke Rogersdotter, 2011, Gaming in Mohenjo-daro -- an archaeology of Unities, Univ. of Gothenburg, Sweden. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/24042 "Concentrating on game-related materials, which seem to constitute a significant part of the number of finds found at the site,we 166

catch a glimpse of the habits and movement patterns of individuals. As shown, this can open for questions relating to such things as degree of societal openness versus seclusion. It can also lead us past too simplified ideas as to social differentiation, and provide us with alternative thoughts concerning societal changes. Pointing at the potential of this old, already excavated material, the work has at the same time been impaired with difficulties as to exactness in spatial distribution and related issues. It therefore ends with a call for new excavations, presenting a methodology that is capable of brushing against aspects of human life rather than discussing elusive authorities." A call for new excavations includes the excavation of 'stupa' or 'dagoba' area of Mohenjo-daro to unravel the connections and parallels with the 'ziggurat' as a temple in a nearby civilization area. See: http://archive.org/details/cu31924071128825 Gopinatha Rao, T.A., 1914, Elements of

Hindu iconography, Madras, Law Printing House. The remarkable work discusses the many
hieroglyphs shown associated with images of divinities in the religious traditions of Hindu civilization. The evolution of the kole.l smithy into a temple has to be explored further in the context of the structural similarities between Toda mund and Iraqi mudhif. Hieroglyphs of mudhif (mund) are also shown on Indus writing corpora. The continuum of pukarii, sacred water tank in front of many temple can be traced back to the 'great water reservoir' in front and to the west of stupa or dagoba in Mohenjo-daro, possibly a temple like the ziggurat of Ancient Near East. Sacredness associated with tre-foil motif Jeweller's polishing stone, purifier. potR `" Purifier "'N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman (RV. Br. rS. Hariv.)

167

Tree in front. Fish in front of and above a onehorned bull. Cylinder seal impression (IM 8028), Ur, Mesopotamia. White shell. 1.7 cm. High, dia. 0.9 cm. [Cf. Mitchell 1986 Indus and Gulf type seals from Ur: 280-1, no.8 and fig. 112; Shaikha Haya Ali Al Khalifa and Michael Rice, 1986,Bahrain through the ages: the archaeology, London: 280-1, no.8 and fig. 112]. cf. Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 7-8, pl. I, no.7;; Parpola, 1994, p. 181; fish vertically in front of and horizontally above a unicorn; trefoil design

Trefoil (three hollow cicles united in a clover design) motif adorns the shawl worn by the priest statue who leaves his right shoulder bare and identified as eminent with a pectoral tied to the forehead. S. pot f. shawl Pk. potta -- , taga -- ,tia -- n. cotton cloth , pott -- , ti -, tullay -- , putt -- f. piece of cloth, man's dhot, woman's s , pottia -- wearing clothes (CDIAL 8400) ptramu a cloth (Telugu) pttu , n. < . 1. Hole, hollow (Tamil) buhi mala a bead with wide hole (Santali) peaa three (Santali) posta red thread employed to make borders of cloth (Santali) pta2 m. cloth , ptik -- f. lex. 2. *ptta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as ptra -- 2 n. cloth lex.). 3. *pttha -- 2 ~ pavsta<-> n. covering (?) RV., rough hempen cloth AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pnt -- f. cloth Divyv. 5. *pcca -- 2 < *ptya-- ? (Cf. pty = ptn samha P.gaa. -- pta -- 1?). 168

[Relationship withprta -- n. woven cloth lex., plta -- bandage, cloth Sur. or with pavsta - is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning cloth to smear with, smearing poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. working in clay (prob. Drav., Tam. pcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)] 1. Pk. pa -- n. cloth ; Pa.ar. pwok cloth , pg net, web (but lau. dar. pwk cotton cloth , Gaw. pk IIFL iii 3, 150). 2. Pk. potta -- , taga -- , tia -- n. cotton cloth , pott -, ti -- , tullay -- , putt -- f. piece of cloth, man's dhot, woman's s , pottia-- wearing clothes ; S. pot f. shawl , potyo m. loincloth ; L. pot, pl. t f. width of cloth ; P. potm. child's clout , pot to smear a wall with a rag ; N. poto rag to lay on lime -- wash , potnu to smear ; Or. pot gunny bag ; OAw. pota smears, plasters ; H. pot m. whitewashing brush , pot f. red cotton , potiy m. loincloth , pot m. baby clothes ; G. potn. fine cloth, texture , pot n. rag ,pot f., tiy n. loincloth , pot f. small do. ; M. pot m. roll of coarse cloth , n. weftage or texture of cloth , potr n. rag for smearing cowdung .3. Pa. potthaka -- n. cheap rough hemp cloth ,potthakamma -- n. plastering ; Pk. pottha -- , aya -- n.m. cloth ; S. potho m. lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium . 4. Pa. ponti -- rags . 5. Wg. p cotton cloth, muslin , Kt. pu; Pr. pu duster, cloth , puk clothes ; S. poco m. rag for plastering, plastering ; P. poccm. cloth or brush for smearing ,poc to smear with earth ; Or. pucra, pucur wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag . (CDIAL 8400) ptti pi , < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; . (W.) 2. Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; . (W.) 3. See , 1.--int. Exclamation of praise;. (. 13, 92) (Tamil) potR `" Purifier "'N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman (RV. Br. rS. Hariv.) trika, a group of three (Skt.) The occurrence of a three-fold depiction on a trefoil may thus be a phonetic determinant, a suffix to pot as in potka Rebus reading of the hieroglyph: potti temple-priest (Ma.) ptti pi , < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; . (W.) 2. Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; . (W.) 3. See , 1.--int. Exclamation of praise;. (. 13, 92) (Tamil) potR `" Purifier "'N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman (RV. Br. rS. Hariv.)

169

Rebus: Bi. pot jeweller's polishing stone (CDIAL 8403). [The dotted circle may denote a polished bead; hence, Pk. pott -- f. glass (CDIAL 8403).] Sacredness connoted by the temple-priest explains the occurrence of the trefoil glyph on the base for holding a ivalinga. Two bases decorated with trefoil and a lingam. Smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone. National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi. After Mackay 1938: 1,411; II, pl. 107:35; cf. Parpola, 1994, p. 218.

See the dotted circle hieroglyph on the bottom of the sacred device, sangaa

Rebus: Bi. pot jeweller's polishing stone (CDIAL 8403). [The dotted circle may denote a polished bead; hence, Pk. pott -- f. glass (CDIAL 8403).] pher a heifer (Santali) Heifer with trefoil inlays, Uruk (W.16017) c. 3000 BCE; shell mass with inlays of lapis lazuli, 5.3 cm long. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; cf. Parpola, 1994, p. 213. Rebus: Spade, mattock: *sphiy -- , sphy -- *scapula . 2. m. flat piece of wood for stirring offerings of boiled rice or for trimming mound used as altar AV., boom, spar Br., m.n. a kind of oar R. [Both meanings in Ir. *phiya -- : Wkh. fih shoulderblade , Shgh. fyak, Kurd. pil, pwl shoulder ~ Wkh. pi shovel , Sar. Ishk. fi, Shgh. fe: cf. K. L. Janert KZ 79, 89 -- 111. 1. Wg. pw scapula ; Pa.ku. ph scapula , ar. ph, pi back of shoulder , po -- m upper part of my back ; Gaw. pho shoulderblade ( Sv. phe NOPhal 45); Kho. phiu scapula ; Bshk. ph shoulderblade (pl. phir < sphiyapa -- ); Mai. pha shoulder; -- Sh.gil. jij. phi u, koh. ph m., pales. ph o (< *sphiyya -- ?). <-> Ext. -- kk -- : Gy. eur. phiko m. shoulder (DGW iv 294 wrongly < prh -- ); K. phyoku, dat. phkis m. shoulderblade ; -- -- l -- : Sh. phyl m. 170

shoulder , (Lor.) piolo shoulderblade. 2. Pa. phiya -- m. (in cmpds. usu. piya -- ) oar ; Kho. ph wooden spade , (Lor.) phiyu dung spade ; K. phyohu, phyuhu (dat. phihis, phhis) m. snow -- scoop . <-> Ext. -- kk -- : Shum. phyk wooden shovel, Pa. pka (enlarged fr. *ph Par. ph IIFL iii 3, 140); -- -- l -- : Sh. (Lor.) piolo wooden spade, oar . -- Connexion, though possible (sphya -- + ?), obscure: Ku. phauo a kind of mattock, spade ; N. pharuw mattock, hoe , phyuri long -- handled implement for levelling ricefield ; B. phu, ph spade, hoe; Or. phu digging hoe ; Bi. phahur, pharuh, phau, uh scraper for making banks of irrigation beds ; H. phw m., f., phau, pharuw m. mattock, hoe , pharh m. a kind of rake or hoe ; M. phv m. large hoe (esp. a wooden one) , f. wooden hoeshaped instrument for skimming molasses, large hoe , n. hoe or scraper .Shgh. Ishk. fay wooden shovel , Bj. fiy, Wj. fi; -- ext. -- kk -- in Shgh. Wj. fiyak wooden shovel, shoulderblade ; Ishk. fayk shoulder , Wkh. fiak, Sogd. byk; Chvar. fyk rudder -- EVSh 34 S.kcch. pv f. small wooden shovel ? (CDIAL 13839). [ kamu ] kamu. [Tel.] n. A whetstone. .

ambakam 1 An eye (in ).-2 A father.-3 Copper. (Skt.)

[ tiga ] tiga. [from Skt. .] n. Three . tiga-kani. n. The three eyed one, i.e., Siva, . tiga-vancha. n. Four. (Telugu) tika (adj. -- n.) [Vedic trika] consisting of 3, a triad S ii. 218 (t. -- bhojana); DhA iv.89 ( -- nipta, the book of the triads, a division of the Jtaka), 108 (t. -- catukka -- jhna the 3 & the 4 jhnas); Miln 12 (tika -duka -- paimait dhammasangan); Vism 13 sq.; DhsA 39 ( -- duka triad & pair).(Pali) a. [-] 1 Digging, dividing. -2 A digger, excavator; Rm.2.8.1. - 1 A miner; Mb.3.15.5. -2 A house-breaker. -3 A rat. -4 A mine. [- P.III.2.184] A spade, hoe, a pick-axe; Rv.1.179.6. khanitrakam trik A small shovel; s.61.19. a. [ ] 1 Triple, three-fold. -2 Forming a triad; Rv. 1.59.9. -3 Three per cent; cf. Ms.8.152 Kull. -4Happening the third time. - 1 A triad; Bhg.11.2.42. -2 A place where three roads meet. -3 The lower part of the spine, the part about the hips; Ak. (Mar. ); Pt.1.19; R.6.16; ...... iva. B.13.126. -4 The part between the shoulder- blades. -5 The three spices. - 1 A contrivance for raising water 171

(like a wheel) over which passes the rope of the bucket. -2 The cover of a well. -Comp. - the 3 triads ( , and ). - the loins.

Trefoil decorated bull calf; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. Steatite statue fragment. Mohenjo-daro (Sd 767). After Ardeleanu-Jansen, 1989: 196, fig. 1; cf. Parpola, 1994, p. 213. ptu male of animals (Telugu) A phonetic determinative of the trefoil motif.

Trefoils painted on steatite beads. Harappa (After Vats. Pl. CXXXIII, Fig. 2) Glyph: pottar, pottal, n. < id. [Ka.poare, Ma. pottu, Tu.potre.] Fillet on the fore-head of the priest statuette, 2700 BCE. Stone. Mohenjo-daro. Karachi Museum. The priest wears a fillet similar to the two fillets of gold which bears the standard device embossed on them. The fillets of gold were discovered at Mohenjo-daro. Similar gold ornaments with embossed standard devices were also reported from an Akkadian burial site in West Asia. [Source: Page 22, Fig. 12 in: Deo Prakash Sharma, 2000, Harappan seals,

sealings and copper tablets, Delhi, National Museum].

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Gold fillet showing sacred device--- sangaa. Gold fillet depicting the standard device, Mohenjo-daro, 2600 BCE. [Source: Page 32 in: Deo Prakash Sharma, 2000, Harappan seals, sealings and copper tablets, Delhi, National Museum]. At a Marshall, MIC, Pl. CLI are specimens of fillets consisting of thin bands of beaten gold with holes for cords at their ends. with holes for cords at their ends. Harappa. Standard device shown on faience tablets (left: H90-1687, right, H93-2051) and carved in ivory (center, H93-2092). [After Fig. 5.12 in JM Kenoyer, 1998]. The miniature replica object has been recovered in 1993 from excavations at Harappa. This may be an ivory replica of a device made of basketry and wood. This replica shows a hemispherical lower basin with dotted circles and a cylindrical top portion with cross-hatching. The shaft extending from the base seems to be broken on this replica. Dotted circle is a sacred glyph. It is a hieroglyph.

Text 5477 Dotted circles + circumscribed fish + 'comb' motif. aya fish (Mu.); rebus: aya metal (Skt.) gaa set of four (Santali) kaa fire-altar khareo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: khard turner (G.) 173

Alternative: Hindi kgher m. caste of comb -- makers , r f. a woman of this caste. kmsako, kmsiyo = a large sized comb (Gujarati); Rebus: ksri pewterer (Bengali)

Comb motif + fish + arrow on Text 4604 Text 4604

The central ornament worn on the forehead of the famous "priest-king" sculpture from Mohenjodaro appears to represent an eye bead, possibly made of gold with steatite inlay in the center. <Er-Da>(LL) {X} ``thrice''. #20783. <Er-n+m>(L) {N} ``three years''. #25190. <Er-rED>(Z) {N} ``thrice''. #25200. <Er-t+b>(DL) {X} ``^three ^shares, a ^third''. #25210. <aphai> {NUM} ``^three''. @0516. #1331. <Ggi'i~>(F) {NUM} ``^three (non-human)''. ^003. @N1208a. #1391. <Gge=NDro>(F) {NUM} ``^three (human)''. ^003. |<-NDro> human classifier. @N1208. #1352. <kore=Ggi'i>(F) {NUM} ``^twenty-^three''. ^023. |<kore> `twenty'. @N1228. #1402. e>(:),,<he>(*),,<pe>(*) {NUM} ``^three''. *Kh.<u'phe>(D), Sa.<pe>, Mu.<api>, Ho<api-a>, ~<ape>, So.<yagi>. %9811. #9731. 174

<e-gOTa>(KMP),,<ei-gOTa>(K) {NUM} ``^three''. |<goTa> `whole, numeral intensive suffix'. %9820. #9740. <u?phe>(BD) {NUM} ``^three''. |<u?> cf. <u-bar> `two' and <i?-phon>(D) `four'; <pe>, <phe> `three'. #32621. Glyph: <dul> {V2} ``to ^pour out water in offering to the gods; to ^water a garden''. @5312. #8221. Glyph: dula pair. Rebus: dul casting (metal) (Santali) Glyph: kolmo rice plant. Rebus: kolami smithy kolomsprout; kolom = cutting, graft; to graft, engraft, prune; kolma hoo = a variety of the paddy plant (Desi)(Santali.) kolmo rice plant (Mu.) Rebus: kolami furnace,smithy (Te.) : kolom cob; kolmo seedling, rice (paddy) plant (Munda.) kolmo three. Rebus: kolami smithy, forge.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-one-horned-young-bull.html Ancient Near East One-horned young bull and other hieroglyphs on Persepolis fortification tablets Ancient Near East One-horned young bull and other hieroglyphs on Persepolis fortification tablets

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Many cylinder seal impressions on Persepolis Fortification tablets are abiding hieroglyphs of Indus writing. Many have been classified as heroic encounters or combats. Some hieroglyphs in these seal impressions do have vivid paralleld on Indus writing. Many have inscriptions in Aramaic and some in Elamite, with the name of the owner of the seal, identified as son of...On PFS 32, the person uddayauda is identified as kanzabara ('treasurer') and on PFS 1972 titled as kurdabatti ('chief of workers'). Animals shown include lions, often winged, bird-headed lions, deer, wild goats, wild sheep. PF 102. Cat. No. 1. Cylinder seal. Ht. 2 cm. Hero faces right, arms straight at horizontal; hero grasps two rampant bulls by throat. Each bull holds upper foreleg straight and extends it upward toward hero's head...Each bull has long curved horn that emerges from front of its head. Mane is indicated by outline along contour of neck that of bull at left has diagonal hatching; each bull is ithyphallic. Crescent is in upper terminal field; star is in middle terminal field. .. Garrison suggests that PFS 102 may be an office seal.

PF 154 and PF 155 are the earliest dated tablets with PFS 102 and are both dated 499/498 BCE. 176

PFS 778 Cat. No. 11 earliest dated application: 500/499 BCE. Ht. 1.2 cm... Creature to left has two wings indicated.

PFS 841. Cat. No. 13. Plant and bird in field.

PFS 38. Cat. No. 16. Human-headed bulls with wings. Sprays of lotus blossoms, buds and papyrus blossoms emerging from nimbus of stars...The seal is a personal seal of Irtaduna, wife of Darius I. She uses the seal to draw royal provisions.

Source: Garrison, Mark B. and Margaret Cool Root, Fortification tablets Vol. I, Images of Heroic 177

Encounter, Oriental Institute Publications, Volume 117, Chicago... http://oi.uchicago.edu/pdf/OIP117P1.pdf Seals on the Persepolis fortification tablets, Vol. I, Univ. of Chicago, 2001 http://oi.uchicago.edu/pdf/OIP117P2.pdf Plates The hieroglyphs mentioned herein have been read rebus on corpora of Indus writing:

kd [ kha ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus 1: k nu or konu m. a


hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri) Rebus 2: A. kundr, B. k dr, ri, Or. kundru; H. k der m. one who works a lathe, one who scrapes , r f., k dern to scrape, plane, round on a lathe .(CDIAL 3297).

Anzu aslion-headed eagle concordant with amu 'soma' (Rigveda)


eaka wing (Telugu) Rebus: eraka copper(Kannada). baa = quail (Santali) Rebus: baa = kiln (Santali); baa = a kind of iron (G.) bhah f. kiln, distillery, aw. bhah; P. bhah m., h f. furnace, bhah m. kiln; S. bhah ke distil (spirits).

agara = tabernae ontana (Skt.) Rebus: tagara 'tin'. damgar 'merchant' Heb. tamar palm tree, date palm. Rebus: tam(b)ra = copper (Pkt.) [ mh ] m A stake, esp. as forked. me(h), meh f., meh m. post, forked stake .(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.)

k horn gta sack. Rebus: k dr turner, brass-worker khoa ingot forged, alloy. [ kha
] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. Hence [ khasa ] a ( & from ) Alloyed--a metal. (Marathi) Bshk. kho embers, Phal. kho ashes, burning coal; L. khof alloy, impurity, alloyed, aw. kho forged; P. kho m. base, alloy M.kho alloyed(CDIAL 3931) m h face. Rebus: m h metal ingot (Santali) m h = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.

178

meha polar star (Marathi) Rebus: me iron (Ho.Mu.) Allograph: meh ram. Such abiding hieroglyphs are likely to be remembered associations with the smithy and metalware of meluhha artisans. Indian sprachbund is the linguistic area from which these rebus readings are drawn. The area has produced a remarkable evidence of a lexeme, kole.l The word in Kota language means both a smithy and a temple. A cognate word in Toda kwalal denotes a temple in a Kota village. The smithy had evolved into a temple. It is possible to further hypothesize that the metal weapons produced in a smithy were carried by the divinities shown on hieroglyphs as tools of protection and valor. Fire-altars in smithy were sacred. Metal alloys produced there were sacred. Tools and weapons forged out of the metal alloys were sacred. The metalware imbued with sacredness rendered the smithy to be a temple. The sacred space of the smithy and forge constituted the temple, kole.l And the divinities were like sparks from the smith's anvil, effulgent, creative actions. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-scarf-hieroglyph-on.html Ancient Near East 'scarf' hieroglyph on Warka vase, cyprus bronze stand and on Indus writing

Notes on the role of Dilmun in Indus trade with contact areas: Dilmun (present-day Bahrain) and Magan (or Makan, present-day Oman) of Arabian Peninsula had trade connections with the Indus. Maysar, Ra's al-Hadd and R'as al-Junayz -- sites in Oman; Tell Abrak (United Arab Emirates) -- sites in Bahrain and Failaka; Ur, Nippur, Kish and Susa -- sites in Mesopotamia between Tigris-Euphrates and in Elam, have provided evidence of Indus trade presence. Sutkagen-dor and Sokta-koh were ports near today's Iran border and indicate the role of sea-faring in Indus trade. A remote Indus trade outpost was perhaps 179

Shortughai, on the Oxus in Afghanistan, beyond the Hindu Kush range of mountains. Dilmun has produced seals with Indus inscription, Linear Elamite inscribed atop an Indusstylized bull and a tablet with cuneiform -- all simultaneously being used ca. 2000 BCE: "The presence in Dilmun of these three different writing systems de fabrication locale, meaning the co-existence of Linear Elamite, the Indus script, and lastly the Mesopotamian cuneiform, allsimultaneously being used ca. 2000 BCE (Glassner, Jean-Jacques. 1999.Dilmun et Magan: la place de lcriture.In Languages and Cultures in Contact: At the Crossroads of Civilizations in the Syro-Mesopotamian Realm(Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta), edited by Karel Van Lerberghe and Gabriela Voet, 133-44. Leuven: Peeters Press en Departement Oosterse Studies Glassner), does demonstrably argue in favour of what archaeology has already proven: that Dilmuns role as a leading commercial center in the Mesopotamian world-system also places it at the crossroads of civilizations as far as languages and cultureis concerned. (As Glassner notes, the fact that archaeological discoveries reveal these three writing systems to be coexisting andsimultaneously used in Dilmun at this time (ca. 2000 BC) is not at all inconceivable. He writes: Trois critures seraient doncsimultanment en usage, Dilmun, autour de 2000, deux dentre elles sont notes sur des cachets *le linaire lamite etlharrapen+, la troisime *le cuniforme msopotamien+ lest sur des tablettes. Le fait est parfaitement concevable: ne serait lorigine trangre des trois critures, la situation est tout fait comparable celle de la Crte o, dans la premire moiti du 2 e millnaire, trois critures coexistent dont lune, notamment, de caractre linaire (linaire A), est note sur des tablettes dargile. On sait, dautres part, que les Vay de Cte dIvoire utilisent galement trois critures. (1999, 137) As far as the reason for their usage, Glassner suspects that it had something to do with thecommercial trading activities occurring at this time (ibid., 137). In relation to discoveries made in Magan,they are also quite significantly comparable to the Dilmunite finds, and there has even been unearthed inMagan a locally fabricated seal which contains the same Indus signs as one discovered in Lothal, the ancientIndus port city (ibid.).It can therefore be observed that in many ways these archaeological findings do establish somelegitimate grounds for discussing the shared linguistic and/or cultural hybridity (or plurality) of the societiesof Magan (Oman), Dilmun (Bahrain), and Meluhha (Indus). The fact that these same three lands are 180

oftenmentioned together in the Mesopotamian (cuneiform) records and even often in the same sentence, as Bibby (1969, 219) remarks does lend further support to the archaeological finds in making valid cross-cultural links between these ancient peoples. Not unlike the ancient Dilmunites, it would not then be entirelyinconceivable to think of the Indus businesspeople as similarly being exposed to these other contemporarywriting systems, most notably such as those of neighbouring Elam (either the proto-Elamite or later LinearElamite script) or the Mesopotamian cuneiform that dominated the Gulf trade in which they were actively engaged".(Paul D. LeBlanc, 2012, The Indus culture and writing system in contact, The Ottawa

Journal of Religion, La Revue des sciences des religions d'Ottawa, Vol. 4, 2012, No. 4, 2012).

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/tablet-of-destinies.html Ancient Near east Anzu, falcon-shaped fire-altar Uttarakhand, turning a (Rigveda), ancu (Tocharian) in smithy. Ancient Near east Anzu, falcon-shaped fire-altar Uttarakhand, turning a (Rigveda), ancu (Tocharian) in smithy.

Ear of corn. Msopotamie, room 1a: La Msopotamie du Nolithique l'poque des Dynasties archaques de Sumer. Uruk period (4000 BC3100 BCE) MNB 1906 Sceau-cylindre Troupeau de boeufs dans un champ de bl poque d'Uruk Muse du Louvre, Atlas database: entry 11336 Calcaire. Limestone. 3,8 x 2,3 cm

Cylinder seal and impression: cattle herd at the cowshed. White limestone, Mesopotamia, Uruk Period (4100 BC3000 BCE). A 25 (Klq 17) 181

Louvre

kole.l 'temple' (Kota.) Rebus: kole.l 'smithy' (Kota) Ta. eruvaiEuropean bamboo reed. Rebus: eruvai copper (Tamil).The Toda mund (Iraqi mudhif) is decorated with bamboo reed. Hence, the hieroglyphic composition denotes a copper smithy or metals workshop.

Bi. s the smallest sheaf (or poss. < *adhama -- ); Si. asa part, half .(CDIAL 2) a thread, minute particle, ray. Pa. asu -- m. thread ; Pk. asu -- m. sunbeam ; A. h fibre of a plant , OB. su; B. s fibre of tree or stringy fruit, nap of cloth ; Or. su fibrous layer at root of coconut branches, edge or prickles of leaves , s f. fibre, pith ; -- with -- i -- in place of - u -- : B. i fibre ; M. sn. fine particles of flattened rice in winnowing fan ; A. hiy fibrous .(CDIAL 4) Rebus: a m. filament esp. of soma -- plant RV.(CDIAL 4) [ kha ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kd to turn in a lathe (B.) [kaa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) koe young bull (Telugu) ko one. Ta. ku (in cpds. ku-) horn; Pa. k (pl. kul) horn; Go. (Tr.) kr (obl. kt-, pl. khk) horn of cattle or wild animals; Ka. ku horn (DEDR 2200). ko = place where artisans work (G.)

Add caption

Zu as a lion-headed eagle, ca. 25502500 BCE, Louvre AO2783 Votive relief of Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, representing the bird-god Anzu (or Im-dugud) as a lion-headed eagle. Alabaster, Early Dynastic III (25502500 BC). Found in Telloh, ancient city of Girsu. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Relief_Im-dugud_Louvre_AO2783.jpg Ta. eruvai a kind of kite whose head is white and whose body is brown; eagle. Ma. eruva eagle, kite.(DEDR 182

818). Rebus:eruvai copper (Tamil).

Greeting the Sun God, A modern clay impression from a Mesopotamian cylinder seal, The Seal of Adda. Akkadian Period, 2350 BC - 2100 BC. The British Museum

lo 'overflow' (Munda) Rebus: lo 'copper' (Santali) ka 'water' Rebus: k 'metal tools, pots and pans' ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'.

Ta. eruvai a kind of kite whose head is white and whose body is brown; eagle. Ma. eruva eagle,
kite.(DEDR 818). Rebus: eruvai copper (Tamil).

kua, i -- , ha -- 3, hi -- m. tree lex., aka -- m. a kind of tree Kau. (CDIAL 3228).


Rebus: kui 'smelter furnace' (Santali).

B. kti shell -- cutter's saw , ktn large sacrificial knife ; Or. kat small billhook , kt knife ; Bi. Mth. kt brazier's cutters ; H. kt m. shears for shearing sheep, cock's spur , t m. knife for cutting bamboos , (katt m. small curved sword , katt f. knife , ka f. small

183

sword EP.); G. kt n. knife , t f. knife, saw ; M. kt f. cleaver .krti (CDIAL 2853)

G. bhth, bht, bhth m. quiver (whence bhth m. warrior ); M. bht m. leathern bag, bellows, quiver , bhta n. bellows, quiver ; bhstr f. leathern bag Br., bellows Kv., bhastrik -- f. little bag Da.(CDIAL 9424). Rebus: bhaa furnace. OA. bhthi bellows AFD 206. N. bhi bellows , H. bhh f. kola woman; rebus: kol working in iron (Ta.) Rebus: khati 'wheelwright' (H.) ki = fireplace in the form of a long ditch (Ta.Skt.Vedic)

meu 'dance step'; rebus: me 'iron' (Ho.)

mountain: [ mea ] or mea. [Tel.] n. Rising ground, high lying land, uplands. A hill, a rock. , , ,. mu , n. [T. mea, M. K. mu.] 1. Height; . (.) 2. Eminence, little hill, hillock, ridge, rising ground;. (.) Ka. mede heap. Te. (VPK, intro. p. 128) meda id. (DEDR 5065) Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.)

meu 'dance step'; rebus: me 'iron' (Ho.)

kmahum, bow. Rebus: kammai a coiner (Ka.); kampaam coinage, coin, mint
(Ta.) kammaa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) Vikalpa: kaa stone (ore).

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ran:ga ron:ga, ran:ga con:ga = thorny, spikey, armed with thorns; edel dare ran:ga con:ga dareka = this cotton tree grows with spikes on it (Santali) Rebus: ranku tin (Santali) [ kha ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kd to turn in a lathe (B.) [kaa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) koe young bull (Telugu) ko one. Ta. ku (in cpds. ku-) horn; Pa. k (pl. kul) horn; Go. (Tr.) kr (obl. kt-, pl. khk) horn of cattle or wild animals; Ka. ku horn (DEDR 2200). ko = place where artisans work (G.) Aramaic aryaa 'l' aryeh 'lion'. Rebus: A Northwest Semitic root *ryh 'lion'. eraka, era, er-a = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.) Rebus: aru m. sun lex. Kho. yor Morgenstierne NTS ii 276 with ? <-> Whence y -- ? (CDIAL 612) Rebus: ra brass as in raka (Skt.)

Ta. ciai, ciaku, ciakar wing; iai, iaku, iakar, iakkai wing, feather. Ma. iaku,
ciaku wing. Ko. rek wing, feather. Ka. eake, eake, akke, ekke wing; ae, ee wing, upper arm. Ko. rekke wing; rae upper arm. Tu. edike, rek ing. Te. eaka, ekka, rekka, neaka, nei id. Kol. reapa, (SR.) repp id.; (P.) reapa id., feather. Nk. rekka, reppa wing. Pa. (S.) rekka id. Go. (S.) rekka wing-feather; reka (M.) feather, (Ko.) wing (Voc. 3045). Kona eka wing, upper arm. Kuwi (Su.) rekka wing. (DEDR 2591). Ko. kergl, kergl feather, wing. (DEDR 1983). Rebus: eraka, eaka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); urukku (Ta.); urukka melting; urukku what is melted; fused metal (Ma.); urukku (Ta.Ma.); eragu = to melt; molten state, fusion; erakaddu = any cast thng; erake hoyi = to pour meltted metal into a mould, to cast (Ka.)

Rising from the mountain in the center is the sun god Utu/Shamash, greeted by three other great gods. From left to right, they are: the storm god Ninurta; the goddess of love and war, Inanna/Ishtar; and the god of water and wisdom, Enki/Ea. To Enki's right is his vizier, the twofaced Usmu. (When the gods are given a pair of names linked with a slash, like "Utu/Shamash", the first is the Sumerian name, the second the Akkadian or Babylonian name.) As high gods, they all wear conical hats crowned with four pairs of bull's horns. But they are easily identified 185

by the special signs and powers that spring from their shoulders.

In the exact center, with his sun held overhead, and flames rising from his shoulders, is the sun god Utu/Shamash. He also holds up a saw-toothed knife, or pruning saw, which some say he uses to cut his way out of the mountain; but most say the pruning saw symbolizes his role as a judge of gods and men who "de-cides" each case by "cutting off" the bad from the good. It is dawn, and he rises from Kur, the cosmic mountain (indicated by the usual mountain pattern of overlapping scallops). Kur is also the name of the Underworld, which has two entrances: one in the west, where the sun god descends each night, and one in the east, where he rises at dawn.

Directly above Utu/Shamash, and giving him a hand up by touching or tugging on his rising sun, is his sister, Inanna/Ishtar, the Queen of Heaven and Earth. From her shoulders stretch widespread wings, showing she rules the sky. From behind her shoulders bristle six weapons (spears and maces) that show she is a war goddess, a mistress of battles. She is also a goddess of love, a fertility goddess. So beside her there's a sacred tree, the Tree of Life, which sprouts from the Mountain of the Underworld.

On the other side of Utu/Shamash is Enki/Ea, the god of wisdom and "sweet water" - the fresh water without which nothing can live, and which is opposed to the cosmic ocean of "bitter" salt water that surounds the earth, and even the heavens, on all sides, top and bottom. (It is probably this "sweet" water that is the Water of Life which Enki sends along with the Food of Life to revive Inanna's corpse in the Underworld.) Enki is identified by two streams of fresh water (the Tigris and Euphrates rivers) that spring from his shoulders, and which are filled with fish. (In other pictures, the two streams may flow from jars or vases that he holds.) With one hand Enki holds the thunderbird [the now-tamed Imdugud/Zu?], while at his feet kneels a horned animal, a water buffalo or a bull, a symbol of life. Behind Enki is his minister or vizier, the Janus-faced Usmu, who is himself a voice of wisdom as he faces both forwards and backwards, towards the future and the past.

The bearded storm-god Inurta on his winged and maned lion as he battles the lion-headed bird186

god Imdugud/Anzu.

On the left side of the scene is the bearded storm god Ninurta with his bow and arrows. Beside him is a lion, a symbol of death. On other seals, such as the one at right, Ninurta's lion appears winged and breathing flames as the god rides him into battle against various Underworld demons and monsters - here defeating the treacherous fire-breathing lion-headed bird Zu.

Above Ninurta's lion is a block of cuneiform writing with the Akkadian name "Adda," which also means "scribe." This shows the cylinder seal was custom-made for the official who owned and used it to sign and seal important documents and letters. These were clay tablets, of course, but larger than the modern strip of clay on which Adda's stone cylinder was rolled to create the image before us. Its printout was "over-rolled," which is why the lion-plus-signature image reappears on the right, just beyond two-faced Usmu, but now facing the "wrong way," off-stage to the right.

The bearded storm-god Inurta on his winged and maned lion as he battles the lion-headed bird-god Imdugud/Anzu. Drawing of a cylinder-seal printout in the Pierpont Morgan Library. http://www.ancientworlds.net/aw/Article/787375 Adda is a scribe. http://historicconnections.webs.com/seals.htm I suggest that Adda, the scribe is familiar with the hieroglyphic tradition of Indus writing and presents the narrative of Anzu, the eagle. Cylinder seal impression. A carved stone cylinder was rolled across a wet clay tablet to form an official, individualized seal. This one shows the winged goddess Inanna standing above the sun god Utu as he rises, using a saw to cut his way through the mountains. To her left is an 187

unidentified hunter/warrior god. To her right is Enki, the god of the Abzu (the underground water table) surrounded by water and fish. Beside him is Isimud, his two-faced minister. The writing in the background identifies the seal as belonging to Adda, a scribe. http://sumerianshakespeare.com/106901.html Mesopotamia

By Dr Dominique Collon Last updated 2011-07-01


Seal of Adda From about 5,000 BC, stamp seals, cut with simple designs, were used to mark ownership on clay sealings on storeroom doors. They were also found on the bags, baskets etc in which goods were traded up and down the Tigris and Euphrates. Around 3,500 BC, the cylinder seal was invented; it provided room for elaborately carved designs, and could be rolled over clay. The Akkadian greenstone seal (height 3.9cm) shown here, dating to about 2,300 BC, is shown alongside its modern impression. Gods and goddesses are depicted, identified by their horned head-dresses and attributes as a hunting god, the goddess Ishtar, the sun god Shamash and the water god Enki followed by his vizier. 'Adda, scribe' is written in cuneiform above a lion, identifying the owner as a high official, who could also have sealed letters and administrative documents on clay. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/cultures/mesopotamia_gallery_05.shtml

Another view:

Greenstone seal of Adda Akkadian, about 2300-2200 BC From Mesopotamia Four of the principal Mesopotamian deities This is one of the many high quality greenstone seals that were made when much of 188

Mesopotamia was united under the military control of the kings of the city of Agade (Akkad). The cuneiform inscription identifies the owner of the seal as Adda, who is described as dubsar, or 'scribe'. The figures can be identified as gods by their pointed hats with multiple horns. The figure with streams of water and fish flowing from his shoulders is Ea (Sumerian Enki), god of subterranean waters and of wisdom. Behind him stands Usimu, his two-faced vizier (chief minister). At the centre of the scene is the sun-god, Shamash (Sumerian Utu), with rays rising from his shoulders. He is cutting his way through the mountains in order to rise at dawn. To his left is a winged goddess, Ishtar (Sumerian Inanna). The weapons rising from her shoulders symbolise her warlike characteristics; she also holds a cluster of dates. The god armed with a bow and quiver has not been identified with certainty, but may represent a hunting god like Nusku. J.E. Reade, Mesopotamia (London, The British Museum Press, 1991) D. Collon, First impressions: cylinder se (London, The British Museum Press, 1987) D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asi-1 (London, 1982) http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/g/greenstone_seal_ of_adda.aspx

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Elamite bird (eagle?) with spread wings on an axe head from Tepe

Yahya (Lamberg-Karlovsky and Potts 2001: 216). in flight.

Harappa seal. Eagle

m1390Bt Text 2868 Pict-74: Bird in flight.

m0451A,B Text3235 h166A,B Harappa Seal; Vats 1940, II: Pl. XCI.255. http://www.metmuseum.org

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eaka wing (Telugu) Rebus: erako molten cast (Tulu) loa ficus; rebus: loh copper. Pajhar eagle; rebus: pasra smithy.

ato = claws of crab (Santali) ato claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs; aom, iom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; akop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhtu = mineral (Skt.) kamaha crab (Skt.) Rebus: kammaa = portable furnace (Te.) kampaam coiner, mint (Ta.) Peg khua; rebus: ka workshop kh i = pin (M.) kui= smelter furnace (Santali) konu m. a washerman's dressing iron (El. kunh); a scraper or grater for grating radishes, or the like; usually -- , the second member being the article to be grated, as in the following: -- kni-muj f. grated radish, but mujkonu, a radish-grater (cf. muj). (Kashmiri) *khua1 peg, post . 2. *khua -- 1. [Same as *khua -- 2? -- See also ka -- .]1. Ku. khu peg ; N. khunu to stitch (der. *khu pin as khilnu from khil s.v. khla -- ); Mth. khu peg, post ; H. kh m. peg, stump ; Marw. khu f. peg ; M. khu m. post .2. Pk. khua -- , khoaya -- m. peg, post ; Dm. kua peg for fastening yoke to plough -- pole ; L. kh f. drum -- stick ; P. khu, m. peg, stump ; WPah. rudh. khu tethering peg or post ; A. kh post , i peg ; B. kh , i wooden post, stake, pin, wedge ; Or. khua, pillar, post ; Bi. (with -- a -) kh r, r posts about one foot high rising from body of cart ; H. kh m. stump, log , f. small peg ( P.kh m., f. stake, peg ); G. kh f. landmark , kh m., f. peg , n. stump , iy n. upright support in frame of wagon , kh n. half -- burnt piece of fuel ; M. kh m. stump of tree, pile in river, grume on teat (semant. cf. kla -- 1 s.v. *khila -2), kh m. stake , f. wooden pin , kh a to dibble .Addenda: *khua -- 1. 2. *khua - 1: WPah.kg. khvnd pole for fencing or piling grass round (Him.I 35 nd poss. wrong for ); 191

J. khu m. peg to fasten cattle to . (CDIAL 3893) Vikalpa: pacar = a wedge driven ino a wooden pin, wedge etc. to tighten it (Santali.lex.) pasra = a smithy, place where a blacksmith works, to work as a blacksmith; kamar pasra = a smithy; pasrao lagao akata se ban:? Has the blacksmith begun to work? pasraedae = the blacksmith is at his work (Santali.lex.) khareo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: khard turner (G.)

Tablet of destinies, Anzu

Perforated plaque of Dudu - Perforated plaque of Dudu Early Dynastic Period III (c.2450 BC)

This votive plaque with its relief decoration and central perforation is characteristic of Early Dynastic Sumer. The narrative motif, as was customary, is organized in horizontal registers. A Sumerian inscription identifies the person portrayed as Dudu, high priest of the god Ningirsu in the reign of Entemena, king of Lagash around 2450 BC. Occupying the height of two registers, Dudu wears the kaunakes, the fleecy skirt characteristic of the period. Around him are symbolical figures, no doubt connected with his religious functions. At the top, the god Ningirsu is evoked by his emblem, the lion-headed eagle called Imdugud, shown with wings outspread, two lions gripped in his talons. In the middle a calf, perhaps intended for sacrifice, is shown lying down, while the lower register is filled by a plait-like motif, probably 192

representing the subterranean reserve of fresh water. The lion-headed eagle, symbolizing the storm that brings life-giving rain, the sacrificial calf, and the subterranean reserve from which comes water for the crops evoke the celestial, terrestrial, and chthonian sources of fertility which all contribute to the prosperity of human communities. Dimensions H. 25 cm (9 in.), W. 23 cm (9 in.), D. 8 cm (3 in.) Excavations of Ernest de Sarzec, 1881 The Louvre Museum - Paris Anzud with two lions on a plaque http://sumerianshakespeare.com/me dia/6fab403c558c06c0ffff8022ffffe415.jpg

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Tripod silver vase of Enmetena, dedicated to the war god Ningirsu. The legs are made of copper. The vase features an image of Anzud, the lion-headed eagle, grasping two lions with his talons.

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The image of Anzud shows up better in this old photograph. Anzud (also known as Imdugud) was the symbolic animal of Ningirsu. The image of Anzud with the two lions seems to be symbolic of the city of Lagash.

Another view of the silver vase of Enmetena

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Enlarge.

The dedicatory inscriptions wrap around the neck of the vase:

Enlarge.

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Translation of the inscriptions from the CDLI (P222539):

For Ningirsu, the hero of Enlil, Enmetena, ruler of Lagash, chosen by the heart of Nanshe, chief ruler of Ningirsu, son of Enannatum, ruler of Lagash, for the king who loved him, Ningirsu, (this) gurgur-vessel of refined silver, from which Ningirsu will consume the monthly oil (offering), he had fashioned for him. For his life, before Ningirsu of the Eninnu (temple) he had it set up. At that time Dudu was the temple administrator of Ningirsu. http://sumerianshakespeare.com/70701/74901.html

Stone mace head, front and back: A votive offering to a temple; it is too large to have been used as a weapon. Anzud is also known as

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Imdugud. http://sumerianshakespeare.com/106901.html

Fragment of an Iranian Chlorite Vase decorated with the lion headed eagle (Imdugud) found in the temple of Ishtar during the 1933 - 1934 fieldwork by Parrot. Dated 2500 - 2400 BC. Louvre Museum collection AO 17553.

Carved horn cup showing Anzud, the lion-headed eagle, attacking a bull/man 198

http://sumerianshakespeare.com/106901.html

Limestone H. 14 cm; W. 14 cm Tell al-Ubaid (Iraq) Early Dynastic III B15606 (T.O. 288) dmra, damr young bull (a.)(CDIAL 6184). K. angur m. bullock (CDIAL 5526). Rebus: hangar blacksmith (H.) kol tiger; rebus: kol smithy. eaka wing (Telugu) Rebus: eraka copper. Thus, the ligatured glyph denotes: copper smithy -- pasra. cf. pajhar 'eagle' (Santali)

Limestone plaque with relief-carved depiction of a human-faced bison, with its front hooves on a plant sprouting from a rocky outcropping or mountain. A lion-headed (eagle-like) bird of prey on the bisons back--the mythical anz--bites its haunch. The bisons body is in profile, its face forward. The stylization of the animals shoulder as an undulating band and the inward-curving tufts of hair on the fetlocks are typical of the late Early Dynastic period. The three overlapping semi-circles that form the rocky outcropping or mountain 199

are reminiscent of the cuneiform sign signifying both mountain and foreign land and suggestive of a natural setting for the action depicted in the distant highlands. The lion-headed bird of preys folded wings, neck and tail are rendered with a grid of incised lines. The square plaque described here is from Woolleys 1923-24 excavations in front of Tell alUbaids late Early Dynastic temple platform (see INTRODUCTION: Tell al-Ubaid). Woolley focused his efforts on the northwest side of the central stair ramp. The plaque was relatively high in the mudbrick debris from the collapse of the platforms superstructure and in close proximity to an inlay panel depicting milking scenes and rows of cattle. In fact, B15606 was just under and against a section of the frieze with shell figures of five bulls facing right and may have originally been attached to it. With the plaque (but detached from it), were the remains of a copper border similar to that of the inlay panels. The background of the plaque had been painted black to match the dark color of the bituminous limestone background of the inlay panels. The human-faced bison, Sumerian (gud) alim or Akkadian kusarikku, is associated with the sungod Utu/Shamash, perhaps in part because it inhabited the eastern mountains from which the sun rose. An Akkadian cylinder seal from Susa in fact depicts the sun god rising above two addorsed recumbent human-faced bisons in place of the stylized mountains that normally mark his abode. And in a hymn the sun god is likened to a bison, Lord, bison, striding over the mountain, Utu, bison, striding over the mountain. The mythical anz, who nests in the high mountains, is a seemingly benevolent creature, at least in early texts and imagery. For example, in the mythical narrative Lugalbanda and the Anz -bird, composed in the late 3rd millennium BCE, when the anz-bird returned from hunting to find his nest embellished like a gods dwelling, with his chick adorned and fed, the anz exulted in his own role as intermediary to Enlil I am the prince who decides the destiny of rolling rivers. I keep on the straight and narrow path the righteous who follow Enlil's counsel. My father Enlil brought me here. He let me bar the entrance to the mountains as if with a great door. If I fix a fate, who shall alter it? If I but say the word, who shall change it? Whoever has done this to my nest, if you are a god, I will speak with you, indeed I will befriend you. If you are a man, I will fix your fate. I shall not let you have any opponents in the mountains. You shall be 'Hero-fortified-by-Anz'. 200

Anz was Enlils symbol, and depictions of the anz with wings outstretched over antithetical animals symbolic of other deities probably reflects Enlils all-encompassing power. The anz relief from Tell al-Ubaid, then, would depict Enlil over the stags associated with Ninhursag. Anzs close association with Ningirsu, Enlils son and warrior and Lagashs tutelary deity, is evident at Tello (Girsu), both in texts and imagery in Early Dynastic-Ur III periods. On Eannatums Stele of the Vultures, for example, Ningirsus battle net is held closed by the anz and antithetical lions, Ningursus animals, while a macehead, currently in the British Museum (BM 23287), dedicated to Ningirsu for the life of Enannatum shows the anz grasping lions. In Gudeas Cylinders Ningirsus temple Eninnu had the epithet white anz, perhaps a reference to some significant architectural embellishment such as Urnamma affixed to the gates of Enlils Ekur. But the anz was a complex creature and one portrayed as more troublesome in later literary compositions. The Epic of Anz, which exists in copies dating to the early 2nd millennium BCE, tells the tale of a malevolent anz who steals the tablet of destinies and is eventually slain by Ninurta. Though Akkadian seals, showing a bird-man brought before Enki, may depict excerpts from this story, suggesting that at least in certain traditions the anz was thought of as a creature with a dualbenevolent and malevolent--character already at the end of the 3rd millennium BCE, their reading remains a matter of controversy. Whatever the complexity of the mythology regarding the anz, the imagery of B15606, on which the anz is shown in overtly aggressive behavior toward an animal of the mountains, associated with the sun god, remains perplexing. Similar scenes occur on shell inlays from Tello and Ur, as well as Tell Mardikh (Ebla) in western Syria. For example, one end panel of the Royal Standard of Ur shows the anz attacking recumbent human-faced bisons on each side of a mountain from which a plant grows. Such scenes may reflect the menacing behavior of the anz to men and gods, but more likely depict the anzs normal behavior in its natural habitat. B15606s juxtaposition with scenes of herding and milking cattle, then, could be read as contrasting the settled conditions of a civilized floodplain with life in the mountains, where, as Lugalanda and the Anz describes, bulls ran wild and the anz hunted to feed its offspring. Richard L. Zettler Bibliography 201

Black, Jeremy and Anthony Green 1992 Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia. Austin, TX.

Braun-Holzinger, Eva 1990 L wenadler. In Reallexikon der Assyriologie, edited by D. O. Edzard and Michael P. Streck, vol. 7, pp. 94-97. Berlin and New York. Dalley, Stephanie 1989 Myths from Mesopotamia. Oxford. Dolce, Rita 1978 Gli Intarsi Mesopotamici dellepoca protodinastica. Rome. Ellis, Maria DeJong 1989 An Old Babylonian kusarikku. In Dumu E2-DUB-BA-A: Studies in honor of Ake W. Sj berg, edited by Herman Behrens, Darlene Loding and Martha T. Roth. Philadelphia. Fuhr-Jaeppelt 1972 Materialien zur Ikonographie des L wenadlers Anzu-Imdugud. Munich. Green, Anthony 1997 Myths in Mesopotamian Art. In Sumerian Gods and Their Representations, edited by I. L. Finkel and M. J. Geller, pp. 135-158. Groningen. Hall, H. R. and C. L. Woolley 1927 Al-Ubaid. Ur Excavations, vol. 1. Oxford. Hruska, B 1975 Der Mythenadler Anzu in Literatur und Vorstellung des alten Mesopotamien. Budapest. Polansky, Janice 2002 The Rise of the Sun God and the Determination of Destiny in Ancient Mesopotamia. PhD dissertation. University of Pennsylvania.

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Wiggermans, F. A. M. 1992 Mesopotamian Protective Spirits. The Ritual Texts. Groningen. http://www.worldartmuseum.cn/content/918/4095_1.shtml

Copper friezeImdugud (also Zu or Anzu), the lion-headed eagle; Sumerian metalwork (sheets of copper), Temple of Ninhursag at Tell al-'Ubaid; ca. 2500 BCE http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Imdugud.jpg. From the temple of Ninhursag, Tell al-'Ubaid, southern Iraq

About 2600-2400 BCE A rare metalwork survival This relief was one of a group of objects found at the small site of Tell al-'Ubaid, close to the remains of the city of Ur. It was discovered at the base of a mud-brick platform on which had been built a temple dedicated to the goddess Ninhursag. The frieze may have originally stood above the door of the temple, and if so, is the most striking element of what survives of the temple faade. The frieze was badly damaged when it was found. Only one stag's head was recovered intact and the head of the eagle had to be restored. This restoration, based on images of similar date, shows the lion-headed eagle Imdugud, the symbol of the god Ningirsu. The artist has allowed the lion head to break out of the confines of the framework, suggesting Imdugud's great power. The relief is formed from sheets of copper alloy beaten into shape and fastened, with pins and twisted lengths of copper, to a wooden core coated with bitumen. The survival of such a large piece of metalwork from this period is exceptional. Though copper, probably from the regions of modern Oman and Iran, was the most widely-used metal at this time, most metal objects have either disintegrated or the metal was melted down and re-used. 203

H.W.F. Saggs, Babylonians (London, The British Museum Press, 1995) D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995) M. Roaf, Cultural atlas of Mesopotamia (New York, 1990) H.R. Hall and C.L. Woolley, Ur Excavations, vol. I: Al-Uba(London, Oxford University Press, 1927) http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/c/copper_frieze.asp x

hompo = knot on a string (Santali) hompo = ingot (Santali) mer.ed iron; rebus: mer.hao
twisted Knot-motif on the plaque:

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Mohenjo-daro seal, m1356 satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'mehao = v.a.m. entwine itself; wind round, wrap round roll up; mahn cover, encase (H) (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: mht = iron (Santali)

This interpretation is suggested because the de phonemes for svastik are: suvatthi, sotthi = well-being (Pali)(CDIAL 13913). sthiyo = auspicious mark painted on the front of a house (G.)(CDIAL 13917). svastik is the emblem of the seventh deified teacher of the present era (Jainism)(G.lex.)

Technical description Votive bas-relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu in the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash C. 2400 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu) Bituminous stone H. 25 cm; W. 23 cm; Th. 8 cm De Sarzec excavations, 1881 AO 2354 Plaques perforated in the center and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief were particularly widespread in the Second and Third Early Dynastic Periods (2800-2340 BC), and have been found at many sites in Mesopotamian and more rarely in Syria or Iran. The perforated plaque of Dudu, high priest of Ningirsu in the reign of Entemena, prince of Lagash (c.2450 BC), belongs to this tradition. It has some distinctive features, however, such as being made of bitumen. 205

Dudu, priest of Ningirsu The bas-relief is perforated in the middle and divided into four unequal sections. A figure occupying the height of two registers faces right, leaning on what appears to be a long staff. He is dressed in the kaunakes, a skirt of sheepskin or other material tufted in imitation of it. His name is inscribed alongside: Dudu, rendered by the pictograph for the foot, "du," repeated. Dudu was high priest of the god Ningirsu at the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash (c.2450 BC). Incised to his left is the lion-headed eagle, symbol of the god Ningirsu and emblem of Lagash, as found in other perforated plaques from Telloh, as well as on other objects such as the mace head of Mesilim, king of Kish, and the silver vase of Entemena, king of Lagash. On this plaque, however, the two lions, usually impassive, are reaching up to bite the wings of the lion-headed eagle. Lower down is a calf, lying in the same position as the heifers on Entemena's vase. The lower register is decorated with a plait-like motif, according to some scholars a symbol of running water. The image may be read as a series of rebuses or ideograms. A priest dedicates an object to his god, represented by his symbol, and flanked perhaps by representations of sacrificial offerings: an animal for slaughter and a libation of running water. The dedicatory inscription, confined to the area left free by the image in the upper part, runs over the body of the calf: "For Ningirsu of the Eninnu, Dudu, priest of Ningirsu ... brought [this material] and fashioned it as a mace stand." Perforated plaques This plaque belongs to the category of perforated plaques, widespread throughout Phases I and II of the Early Dynastic Period, c.2800-2340BC, and found at many sites in Mesopotamia (especially in the Diyala region), and more rarely in Syria (Mari) and Iran (Susa). Some 120 examples are known, of which about 50 come from religious buildings. These plaques are usually rectangular in form, perforated in the middle and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief. They are most commonly of limestone or gypsum: this plaque, being of bitumen, is an exception to the rule. The precise function of such plaques is unknown, and the purpose of the central perforation remains a mystery. The inscription here at first led scholars to consider them as mace stands, which seems unlikely. Some have thought they were to be hung on a wall, the hole in the center taking a large nail or peg. Others have suggested they might be part of a door-closing 206

mechanism. Perforated plaques such as this are most commonly organized in horizontal registers, showing various ceremonies, banquets (particularly in the Diyala), the construction of buildings (as in the perforated plaque of Ur-Nanshe), and scenes of cultic rituals (as in the perforated plaque showing "the Libation to the Goddess of Fertility"). The iconography is often standardized, almost certainly an indication that they represent a common culture covering the whole of Mesopotamia, and that they had a specific significance understood by all. Bibliography Andr B, Naissance de l'criture : cuniformes et hiroglyphes, (notice), Paris, Exposition du Grand Palais, 7 mai au 9 aot 1982, Paris, Editions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1982, p. 85, n 42. Contenau G., Manuel d'archologie orientale, Paris, Picard, 1927, p. 487, fig. 357. Heuzey L., Les Antiquits chaldennes, Paris, Librairie des Imprimeries Runies, 1902, n 12. Orthmann W., Der Alte Orient, Berlin, Propylan (14), 1975, pl. 88. Sarzec ., Dcouvertes en Chalde, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, pp. 204-209. Thureau-Dangin, Les inscriptions de Sumer et d'Akkad, Paris, Leroux, 1905, p. 59. http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/perforated-plaque-dudu The parallels in the imageries produced Mace head of King Mesilim Early Dynastic Period III (2600-2330 BCE) Telloh, ancient Girsu, Iraq Votive weapon in limestone H. 19 cm; Diam. 16 cm Excavations by . de Sarzec, 1877-1900 AO 2349

This large mace head was dedicated at a shrine in the Sumerian city of Girsu by Mesilim, king of Kish. It is decorated with a lion-headed eagle, emblem of Ningirsu, patron deity of the city, holding six rearing lions in its talons. A votive weapon

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Decorated with a lion-headed eagle dominating six rearing lions, this mace head is exceptional both for its size and for the quality of its decoration, carved in relief. It is a votive object, as indicated by the Sumerian inscription in archaic script: "Mesilim, king of Kish, builder of the temple of Ningirsu, brought [this mace head] for Ningirsu, Lugalshaengur [being] prince of Lagash." In Mesopotamia the mace, which made its first appearance towards the end of the fourth millennium BC, was not only a weapon of war but also a symbol of power. Generally made of luxury materials such as stone or metal, mace heads have been found in great numbers in Sumerian temples. The supremacy of the Kings of Kish The Mesilim (or Mesalim in another possible reading) identified in the inscription as having dedicated the object was the ruler of the city of Kish around 2550 BC. His gesture seems to indicate that he exercised some form of authority over the prince of Lagash. Kish, a powerful city in the north of the land of Sumer, would have enjoyed political and religious supremacy over several Sumerian city-states in the period 2700-2500 BC. Mesilim thus found himself in a position of arbitration in a conflict between the city-state of Lagash and neighboring Umma, establishing the line of their common border and marking it by the erection of a stele.

The symbolism of the lion-headed eagle (called in Sumerian: Zu, Anzu, Anzud or Imdugud) 208

The dedication of the mace head bears witness to the desire of the king of Kish to honor the local gods, and in particular Ningirsu, patron deity of Girsu, whose temple he claims he has rebuilt. This massive mace head is decorated on its upper surface with the lion-headed eagle, symbol of the storm cloud that accompanies thunder and emblem of Ningirsu, guardian of the city's prosperity. Wings outspread, it clutches in its talons six rearing lions, each holding the hindparts of the next around the mace head.

With their bodies viewed in profile and their heads presented full face, these lions seem to leap out from the mace head as symbols of the savage forces of nature. The impression of power is accentuated by their dilated eyes, hollowed out and originally inlaid, which lend their expression a striking intensity. In becoming an emblem of kingship (as on the votive spear-point dedicated at Girsu by one of Mesilim's predecessors), the lion symbolized the submission of natural forces to the social order imposed by the sovereign. The latter was merely the representative of divine power, however, which is why the lions are overcome by the lion-headed eagle, that is to say by the god Ningirsu, true sovereign and protector of the people of Lagash.

Bibliography Amiet Pierre, L'Art antique du Proche-Orient, Paris, Mazenod, 1977, fig. 302, p. 364. Parrot Andr, Tello, vingt campagnes de fouille (1877-1933), Paris, Albin Michel, 1948, p. 72. Sarzec douard de, Dcouvertes en Chalde, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, pp. 223-6.

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Base for a ritual offering, carved with animals Elamite period, mid-3rd millennium BCE Tell of the Acropolis, Susa, Iran Bituminous rock H. 19 cm; Diam. 11 cm Jacques de Morgan excavations, 1908 Lions and gazelles passant; eagles protecting their young Sb 2725 This base for a ritual offering is made of bitumen. This material was plentiful throughout the Middle East, but only in Susa was it used in sculpture. The object is carved with big cats, gazelles, and eagles. The theme of the eagle spreading its wings to protect its young was found only in Iran and also features on painted ceramics of the same period. Bitumen: a plentiful material used in an unusual manner This object in the form of a truncated cone is a base for a ritual offering. It is carved from bituminous rock, found throughout the region but used in sculpture only in Susa. It was used to make vases similar to this object (Louvre, Sb2726), and later, in the early years of the 2nd millennium BC, vases carved with bas-relief decorations and an animal's head in high relief (Louvre, Sb2740). The shape of this object - a truncated cone - is similar to other pieces made of chlorite and dating from the same period. The mortise at the top of the cone and the unfinished lip suggest that the object originally had a second part that fitted on top of the cone. However, the precise purpose of the object remains a mystery. The animal carvings The cone is carved with two registers separated by a narrow strip. The upper register is decorated with two gazelles calmly grazing on vegetation, represented by stalks between each animal. Alongside the two gazelles are two big cats, almost certainly lions, with their backs to each other. Their stylized manes are shown as vertical strips, reminiscent of those of the woolen 210

Mesopotamian garments known as kaunakes. Their tails are raised horizontally over their backs, similar to depictions of lions on cylinders from Uruk or Susa. Their heads are depicted in geometrical form. All four animals are shown in profile. The artistic desire to create a scene and a landscape imbued with life is also evident in two cylinders from Uruk and Khafaje. The lower register shows two highly stylized eagles, upright, as if resting on their tail feathers. Their wings and talons are spread to protect the chicks beneath them. These eagles differ somewhat from the usual representation of eagles as the attribute of the Sumerian god Ningirsu, where the birds are depicted with a lion's head, holding two lion cubs, which are shown face on. Mythological creatures or carvings of local wildlife? Eagles were a major theme in Susian and Mesopotamian art. This depiction of an eagle resting on its tail feathers is also found in ceramics, glyptics, and perforated plaques dating from the 3rd millennium BC. However, unlike Mesopotamian eagles, Susian eagles never resembled composite animals. Likewise, Mesopotamian eagles had a mythological dimension, which was absent from Susian portrayals of the bird. In Susa, eagles were simply considered ordinary birds of prey. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, lam, Auvers-sur-Oise, Arche, 1966, p. 166, fig. 119. Les quatre grandes civilisations mondiales. La Msopotamie entre le Tigre et l'Euphrate, cat. exp., Setagaya, muse d'Art, 5 aot-3 dcembre 2000, Fukuoka, muse d'Art asiatique, 16 dcembre 2000-4 mars 2001, Tokyo, NHK, 2000, pp. 214-215.

http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/base-ritual-offering-carved-animals

in Sumer of Anzu, the eagle with yena-amu (soma) of Rigveda are striking indeed and should provide a pause into an understanding of the bronze-age recorded in the many metaphors and hieroglyphs (such as the overflowing vase of Gudea, discussed 211

in http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-indus-writing-lokhad.html Ancient near East Gudea statue hieroglyph (Indus writing): lokh, 'copper tools, pots and pans' Rebus: lo 'overflow', ka 'sacred water'. The parallels of metaphors/imageries are so vivid that a relationships between the people who narrated the exploits of heroes of Sumer and the exploits of Indra narrated in the Rigveda have to be deep indeed and cannot be explained away as mere coincidences. Anzu stole the tablet of destinies. yena of Rigveda brought the amu (soma) from the heavens. Anzu is derived from An "heaven" and Zu "to know", in Sumerian language. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/09/decipherment-of-soma-and-ancientindo.htmlSoma-haoma, *sauma ? somnakay ! samanom ! *haeusomFrench scholar, Prof. Pinault identifies amu of Rigveda with anzu of Tocharian. In Tocharian it means 'iron'. Tocharin language as an Indo-European language has revealed a word anzu in Tocharian which meant 'iron'. It is likely that this is the word used for soma in Rigveda. The imagery of an eagle stealing soma also occurs in ancient Indian texts. There is a hymn to yena in Atharvaveda (7.41). A synonym of soma is amu. yena, the hawk has brought the soma from the heaven. RV 5.44.11 5.044.11 Swift is the excessive and girth-distending inebriation of Vivavr, Yajata and Myin; (by partaking) of these (juices) they urge one another to drink; they find the copious draught the prompt giver of intoxication. [Swift is...inebriation: yena sm aditih kakyo madah: yena = ghra, quick; aditi = atisamddhah; sm = of these, Soma juices; mada = intoxication, is the devata_ of the verse]. RV 4.40.3 212

And after him who is quick-going, hastening, eager (to arrive at his gold, men) follow (as other birds pursue) the flight of a swift (bird) striving together to keep up by the side of Dadhikrva the transporter (of others) as swift as a hawk. [Yajus. 9.15; after him who is: asya dravatas turayatah param nddhram urah pradeam v of Dadhikrva, together with strength, or for the sake of strength together, enabling to cross; an:kasam pari = a horse's trappings, the cloth, tail, vastracamardikam, over all his body, which fly open as the horse gallops, like the wings of a bird, the horse has the speed of a hawk]. Vmadevagautama sings the following rca-s for yena: (RV 4.26.4) May this bird, Maruts, be pre-eminent over (other) hawks, since with a wheelless car the swiftwinged bore the Soma, accepted by the gods, to Manu. [With a wheelless car: acakray vadhay = cakrarahitena rathena, with a car without wheels; the text has havyam, this is a metonymy for the Soma, which is said to have been brought from heaven by the gyatr, in the form of a hawk; by the hawk, we are to understand the supreme spirit, parabrahma]. Alternative: Before you measure this falcon, O Maruts, supreme is this swift-winged Shyena, strongly self-possessed with no one to bear him, That One brought to Manu the wholesome offerings.Explanation: It is impossible to measure the comprehensive energy existing in That One, who as swift-moving falcon envelops and pervades far distant places. In earlier days Manu, who was effulgent with Bliss, the essence of That One, was provided with wholesome offerings. Seer seems to suggest that even as Manu earlier, with whom he has established companionship, he too now should be the beneficiary of the choice offerings. RV 4.26.5 When the bird, intimidating (its guardians), carried off from hence (the Soma) it was at large; (flying) swift as thought along the vast path (of the firmament), it went rapidly with the sweet Soma, and the hawks thence acquired the celebrity in this world. 213

Alternative: When the bird brought in rapid movements and sent the swift thoughts on widespread Path, the same were returned with sweetness of Bliss, the Falcon in that process attaining brilliance. Explanation: Bird is the energy that elevates the thought fastest moving in universe, with swiftness of a falcon, unless it is with difficulty restrained. The thoughts imbibe the bliss of That One, the falcon, in that process shining with resplendence. RV 4.26.6 The straight-flying hawk, conveying the Soma from afar; the bird, attended by the gods, brought, resolute of purpose, the adorable exhilarating Soma, having taken it from that lofty heaven. Alternative: Climbing above holding the thought and the bird bringing the draught that gladdens, the Falcon spreads upward. Comrade of the luminous beings clutching Soma which the birds had brought it rises to the loftiest heavens. Explanation: Noble thoughts elevate the soul upward and ignoble ones relegate it downward. As the thoughts become energetic with bliss brought by birds from the heavens, the falcon takes elevates them thus enriched with the Bliss of Beatitude, the loftiest of heavens. RV 4.26.7 Having taken it, the hawk brought the Soma with him to a thousand and ten thousand sacrifices, and this being provided, the performer of many (great) deeds, the unbewildered (Indra) destroyed, in the exhilaration of the Soma, (his) bewildered foes. Alternative: Providing Soma bearing thousand libations, yes, ten thousand libations Shyena the falcon bringing it from above offers it down here on earth. Therein, the courageous ones leave all the malignant ones behind, the wise with wild ecstasy, leaving the unwise far behind.Explanation: That One, the falcon brings luminous libations from above and offers them here down below to those who deserve. The enlightened bold ones leave the malignant ones far behind, wise becomes wild with abundance and the timid sinking in scarcity. [Source for the

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alternative renderings of 4.26.4 to 7: http://nageshsonde.com/Rigveda_A_Study_on_Forty_Hymns.pdf] Vmadevagautama continues the prayer to yena in the next Skta: RV 4.27.1 Being still in the germ, I have known all the births of these divinities in their order; a hundred bodies of metal confined me, but as a hawk I came forth with speed. [i.e., until the sage comprehended the differences between the body and soul, and learned that soul was unconfined, he was subject to repeated births; but in this stage he acquired divine knowledge, and burst through the bonds with the force and celerity of a hawk from its nest; Vmadevayena rpam sthya garbhd yogena nihstah = Vmadeva, having assumed the form of a hawk, came forth from the womb by the power of Yoga (Ntimajari)]. RV 4.27.2 That embryo did not beguile me into satisfaction, but by the keen energy (of divine wisdom), I triumphed over it; the impeller of all, the sustainer of many, abandoned the foes (of knowledge), and, expanding, passed beyond the winds (of worldly troubles). [The impeller of all: the paramtm, or supreme spirit; beyond the winds: the vital airs, or life, the cause of worldly existence, which is pain]. RV 4.27.3 When the hawk screamed (with exultation) on his descent from heaven, and (the guardians of the Soma) perceived that the Soma was (carried away) by it then, the archer of Knu, pursuing with the speed of thought, and stringing his bow, let fly an arrow against it. [Note: ankha Knu is a conch-shell cutter.] RV 4.27.4 215

The straight-flying hawk carried off the Soma from above the vast heaven, as (the Avins carried off) Bhujyu from the region of Indra, and a falling feather from the middle of the bird dropped from him wounded in the conflict. [antah param tan madhye sthitam; one nail of the left foot and the shaft was broken by the collision, the fragments of the nail became the quills of the fretful porcupine, those of the arrow, water-snakes, flying foxes, and worms]. RV 4.27.5 4.027.05 Now may Maghavan accept the pure nutritious (sacrificial) food in a white pitcher, mixed with milk and curds, offered by the priests; the upper part of the sweet (beverage) to drink for his exhilaration; may the hero accept (it) to drink for (his) exhilaration. RV 4.18.13 4.18.13 In extreme destitution I have cooked the entrails of a dog; I have not found a comforter among the gods; I have beheld my wife disrsepected; then the falcon, (Indra), has brought to me sweet water. [In extreme destitutuin: So Manu has, Vmadeva, who well knew right and wrong, was by no means rendered impure, though desirous when oppressed with hunger, of eating the flesh of dogs for the preservation of his life; icchan attum, wishing to eat; the text has uno ntri pece, I cooked the entrails of a dog; the falcon: i.e., as swift as a hawk, yena vat ghragmndrah]. [Skta 18: i vmadeva, while yet in the womb, was reluctant to be born and chose to come into the world through his mother's side; aware of his purpose, the mother prayed to Aditi, who thereupon came, with her son Indra, to expostulate with the i; this is the subject of the Skta]. The Skta's of i vmadeva are brilliant evocations of the deeds of Indra, the thunder-bolt wielder and repeatedly evoke the memories enshrined in the Sumerian relief sculptures.

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Marduk, sun god of Babylon, with his thunderbolts pursues Anzu after Anzu stole the Tablets of Destiny. (cf. Marut in Rigveda associated with storms and winds comparable to Anzu or Imdugud associated with storms). Battle between Marduk (Bel) and the Dragon. Drawn from a bas-relief from the Palace of Ashur-nasir-pal, King of Assyria, 885-860 B.C., at Nimrd. [Nimrd Gallery, Nos. 28 and 29.]

Marduk is a remembered memory of Indra. Anzu, the eagle is the remembered protector,yena, 217

the hawk, who brought amu (anzu) from the heavens to the people working with fire-altars in yaja-s.

RV 7.15.4 7.15.4 May Agni, to whom as to a (swift) hawk in heaven, I address this new hymn, bestow upon us ample wealth. Alternative: 1 have begotten this new hymn for Agni, falcon of the Sky: will he not give us of his wealth? (Griffith trans.)(Note: "As mediator between the realms of men and of the gods, the characteristics of flight are often Agni's. As divine eagle or falcon (yena) he is depicted in the Agnicayana (Yajur Veda), the ritual construction of a 10,800 brick fire-altar in the form of a flying bird. The iron fort with a hundred walls in stanza 14 below perhaps recalls the eagle's soma-theft in Rig Veda, IV, 26 and 27."

[quote]Zu, also known as Anzu and Imdugud, in Sumerian, (from An "heaven" and Zu "to know", in the Sumerian language) is a lesser divinity of Akkadian mythology, and the son of the bird goddess Siris. He was conceived by the pure waters of the Apsu and the wide Earth.[1] Both Zu and Siris are seen as massive birds who can breathe fire and water, although Zu is alternately seen as a lion-headed eagle (cf: The Griffin). Zu as a lion-headed eagle, ca. 25502500 BC, Louvre Anzu was a servant of the chief sky god Enlil, guard of the throne in Enlil's sanctuary, (possibly previously a symbol of Anu), from whom Anzu stole the Tablet of Destinies, so hoping to determine the fate of all things. In one version of the legend, the gods sent Lugalbanda to retrieve the tablets, who in turn, killed Anzu. In another, Ea and Belet-Ili conceived Ninurta for the purpose of retrieving the tablets. In a third legend, found in The Hymn of Ashurbanipal, Marduk is said to have killed Anzu. [unquote] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zu_(mythology) See: http://www.sacredtexts.com/ane/blc/blc08.htm

[quote] In Mesopotamian mythology, the Tablet of Destinies - Dup Shimati in Sumerian - (not, as frequently misquoted in general works, the 'Tablets of Destinies') was envisaged as a clay tablet 218

inscribed with cuneiform writing, also impressed with cylinder seals, which, as a permanent legal document, conferred upon the god Enlil his supreme authority as ruler of the universe. In the Sumerian poem 'Ninurta and the Turtle' it is the god Enki, rather than Enlil, who holds the tablet. Both this poem and the Akkadian Anz poem share concern of the theft of the tablet by the bird Imdugud (Sumerian) or Anz (Akkadian). Supposedly, whoever possessed the tablet ruled the universe.In the Babylonian Enuma Elish, Tiamat bestows this tablet on Qingu (in some instances spelled "Kingu") and gives him command of her army. Marduk, the chosen champion of the gods, then fights and destroys Tiamat and her army. Marduk reclaims the Tablet of Destinies for himself, thereby strengthening his rule among the gods.The tablet can be compared with the concept of the Me, divine decrees. [unquote] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tablet_of_Destiny Sennacherib and the Tablet of Destinies Author(s): A. R. George Source: Iraq, Vol. 48 (1986), pp. 133-146 Published by: British Institute for the Study of Iraq Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4200258 . http://www.scribd.com/doc/149113821/Senna-Cherib-Tablet-of-Destinies-A-R-George-1986 Senna Cherib &amp; Tablet of Destinies : A. R. George (1986)

Ancient Near east Anzu, falcon-shaped fire-altar Uttarakhand

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http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/tablet-of-destinies.html Ancient Near East Tablet of destinies, Anzu, the divine eagle, amu (soma)

Syena-citi: A Monument of Uttarkashi The first layer of one kind of yenaciti or falcon altar described in the ulbastras, made of 200 bricks of six shapes or sizes, all of them adding up to a specified total area. Distt.EXCAVATED SITE -PUROLA Geo-Coordinates-Lat. 30 5254 N Long. 77 0533 E Notification No& Date;2742/-/16-09/1996The ancient site at Purola is located on the left bank of river Kamal. The excavation yielded the remains of Painted Grey Ware (PGW) from the earliest level alongwith other associated materials include terracotta figurines, beads, potter-stamp, the dental and femur portions of domesticated horse (Equas Cabalus Linn). The most important finding from the site is a brick alter identified as Syenachiti by the excavator. The structure is in the shape of a flying eagle Garuda, head facing east with outstretched wings. In the center of the structure is the chiti is a square chamber yielded remains of pottery assignable to circa first century B.C. to second century AD. In addition copper coin of Kuninda and other material i.e. ash, bone pieces etc and a thin gold leaf impressed with a human figure tentatively identified as Agni have also been recovered from the central chamber. http://asidehraduncircle.in/uttarkashi.html See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/syena-orthography.html yena, orthography, Sasanian iconography. Continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs.

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One of the first attested inscriptions (from Sankheda, Gujarat) recording a date written with the place-value system of numeral notation. The date highlighted) reads 346 of a local era, which corresponds to 594 CE. (Adapted from Georges Ifrah) "Consider the following statement by the French mathematician Pierre Simon de Laplace in 1814: It is to India that we owe the ingenious method of expressing every possible number using a set of ten symbols, each symbol having a positional as well as an absolute value. A profound and important idea, it now appears to us so simple that we fail to appreciate its true merit. But its real simplicity and the way it has facilitated all calculations has placed our arithmetic foremost among useful inventions. We will appreciate the greatness of this invention all the more if we remember that it eluded the genius of the two greatest men of Antiquity, Archimedes and Apollonius." "The first Indian texts dealing explicitly with mathematics are the ulbastras, dated between the 8th and 6th centuries BCE. They were written in Sanskrit in the highly concise stra style and were, in effect, manuals for the construction of fire altars (called citis or vedis) intended for specific rituals and made of bricks. The altars often had five layers of 200 bricks each, the lowest layer symbolizing the earth, and the highest, heaven; they were thus symbolic representations of the universe. Because their total area needed to be carefully defined and constructed from bricks of specified shapes and size, complex geometrical calculations followed. The ulbastras, for instance, are the earliest texts of geometry offering a general statement, in geometric." http://www.cbseacademic.in/web_material/Circulars/2012/68_KTPI/Module_7.pdf The heroic theft: myths from Rgveda and the Ancient Near East - David M. Knipe (1967)

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http://vivekitam.wordpress.com/2011/04/19/athirathram-a-perspective-2/ Panjal athirathra yajnam a perspective***

Of Chitis, Yajnam and Athirathram by KV Sarma J ***

The Panjal Athirathra Yajnam..takes 12 days to complete and is a very complex process involving Rig, Yajur and Sama Veda recitation and procedural details. Though Athirathram had been performed in 1990 and in 2006 as well, the importance of this Athirathram is that it is again being conducted in Panjal after a gap of 35 years. Panjal in Thrissur District in Kerala is considered as Yajna bhumi as it has a history of several Yajnas in the past.

Panjal Athirathram 2011, should be treated as the Dharma Karyam of the year. In fact, one would have expected Governments of both Kerala and India to show support and make arrangements to ensure success of this project. However, Government of Kerala is going for polls while Government of India is busy supporting other causes. Vedic Rituals like Athirathram evoke immense sense of history among Hindus, the battered ones of this wretched and ungrateful country. As our tradition is slowly eroding in the waves of modernization, events like Athirathram give some hope that future generations may know that ancient Hindus were not barbaric lot as pictured in some History books, but were masters of various sciences.

For those who are interested in the structural aspects of Yagasala and Yajna-sthanam, please read KVs first post on Athirathram here. The history of Athirathram and its mention in historical records is fascinating in itselfAs KV Sarma mentions:

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Pravara Sena I, who is placed around at 275 AD to 335 AD by the authors Ramesh Chandra Majumdar and Anant Sadashiv Altekar in this book, is said to have conducted all Yajnams successfully including the most difficult Vajapeya Yajnam, after which he was given the title Samrat, which can be loosely translated to Emperor in English.

Pravarasena I (275 - 335 AD) performed Athirathra Yajnam

While dates of Pravarasena I, Vakatakas and Gupta dynasty is a topic of huge controversy and discussion, one cannot disprove the argument that Pravarasena conducted Athirathram and other Yajnams. ASI Reviews ASI in its 1957-58 review (page 56) revealed at least two types of altars Kurmachiti and Syenachiti at Kausmbi near Allahabad. ASI would like to believe that Purushamedha happened at the site, despite no presence of Human Skull but only a Purusha made of lime. That is actually an interesting observation as ASI Review of the year 1997-98 (page 137) revealed another Syenachiti structure found at Mansar near Nagpur. While Mansar site finding is quite clearly syenachiti structure according to description of the sites, even though no human skull was found like at Kausumbi site, ASI seems to have arrived at the conclusion that Purushamedha was performed at both sites. It is astonishing that ASI didnt consult a vedic pundit to ratify these conclusions.

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It gets even more interesting as one reads ASI Review of the year 1988-89 (page 76). ASI found a huge structure of several altar constructions mostly in the form of a rectangular structure at Sanghol near Ludhiana in Punjab. From what has been described in the document, it could be the Peethan, which is considered as fully grown falcon. This picture would give an understanding (click to enlarge)

A square (Chathurasra) variety of Syenachiti (Click to enlarge) One may question the importance of dating these sites properly. The importance of such careful study lies in the fact that all these sites are miles apart. There was also a syenachiti structure found in Purola, Uttaranchal by ASI. This means Syenachiti strucutres were found in Northwest India, Central India, West India, Northern India.Given that Vakataka inscriptions indicate that Pravara Sena III also performed all Somayagams and he ruled from Malwa to Tungabhadra, there is a clear possibility that Somayagam practice was there not just in North/Central India but across India. Some coins were found in Uttarakhand with Syenachiti imprinted on them. This means that Syenachiti might have been a very popular chiti structure in Soma and Havir yagams. However, the most important point with respect to Syenachiti structure is that Indus Valley civilizations have some fire altars. It is not very clear whether these were household fire altars are specialized fire altars where these yagams could have been conducted. The difference between these special yagams and nithya yagams like Agnohotra etc., lie in the type of material and length of the homa also. Pursuing investigation with this important piece of information could reveal a different story. But for such an open investigation, first we have to come out of the vedic nomads and separation of the periods when four Vedas were written. Such a paradigm shift is important in mapping Indias history as putting Indus Valley Civilization in sync with

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historical findings pointing to later years will mean direct connection that Indus Valley People later were known as Hindus and so invasion of Indus Valley people could have never happened.

Image courtesy: KV Sarma J


Athirathram in Epics While Athirathram and Syenachiti findings around 2 BC to 2 AD are one side of the story, Athirathram and all other somayagams find mention in two of the most important epics of Hinduism Ramayana and Mahabharata. In Ramayana, when Dasaratha conducted Aswamedha Yajnam, he did not stop with Aswamedha Yajnam. He is said to have conducted other Yajnams too. To quote this verse from Bala Kanda, ukthyam dvitiiyam sa.mkhyaatam atiraatram tathottaram | kaaritaaH tatra bahavo vihitaaH shaastra darshanaat || | || Meaning The ritual on the second day is called ukthyam, and the next one performed on third day is calledathiraathra. These apart many of the preordained rituals are performed there in that ritual as envisaged in scriptures the fascinating part is about the mention of chiti that was constructed for these yajnams. The same Sarga (14th) in Bala Kanda has some details: iSTakaaH ca yathaa nyaayam kaaritaaH ca pramaaNataH | cito.agniH braahmaNaiH tatra kushalaiH shiplakarmaNi || sacityo raaja si.mhasya sa.ncitaH kushalaiH dvijaiH | garuDo rukmapakSo vai triguNo aSTaa dashaatmakaH || | || 225

| || Meaning The bricks for Altar of Fire are well designed and made according to rules and standard measurements. The Brahmans who are experts in the architecture of laying Fire Altar, by calculating the ritual field with a one-ply rope and decide where and how the that shall be, the Altar of Fire is layered well with bricks in that ritual. That Altar of Fire of that King, the Lion, is layered by expert Brahmans in the shape of an eaglewith golden wings, with its size being three folds bigger than the altars of other rituals, thus it has eighteen separators, and fire is laid on it. A mistake that has been done by the translators is in translating garuda to eagle. Garuda is not considered as an Eagle. Garuda is considered as a Falcon. Some think of Garuda as a Kite. However, Garuda has been referred to in other puranas as Syena i.e., Falcon. A very important question that could be asked is if syenachiti constructed was 18 layered as mentioned in Bala Kanda, did people of Ramayana times know detailed mathematics involved in constructing Syenachiti?. This question requires investigation not just because a Syenachiti is mentioned in Ramayana, but Syenachiti also finds a mention in Mahabharata as well. In Mahabharata, the word Atiratra as a reference to yajnam along with other yajnams, happens in Vana parva. Following verse clarifies: || || kttik maghayo caiva trtham sdya bhrata agniomtirtrbhy phala prpnoti puyakt Meaning The one who takes the tirtha piligrimage (of Prabhasa as referred to in preceding shloka) in the month of Karthika Or Krittika would acquire the same result as one who conducts Agnishtoma and Atiratra Yajnas. The most important point, with Mahabharata text is, however with respect to Garuda shaped fire altar. That which we now call Syenachiti is not referred to as Syenachiti in available text but as Garuda shaped Chiti. | || | || 226

iak kcan ctra cayanrtha ktbhavan uubhe cayana tatra dakasyeva prajpate catu citya sa tasysd adaa kartmaka sa rukmapako nicitas triguo garukti Meaning Bricks made of gold were used to build Chayana or Chiti. The Chayana made for the purpose resembled the chiti that was made by Daksha Prajapati. (meaning of only the first shloka above) For translating the second shloka mentioned above, first compare it with the one describing chiti from Ramayana. | || [Ramayana description] | || [Mahabharata description] Both descriptions are different, yet they both curiously use two words , The translation for is quite straighforward 18. The translation for is different according to valmikiramayan.net and Kisari Mohan Ganguli. valmikiramayana.net calls it three times where as Kisari Mohan Ganguli calls it having three angles. Defining as having three angles does not fit the context of Syenachiti structure be it panchapatrika, shadpatrika or petthana because all these structures have at least four angles : at beak, two at wings and at tail. So, the meaning of the shloka | || should be The chayana was 18 layered and was three times bigger than usual chiti. Thus, both Ramayana and Mahabharata clearly mention shlokas describing the use of Syenachiti of 18 layers. Since it is clear from Vedic ritual that the chiti structure is not built as a single monolithic structure but is built out of several bricks of different shapes arranged in an orderly fashion, one can come to several conclusions. These conclusions will be part of concluding post in this series. During British Raj and Post Independence Since Athirathra yajnam, which is one of the seven somayagams, occupies such an important place in Hindu history starting much earlier than Ramayana times (by Ramayana time, the complete procedure seems to be quite mature), it would be interesting to see if there is any 227

record of Athirathram being performed during British Raj and after Independence. This investigation is important to understand, support or counter, whichever the case may be, the theory that Dr. Fritz Staals generous funding of 1975 athirathram protected it from extinction. It is quite well documented that yajnas were performed during British Raj. For instance, this news piece from 1944 Windsor Star Daily records a maha yajna conducted on the banks of Jamuna River. Unfortunately not many details are present in this digitized news piece. The photograph (though not very clear) shown in the copy shows a yagasala which is pretty much like the one required for Somayagams. Also, there are also websites which record history of yajnas done by vedic pundits since 1930s. While there are several records of Agnishtoma and Aptoryama conducted in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, there is very little information on Athirathram being conducted between 1920s and 1950s. It is, however, a well recorded fact that 1956 saw an Athirathram near Panjal. Surekha Pillai who handled PR for Panjal Athirathram 2011 on behalf of Varthathe trust has taken pictures of 1956 and 1918 Athirathram sites. She says it is amazing to see the site after so many years with a huge Banyan tree growing at the middle of the chiti. Quite amazing indeed, as the picture itself shows. Despite lack of direct evidence, there is one documented record from American Philosophical Society 1963 year book that Tamil Nadu was conducting all somayagams regularly.

TN was conducting all varieties of samayagams at a rate of 2-5 yearly. To quote from the information available on Google Books: While the Aiyars of Madras State continue to perform somayaga-sacrifices at the rate of 2 to 5 yearly, whilst all other six varities have been performed during the last decades, the Nambudiris used to perform only two i.e., agnistoma and (agnicayana-)atiratra, and this occurred last in 1956. That year may have marked the end of a tradition of millennia.. This is an very important information, which basically may prove with some more evidence conclusively, that Keralas tradition of Athirathram was in danger but not Athirathra Yajnam as a whole. The notion that Athirathra Yajnam required foreign support to be preserved might as well be a misconception. However, the question still remains as to why Kerala tradition was in danger at all?. The plausible answer is 228

Lack of communication among Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Kerala where vedic pundits and financial distress of the time could have been the reasons for such a desperate situation. Without much doubt, one can say the local administration didnt find these vedic procedures worthy enough to be encouraged. Not that non governmental institutions were silent during this time. Some indepth reading indicates that several institutions were formed to ensure Vedic tradition continues. Several veda vidya peethams across South had collaborative programmes with those in Ujjain and Varanasi a sort of knowledge sharing. The history of Athirathram traces to as far as Ramayana. Depending upon which country one is from and the accepted school of thought, it could mean Athirathram goes back to 1400 BC or even further to 7000 BC or beyond Ice age (by Hindu Yuga structure). It has been explained on several occasions that ancients Hindus knew a lot about various sciences. There are several references clearly describing economics, politics, probability, geometry, trigonometry, mathematics of numbers, chemical sciences and several other fields. Yajnas are probably the best places to explore how vedas describe laws, rules and assumptions made by the ancient Hindus while exploring these sciences. For instance, many feel that Bhagavata Purana has metaphorical explanation of concepts like Time Dilation. Some feel that Vedas themselves were divided into Shakas by Veda Vyasa using principles of Graph Theory. Mathematicians also worked on mathematical analysis of Sanskrit. Yajna is no exception. Thus, Athirathram is no exception. Specifically, two areas are worth talking about. What is the cumulative effect of a Yajna? What is Mathematics involved in chiti construction? What is Mathematics involved in chiti construction? The most fascinating aspect of Yajna, as described in part 1 of this series is perhaps Chitis (in both mahavedi and agnihotra sala) and its construction. Chiti comes from the sanskrit root Chit. Unfortunately, foreigners relate chiti to pile, but apte relates chiti to chit. A Chiti is made up of a specific structure. As mentioned in part 1 of this series, several types of chitis are used. Lot of research has already been done on Mathematics involved in chiti construction. All the structures known to Hindus have been explained in a great detail in Srouta Sutras detailed in Kalpa Sutras. In the papers published so far, researchers quote several sutras as sources for chiti construction process. It is thus logical that chiti construction is distributed across sutras. Another curious question is 229

Could it be that there was a formal conference during which these sutras were drafted or direction of documentation of these sutras happened? Foreign historians place each author of Kalpa Sutra books at various points in history. But the similarities present in these sutras is a very important aspect which cannot be ignored. Whatever be the case with dating of Kalpa Sutras, one cannot contest the fact that the chitis are described in these sutras in excruciating detail and often, mathematical precision reaches upto 10 or more decimal points. To quote John F Price in this paper, For me, there are three outstanding features of the Sulba Sotras: the wholeness and consistency of their geometrical results and constructions, the elegance and beauty of the citis, and the indication that the Sutras have a much deeper purpose John F Price also explains that all Kalpa Sutras have a common format. The Sulba Sutras form part of the Kalpa Sltras which in turn are a part of the Vedangas. There are four main Sulba SUtras, the Baudhayana. the Apastamba, the Manava, and the Katvavana, and a number of smaller ones. One of the meanings of Sulba is string, cord or rope. The general formats of the main Sulba Sltras are the same; each starts with sections on geometrical and arithmetical constructions and ends rvith details of how to build citis which, for the moment, ue interpret as ceremonial platforms or altars. The measurements for the geometrical constructions are performed by drawing arcs with different radii and centers using a cord or Sulba. This quote from a Mathematics researcher actually strengthens our reasons to think in the direction of question posed above. There is a definite possibility that writers of sutras were contemporaries or at best 2-3 generations apart (generation being 2-3 decades). It is also possible that there was a formal mechanism to document these observations. It is common knowledge of every Hindu that all sutras are observations from Vedas. So another area of research would be to identify the sources of Sutras in Vedas so that any sutras which were lost in time could be rewritten. Syena Chiti Syena Chiti is described by John F Price as shown in this picture.

Syena Chiti, Garuda shaped Chiti Schematic as described by John F Price.

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There is a difference in schematic as described by John F Price and S N Sen and AK Bag in their commentaries. S N Sen and A K Bag also provide numbering on each brick used for chiti. This is an important aspect as in Athirathram 2011 also similar numbering was seen. ..Syena Chiti is described in Boudhayana Sulba Sutra in Second Section. First section describes construction of square, circle etc. Second section describes construction of Garhapatya chiti and subsequent sections describe construction of other complex chitis. Ratha Chakra Chiti

Ratha Chakra Chiti schematic as described by John F Price John F Price gives the following schematic of Ratha Chakra Chiti in his paper. Ratha Chakra chiti description is fairly similar according to others like S N Sen and A K Bag. This chiti has an interesting mathematical detail according to John F Price. The initial calculations for determining the different parts of the *heel are in terms of square bricks each of area 1/30 square purusas. Since the final area is required to be 7.5 square purusas, the number of bricks is 7.5 x 30 : 225. The nave of the wheel consists of 16 of these bricks. the spokes 64 and the rim 145, making 225 in all. The spaces between the spokes are equal in area to the spokes and so, if these spaces are included,the overall area is 225 + 64 : 289 bricks. Notice that overall area is curiously comes from a Pythagorean set {8,15,17}. Subhash Kak explains that there are as many as 95 chitis which are built in sequence. The obvious questions are Why did the authors of Sulba Sutras propose this sequence? What is the importance of this sequence? There are a few questions that would be great points of research. Also, Sutras also describe a very detailed structure for odd and even layers. They are more like Figure and Ground. On this point, another question that comes up is

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Whether number sequences described in Rudram relate to Chiti construction and layers involved? Conclusion In Truthiyadhyaya (3rd chapter) of Bhagavadgita, Sri Krishna explains to Arjuna on why Yajnas have to be done. | || Meaning All living bodies subsist on food grains, which are produced from rains. Rains are produced by performance of yajna [sacrifice], and yajna is born of prescribed duties. Sri Krishna explains this in third adhyaya which fundamentally gives an explanation of Karma Yoga. Panjal Athirathram thus becomes the Dharma Karyam of the year. Performing of Yajnas is a Hindus duty precisely because it results in rain which provides food. Thus, Yajna is a technological process at least by the time of Krishna. The million dollar question on 15th of April at Panjal was whether or not it would rain. On 15th April 2011, at 9:30, just as Athirathram was about to conclude, Panjal experience heavy downpour for about 30 minutes. The same happened in 1975 according to media archives. More than what happened, peoples reaction is something to be taken into account. At around 9:30, Surekha Pillai tweeted live from Panjal: theres thunderstorm and people are cheering and clapping. This is indication of the faith that people have in Yajna procedures. So, to the question of whether Vedic Ritual is a scientific experiment, well it seems to be so because it did rain during properly performed Yajnas. Apart from being our duty, Yajnas also become part of Hindu culture i.e., Indias culture. Sutras which document everything related to Yajnas are clearly products of extensive research done on Vedas. Several questions still remain Are the detailed notes in Sutras annotated texts of Vedas and Upanishads? Did civilization at the time of Rama know sutras? If so, were Sutra writers contemporaries or ancestors of the civilization of Ramas time? Altars seen in Indus Valley indicate that they are Grahapatya chitis, which are for domestic use. Does this mean Sutra writers were before or during IVC or does it mean IVC were vedic and Sutra writers wrote annotated texts to Vedas? 232

Given that IVC cities were very sophisticated in urban planning, what are the odds that IVC were using all the complex structures for chitis described in sutras? Why is there such a great detail on construction sequence of Chitis? Is it only to preserve tradition with hard and fast rules or does it have a greater significance? Each author of the four major Vedangas Apasthamba, Boudhayana, Katyayana and Manava wrote Sutras in four parts : Grihya, Sulba, Srouta and Dharma. Each set of four Sutras are definitely companion works and all the 16 should be put in perspective to get a bigger picture on how a common Hindu household would have been during the time of these works, as all these four describe all duties of a common Hindu. The similarities and cross referencing, if any must also be used while dating these writers because heavy citation/similarities across all 16 works would indicate that the writers were contemporaries and further, these works could have been the result of a formal convention on Vedic Studies of ancient times. It is our Dharma to do our own research and put all these works in perspective with our Smritis and Puranas because these documents would provide a perspective on the life and times of our ancestors. It does not mean that foreign research should be discouraged. It only means that we should write our own history. If left to foreigners who do not understand terms like Dharma, Karma and other such important aspects of a common Hindus life, we would be left with inexplicable theories like Aryan Invasion. | *** To the history and research buffs amongst you, I would urge you read through the whole series on KVs blog. You will notbe disappointedand while you are at it, have a look at some pictures too Comments: d2thdr said: I think this is simply wonderful. Thank you for posting this. The longer I live in west, the more I want to learn more. Is there somewhere who can teach me all this? 14 May 2011 Athirathram one of the most ancient and sacred ritual associates with Vedic Dharma Hindu Internet Defence Force said: [...] http://satyameva-jayate.org/2011/05/13/athirathram/ [...] 14 May 2011 233

Prem said: Shantanu, I am sure you invested a lot of your time in coming up with this study/analysis. Undoubtedly, this is one of the rare articles available on the net that makes every Hindu think about his culture, his traditions and most importantly our history. It is a shame that there are not many intellectuals like you, who are willing to invest their time/resources in this field! I propose that there be some sort of scholarship/grant provided to students who want to do such research. In my limited capacity, I offer to fund USD 100/month, subject to review after an year. Let me know if you find this proposal interesting enough, I can talk to some more people here in Pittsburgh (US) and see if any one else is willing to contribute. 15 May 2011 B Shantanu (author) said: Prem: This is entirely KV Sarmas research and all credit must go to him. I agree that it would be very helpful to have a scholarship/grant made available to students and researchers who are engaged in such a study Unfortunately I do not have any time to manage and administer such a scholarship. I believe there is enough support amongst Hindus to fund such research. What we need is an institutional mechanism and someone to manage this. You will recall that in a recent case where we wanted to help Dr Arvind, who is a Sanskrit scholar, I was overwhelmed by the response. In the end Sh Ranganaathan-ji agreed to take over and he is now handling all the offers of assistance and help (which by the way have crossed all my expectations) Would you have time to coordinate this at least for those who are resident in US? PL let me know via email or leave a comment below.. *** All: If anyone of you has the time and the inclination to do this, pl email me or leave a comment here (email is Jai.Dharma AT gmail.com) Separately, I have also begun soliciting assistance and donations for the political initiatives that many of you are well aware of. The payment mechanisms etc are being set up but if you are interested in supporting this work, pl email me or leave a comment below. Needless to say, all contributions will be gratefully acknowledged and the process will be transparent. More information here. Thanks. Jai Hind, Jai Bharat! 234

15 May 2011 Sivasubramaniam Krishnan said: My sincere and grateful thanks to all who are connected with this fantastic piece of work. I had roma harsha i.e. thrills going through my body as I read this. I am also keen on contributing to any effort in this regard. I can put some money (which I would consider a better application of my money than many of my present outlays); I can devote time; I can use my limited knowledge of Sanskrit in the effort. If we can organize GUEST LECTURES by the authors and other knowledgeable people in schools, colleges and higher educational institutions, we can create a groundswell of support for such research efforts. May God bless the effort, and may I have the good fortune to be part of it. S. Krishnan 15 May 2011 Sivasubramaniam Krishnan said: I live in Chennai (Madras). Is it possible for me to meet KV SharmaJ? and/or the author who did us this great favour by publishing this ? 15 May 2011 Sivasubramaniam Krishnan said: Just a note to clarify matters: My main interest is the Article by KV SharmaJ. He is a person I would love to meet and greet and pay homage to for the interest and application he displays in his article. I would love to learn more from him and offer whatever help or assistance I can. I find that Santanus primary thrust is on public interest and maybe politics where my own interest and abilities can be of little value. Thanks for being Santanu and for hosting this blog. I will keep following your blogs. Regards, Krishnan 17 May 2011 B Shantanu (author) said: Krishnan: Thanks for clarifying. I have emailed KV Sarma and he should hopefully respond soon. You are right about my focus. It is on political activism. This blog is one of the mediums I use to raise political (and national) consciousness. There are a lot of other activities that happen in the 235

background, at least a few of which can be accelerated if we have more resources (and of course people). If you would like to support that either now or in the future, please have a look at this page (currently in draft form): http://satyameva-jayate.org/support-us/ Jai Hind, Jai Bharat! 17 May 2011 K V Sarma J said: @all, Sorry for the delay in response. Thank you every one for all the kind words of appreciation. @Prem ji, It would not be very difficult to fund scholars in such works. People like Shantanu sir, Ranganathan ji and several others I happened to meet in recent times are ensuring such research doesnt stop, especially when enthusiasit candidates are invovled. Recent Dr. Arvind Shanbag story is a testimony to this fact. However, I feel we should do these activities as our own home projects. IMO, collective and independent study is also a good point to start. My fundamental interest is in Mathematics and that pulled me into understanding these. There is scope for lot of original work here. In fact, triggering interest in kids is not very difficult. For example, for a simple geometry assigment at school to build some geometrical structure, one could get him/her construct a simple garhapatya chiti which is a built out of only squares. Such ideas would be a good way to start. Unfortunately, work so far done by elders like K. Subrahmaniam at IITM, Venkateswara Sarma of Punjab University dont find much of mention in our school books, which means there is no way for younger generation to know that such a thing exists in the first place. @Krishnan ji, I am based in Bangalore. I will take your email ID from Shantanu sir and mail you. 17 May 2011 Prem said: @K V Sarma J, Thanks for your reply, I will see what I can do. Regards, Prem 18 May 2011 K V Sarma J said: 236

It gives great pleasure to read that Dr. Nampoori and his team came out with Emperical Data from Athirathram 2011 and according to them, there are several positive effects of the yajnam on the atmosphere in the vicinity. http://expressbuzz.com/states/kerala/scientific-impact-of-panjal-athirathram-ritual/282845.html This is exactly why following Vedas is Dharma. Sanatana Dharma. If you ask me, Dharma should be the official key word for Indian constitution but thats a different topic altogether. Do read the piece for details on various observations related to Athirathram 2011. 10 June 2011 Ramamurthy said: This is to let you know that Athirathram will be performed in Bhadrachalam, Andhra pradesh in March 2012. http://satyameva-jayate.org/2011/05/13/athirathram/

http://www.urkesh.org/EL-MZ/Buccellati_and_KellyBuccellati_1996_Seals_of_the_King.pdf Giorgio Buccellati and Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati (Malibu), 1996, The seals of the king of Urkesh: evidence from the western wing of the Royal storehouse AK

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Shamash the Sun-god rising on the horizon, flames of fire ascending from his shoulder. The two portals of the dawn, each surmounted by a lion, are being drawn open by attendant gods. From a Babylonian seal cylinder in the British Museum. [No. 89,110.] NOTE: It is for this sun-god Shamash the Sit-Shamshi bronze narrates the morning offerings of ablutions in front of the ziggurat.

A cylinder seal impression showing Enki and other gods. Enki is on the right. The gods are recognizable by their horned helmets. Note the "birdman" in the center. He is being led in a neck stock, his hands tied, to stand before the judgment of Enki. http://sumerianshakesp eare.com/106901.html

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Assyrian demon Pazuzu, first millennium BC, Louvre

Museum. A falcon (Skt.)

http://rbedrosian.com/Downloads/Budge_GuidetoBritMus.pdf A guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian antiquities (1900), The British Museum.

http://oi.uchicago.edu/pdf/OIP117P1.pdf Seals on the Persepolis fortification tablets, Vol. I, Univ. of Chicago, 2001

http://djvued.libs.uga.edu/BL1620xB7/1f/babylonian_legends_of_creation.pdf The Babylonian legends of the creation and the fight between Bel and the Dragon as told by Assyrian tablets from Nineveh, The British Museum (1921).

Notes on the role of Dilmun in Indus trade with contact areas:

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Dilmun (present-day Bahrain) and Magan (or Makan, present-day Oman) of Arabian Peninsula had trade connections with the Indus. Maysar, Ra's al-Hadd and R'as al-Junayz -- sites in Oman; Tell Abrak (United Arab Emirates) -- sites in Bahrain and Failaka; Ur, Nippur, Kish and Susa -- sites in Mesopotamia between Tigris-Euphrates and in Elam, have provided evidence of Indus trade presence. Sutkagen-dor and Sokta-koh were ports near today's Iran border and indicate the role of sea-faring in Indus trade. A remote Indus trade outpost was perhaps Shortughai, on the Oxus in Afghanistan, beyond the Hindu Kush range of mountains.

Dilmun has produced seals with Indus inscription, Linear Elamite inscribed atop an Indusstylized bull and a tablet with cuneiform -- all simultaneously being used ca. 2000 BCE:

"The presence in Dilmun of these three different writing systems de fabrication locale, meaning the co-existence of Linear Elamite, the Indus script, and lastly the Mesopotamian cuneiform, allsimultaneously being used ca. 2000 BCE (Glassner, Jean-Jacques. 1999.Dilmun et Magan: la place de lcriture.In Languages and Cultures in Contact: At the Crossroads of Civilizations in the Syro-Mesopotamian Realm(Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta), edited by Karel Van Lerberghe and Gabriela Voet, 133-44. Leuven: Peeters Press en Departement Oosterse Studies Glassner), does demonstrably argue in favour of what archaeology has already proven: that Dilmuns role as a leading commercial center in the Mesopotamian world-system also places it at the crossroads of civilizations as far as languages and cultureis concerned. (As 240

Glassner notes, the fact that archaeological discoveries reveal these three writing systems to be coexisting andsimultaneously used in Dilmun at this time (ca. 2000 BC) is not at all inconceivable. He writes: Trois critures seraient doncsimultanment en usage, Dilmun, autour de 2000, deux dentre elles sont notes sur des cachets *le linaire lamite etlharrapen+, la troisime *le cuniforme msopotamien+ lest sur des tablettes. Le fait est parfaitement concevable: ne serait lorigine trangre des trois critures, la situation est tout fait comparable celle de la Crte o, dans la premire moiti du 2 e millnaire, trois critures coexistent dont lune, notamment, de caractre linaire (linaire A), est note sur des tablettes dargile. On sait, dautres part, que les Vay de Cte dIvoire utilisent galement trois critures. (1999, 137)

As far as the reason for their usage, Glassner suspects that it had something to do with thecommercial trading activities occurring at this time (ibid., 137). In relation to discoveries made in Magan,they are also quite significantly comparable to the Dilmunite finds, and there has even been unearthed inMagan a locally fabricated seal which contains the same Indus signs as one discovered in Lothal, the ancientIndus port city (ibid.).It can therefore be observed that in many ways these archaeological findings do establish somelegitimate grounds for discussing the shared linguistic and/or cultural hybridity (or plurality) of the societiesof Magan (Oman), Dilmun (Bahrain), and Meluhha (Indus). The fact that these same three lands are oftenmentioned together in the Mesopotamian (cuneiform) records and even often in the same sentence, as Bibby (1969, 219) remarks does lend further support to the archaeological finds in 241

making valid cross-cultural links between these ancient peoples. Not unlike the ancient Dilmunites, it would not then be entirelyinconceivable to think of the Indus businesspeople as similarly being exposed to these other contemporarywriting systems, most notably such as those of neighbouring Elam (either the proto-Elamite or later LinearElamite script) or the Mesopotamian cuneiform that dominated the Gulf trade in which they were actively engaged".(Paul D. LeBlanc, 2012, The Indus culture and writing system in contact, The Ottawa

Journal of Religion, La Revue des sciences des religions d'Ottawa, Vol. 4, 2012, No. 4, 2012).

http://artsites.uottawa.ca/ojr/doc/OJR-2012-Final-withCover.pdf Mirror:http://www.academia.edu/2197668/The_Indus_Culture_and_Writing_System_in _Contact_At_the_Crossroads_of_Civilization_in_the_Mesopotamian_Realm

See: http://www.duluthhigh.org/users/108MyDocs/Reading%20Rewrite.pdf Writing gets a rewrite, Andrew Lawler (2001).

http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/163866.article A script open to interpretation - because no one can read it, Andrew Robinson, 2001

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-indus-writing-lokhad.html Ancient near East Gudea statue hieroglyph (Indus writing): lokh, 'copper tools, pots and pans' Rebus: lo 'overflow', ka 'sacred water'.

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Ancient near East Gudea statue hieroglyph (Indus writing): lokh, 'copper tools, pots and pans' Rebus: lo 'overflow', ka 'sacred water'.

Workers from Elam, Susa, Magan and Meluhha were deployed by Gudea, the ruler of Laga, to build The Eninnu, the main temple of Girsu, c. 2125 BCE. We are dealing with Indian sprachbundwhen we refer to Meluhha. This sprachbund has a remarkable lexeme which is used to signify a smithy, as also a temple: Kota. kolel smithy, temple in Kota village. Toda. kwalal Kota smithy Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kolla blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer; Ka.kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Ko. koll blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go.(SR.) kollusn to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstn, kulsn to forge; (Tr.) klstn to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. (DEDR 2133). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Gudea.jpg Timber and exotic stones to decorate the temples were brought from the distant lands of Magan and Meluhha (possibly to be identified as Oman and the Indus Valley). http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/article_index/g/gudea,_king_of_lagash_around. aspx

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Gudea Basin. Water overflowing from vases. : The Representation of an Early Mesopotamian Ruler ... By Claudia E. Suter "The standing statue N (Fig. 5) holds a vase from which four streams of water flow down on each side of the dress into identical vases depicted on the pedestal, which are equally overflowing with water. Little fish swim up the streams to the vase held by Gudea. This statue evidently shows the ruler in possession of prosperity symbolized by the overflowing vase." (p.58)ayo 'fish' (Munda) Rebus: ayo 'iron' (Gujarati); ayas'metal' (Skt.) Together with lo, 'overflow', the compound word can be read as loh+ayas. The compound lohyas is attested in ancient Indian texts, contrasted withkyas, distinguishing red alloy metal (bronze) from black alloy metal (iron alloy). ayaska is a compound attested in Pini; the word may be semantically explained as 'metal tools, pots and pans' or as alloyed metal.

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A baked-clay plaque from Ur, Iraq, portraying a goddess; she holds a vase overflowing with water ('h-gl' or 'hegallu') is a symbol of abundance and prosperity. (Beijing World Art Museum) Fish in water on statue, on viewer's right. Gudea's Temple Building "The goddesses wit overflowing vases. (Fig.8). The large limestone basin (SV.7) restored by Unger from twentysix fragments is carved in relief on its outside. It shows a row of goddesses walking on a stream of water. Between them they are holding vases from which water flows down into the stream. These, in turn, are fed with water poured from vases which are held by smaller-scale goddesses 245

hovering above. All goddesses wear long pleated dresses, and crowns with a single horn pair. There are remains of at least six standing and four hovering goddesses. Considering the importance the number seven plays in Gudea's inscriptions, Unger's reconstruction of seven goddesses of each type is credible. The inscription on the basin, which relates its fashioning, designates it as a large S'IM, a relatively rare and only vagueely understood term, perhaps to be read agarinX. The fashioning of one or more S'IM is also related in the Cylinder inscriptions, and the finished artifact is mentioned again in the description of the temple...Since the metaphor paraphrasing the basin refers to th ceaseless flow of water, it is possible that the basin(s) mentioned in the account of Eninnu's construction is (are) identical with the fragmentary remains of the one (perhaps two?) actually found within the area of Gudea's Eninnu, as Unger presumed. Several similar and somewhat intuitive identifications of the goddesses with the overflowing vases have been proposed: Heuzey saw personifications of the Euphrates and Tigris; Unger saw personifications of sources and rain clouds that form the Tigris and identified them with Ningirsu and Baba's seven daughters; van Buren saw personifications of higher white clouds and lower rain clouds whom she assigned to Ea's circle. Neither are the seven (not fourteen!) daughters of Ningirsu and Baba ever associated with water, nor can fourteen personified clouds be made out in Ea's circle...The clue must be the overflowing vase which van Buren correctly interpreted as a symbol of abundance and prosperity. This interpretation is corroborated by the Gottertsypentext which states that the images of Kulullu is blessing with one hand (ikarrab) and holding abundance (HE.GAL) in the other. The protective spirit Kulullu is usually associated with abundance and divine benevolence, and may be reminiscent of the god bestowing the overflowing vase upon a human petititioner in much earlier presentation scenes. The narrative context in which the goddess with the overflowing vase occurs is confined to presentations of a human petititioner to a deity. The Akkadian seal fo the scribe Ili-Es'tar shows her accompanying the petitioner, not unlike a Lamma.

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Fig. 33 Urnamma stela. Borker-Klahn's reconstruction. On the Urmamma Stela, she is hovering over the offering of flowing water to the ruler by the enthroned deity. In this scene the goddess underlines the gift bestowed on the ruler, and figures as a personification of it, while on the seal she may have implied and guaranteed that the petitioner who offers an antelope (?) is pleading for and will receive blessings of abundance in return. The basin of Gudea is dedicated to Ningirsu, and may be understood as a plea for prosperity as well as a boast of its successful outcome."(Claudia E. Suter, 2000, Gudea's Temple Building: the representation of an early Mesopotamian Ruler in text and image, BRILL., II.c.i.d, pp. 62-63).

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Location.Current Repository

Musee du Louvre. Inventory No. AO 22126 ca. 2120 BCE Neo-Sumerian from the citystate of Lagash. http://contentdm.unl.edu/ah_copyright.html gud. ' ea guda ' ea warrior ' emphasis/the best "The best warrior". http://evansexperientialism.freewebspace.com/ling_sumerian.htm 248

Inscription on base of skirt- God commands him to build house. Gudea is holding plans. Gudea depicted as strong, peaceful ruler. Vessel flowing with life-giving water w/ fish. Text on garment dedicates himself, the statue, and its temple to the goddess Geshtinanna. According to the inscription this statue was made by Gudea, ruler of Lagash (c. 2100 BCE) for the temple of the goddess Geshtinanna. Gudea refurbished the temples of Girsu and 11 statues of him have been found in excavations at the site. Nine others including this one were sold on the art market. It has been suggested that this statue is a forgery. Unlike the hard diorite of the excavated statues, it is made of soft calcite, and shows a ruler with a flowing vase which elsewhere in Mesopotamian art is only held by gods. It also differs stylistically from the excavated statues. On the other hand, the Sumerian inscription appears to be genuine and would be very difficult to fake. Statues of Gudea show him standing or sitting. Ine one, he rests on his knee a plan of the temple he is building. On some statues Gudea has a shaven head, while on others like this one he wears a headdress covered with spirals, probably indicating that it was made out of fur. Height 61 cm. The overflowing water from the vase is a hieroglyph comparable to the pectoral of Mohenjo-daro showing an overflowing pot together with a one-horned young bull and standard device in front. The diorite from Magan (Oman), and timber from Dilmun (Bahrain) obtained by Gudea could have come from Meluhha. "The goddess Geshtinanna was known as chief scribe (Lambert 1990, 298 299) and probably was a patron of scribes, as was Nidaba/Nisaba (Micha-lowski 2002). " http://www.academia.edu/2360254/Temple_Sacred_Prostitution_in_Ancient_Mesopotamia_ Revisited That the hieroglyph of pot/vase overflowing with water is a recurring theme can be seen from other cylinder seals, including Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal. Such an imagery also occurs on a fragment of a stele, showing part of a lion and vases.

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A person with a vase with overflowing water; sun sign. C. 18th cent. BCE. [E. Porada,1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf states, Artibus Asiae, 33, 31-7]. meha polar star (Marathi). me iron (Ho.Mu.)

khai buffalo bull (Tamil)


Rebus: kh '(metal) tools, pots and pans' (Gujarati)

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The seal of Gudea: Gudea, with shaven head, is accompanied by a minor female diety. He is led by his personal god, Ningishzida, into the presence of Enlil, the chief Sumerian god. Wind pours forth from of the jars held by Enlil, signifying that he is the god of the winds. The winged leopard (griffin) is a mythological creature associated with Ningishzida, The horned helmets, worn even by the griffins, indicates divine status (the more horns the higher the rank). The writing in the background translates as: "Gudea, Ensi [ruler], of Lagash". l f., lo m.2. Pr. w fox (Western Pahari)(CDIAL 11140-2). Rebus: loh copper (Hindi). Te. eaka, ekka, rekka, neaka, nei id. (DEDR 2591). Rebus: eraka, eaka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); urukku (Ta.); urukka melting; urukku what is melted; fused metal (Ma.); urukku (Ta.Ma.); eragu = to melt; molten state, fusion; erakaddu = any cast thng; erake hoyi = to pour meltted metal into a mould, to cast (Kannada)

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m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. kam kam, n. < ka. 1. Water; sacred water; . (. 49, 16). Rebus: kh metal tools, pots and pans (Marathi) <lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re<lo>(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh copper (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. The pot carried by the woman accompanying the Meluhha sea-faring merchant could also be a hieroglyphic rebus reading of kam signifying metal pots and pans and tools.

The following semantic cluster indicates that the early compound: loha + ka referred to copper articles, tools, pot and pans. The early semantics of 'copper' got expanded to cover 'iron and other metals'. It is suggested that the hieroglyph of an overflowing vase refers to this compound: lohak. [ kh ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended (Marathi) M. lokh n. iron(Marthi) yields the clue to the early semantics of kh which should have referred to tools, pots and pans (of metal). Kumaoni has semantics: lokha iron tools'. [ lhlkhaa ] n ( & ) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general (Marathi). 252

Thus lohak would have referred to copper tools. The overflowing vase on the hands of Gudea would have referred to this compound, represented by the hieroglyphs and rendered rebus. N. lokhar bag in which a barber keeps his tools ; H. lokhar m. iron tools, pots and pans ; -X lauhabha -- : Ku. lokha iron tools ; H. lokha m. iron tools, pots and pans ; G. lokh n. tools, iron, ironware ; M. lokh n. iron (LM 400 < -- khaa -- )(CDIAL 11171). lhitaka reddish past., n. calx of brass, bell- metal lex. [lhita -- ]K. ly f. white copper, bell -- metal . (CDIAL 11166). lh red, copper -- coloured rS., made of copper Br., m.n. copper VS., iron MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lha -- m. metal, esp. copper or bronze ; Pk. lha -- m. iron , Gy. pal. li, lihi, obl. elhs, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa" steel ; Kho. loh copper ; S. lohu m. iron , L. loh m., aw.l, P. loh m. ( K.rm. o. loh), WPah.bhad. lu n., bhal. ltilde; n., p. jaun. lh, pa. luh, cur. cam. loh, Ku. luw, N. lohu, h, A. lo, B. lo, no, Or. loh, luh, Mth. loh, Bhoj. loh, Aw.lakh. lh, H.loh, loh m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho, l metal, ore, iron ; Md. ratu -- l copper .(CDIAL 11158). lhakra m. iron -- worker , r -- f., raka -- m. lex., lauhakra -- m. Hit. [lh -- , kra - 1] Pa. lhakra -- m. coppersmith, ironsmith ; Pk. lhra -- m. blacksmith , S. luhru m., L. lohr m., r f., aw. luhr, P. WPah.kha. bhal. luhr m., Ku. lwr, N. B. lohr, Or. lohaa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohr, H. lohr, luh m., G. lavr m., M. lohr m.; Si. lvaru coppersmith . Addenda: lhakra -- : WPah.kg. (kc.) lhwr m. blacksmith , lhwri f. his wife , Garh. lwr m.(CDIAL 11159). lhahala 11161 lhala made of iron W. [lh -- ](CDIAL 11161). Bi. lohr, r small iron pan (CDIAL 11160). Bi. lohsr smithy (CDIAL 11162). P.ludh. lhiy m. ironmonger .(CDIAL 11163). [ lhlkhaa ] n ( & ) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general. [ rup lkhaa ] n A kind of iron. It is of inferior quality to . [ lkhaa ] n ( S) Iron. or To oppress grievously. [ lkhaakma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. [ lkha ] a ( ) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 , in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. Examples follow. [ lkha ] f ( ) An iron boiler or other vessel. [ lkha jara ] m ( & ) False 253

brocade or lace; lace &c. made of iron. [ lkha rast ] m f (Iron-road.) A railroad. [ lha ] n S Iron, crude or wrought. 2 m Abridged from . A medicinal preparation from rust of iron. [ lhakra ] m (S) A smelter of iron or a worker in iron. [ lhakia ] n (S) Scori or rust of iron, klinker. or [ lhag or lhag kh ] f ( & ) A club set round with iron clamps and rings, a sort of bludgeon. [ lhra ] m ( H or S) A caste or an individual of it. They are smiths or workers in iron. [ lhrakma ] n Iron-work, work proper to the blacksmith. [ lhrak ] f ( ) The business of the blacksmith. [ lhra ] m A contemptuous form of the word . [ lhrasa ] f A smithy. Loha (nt.) [Cp. Vedic loha, of Idg. *(e)reudh "red"; see also rohita & lohita] metal, esp. copper, brass or bronze. It is often used as a general term & the individual application is not always sharply defined. Its comprehensiveness is evident from the classification of loha at VbhA 63, where it is said lohan ti jtiloha, vijti, kittima, pisca or natural metal, produced metal, artificial (i. e. alloys), & metal from the Pisca district. Each is subdivided as follows: jti=ayo, sajjha, suvaa, tipu, ssa, tambaloha, vekantakaloha; vijti=nga -nsika; kittima=kasaloha, vaa, raka; pisca=morakkhaka, puthuka, malinaka, capalaka, selaka, aka, bhallaka, dsiloha. The description ends "Tesu paca jtilohni piya visu vuttn' eva (i. e. the first category are severally spoken of in the Canon). Tambaloha vekantakan ti imehi pana dvhi jtilohehi saddhi sesa sabbam pi idha lohan ti veditabba." -- On loha in similes see J.P.T.S. 1907, 131. Cp. A iii.16=S v.92 (five alloys of gold: ayo, loha, tipu, ssa, sajjha); J v.45 (asi); Miln 161 (suvaam pi jtivanta lohena bhijjati); PvA 44, 95 (tamba=loha), 221 (tatta -- loha -- secana pouring out of boiling metal, one of the five ordeals in Niraya). -- kaha a copper (brass) receptacle Vin ii.170. -- kra a metal worker, coppersmith, blacksmith Miln 331. -- kumbh an iron cauldron Vin ii.170. Also N. of a purgatory J iii.22, 43; iv.493; v.268; SnA 59, 480; Sdhp 195. -- gua an iron (or metal) ball A iv.131; Dh 371 (m gil pamatto; cp. DhA iv.109). -- jla a copper (i. e. wire) netting PvA 153. -- thlaka a copper bowl Nd1 226. -- thli a bronze kettle DhA i.126. -- psda"copper terrace," brazen palace, N. of a famous monastery at Anurdhapura in Ceylon Vism 97; DA i.131; Mhvs passim. -- pia an iron ball SnA 225. -- bhaa copper (brass) ware Vin ii.135. -- maya made of copper, brazen Sn 670; Pv ii.64. -- msa a copper bean Nd1 448 (suvaa -- channa). -msaka a small copper coin KhA 37 (jatu -- msaka, dru -- msaka+); DhsA 318. -- rpa a bronze statue Mhvs 36, 31. -- salk a bronze gong -- stick Vism 283. Lohat (f.) [abstr. fr. loha] 254

being a metal, in (suvaassa) aggalohat the fact of gold being the best metal VvA 13. (Pali) See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-evidence-for-mleccha.html Ancient Near East evidence for meluhha language and bronze-age metalware Gudea Statue D Colum IV refers to Magan, Gubi and reads (Records of the Past, 2nd series,

Vol. II, ed. by A. H. Sayce, [1888], at sacred-texts.com) http://www.sacredtexts.com/ane/rp/rp202/rp20221.htm: he has constructed. 2. By the power of the goddess NIN, 3. by the power of the god NIN-GIRSU, 4. to Gudea 5. who has endowed with the sceptre 6. the god NIN-GIRSU, 7. the country of MGAN, 1 8. the country of MELUGHGHA, 9. the country of GUBI, 2 10. and the country of NITUK, 3 11. which possess every kind of tree, 12. vessels laden with trees of all sorts 13. into SHIRPURLA 14. have sent. 15. From the mountains of the land of MGAN 16. a rare stone he has caused to come; 17. for his statue http://www.sacred-texts.com/ane/rp/rp202/rp20221.htm#fr_228 'Gudea of Lagash': The Inscription

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The inscription extends over part of the right shoulder and onto the left side of the robe. The upper part, the cartouche, gives the name of the ruler, while the lower, main text speaks of the reasons for the creation of this particular statue. The cartouche translates as follows: Gudea, city ruler of Lagash, the man who built the temple of Ningishzida and the temple of Geshtinanna. The text reads: Gudea, city ruler of Lagash, built to Geshtinanna, the queen a-azi-mu-a, the beloved wife of Ningishzida, his queen, her temple in Girsu. He created for her [this] statue. "She granted the prayer," he gave it a name for her and brought it into her temple. http://faculty.txwes.edu/csmeller/humanexperience/ExpData09/01AncMed/AncMedPICs/MesPICs/Gudea/mesP_GudeaInscription.htm http://books.google.co.in/books?id=0guVA19YUVoC&lpg=PA68&pg=PA55#v=onepage&q&f=fal se Gudea and His Dynasty By Dietz Otto Edzard University of Toronto Press, 1997 Statues built to Geshtinanna: Statue M and Statue N. The inscriptions (pp.55-57)

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Statue N (pp. 56-57)

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The inscriptions on the many (22) statues of Gudea and on two large cylinders, are a remarkable source of information on commodities exchanged across the interaction area. Here are some examples related to transactions with Meluhha involving gold, diorite (obtained also from Magan), Magan, Meluhha, Gubin and the Land Tilmun supplying him with wood, describing himself as a sea-farer dealing with materials of the bronze-age including, gold, silver, bronze, copper, tin and stones such as diorite (carnelian from Meluhha) and varieties of wood. It is thus, not unreasonable to read rebus the hieroglyph of the overflowing vase and fishes on Statue N. As related to ayo metal (alloy), lo copper and tools, pots and pans made of metal (k): He (Gudea) brought alabaster blocks from Tidanum, the mountain range of the Martu, using them to make... (for Ningirsu), and he mounted them in the Houseas 'skull-crashers.' In Abult, on the mountain range of Kima, he mined copper, and he (used it to) make for him the Mace-unbearable-for-the-regions. From the land of Meluhha he brought down diorite, used it to build <> (for Ningirsu), he brought down blocks of hullu stone, and he (used them to) make for him the Mace-with-a-three-headed-lion. He brought down gold in its fore from the land of Meluhha, ad he (used it to) make a quiver for (Ningirsu). He brought down; be brought down halub wood from Gubin, the halub mountain, and he (used it to) make for him the bird(?) Mowdown-a-myriad. He brought down a myriad(?) of talents of bitumen from Madga, the mountain range of the Ordeal river(?), and he (used it for) building the retaining wall of the Eninnu...He defeated the cities of An an and Elam and brought the booty therefrom to Ningirsu in his Eninnu...For this statue nobody was supposed to use silver or lapis lazuli, neither should copper or tin or bronze be a working (material). It is (exclusively) of diorite; let it stand at the libation 259

place. Nobody will forcibly damage (the stone). O statue, your eye is that of Ningirsu; He who removes from the Eninnu the statue of Gudea, the ruler of Laga, who had build Ningirsus Eninnu; who rubs off the inscription thereon; who destroys (the statue); who disregards my judgment after at the beginning of a prosperous New Year his god Ningirsu, my master, had (directly) addressed him within the crowd, as my god (addressed me);He brought down diorite from the mountain of Magan and fashioned it into a statue of himselfHe constructed for (Ningirsu) his beloved boat (named) Having set sail from the Lofty Quay, and he moored it for him at the Lapis Lazuli Quay of Kasurra. He enrolled for (Ningirsu) the sailors and their captain, donating them for the House of his masterMagan, Meluhha, Gubin and the Land Tilmun supplying him with wood---let their imber cargoes (sail) to Laga. He brought down diorite from the mountain range of Magan, and he fashioned it into a statue of hisThe fierce halo (of the House) reaches upto heaven, great fear of my House hovers over all the lands, and all (these) lands will gather on its behalf from as far as where heaven ends (even) Magan and Meluhha will descend from their mountainsThe Elamites came to him from Elam, the Susians from Susa. Magan and Meluhha, (coming down) from their mountain, loaded wood on their shoulders for him, and in order to build Ningirsus House they all joined Gudea (on their way) to his city Girsu. (Ningirsu) ordered Nin-zaga, and he brought to Gudea, the builder of the House, his copper as (much as) if it were huge quantities of grain. (Ningirsu) ordered Ninsikila, and she brought to the ruler who build the Eninnu great halub logs, ebony wood along with wood of the sea. The lord Ningirsu cleared the way for Gudea to the impenetrable cedar mountainSilver from its mountain is being brought down to Gudea, light carnelian from Meluhha spreads before him, alabaster from the alabaster mountain they are bringing down to him. When building the House with silver, the shepherd sat with the silversmith, when building the Eninnu with precious stones, he sat with the jeweler, and when building it with copper and tin, then Nintu-kalama directed before him the chief of the smiths. (pp.34-36, p.39, p.41, p.42, p.75, p.78, p.79) The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature Catalogues: by date | by number | in full | Website info: navigation help | site description | display conventions | recent changes Project info: consolidated bibliography | about the project | credits and copyright | links This Composition: composite text | translation

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The building of Ningirsus temple: bibliography Print sources used Edzard, D.O., Gudea and His Dynasty (The Royal Insciptions of Mesopotamia. Early Periods, 3, I). Toronto/Buffalo/London: University of Toronto Press 1997, 68-101: source transliteration, translation, commentaries. Falkenstein, Adam, Grammatik der Sprache Gudeas von Lagas, I-II (Analecta Orientalia, 2930). Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum 1949-1950: commentary. Falkenstein, Adam - von Soden, Wolfram, Sumerische und akkadische Hymnen und

Gebete.Zrich/Stuttgart: Artemis 1953, 192-213: translation.


Jacobsen, Th., The Harps that Once ... Sumerian Poetry in Translation. New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 386-444: translation, commentaries. Suter, C.E., "Gudeas vermeintliche Segnungen des Eninnu", Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie 87 (1997), 1-10: partial source transliteration, partial translation, commentaries. Thureau-Dangin, F., Les cylindres de Goudea (Textes cuneiformes, 8). Paris: Paul Geuthner 1925: hand-copy. Witzel, M., Gudea. Inscriptiones: Statuae A-L. Cylindri A & B. Roma: Pontificio Isituto Biblico 1932, fol. 8-14,1: hand-copy. Electronic sources used Electronic text kindly supplied by J. Krecher (lit1.txt, based on electronic legacy material from H. Behrens; and lit2.txt, based on electronic legacy material from B. Jagersma). Top | Home This Composition: composite text | translation Written by GZ. Updated on 15/07/98. http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/b217.htm http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr217.htm The building of Ningirsus temple: translation of Cylinders A and B. http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/cylinders-gudea Cylinders of Gudea, Louvre Museum. 261

Music stele: tambura 'lyre' Rebus: tambra 'copper' (Santali) angar bull; rebus: angarblacksmith (Hindi)

Bull head, probably affixed to the sound-chest of a lyre. Copper, mother-of-pearl and lapis lazuli, found in Telloh, ancient Girsu. Louvre Museum, Accession number AO 2676, Excavated by Ernest de Sarzec; gift of Sultan Abdul Hamid, 1896 Second dynasty of Lagash, reign of Gudea, c. 2120 BC Tello (ancient Girsu) Limestone H. 1.20 m; W. 0.63 m; D. 0.25 m E. de Sarzec excavations, 1881 AO 52 http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/stele-music The stele of music shows the foundation rites - performed to the sound of the lyre - of the temple built by Prince Gudea (c. 2100 BC) at his capital of Telloh (ancient Girsu), for Ningirsu, 262

god of the state of Lagash in the Land of Sumer. The stele thus accords with the tradition of Neo-Sumerian art, which unlike that of the preceding period that focused on the warlike exploits of the rulers of Akkad, tends to show the king engaged in pious activities. The building of Ningirsu's temple In the Neo-Sumerian Period (c. 2100 BC), the rulers Gudea and Ur-Nammu had themselves depicted taking part in the foundation rites of temples, notably on steles, as statues, and as figurines. On the stele of music, Gudea, carrying a peg and cord and followed by figures probably representing his princely heir and two priests, prepares to lay out the plan of Ningirsu's sanctuary. The ceremony is punctuated by music, which accompanies the chanting or singing of liturgical poems. Behind the cantor, a musician plays on a lyre whose sound box is decorated with a bull. The deep tones of the instrument evoked the bellowing of a bull, and by poetic identification, within the temple of Ningirsu "the room of the lyre was a noisily breathing bull." The making of the god's lyre gave its name to the third year of Gudea's reign, called "the year in which was made the lyre [called] Ushumgalkalamma [the dragon of the land of Sumer]." Music in temple foundation ceremonies The spirit embodied by the lyre played a part in the events leading to the building of the temple, for it appears in the dream in which the god reveals to Gudea the task he is to accomplish (Gudea Cylinders, Louvre, MNB 1512 and MNB 1511): "When, together with Ushumgalkalamma, his well-beloved lyre, that renowned instrument, his counselor, you bring him gifts [...] the heart of Ningirsu will be appeased, he will reveal the plans of his temple." When the work was complete, Ushumgalkalamma went before Gudea, leading all the musical instruments, to mark the arrival of the god in his new abode. Ushumgalkalamma is the god's counselor because its song calms the emotions that disturb the spirit, allowing the return of the reason indispensable to good judgement. Among the divine servants of Ningirsu, it is the lyre's duty to charm his master, a god of changeable mood. It is assisted by the spirit of another lyre that brings consolation in times of darkness: "So that the sweet-toned tigi-drum should play, so that the instruments algar and miritum should resound for Ningirsu, [...] his beloved musician Ushumgalkalamma accomplished his duties to the lord Ningirsu. To soothe the heart and calm the liver [the seat of thought], to dry the tears of weeping eyes, to banish grief from the grieving heart, to cast away the sadness in the heart of the god that rises like the waves of the sea, spreads wide like the Euphrates, and drowns like the flood of the storm, his lyre Lugaligihush accomplished his duties to his lord Ningirsu." Representations of musicians in Mesopotamia 263

Representations of musicians are not uncommon in Near-Eastern iconography. They are found from the early 3rd millennium BC in the banquet scenes that appear on perforated plaques and cylinder seals. Early in the next millennium, they would appear on molded terracotta plaques, such as the example with the harpist in the Louvre (AO 12454). Very few examples of musical instruments have survived until today (among them the lyres from the royal tombs of Ur, c. 2550 BC); these representations are therefore particularly valuable. Bibliography Andr-Salvini Batrice, "Stle de la musique", in Musiques au Louvre, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1994, pp. 10-11. Parrot Andr, Tello, vingt campagnes de fouilles, 1877-1933, Paris, Albin Michel, 1948, pp. 174176, pl. 20a. Rutten Marguerite-Maggie, "Scnes de musique et de danse", in Revue des arts asiatiques, Paris, cole franaise d'Extrme-Orient, 1935, p. 220, fig. 8. Sarzec douard de, Dcouvertes en Chalde, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, pp. 36 et 219-221, pl. 23. Sillamy Jean-Claude, La Musique dans l'ancien Orient ou la thorie musicale sumrobabylonienne, Villeneuve d'Ascq, Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1998, p. 160. http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/stele-music

Greenstone seal Akkadian, about 2250 BC From Mesopotamia Belonging to the servant of a prince This seal dates to a time when much of Mesopotamia was united under the control of the rulers of Agade (Akkad). The struggle between wild animals and heroes was a popular design on seals of this period. It is a standard Mesopotamian theme, representing the symbolic struggle between divine order and chaotic savagery. 264

The inscription records the name of the owner but it is not clear; it possibly reads Amushu or Idushu. He is described as the servant of Bin-kali-sharri, a prince. The seals of two of his other servants are also known. Bin-kali-sharri was one of the sons of Naram-Sin, king of Agade (Akkad) (reigned 2254-2218 BC). Naram-Sin was the grandson of Sargon (reigned 2334-2279 BC), the founder of the Akkadian dynasty. The kings of the dynasty expanded their control beyond their city state of Agade through military conquest. A major building at Tell Brak in north-eastern Syria has been found with bricks stamped with the name of Naram-Sin, testifying to the extent of Akkadian control. Naram-Sin was succeeded by another son, Shar-kali-sharri (2217-2193 BC). After Shar-kalisharri's reign a period of instability helped to bring the empire to an end. D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asi-1 (London, 1982) http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/g/greenstone_seal. aspx

Bronze figure Kingdom of Lagash, about 2100-2000 BC Possibly from Tello (ancient Girsu), southern Iraq

With an inscription of Gudea, ruler of Lagash 265

One of the duties of a Mesopotamian king was to care for the gods and restore or rebuild their temples. In the late third millennium BC, rulers in southern Mesopotamia often depicted themselves carrying out this pious task in the form of foundation pegs. Foundation pegs were buried in the foundation of buildings to magically protect them and preserve the builder's name for posterity. In this case, the peg is supported by a god (Mesopotamian gods are usually depicted wearing horned headdresses). The peg has a very faint cuneiform inscription of Gudea, the ruler of the city-state of Lagash. Gudea ruled at a time when the cities of southern Mesopotamia, which had been united under the empire of Agade (Akkad), were reasserting their independence. There was competition among powerful, rival city-rulers for prominence. Of these, we know most about Gudea; he was a prolific builder and some of the longest Sumerian literary texts were written during his reign. Despite his wealth, however, Gudea's rule was limited to the area of his own city, which was soon absorbed into the new empire of Ur (called the Third Dynasty of Ur). British Museum, A guide to the Babylonian and, 3rd ed. (London, British Museum, 1922) E.D. Van Buren, Foundation offerings and figur (Berlin, H. Schoetz & Co., 1931) http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/b/bronze_figure.asp x

Copper foundation peg 266

Kingdom of Lagash, about 2130 BC Probably from Zerghul, southern Iraq This copper figure of a bull in a reed marsh is a foundation peg. It was one of the duties of a Mesopotamian king to build or, more normally, refurbish the temples of the gods. This pious act would ensure that the deity would support his kingdom; ancient texts make it clear that if a god withdrew their patronage a city could be conquered by an enemy. As a record of this work, figurines were placed in the foundations of the temple building, intended both for the gods and posterity. Hidden in the foundations, they have escaped the attention of plunderers and are often found by archaeologists. The inscription on the peg records the rebuilding of the temple of the goddess Nanshe in her city of Sirara (now Zerghul in southern Iraq) by Gudea, the ruler of the city-state of Lagash in south-east Sumer (dates debated, but somewhere about 2130 BC). Nanshe belongs to the local pantheon of Lagash. She was regarded as a daughter of Enki, the god of wisdom and fresh water. She was especially associated with divination and the interpretation of dreams. Among her other responsibilities was checking the accuracy of weights and measures. D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995) http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/c/copper_foundation_peg. aspx http://www.kavehfarrokh.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/07/elamitedravidian.pdf McAlpin, David, 1975, Elamite and Dravidian: Further evidence of relationship in Current Anthropology Vol. 16, No. 1, March 1975 Toward Proto-Elamo-Dravidian Author(s): David W. McAlpin Source: Language, Vol. 50, No. 1 (Mar., 1974), pp. 89-101 Published by: Linguistic Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/412012 267

http://www.scribd.com/doc/148768573/Proto-elamo-dravidian-McAlpin-David-W-1974 Proto-elamo-dravidian (McAlpin, David, W., 1974)

http://oi.uchicago.edu/pdf/oip65.pdf Cameron, George C., 1946, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, The University of Chicago, Oriental Institute Publicasions, Vol. LXV Hinz, A. Walther, Elamisches W rterbuch (Berlin, 1987). http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hinz-a-walther Elamite vocabulary in two volumee by W. Hinz and H. Koch (ElamWB, 1987). http://www.caeno.org/origins/papers/Dahl_ProtoElamite.pdf Dahl, Jacob L., 2007, Deciphering proto-Elamite

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Striding figure with ibex horns, a raptor skin draped around the shoulders, and upturned boots Period: Proto-Elamite Date: ca. 3000 B.C. Geography: Mesopotamia or Iran Culture: ProtoElamite Medium: Copper alloy Dimensions: H. 17.5 cm (6 7/8 in.) W. 5.4 cm ( 2 1/8 in.) Classification: Metalwork Credit Line: Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 2007 Accession Number: 2007.280 http://www.metmuseum.org/collections/search-the-collections/30012980 This solid-cast sculpture is one of a pair of nearly identical images of a hero or a demon wearing the upturned boots associated with highland regions, his power enhanced by the mighty horns of the ibex on his head and the body and wings of a bird of prey draped around his shoulders. It was created at the time the first cities emerged in ancient Sumer. A new world view conceived of human figures in realistic terms, through accurate proportions and highly modeled forms with distinctive features - here, the triple belt and beard that define divine beings and royalty. The blending of human and animal forms to visualize the supernatural world and perhaps to express shamanistic beliefs, however, is more characteristic of the contemporary arts of Proto-Elamite 269

Iran, where a remarkable tradition of metalworking developed during this period. mil markhor (Tor.wali) meho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120)Rebus: me (Ho.); mhet iron (Mu.Ho.)mh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Munda)

Cylinder seal and modern impression: two horned animals, rosettes Period: Proto-Elamite Date: ca. 31002900 B.C. Geography: Southwestern Iran Culture: ProtoElamite Medium: Clinoenstatite (sometimes referred to as "glazed steatite") Dimensions: H. 1 3/8 in. (3.5 cm); D. 11/16 in. (1.8 cm) Classification: Stone Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999 Accession Number: 1999.325.104 http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search-thecollections/30006389?rpp=20&pg=1&ft=*&who=Proto-Elamite&pos=7 Notes on the role of Dilmun in Indus trade with contact areas:

Dilmun (present-day Bahrain) and Magan (or Makan, present-day Oman) of Arabian Peninsula had trade connections with the Indus. Maysar, Ra's al-Hadd and R'as al-Junayz -- sites in Oman; Tell Abrak (United Arab Emirates) -- sites in Bahrain and Failaka; Ur, Nippur, Kish and Susa -- sites in Mesopotamia between Tigris-Euphrates and in Elam, have provided evidence of Indus trade presence. Sutkagen-dor and Sokta-koh were ports near today's Iran border and indicate the role of sea-faring in Indus trade. A remote Indus trade outpost was perhaps Shortughai, on the Oxus in Afghanistan, beyond the Hindu Kush range of mountains. Dilmun has produced seals with Indus inscription, Linear Elamite inscribed atop an Indusstylized bull and a tablet with cuneiform -- all simultaneously being used ca. 2000 BCE:

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"The presence in Dilmun of these three different writing systems de fabrication locale, meaning the co-existence of Linear Elamite, the Indus script, and lastly the Mesopotamian cuneiform, allsimultaneously being used ca. 2000 BCE (Glassner, Jean-Jacques. 1999.Dilmun et Magan: la place de lcriture.In Languages and Cultures in Contact: At the Crossroads of Civilizations in the Syro-Mesopotamian Realm(Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta), edited by Karel Van Lerberghe and Gabriela Voet, 133-44. Leuven: Peeters Press en Departement Oosterse Studies Glassner), does demonstrably argue in favour of what archaeology has already proven: that Dilmuns role as a leading commercial center in the Mesopotamian world-system also places it at the crossroads of civilizations as far as languages and cultureis concerned. (As Glassner notes, the fact that archaeological discoveries reveal these three writing systems to be coexisting andsimultaneously used in Dilmun at this time (ca. 2000 BC) is not at all inconceivable. He writes: Trois critures seraient doncsimultanment en usage, Dilmun, autour de 2000, deux dentre elles sont notes sur des cachets *le linaire lamite etlharrapen+, la troisime *le cuniforme msopotamien+ lest sur des tablettes. Le fait est parfaitement concevable: ne serait lorigine trangre des trois critures, la situation est tout fait comparable celle de la Crte o, dans la premire moiti du 2 e millnaire, trois critures coexistent dont lune, notamment, de caractre linaire (linaire A), est note sur des tablettes dargile. On sait, dautres part, que les Vay de Cte dIvoire utilisent galement trois critures. (1999, 137) As far as the reason for their usage, Glassner suspects that it had something to do with thecommercial trading activities occurring at this time (ibid., 137). In relation to discoveries made in Magan,they are also quite significantly comparable to the Dilmunite finds, and there has even been unearthed inMagan a locally fabricated seal which contains the same Indus signs as one discovered in Lothal, the ancientIndus port city (ibid.).It can therefore be observed that in many ways these archaeological findings do establish somelegitimate grounds for discussing the shared linguistic and/or cultural hybridity (or plurality) of the societiesof Magan (Oman), Dilmun (Bahrain), and Meluhha (Indus). The fact that these same three lands are oftenmentioned together in the Mesopotamian (cuneiform) records and even often in the same sentence, as Bibby (1969, 219) remarks does lend further support to the archaeological finds in making valid cross-cultural links between these ancient peoples. Not unlike the ancient Dilmunites, it would not then be entirelyinconceivable to think of the Indus businesspeople as similarly being exposed to these other contemporarywriting systems, most notably such as 271

those of neighbouring Elam (either the proto-Elamite or later LinearElamite script) or the Mesopotamian cuneiform that dominated the Gulf trade in which they were actively engaged".(Paul D. LeBlanc, 2012, The Indus culture and writing system in contact, The Ottawa

Journal of Religion, La Revue des sciences des religions d'Ottawa, Vol. 4, 2012, No. 4, 2012).
http://artsites.uottawa.ca/ojr/doc/OJR-2012-Final-withCover.pdf Mirror:http://www.academia.edu/2197668/The_Indus_Culture_and_Writing_System_in _Contact_At_the_Crossroads_of_Civilization_in_the_Mesopotamian_Realm See: http://www.duluthhigh.org/users/108MyDocs/Reading%20Rewrite.pdf Writing gets a rewrite, Andrew Lawler (2001). http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/163866.article A script open to interpretation - because no one can read it, Andrew Robinson, 2001

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/discovering-khirsaras-harappanglory.html Discovering Khirsaras Harappan glory: Seals with Indus writing read rebus. Discovering Khirsaras Harappan glory: Seals with Indus writing read rebus.

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Churning of the Ocean of Milk. From Prasat Phnom Da. 12th Century, Angkor Wat Style. abdhi 'the ocean, receptacle of 273

water' (Skt.) kra -, - -, -, - the salt ocean (Skt.)kra also means 'water, milk' (Skt.) [ kramu ] kshramu. [Skt.] n. Milk, . The milky sap of plants. . Water . rice and milk boiled together. . intimate union as milk and watesr mixed with each other. . they are intimately associated or related. or kshr-bdhi. n. The sea of milk . the goddess who sprung from this sea, i.e., Lakshmi. (Telugu) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtM-4Z4mHKUHISTORIC SITE - Prasat Chub Pul - Phnom Da - Phnom Bayang - Neang Sokro - oob - Kingdom of Cambodia The site has yielded the Samudramanthanam frescoe. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LnrsKGR4LFYhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BH VMarpAAH0http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6ALIRK9qsOk The first temple in this clip has the name: Ashram Maha Rosei. It is a basalt stone Shiva temple from the 7th century, the time of the Funan Kingdom. The second is Phnom Da, a 11th century Khmer construct of bricks and sandstone with some nice carvings. Khirsara is a shortened form of krasgara in vetadwpa (BhP. Viii,5,11). This is also referred to as samudramanthanam narrative pointing to Asura and Deva churning the ocean and harnessing the wealth of the ocean.krasbdhi (Kaths.xxii,186) refers to precious objects produced at the churning of the ocean.

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A bar seal with writing in Harappan script. Only one other bar seal figures in the total of 11 seals found so far in Khirsara. Rebus readings of Indus writing (from r.): [ mhar ] f A piece in architecture. [mndhal] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also & . It answers to the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi) mehi pillar. kolmo, rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' (Telugu) sangaa bangles (Pali). Rebus: sangaa lathe, furnace. sagha = furnace (G.) Rebus: jaga entrustment articles sangaa association, guild. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul casting. Ku. koho large square house Rebus: Md. koru storehouse aar harrow Rebus: aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul casting.

ayo fish (Mu.) Rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)
aar harrow Rebus: aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) 275

ato = claws of crab (Santali); dhtu = mineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali) kanka 'rim-of-jar' Rebus: furnace account (scribe); khanaka 'miner' (Skt.). kolom 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' (Telugu) The ligature of three strokes with rim-of-jar hieroglyph thus reads: smithy/forge account (scribe). These readings are consistent with the readings of other artisans' work evidenced in other Seals/tabletw with Indus writing discovered in Khirsara (inscriptions and readings appended).

Copper fish-hook found in a trench. Beads of semi-precious stones. Conch-shells at the pottery yard. Disc-shaped gold beads found in a pot.

List of figures:A section of the industrial complex excavated at the Harappan site at Khirsara in Gujarat's Kutch district. In the middle of the picture is the complex's fortification wall, which turns right and heads towards the citadel complex, in the background. The structures adjoining the fortification wall were added later.A cluster of pottery, including a tall slender jar, and a big conch shell found in one of the trenches.Kalyani Vaghela, research assistant in archaeology from M.S. University, Vadodara, at work in the trench.Jitendra Nath (right), ASI and N.B. Soni, Senior Draftsman, examining drawings of the trenches at the industrial complex. The guard 276

rooms are at left.A staircase inside the industrial complex where the common people also resided.The citadel complex. It was strategically located adjacent to the warehouse and the factory site in such a manner that the elite class might exercise full control over the manufacturing and trading activities.Disc-shaped gold beads found in a pot.A terracotta bull head.A copper fish hook found in a trench.N.B. Soni in the sprawling pottery yard where thousands of potsherds are classified under various categories.A potsherd with painted work. A terracotta hopscotch.A potsherd showing reserved slip ware.An anthropomorphic figurine.Part of a perforated jar.A striped potsherd.Beads of semi-precious stones.A bar seal with writing in Harappan script. Only one other bar seal figures in the total of 11 seals found so far in Khirsara. A bathroom, with its sloping floor and a covered outlet (top left corner) and a drainage (left foreground) that leads into the street. The floor and walls have limestone slabs.The warehouse. It had 14 parallel walls built in the north-south direction, each about 11 metres long. The walls supported a superstructure on which the goods were placed. The picture shows a couple of such walls.Conch shells at the pottery yard. Between 2600 BCE and 2200 BCE the Harappans made bangles with the shells at the industrial site.Grain, mixed with stone and sand, found in the warehouse. The grains have been sent to Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany in Lucknow for dating and identification.The circular kiln where pots and jars were made. The newly made pots were arranged under the dome on top of the kiln and baked at temperatures of around 500 degree C.The reasonably big opening under the dome, as Bipin Negi, Assistant Archaelogist, ASI, demonstrates, through which burning firewood was pushed inside.Aeration holes on the kiln.A portion of the outer fortification wall, nearly 4,600 years old. The 310-metre-long and 230metre-wide structure ran around the entire 12-acre settlement.The dry bed of the Khari river with its banks overgrown with shrubs. To protect the settlement when the river was in spate a wall was built parallel to the outer fortification wall in the north and the east.A serrated marine fossil on the riverbed. The sea or the Rann of Kutch would have extended up to where the river lies now at the peak of the settlement. Harappa was a maritime civilisation. Marine organisms fossilised when the sea receded because of tectonic movements.Ramraj Meena, trench supervisor, delicately brushing a big pot found in one of the trenches.While digging in an archaelogical trench, the first stage involves using a small pickaxe slowly and carefully.The second stage in digging a trench involvees the use of a shovel to remove the earth.The third

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stage involves brushing the artefacts. In the picture, a perforated jar that was probably used to

keep fruits is being brushed. ARTS & CULTURE HERITAGE Published: June 12, 2013 13:25 IST | Updated: June 15, 2013 11:19 IST Print edition : June 28, 2013 ARCHAEOLOGY Discovering Khirsaras Harappan glory Excavations in Khirsara village in western Kutch reveal a "major industrial hub" and trading centre of the mature Harappan phase. By T.S. AS I stood on the edge of the trench and looked in, my eyes widened with amazement. In one corner stood a tall, slender jar with four perforations, two on either side, just below the rim. There were three beautifully crafted pots, wedged in the soil and, a few feet away, a big, upturned lid. Also on the trench floor lay a massive conch shell that looked like a bird with outstretched wings, as if it had been shot in flight and had fallen. Outside the trench that April morning, on the baulk, stood Jitendra Nath, who was the director of the excavation. Will you measure the height and the width of the jar? he asked Kalyani Vaghela, the young research assistant in archaeology from the Maharaja Sayajirao University, Vadodara, Gujarat. She unfurled the tape and rolled it down the height of the jar and announced that it measured 85 centimetres in height. It was 33 cm This is an important find. We have got so much of pottery in a small area within the trench. When we extend our excavation more, we will get an idea of why we are getting so many pots and jars in a small area, said Jitendra Nath. He is the Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of Indias (ASI) excavation branch in Vadodara.The excavation, a massive one, is under way at Khirsara, a Harappan site situated about 85 km from Bhuj town in Gujarats Kutch district. Thirty-nine trenches, each 10 metres by 10 metres in area, have been laid since December 6, 2012. They have yielded a cornucopia of globular pots, sturdy storage jars, painted ware, perforated parts of broken jars, incense burners, dish-on-stand, goblets, beakers, basins, bowls, ladles, and so on. There is pottery everywhere. We have to dig carefully. We can use only small pickaxes, said Jitendra Nath. The excavation team has also unearthed terracotta figurines of bulls, peacocks, ducks, and also an anthropomorphic figurine. A lot of toy-cart frames made of terracotta were found. The excavation, which is into its fourth year, reveals that Khirsara, which lies on the trade route to 278

Sind (now in Pakistan), was once a major industrial hub in western Kutch. The 12-acre site, situated on the outer edge of Khirsara village, sits saucer-like, with mounds on all sides and a depression in the middle and is known locally as Gadh Wali Wadi. The Khari river flows nearby and in the distance are the hills of Kutch. A Harappan settlement, belonging to the mature Harappan phase, flourished here for 400 years from circa 2600 BCE to circa 2200 BCE. Mature evidence The Harappan civilisation can be divided into three phases, early, mature and late. If the early Harappan phase lasted from circa 2800 BCE to circa 2600 BCE, the mature phase was between circa 2600 BCE and circa 1900 BCE. The late phase, including its collapse, lasted from circa 1900 BCE to circa 1500 BCE. Juni Kuran in northern Kutch and Khirsara belong to the mature Harappan phase. And Dholavira, located on the island of Khadir in the Great Rann of Kutch, is an example of a Harappan site that typifies all three phases. Jitendra Nath pointed to the important features that make Khirsara a mature Harappan site. Pre-Harappan pottery and post-Harappan pottery are absent here. The settlements belonging to the early Harappan and late Harappan phases are also not found here, he said. Besides, Khirsara has thrown up artefacts and structures that make it a mature Harappan settlement. There are massive structures, fortifications, seals with script and carvings of animals, bricks with the standardised ratio of 1:2:4, and a variety of pottery, including reserved slip ware, which is called so because a slip, that is, a coloured coating is applied over the pot after it is finished and dried. Specialists in the study of pottery say that such pottery was reserved for the elite, and hence the name. After the first slip (a coloured coating involving a solution of red ochre, white kaolin or purple or yellow colour) has dried, a second slip is applied over the first coating. When the second slip is wet, an instrument, say, a comb, is run over it to form different patterns. This removes the second coating that comes under the combs teeth, making a pattern on the pot, in the form of wavy or straight lines or even checks. Northern polished black ware (NPBW) is reserved slip ware because it has a silvery or golden coating over it. The NPBW was mostly tableware and the elite used it. The quarry from which the stones were brought to the habitational-cum-industrial site has not been identified yet. Seals found in this site belong from the early stage to the late stage of the mature Harappan phase. There are rectangular seals depicting the unicorn and the bison and the Harappan 279

characters. There are rectangular bar-type seals with the Harappan script alone and circular seals, all of which show that Khirsara is a mature Harappan site, said Jitendra Nath. He argued that seals were the main characteristic by which Khirsara could be classified as a mature Harappan site. We are getting seals from the lowermost level to the uppermost. Pottery, seals and structures are the major hallmarks by which this site could be said to belong to the mature Harappan phase, he reasoned. The team encountered five structural phases in the mature Harappan stage itself at Khirsara, said R.N. Kumaran, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI. Floods led to the termination of each phase and evidence of flood deposits was available in the citadel area. We are getting sand and silt in a continuous band. Kankar stones were also available, said Kumaran. The structural remains of a fortified settlement revealed a citadel with residential quarters, a warehouse, an industrial-cum-residential complex, habitation annexes and a potters kiln, all pointing to systematic town planning. The citadel complex was where the ruling elite lived. It had square and rectangular rooms, verandahs in front, a beautiful staircase leading upstairs and a rock-cut well. The warehouse, 28 metres long and 12 metres wide, has a series of 14 massive parallel walls, which are more than 10 metres long and about 1.5 metres wide. All the structures are built of dressed sandstone blocks, set in mud mortar. Magnificent artefacts The artefacts that have been discovered here reinforced the industrial nature of the settlement. Among them is a gold hoard, in a small pot, of disc-shaped gold beads, micro gold beads and their tubular counterparts. As Jitendra Nath and this reporter stood on a trench that had been filled up, he pointed to the levelled earth below and said, It was in this trench that your friend S. Nandakumar [a site supervisor] found the gold hoard. It was a trench allotted to Nandakumar, and one of the labourers digging the trench came up with a pot that had 26 gold beads inside. Gold beads are not found in big quantities in the Harappan sites, Jitendra Nath said. Some disc-shaped gold beads were found at Lothal, a Harappan site in Gujarat. There are a variety of beads made of shell and steatite and of semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, agate, carnelian, chert, chalcedony and jasper. About 25,000 steatite beads were found in one trench alone. Shell bangles, shell inlays, copper bangles and rings were also found

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in plenty. Among copper implements were chisels, knives, needles, points, fish hooks, arrowheads and weights. There were also bone tools, bone points and beads made out of bones. We have found good evidence of bead-making here, said Jitendra Nath. We found a lot of drill-bits used for drilling holes in the beads. We also found stone weights of various denominations. While the smallest weighs five grams, the heaviest is about five kilograms. The ASI team found 11 seals, including circular seals. Some of them are carved with unicorn and bison images, and have the Harappan script engraved on them. While the unicorn seal is made of soapstone, the bison seal is made out of steatite. A rare discovery was that of two bar seals, both engraved with the Harappan script only and remarkably intact. The trenches have yielded a vast amount of reserved slip ware, painted with exquisite designs; a variety of red ware; buff ware, or polished ware; chocolate-coloured slip ware; and grey ware. Jitendra Nath said: The kind of antiquities we are getting from this site indicates that Khirsara was a major industrial hub in western Kutch. It was located on a trade route from other parts of Gujarat to Sind in Pakistan, which is about 100 km away. Of course, the Harappans who lived here were basically traders, manufacturing industrial goods for export to distant lands and to other Harappan sites in the vicinity and farther away. Fortification Khirsara is unique among Indus Valley settlements in having a general fortification wall around the settlement and also separate fortification walls around every complex inside the settlement. The citadel complex, the warehouse, the factory-cum-residential complex, and even the potters kiln have their own protective walls. The massive, outer fortification wall still stands in many places, 4,600 years after it was built. It measures 310 metres by 210 metres and is built of partly dressed sandstone blocks set in mud mortar. The walls width is 3.4 metres but additional reinforcements in later phases have increased its width considerably. The bedrock below the wall was levelled with clay, sand, grit, lime and thoroughly rammed in to bear the load of the superstructure. Like fortification walls in other Harappan sites, this one also slopes upwards to give it strength and life. Said Jitendra Nath: We found three salients on the northern fortification wall of the warehouse. The outer fortification too has salients at regular intervals for giving strength to the wall and for 281

mounting watch. A protection wall, with a width of 2.34 metres, running parallel to the outer fortification wall, was built on the northern and eastern sides to protect the site when the overflowing Khari river caused flooding. As the booklet Indus Civilisation brought out in 2010 by the Indus Research Centre, Roja Muthiah Research Library, Chennai, says, the Harappan (or Indus Valley) civilisation has fascinated not just historians and archaeologists and anthropologists but also experts from such diverse fields such as urban planning, architecture, linguistics, computer science, mathematics, statistics, geology, astrophysics etc. What fascinated them was the greatness of this ancient civilisation, its vast extent, its trade links to other regions and its great achievements in the fields of architecture, commerce, fine arts, manufacturing, etc. These are being better understood with every new archaeological find. Indus enigma However, as the booklet says, The Indus civilisation remains an enigma in some ways. The cause of the sudden fall of the civilisationrenowned for its urban planning, high-quality construction, water management and carefully designed drainage systemsis still not fully understood. Besides, the Indus script continues to remain undeciphered despite attempts by scholars and researchers. At its peak, the Harappan civilisation covered an area of 1.5 million square kilometres, across India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran. It extended from Sutkagendor in the Makran coast of Balochistan to Alamgirpur in the east in Uttar Pradesh and from Mandu in Jammu to Daimabad in Ahmednagar district in Maharashtra. Since the 1920s, several hundred Harappan sites have been discovered. After Partition in 1947, when Mohenjardo and Harappa fell in Pakistan, the ASI has discovered many sites in Gujarat, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jammu and Kashmir, and Maharashtra. These sites include Dholavira, Lothal, Juni Kuran, Desalpur, Narappa, Kanmer, Surkotada and Shikarpur in Gujarat; Rakhigarhi, Bhirrana, Banawali and Farmana in Haryana; Alamgirpur, Sanauli and Hulas in Uttar Pradesh; and Kalibangan in Rajasthan. Discovery of Khirsara How did the ASIs excavation branch at Vadodara discover Khirsara? Since most Harappan 282

sites were situated in northern or eastern Kutch, not much was known about the Indus civilisation in western Kutch. Desalpur was the only site excavated there, a minor excavation in the early 1960s. So we were searching for a Harappan site in western Kutch, said Jitendra Nath. The Gujarat State Archaeology Department had explored Khirsara in the 1970s, but only a brief report was available on it. Jitendra Naths keen eye, backed by his years of excavation at Taradih in Bodh Gaya, Athirampakkam near Chennai, Ummichipoyil in Kerala, and in other places, came into play. When we came here, we saw so much of Harappan pottery, along with artefacts such as shell bangles and stone-beads scattered over the surface, he said. Then we looked at the site and found it almost intact. We did not have such a big site in western Kutch before. Desalpur was the only other Harappan site in western Kutch. But Desalpur was excavated for only one season and not much was known about it. So Jitendra Nath and his team did a survey of Khirsara in 2009 and began excavation in December that year. The ASI team exposed the inner and outer sides of the fortification and found residential structures along the inner side of the fortification. In the second year (season) of excavation, the team unearthed the citadel and went on to locate the factory area where it found evidence of a lot of industrial activity, including shell-working. There was tell-tale evidence of bead-making. A variety of beads made of copper, shell and terracotta, and semi-precious stones were found in abundance. Copper objects, including needles, knives, fish hooks, arrowheads and weights were found. What is puzzling is that no copper figurines of animals, as found in other sites, were found here. When the ASI team dug up a mound, it encountered evidence of a five-metre-deep structure, going back to 2600 BCE. This earliest structure was made of stones with mud bricks used in between. In the third year, the team excavated the residential complex in the citadel. The citadel was strategically located adjacent to the warehouse and the factory site in such a manner that the elite class might exercise full control over the manufacturing and trading activities. A five-metrebroad pathway led from the citadel to the industrial complex. The citadel complex was 90 metres by 90 metres and about a hundred people could have lived there. There were interconnected rooms, door sills, hearths, and so on. The houses had bathrooms with an outlet for water to flow. Streets inside the citadel were rammed with clay and household waste such as 283

potsherds, bones, shell debitage and grits. A pot burial, containing charred bones and ash kept inside a circular hearth, was found inside a room. The ASI is yet to excavate a large area of the residential complex, but it may do so in the next season. Bipin Negi, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI, pointed to the perfect manner in which the fortification wall around the citadel was built and how it had withstood the ravages of time. It is a tall, sloping wall, several metres in height. This citadel wall is much broader than the general fortification wall. It is set in mud mortar, which is sticky clay. The wall has been standing for 4,600 years, said Negi. As we went around the trenches that had exposed the industrial-cum-residential complex, Kumaran explained how it had been identified as a factory site. We have found furnaces and a tandoor. There is evidence of copper-working and ash. We have found huge quantities of steatite beads and some seals made of steatite. From all this evidence, we have identified it as a fortified factory site. He led us to the entrance of the fortification wall of the industrial-cumresidential complex. The entrance was in the south. Akin to other Harappan sites, there were large limestone slabs at the entrance; the slabs obviously served as doormats. There were a couple of small guard rooms adjacent to the entrance. Residences inside the industrial complex, too, had stone slabs at the entrance. There were bathrooms, with sloping slabs used on the floor for water to flow into covered outlets. The outlets led into the drains in the street. To the sheer delight of the ASI team, the warehouse came into view when they excavated the north-east corner of the site last year. Excavation of the warehouse, which has continued this year, has revealed it to be a massive structure with 14 parallel walls. Jitendra Nath said, It must have been a multipurpose warehouse for storing goods meant for export and grains. A warehouse is a rare type of structure found in a few Harappan sites. It indicates a state of surplus economy and is a sign of prosperity. You build such structures for storing goods for export or goods that have been imported. The parallel walls supported a superstructure made of wood and daub and goods were stored in the superstructure. The pathways between the parallel walls were air ducts to keep the goods fresh. The entrance had a series of guard rooms adjacent to it. The ASI found grains in the warehouse and samples of these grains have been sent to Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany, Lucknow, for investigation and identification. Potters kiln

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Situated on the outer side of the general fortification wall, the potters kiln is a bit of an engineering marvel. Negi pointed out that its fire chamber had been cut out of both bedrock and earth, and a dome sat on the fire chamber. The freshly made pots were arranged inside the dome and a passage led to the fire chamber. It was through the passage that the burning logs were pushed inside the fire chamber. The circular wall of the fire chamber had holes for air circulation and oxygenation. The burning logs generated heat of about 500 Celsius and the pots were baked. The ASI has not located the reservoirs which would have supplied water to the Harappan settlement at Khirsara. Jitendra Nath said, Maybe, when we excavate more, we will find water bodies. The western half of the site has not been excavated yet. We have been concentrating mostly on the eastern half. We may dig the western half next year. Kumaran was hopeful about the possibility of the existence of a reservoir because we have found drains at a depth of 1.5 metres and paved stone flooring. It was not for carrying sullage. There was also a rock-cut well in the residential quarters within the citadel. There were chances of encountering a reservoir if the excavation continued for two or three years. Jitendra Nath was confident that a complete picture of the site will emerge only when we excavate more and more.

Other Khirsara evidences of Indus writing posted at https://sites.google.com/?pli=1/site/bharatkalyan97 on finds of Indus Writing at Chanhudaro and 19 other sites:

Khirsara1a

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Khirsra seal ID 3732 Mason, ingot kiln, tin smithy, blacksmith smithy, iron smelter furnace, nodule/ore stone furnace, brass-bellmetal kiln, native-metal-iron smelter abu an iron spoon (Santali) Rebus: ab, himba, hompo lump (ingot?), bat.a = widemouthed pot; Rebus: bat.a = kiln (Te.) ranku antelope; rebus: ranku tin (Santali)

pan ar ladder, stairs (Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Rebus: pasra smithy (Santali)


badhi to ligature, to bandage, to splice, to join by successive rolls of a ligature (Santali) bat bamboo slips (Kur.); bate = thin slips of bamboo (Malt.)(DEDR 3917). Rebus: bahi = worker in wood and metal (Santali) baae = blacksmith (Ash.) kolmo three (Mu.); rebus: kolimi smithy (Te.) kha division; rebus: ka furnace (Santali) kha circumscribe (M.); Rebs: kha nodule (ore), stone (M.) bharna = the name given to the woof by weavers; otor bharna = warp and weft (Santali.lex.) bharna = the woof, cross-thread in weaving (Santali); bharni_ (H.) (Santali.Boding.lex.) Rebus: bhoron = a mixture of brass and bell metal (Santali.lex.) bharan = to spread or bring out from a kiln (P.lex.) bha_ran. = to bring out from a kiln (G.) ba_ran.iyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmiths workshop (G.lex.) bharant (lit. bearing) is used in the plural in Pan~cavim.sa Bra_hman.a (18.10.8). Sa_yan.a interprets this as the warrior caste (bharata_m bharan.am kurvata_m ks.atriya_n.a_m). *Weber notes this as a reference to the Bharata-s. (Indische Studien, 10.28.n.2) kui = a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: kuhi iron smelter furnace (Santali) ad.aren lid; rebus: aduru native metal (Ka.) 286

kad.i_ a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kad.iyo [Hem. Des. kad.a i o = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kad.iyan.a, kad.iyen.a a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.)

Khirsara2a Khirsara seal ID 3733 Fire-altar (gold) smithy, artisan smiths workshop, mineworker, scribe gaa set of four (Santali) kaa fire-altar (Santali) Vikalpa: pon four (Santali); pon metal (Ta.) kolmo three (Mu.); rebus: kolimi smithy (Te.) koa sluice; Rebus: ko artisans workshop (Kuwi) Vikalpa: [ sa ] f ( S) An outlet for superfluous water (as through a dam or mound); a sluice, a floodvent. [ sa ] f (Dim. of , or from H) A small kind of tongs or pincers.

kan.d.a kanka rim of jar (Santali) kan.d.a furnace, fire-altar (Santali); khanaka miner karNaka scribe (Skt.) http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/heritage/discovering-khirsaras-harappanglory/article4794614.ece?homepage=true

Khirsara in Gujarat emerges as Harappan site 287

Posted by TANNAncient, ArchaeoHeritage, Archaeology, Asia, Breakingnews, India, South Asia12:00 PM After three years of extensive excavation by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), Khirsara has emerged as the prominent Harappan site in western Kutch, showing how advanced the trade from this part of Gujarat used to be around 4,600 years ago.

The Khirsara site [Credit: Web]


Earlier, Dholavira and Junikuren had emerged as prominent Harappan sites in Kutch, ASI's Superintendent Archaeologist, Vadodara, Dr Jitendra Nath said. Khirsara was first reported by the Department of Archaeology, Gujarat government in 1969-70. The site was revisited by a team of Excavation Branch of ASI Vadodara in July 2009 for a survey during which they observed a variety of Harappa artefacts and carried out further digging. Khirsara lies about 85 km Northwest of Bhuj on the Bhuj-Narayan Sarover State Highway. The site is locally known as Gadhwali Wadi' and is located on the south-eastern outskirts of the present village overlooking river Khari. The prime reason for Harappans to settle at Khirsara was perhaps the availability and accessibility to raw materials and minerals in the vicinity, Nath said.

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Khirsara produced a variety of objects for export such as various types of beads of semiprecious stones, steatite and gold, shell bangles, inlays etc, he said. Discovery of a large number of drill bits and shells debitage indicates that these items were meant for export, the officer said. During excavation, we have discovered a unique warehouse, a factory site, a citadel, seals, antiquities from the Indus Valley settlement at Khirsara, which is fortified and measures roughly about 310 x 230 metres, Nath said. The super structure of warehouse seems to have been made of perishable items such as wood or wattle and daub. The space in between the parallel walls might have served as a duct for circulation of fresh air to protect the stored material, he said. The Harappan civilisation is sometimes called the Mature Harappan culture to distinguish it from earlier and later cultures existed in the same area of the Harappan Civilisation. The citadel, a fortress overlooking a city or perhaps protecting a town, shows fortification and refortification which scholars reason that elite clan might have lived there. The rooms found there show finer structure, he said. The factory site discovered during excavation had several products showing that it was utilised for manufacturing activity. Amongst prominent antiquities we have found 26 pieces of disk type gold beads from the factory site there, Nath said. A variety of seals which include square, rectangular and bar types made of steatite, soap stone and sand stone have been discovered at Khirsara. The bar type seals bear Harappan character only whereas the two rectangular seals represent figurines of unicorn and bison on the obverse, Nath said. The analysis of botanical remains done by the Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany, Lucknow, reveals that the carbon dates for samples collected from the site fall in the range of 2600-2200 BC approximately, which is roughly 4,600 years old, Nath said.PTI

Source: The Hindu [April 17,


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2012] http://archaeologynewsnetwork.blogspot.de/2012/04/khirsara-in-gujarat-emerges-asharappan.html#.Ubx9Tucwevc

Khirsara in Gujarat emerges prominent mature Harappan site Monday, Apr 16, 2012, 13:58 IST | Agency: PTI Khirsara lies about 85 km Northwest of Bhuj on the Bhuj-Narayan Sarover State Highway After three years of extensive excavation by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), Khirsara has emerged as the prominent mature Harappan site in western Kutch, showing how advance the trade from this part of Gujarat used to be around 4,600 years ago. "Khirsara has emerged as one of the most prominent mature Harappan settlements in Western Kutch. Earlier, Dholavira and Junikuren had emerged as prominent Harappan sites in Kutch," ASI's Superintendent Archaeologist, Vadodara, Dr Jitendra Nath said. "The evidences found over last 3 years of excavation there show how advance trade used to be from this part of Gujarat around 4,600 years ago," he said. Khirsara lies about 85 km Northwest of Bhuj on the Bhuj-Narayan Sarover State Highway. The site is locally known as 'Gadhwali Wadi' and is located on the south-eastern outskirts of the present village overlooking river Khari. "The prime reason for Harappans to settle at Khirsara was perhaps the availability and easy accessibility to raw materials and minerals in the vicinity," Nath said. "Khirsara produced a variety of objects for export such as various types of beads of semiprecious stones, steatite and gold, shell bangles, inlays etc," he said. Discovery of a large number of drill bits and shells indicates that these items were meant for export, the officer said. During excavation, we have discovered a unique warehouse, a factory site, a citadel, seals, 290

antiquities from the Indus Valley settlement at Khirsara, which is fortified and measures roughly about 310 x 230 metres, Nath said. The super structure of warehouse seems to have been made of perishable items like wood or wattle and daub. The space in between the parallel walls might have served as a duct for circulation of fresh air to protect the stored material, he said. The Harappan civilisation is sometimes called the Mature Harappan culture to distinguish it from earlier and later cultures existed in the same area of the Harappan Civilisation. Khirsara's close proximity with river Khari might certainly have supported the maritime trading activities of its inhabitants, Nath said. The citadel, a fortress overlooking a city or perhaps protecting a town, shows fortification and refortification which scholars reason that elite clan might have lived there. The rooms found there show finer structure, he said. The factory site discovered during excavation had several products showing that it was utilised for manufacturing activity. The presence of big furnaces, tandoor, storage jars, small water tanks and discovery of a hoard of gold beads, semi-precious and steatite beads, copper implements, seals, weights, shell objects and debitage indicate that this area (factory site) was once utilised for manufacturing activity, he said. "Amongst prominent antiquities we have found 25-26 pieces of disk type gold beads from the factory site there. The gold beads are of disk type, globular and tubular," Nath said. A variety of seals which include square, rectangular and bar types made of steatite, soap stone and sand stone have been discovered at Khirsara. The bar type seals bear Harappan character only whereas the two rectangular seals represent figurines of unicorn and bison on the obverse, Nath said. 291

The analysis of botanical remains done by the Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany, Lucknow reveals that the carbon dates for samples collected from the site fall in the range of 2600-2200 BC approximately, which is roughly 4,600 years old, Nath said. Khirsara was first reported by the Department of Archaeology, Gujarat government in 1969-70. The site was revisited by a team of Excavation Branch of ASI Vadodara in July 2009 for a survey during which they observed a variety of Harappa artefacts and carried out further digging. http://www.dnaindia.com/india/1676569/report-khirsara-in-gujarat-emerges-prominent-matureharappan-site

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-evidence-for-mleccha.html Ancient Near East evidence for meluhha language and bronze-age metalware Ancient Near East evidence for meluhha language and bronze-age metalware

3rd millennium BCE.Musee du Louvre. AO 22 310, Greenstone. Collection de Clercq, Catalogue methodique and raisonnee (1888).

Meluhha is cognate mleccha. Mleccha were island-dwellers (attested in Mahabharata and other ancientIndian sprachbund texts). Their speech did not conform to the rules of grammar (mlecch m bhma iti adhyeyam vykaraam) and had dialectical variants or unrefined sounds in words (mlecchitavai na apabhitavai) (Patanjali: Mahbhya).

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1. Steatite seals with the image of the short-horned bulls with lowered head from Failaka (1), Bahrein (2-3), Bactria (4), the Iranian Plateau (5). Nr. 6 comes from the surface of the site of Diqdiqqah, near Ur. Not in scale. See: http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/pdf/vidale2004.pdf The Melammu project (In particular, Massimo Vidale, 2004, Growing in a foreign world: for a history of the 'Meluhha villages' in Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium BCE. The article discusses archaeological and textual evidences; Plate XIX).

How to reconstruct mleccha of 4th millennium BCE Indian sprachbund?

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Map of Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University 294

Press].2. Pinnows map of Austro-AsiaticLanguage speakers correlates with bronze age sites.http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/aa.html Map 1 (Bronze-age sites) correlates with Austro-Asiatic languages map 2. A focus on this area for areal linguistics will yield significant results to delineate the ancient structure and form of mleccha language. Santali and Munda lexicons and literature will be of considerable relevance with particular reference to cultural traditions and village festivals associated with the work on minerals and metals.

One resource for recontruction of mleccha is a work which dealt with Prkit forms. The work is Simharaja, 1909, Prakriti Rupavatara -- A Prakrit grammar based on the Valmikisutra, Vol. I, Ed. by E. Hultzsch, Albermarle St., Royal Asiatic Society. Full text at: http://ia700202.us.archive.org/23/items/prakritarupavata00simhuoft/prakritarupavata00simhu oft.pdf

Prkitarpvatra literally means the descent of Prkit forms. Pischel noted:


the Prkitarpvatra is not unimportant for the knowledge of the declension and conjugation, chiefly because Simharja frequently quotes more forms than Hmachandra and Trivikrama. No doubt many of these forms are theoretically inferred; but they are formed strictly according to the rules and are not without interest. (Pischel, 1900, Grammatik der Prkit-

Sprachen, Strassburg, p.43). Pischel also had written a book titled, Hmachandra's Prkit grammar, Halle, 1877. The full text of the Vlmkistra, with gaas, dyas, and iis, has been
printed in Telugu characters at Mysore in 1886 as an appendix to the abhachandrik.

A format to determine the structure of Prkit is to identify words which are identical with Sanskrit words or can be derived from Sanskrit. In this process, dyas or dyas,

provincialisms are excluded. One part of the work of Simharja is samjvibhga technical
terms. Another is pari bhvibhga explanatory rules. Dialects are identified in a part

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called aurasnydivibhga; the dialects include: aurasni, mgadh, paic, chik paic,

apabhrama.

Additional rules are identified beyond those employed by Pini:

sus, nominative; as, accusative; s, instrumental; ns, dative; nam, genitive; nip, locative.

Other resources available for delineation of mleccha are: The Prkita-praka; or the Prakrit

grammar of Vararuchi. With the commentary Manorama of Bhamaha. The first complete ed. of
the original text... With notes, an English translation and index of Prkit words; to which is prefixed a short introd. to Prkit grammar (Ed. Cowell, Edward Byles,1868, London, Trubner)

On these lines, and using the methods used for delineating Ardhamgadhi language, by Prkita grammarians, and in a process of extrapolation of such possible morphemic changes into the past, an attempt may be made to hypothesize morphemic or phonetic variants of mleccha words as they might have been, in various periods from ca. 4th millennium BCE. There are also grammars of languages such as Marathi (William Carey), Braj bh grammar (James Robert), Sindhi, Hindi, Tamil (Tolkppiyam) and Gujarati which can be used as supplementary references, together with the classic Hemacandra's Dsnmaml, Prakrit

Grammar of Hemachandra edited by P. L. Vaidya (BORI, Pune), Vararuchi's works and Richard
Pischel's Comparative Grammar of Prakrit Languages.(Repr. Motilal Banarsidass, 1957). Colin P. Masica's Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge University Press, 1993,"... has provided a fundamental, comparative introduction that will interest not only general and theoretical linguists but also students of one or more languages (Hindi, Urdu, Bengali, Punjabi, Gujurati, Marathi, Sinhalese, etc.) who want to acquaint themselves with the broader linguistic context. Generally synchronic in approach, concentrating on the phonology, morphology and syntax of the modern 296

representatives of the group, the volume also covers their historical development, writing systems, and aspects of sociolinguistics." Thomas Oberlies' Pali grammar (Walter de Gruyter, 2001) presents a full description of Pali, the language used in the Theravada Buddhist canon, which is still alive in Ceylon and South-East Asia. The development of its phonological and morphological systems is traced in detail from Old Indic (including mleccha?). Comprehensive references to comparable features and phenomena from other Middle Indic languages mean that this grammar can also be used to study the literature of Jainism. Madhukar Anant Mehendale's Historical Grammar of Inscriptional Prakrits is a useful aid to delineate changes in morphemes over time. A good introduction is: Alfred C. Woolner's Introduction to Prakrit, 1928 (Motilal Banarsidass). "Introduction to Prakrit provides the reader with a guide for the more attentive and scholarly study of Prakrit occurring in Sanskrit plays, poetry and prose--both literary and inscriptional. It presents a general view of the subject with special stress on Sauraseni and Maharastri Prakrit system. The book is divided into two parts. Part I consists of IXI Chapters which deal with the three periods of Indo-Aryan speech, the three stages of the Middle Period, the literary and spoken Prakrits, their classification and characteristics, their system of Single and Compound Consonants, Vowels, Sandhi, Declension, Conjugation and their history of literature. Part II consists of a number of extracts from Sanskrit and Prakrit literature which illustrate different types of Prakrit--Sauraseni, Maharastri, Magadhi, Ardhamagadhi, Avanti, Apabhramsa, etc., most of which are translated into English. The book contains valuable information on the Phonetics and Grammar of the Dramatic Prakrits-Sauraseni and Maharastri. It is documented with an Index as well as a Students'. "

It may be noted that Hemacandra is a resource which has provided the sememe ibbo 'merchant' which reads rebus with ibha 'elephant' hieroglyph. Sir George A. Grierson's article on The Prakrit Vibhasas cites: "Pischel, in 3, 4, and 5 of his Prakrit Grammar, refers very briefly to the Vibhs of the Prakrit grammarians. In 3 he quotes Mrkaya's (Intr., 4) division of the Prakrits into Bh, Vibh, Apabhraa, 297

and Paica, his division of the Vibhs into kr, Cl, bar, bhrik, and kk (not kk, as written by Pischel), and his rejection of Auhr (Pischel, Or) and Drvi. In 4 he says, Rmatarkavga observes that the vibhcannot be called Apabhraa, if they are used in dramatic works and the like. He repeats the latter statement in 5, and this is all that he says on the subject. Nowhere does he say what the term vibh means. The present paper is an attempt to supply this deficiency." See also: http://www.indianetzone.com/39/prakrit_language.htm

"...Ganga, on the lower reaches of which were the kingdoms of Anga, Variga, and Kalinga, regarded in the Mahabharata as Mleccha. Now the non- Aryan people that today live closest to the territory formerly occupied by these ancient kingdoms are Tibeto-Burmans of the Baric branch. One of the languages of that branch is called Mech, a term given to them by their Hindu neighbors. The Mech live partly in Bengal and partly in Assam. B(runo) Lieblich remarked the resemblance between Mleccha and Mech and that Skr. Mleccha normally became Prakrit Meccha or Mecha and that the last form is actually found in Sauraseni. 1 Sten Konow thought Mech probably a corruption of Mleccha.* I do not believe that the people of the ancient kingdoms of Anga, Vanga, and Kalinga were precisely of the same stock as the modern Mech, but rather that they and the modern Mech spoke languages of the Baric division of Sino-Tibetan. " (Robert Shafer, 1954, Ethnography of Ancient India, Otto Harras Sowitz, Wiesbaden).http://archive.org/stream/ethnographyofanc033514mbp/ethnographyofanc033514m bp_djvu.txt

The following note is based on: Source: MK Dhavalikar, 1997, Meluhha, the land of copper, South Asian Studies, 13:1, 275-279 (embedded document appended): Citing a cuneiform tablet inscription of Sargon of Akkad (2370-2316 BCE), Dhavalikar notes that the boats of Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha were moored at the quay in his capital (Leemans, WF, 1960, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period as revealed by texts from Southern 298

Mesopotamia, EJ Brill, Leiden, p. 11). The goods imported include agate, carnelian, shell, ivory,
varieties of wood and copper. Dhavalikar cites a reference to the people or sons of Meluhha who had undergone a process of acculturation into Mesopotamian society of Ur III times cf. Parpola, S., A. Parpola and RH Brunswwig, Jr., 1977, The Meluhha Village: evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third Millennium Mesopotamia, JESHO, 20 , p.152. Oppenheim describes Meluhha as the land of seafarers. (Oppenheim, AL, 1954, The seafaring merchants of Ur, JAOS, 74: 6-17). Dhavalikar notes the name given to a rga of classical Indian (Hindustani) music maluha kedr which may indicate maluha as a geographical connotation as in the name of another rga called Gujar Todi. Noting a pronunciation variant for meluhha, melukkha, the form is noted as closer to Prakrit milakkhu (Jaina Stras, SBE XLV, p. 414, n.) cognate Pali malikkho or malikkhako (Childers Pali Dictionary). Prakrit milakkhu or Pali malikkho are cognate with the Sanskrit word mleccha (References cited include Mahabharata, Patanjali). Jayaswal (Jayaswal, KP, 1914, On the origin of Mlechcha, ZDMG, 68: pp. 719-720) takes the Sanskrit representation to be cognate with Semitic melekh (Hebrew) meaning king.

athapatha Brhmaa [3.2.1(24)], a Vedic text (ca. 8th century BCE) uses the word mleccha as a noun referring to Asuras who ill-pronounce or speak an imprecise language: tatraitmapi vcamdu | upajijsy sa mlecastasmnna brhmao mlecedasuryhai v natevaia dviat sapatnnmdatte vca te 'syttavacasa parbhavanti ya evametadveda. This is a remarkable reference to mleccha (meluhha) as a language in the ancient Indian tradition. Pali texts Digha Nikya and Vinaya, also denotes milakkha as a language (milakkha bhs). Comparable to the reference in Manu, a Jaina text (Pannavana, 1.37) also described two groups of speakers (people?): rya and milakkhu. Pini also observes the imprecise nature of mleccha language by using the terms: avyaktayam vci (X, 1663) and mleccha

avyakte abde (1.205). This is echoed in Patanjalis reference to apaabda.

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Dhavalikar notes: Sengupta (1971) has made out a strong case for identifying mlecchas with the Phoenicians. He proposes to derive the word mleccha from Moloch or Molech and relates it to Melek or Melqart which was the god of the Phoenicians. But the Phoenicians flourished in the latter half of the second and the first half of the first millennium when the Harappan civilization was a thing of the past. (: MK Dhavalikar, 1997, Meluhha, the land of copper, South Asian

Studies, 13:1, p. 276).

Worterbuch (St. Petersburg Dictionary), Hemacandras Abhidna Cintmai (IV.105), lexicons of Monier Williams and Apte give copper as one of the meanings of the lexeme mleccha.

Gudea (ca. 2200 BCE) under the Lagash dynasty brought usu wood and gold dust and carnelian from Meluhha. Ibbi-Sin (2029-2006 BCE) under the third dynasty of Ur imported from Meluhha copper, wood used for making chairs and dagger sheaths, mesu wood, and the multicoloured birds of ivory.

Dhavalikar argues for the identification of Gujarat with Meluhha (interpreted as a region and as copper ore of Gujarat) and makes a reference to Viu Pura (IV,24) which refers to Gujarat as mleccha country.

Nicholas Kazanas has demonstrated that Avestan (OldIranian) is much later than Vedic. " 'Vedic and Avestan' by N. Kazanas In this essay the author examines independent linguistic evidence, often provided by iranianists like R. Beekes, and arrives at the conclusion that the Avesta, even its older parts (the gaas), is much later than the Rigveda. Also, of course, that Vedic is more archaic than Avestan and that it was not the Indoaryans who moved away from the common Indo-Iranian habitat into the Region of the Seven Rivers, but the Iranians broke off and 300

eventually settled and spread in ancientv Iran." http://www.omilosmeleton.gr/pdf/en/indology/Vedic_and_Avestan.pdf

It is thus possible that Indian sprachbund of the times related to this Shu-ilishu cylinder seal with cuneiform text EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language), extended to contact regions with Meluhhan (Mleccha) settlers in Sumer and other settlements of Elam/Mesopotamia. A cuneiform text [Ur III (ca. 2100-2000 BC)] refers to Meluhha as a region: http://cdli.ucla.edu/cdlisearch/search/index.php?SearchMode=Text&txtID_Txt=P227514 Vermaak, PS, 2008, Guabba, the Meluhhan village in Mesopotamia, in: Journal for Semitics, Vol. 17, No. 2: "Although a Meluhhan village (e-duru me-luh-ha) integrated under the jurisdiction of Girsu/Lagash in southern Mesopotamia has been known since Sargonic times, it has never previously been identified with a specific place name. In this article the Meluhhan village has now, for the first time, been connected in a Ur III text with the well-known village/town of Guabba (Gu-ab-ba-ki) based on the (twice) published text MVN 7 420 = ITT 4 8024 from Ur III Girsu." http://www.sabinet.co.za/abstracts/semit/semit_v17_n2_a12.html

The polemics of Aryan Invasion/Migration or Out of India Theories need not detain us here, in this enquiry related to identification of glosses of mleccha (meluhha), the most likely Indus language, and the underlying sounds used on Indus writing of metalware catalogs.

The direction of 'borrowings' is a secondary component of the philological excursus; there is no universal linguistic rule to firmly aver such a direction of borrowing. Certainly, more work is called for in delineating the structure and forms of meluhha (mleccha) language beyond a mere list of metalware glosses.

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Harappa. kiln.

Figure 9. Harappa 1999, Mound F, Trench 43: Period 5 kiln, plan and section views

Meluhha were sea-faring merchants and dealers (artisans/ merchants) in tin, zinc and other bronze-age alloying minerals (attested in cuneiform texts).

Almost the entire Indus writing corpora are veritable metalware catalogs.

Thus many glosses of mleccha (meluhha) are retained in many languages of Indian sprachbund. This evidence facilitates rebus reading of hieroglyphs on Indus writing. A personal cylinder seal of Shu-ilishu, a translator of the Meluhhan language (Expedition 48 (1): 42-43) with cuneiform writing exists. The rollout of Shu-ilishus cylinder seal. Courtesy of the 302

Dpartement des Antiquits Orientales, Muse du Louvre, Paris. "The presence in Akkad of a translator of the Meluhhan language suggests that he may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script. This in turn suggests that there may be bilingual Akkadian/ Meluhhan tablets somewhere in Mesopotamia. Although such documents may not exist, Shuilishu's cylinder seal offers a glimmer of hope for the future in unraveling the mystery of the Indus script." (Gregory L. Possehl,Shu-ilishu's cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol. 48, Number 1, pp. 42-43).http://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/481/What%20in%20the%20World.pdf/1

Illustrated London News 1936 - November 21st. A 'Sheffield of Ancient India: Chanhu-Daro's metal working industry 10 X photos of copper knives, spears, razors, axes and dishes.

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Bronze statue of a woman holding a small bowl, Mohenjo-daro; copper alloy made using cire perdue method (DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, Pl. LXXIII, 9-11)

The Dancing Girl (Mohenjo-daro), made by the lost-wax process; a bronze foot and anklet from Mohenjo-daro; and a bronze figurine of a bull (Kalibangan). (Courtesy: ASI) "Archaeological excavations have shown that Harappan metal smiths obtained copper ore (either directly or through local communities) from the Aravalli hills, Baluchistan or beyond. They soon discovered that adding tin to copper produced bronze, 304

a metal harder than copper yet easier to cast, and also more resistant to corrosion. Whether deliberately added or already present in the ore, various impurities (such as nickel, arsenic or lead) enabled the Harappans to harden bronze further, to the point where bronze chisels could be used to dress stones! The alloying ranges have been found to be 1%12% in tin, 1%7% in arsenic, 1%9% in nickel and 1%32% in lead. Shaping copper or bronze involved techniques of fabrication such as forging, sinking, raising, cold work, annealing, riveting, lapping and joining. Among the metal artefacts produced by the Harappans, let us mention spearheads, arrowheads, axes, chisels, sickles, blades (for knives as well as razors), needles, hooks, and vessels such as jars, pots and pans, besides objects of toiletry such as bronze mirrors; those were slightly oval, with their face raised, and one side was highly polished. The Harappan craftsmen also invented the true saw, with teeth and the adjoining part of the blade set alternatively from side to side, a type of saw unknown elsewhere until Roman times. Besides, many bronze figurines or humans (the well-known Dancing Girl, for instance) and animals (rams, deer, bulls...) have been unearthed from Harappan sites. Those figurines were cast by the lost-wax process: the initial model was made of wax, then thickly coated with clay; once fired (which caused the wax to melt away or be lost), the clay hardened into a mould, into which molten bronze was later poured. Harappans also used gold and silver (as well as their joint alloy, electrum) to produce a wide variety of ornaments such as pendants, bangles, beads, rings or necklace parts, which were usually found hidden away in hoards such as ceramic or bronze pots. While gold was probably panned from the Indus waters, silver was perhaps extracted from galena, or native lead sulphide...While the Indus civilization belonged to the Bronze Age, its successor, the Ganges civilization, which emerged in the first millennium BCE, belonged to the Iron Age. But recent excavations in central parts of the Ganges valley and in the eastern Vindhya hills have shown that iron was produced there possibly as early as in 1800 BCE. Its use appears

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to have become widespread from about 1000 BCE, and we find in late Vedic texts mentions of a dark metal (krnyas), while earliest texts (such as the Rig-Veda) only spoke of ayas, which, it is now accepted, referred to copper or bronze.

Note:

Damaged circular clay furnace, comprising iron slag and tuyeres and other waste materials stuck with its body, exposed at lohsanwa mound, Period II, Malhar, Dist. Chandauli. http://www.archaeologyonline.net/artifacts/iron-ore.html

A typical iron-smelting furnace in the first millennium BCE. (Courtesy: National Science Centre, New Delhi) "Instead, India was a major innovator in the field, producing two highly advanced types of iron. The first, wootz steel, produced in south India from about 300 BCE, was 306

iron carburized under controlled conditions. Exported from the Deccan all the way to Syria, it was shaped there into Damascus swords renowned for their sharpness and roughness. But it is likely that the term Damascus derived not from Syrias capital city, but from the damask or wavy pattern characteristic of the surface of those swords. In any case, this Indian steel was called the wonder material of the Orient. A Roman historian,Quintius Curtius, recorded that among the gifts which Alexander the Great received from Porus of Taxila (in 326 BCE), there was some two-and-a-half tons of wootz steel it was evidently more highly prized than gold or jewels! Later, the Arabs fashioned it into swords and other weapons, and during the Crusades, Europeans were overawed by the superior Damascus swords. It remained a favoured metal for weapons through the Moghul era, when wootz swords, knives and armours were artistically embellished with carvings and inlays of brass, silver and gold. In the armouries of Golconda and Hyderabads Nizams, Tipu Sultan, Ranjit Singh, the Rajputs and the Marathas, wootz weapons had pride of place. Wootz steel is primarily iron containing a high proportion of carbon (1.0 1.9%). Thus the term wootz (an English rendering of ukku, a Kannada word for steel) applies to a high-carbon alloy produced by crucible process. The basic process consisted in first preparing sponge (or porous) iron; it was then hammered while hot to expel slag, broken up, then sealed with wood chips or charcoal in closed crucibles (clay containers) that were heated, causing the iron to absorb appreciable amounts of carbon; the crucibles were then cooled, with solidified ingot of wootz steel remaining."

The Delhi Iron Pillar, with a close-up of the inscription. (Courtesy: R. Balasubramaniam) "The second advanced iron is the one used in the 307

famous 1,600-year-old Delhi Iron Pillar, which, at a height of 7.67 m, consists of about six tons of wrought iron. It was initially erected by Chandra as a standard of Vishnu at Vishnupadagiri, according to a six-line Sanskrit inscription on its surface. Vishnupadagiri has been identified with modern Udayagiri near Sanchi in Madhya Pradesh, and Chandra with the Gupta emperor, Chandragupta II Vikramaditya (375414 CE). In 1233, the pillar was brought to its current location in the courtyard of the Quwwat-ul Islam mosque in New Delhis Qutub complex, where millions continue to come and see this rustless wonder. But why is it rustless, or, more precisely, rust-resistant? Here again, numerous experts, both Indian and Western, tried to grasp the secret of the pillars manufacture. Only recently have its rust-resistant properties been fully explained (notably by R. Balasubramaniam). They are chiefly due to the presence of phosphorus in the iron: this element, together with iron and oxygen from the air, contributes to the formation of a thin protective passive coating on the surface, which gets reconstituted if damaged by scratching. It goes to the credit of Indian blacksmiths that through patient trial and error they were able to select the right type of iron ore and process it in the right way for such monumental pillars. There are a few more such pillars in India, for instance at Dhar (Madhya Pradesh) and Kodachadri Hill (coastal Karnataka). Besides, the same technology was used to manufacture huge iron beams used in some temples of Odisha, such as Jagannath of Puri (12th century). The iron beams at Konaraks famous sun temple are of even larger dimensions. Chemical analysis of one of the beams confirmed that it was wrought iron of a phosphoric nature (99.64% Fe, 0.15% P, traces of C, traces of S and no manganese).

"Indian metallurgists were familiar several other metals, of which zinc deserves a special mention because, having a low boiling point (907C), it tends to vaporize while its ore is smelted. Zinc, a silvery-white metal, is precious in combination with copper, resulting in brass of superior quality. Sometimes part of copper ore, pure zinc could be produced only after a sophisticated downward distillation technique in which the

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vapour

was captured and condensed in a

lower container. This technique, which was also applied to mercury, is described in Sanskrit texts such as the 14th-century Rasaratnasamuccaya. There is archaeological evidence of zinc production at Rajasthans mines at Zawar from the 6th or 5th century BCE. The technique must have been refined further over the centuries. India was, in any case, the first country to master zinc distillation, and it is estimated that between 50,000 and 100,000 tons of zinc was smelted at Zawar from the 13th to the 18th century CE! British chroniclers record continuing production there as late as in 1760; indeed, there is documentary evidence to show that an Englishman learned the technique of downward distillation there in the 17th century and took it to England a case of technology transfer which parallels that of wootz steel."

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An underground furnace at Ghatgaon (Madhya Pradesh), with a tribal smelting iron ore. (Courtesy: A.V. Balasubramaniam). "We should finally note that most of Indias metal production was controlled by specific social groups, including so-called tribes, most of them from the lower rungs of Indian society.For instance, the Agarias of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh are reputed iron smiths, and there are still such communities scattered across Jharkhand, Bihar, WestBengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Together, they contributed substantially to Indias wealth, since India was for a long time a major exporter of iron. In the late 1600s, shipments of tens of thousands of wootz ingots would leave the Coromandel Coast for Persia every year. Indias iron and steel industry was intensive till the 18th century and declined only when the British started selling their own products in India while imposing high duties on Indian products. Industrially produced iron and steel unavoidably put a final stop to most of Indias traditional production. "

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"...A colossal bronze statue of the Buddha, Sultanganj. (Courtesy: Wikipedia).

Magnificent Chola bronze statues: Mahlakm and Naarja. (Courtesy: Michel Danino)

After the Harappans During and after the Harappan civilization, a Copper Hoard culture of still unclear authorship produced massive quantities of copper tools in central and northern India. Later, in the classical age, copper-bronze smiths supplied countless pieces of art. Let us mention the huge bronze statue of the Buddha made between 500 and 700 CE in Sultanganj (Bhagalpur district, Bihar, now at the Birmingham Museum); at 2.3 m high, 1 m wide, and weighing over 500 kg, it was made by the same lost-wax technique that Harappans used three 311

millenniums earlier. So were thousands of statues made later (and up to this day) in Tamil Nadu, such as the beautiful Nataraja statues of the Chola period, among other famous bronzes. Of course, all kinds of bronze objects of daily use have continued to be produced; for instance, highly polished bronze mirrors are still made in Kerala today, just as they were in Harappan times." Source: http://www.cbseacademic.in/web_material/Circulars/2012/68_KTPI/Module_8.pdf

The pot carried by the woman accompanying the Meluhhan is of traditional, cultural significance in the context of water-ablution ceremonies. It is not clear if this connoted a pot containing the metalsmith's alchemical rasa or alchemial elixir of life or Amrita (Sanskrit: ). In western alchemy, it was also called 'tincture' or 'powder' of alchemists.

Assyrian Ashurnsirpal Relief

Assyrian Ashurnsirpal Relief from Nimrud, 865 B.C., can now be found at the British Museum. This section of wall relief was behind the king's throne and depicts a ritual involving a tree. Another panel with the same scene was opposite the center doorway of the throne room. The king is shown twice, on either side of a symbolic tree. On the left and on the right is an apkallu.

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Assyrian Eagle Protective Spirit Also known as Apkallu griffin. Originally from 865 B.C., it can now be found at the New York Metropolitan Museum.

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Image of apkallu, winged 'sage'i n Mesopotamia carrying a pot?

kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, pancaloha alloy of five metals'. [kamaalu] m

n (S) The waterpot used by the ascetic and the religious student.
(Marathi) kamaalu mn. (in the f(). according to Pa1n2. 4-1 , 71) a gourd or vessel made of wood or earth used for water (by ascetics and religious students) , a waterjar MBh. BhP. Ya1jn5. &c (Monier-Williams lexicon, p. 252). kamaalu1 m.n. gourd or other vessel used for water MBh.Pa. kamaalu -- n. waterpot used by non -- Buddhist ascetics ; Pk. kamaalu -- m. drinking gourd used by ascetics ; Bi. kwaal mendicant's wooden cup ; M. kvaa f. coconut used as a water vessel ; Si. kamanal ascetic's waterpot .(CDIAL 2761). [ kamaaluvu ] kamanaluvu. [Skt.] n. A bowl or cruise carried by a Hindu ascetic. . kamanali. A hermit: "he who carries a cruise." Rebus: [ kamaamu ] kamaamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. . Allograph 1: [ kamahamu ] kamahamu. [Skt.] n. A tortoise. Allograph 2: or [ kama or h ] m ( S) A bow (esp. of bamboo or horn) (Marathi). Allograph 3: kamaha penance (Pkt.) Rebus: kampaam coiner, mint (Tamil). The Allograph 4 is a recurring hieroglyph and may well have been connoted by the 'pot' carried by the woman accompanying the Meluhhan to signify a 'mint' 314

associated with the 'antelope' carried by the Meluhhan -- read rebus for 'iron'. tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'; damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian). Alternative readings: mil markhor (Tor.wali) meho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: merchants helper me iron (Munda). mlekh 'goat' (Br.) Rebus: milakku 'copper' (Pali); mleccha 'copper' (Skt.) Meluhha ! Mleccha ! tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'.

It is likely that the hieroglyphic narrative describes the Meluhhan as a tin (tagara) merchant (damgar) with competene in working with metal alloys (kol) -- signified by the pot carried by the accompanying woman (kola).

Ancient Near East evidence for mleccha (meluhha) language from ancient texts

This is based on updates to http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-writingsystems.html

Ancient Near East writing systems: Indian sprachbund and Indus writing Beyond the Mahbhrata incident in which Vidura is said to have alerted Yudhiira in Mleccha bh, evidence is provided on mleccha (cognate meluhha) language from ancient texts. Manu (10.45) underscores the linguistic area: rya vcas mleccha vcas te sarve dasyuvah smth [trans. both rya speakers and mleccha speakers (that is, both speakers of literary dialect and colloquial or vernacular dialect) are all remembered as dasyu]. Dasyu is a general reference to people. Dasyu is cognate with dasa, which in Khotanese language means man. It is also cognate with daha, a word which occurs in Persepolis inscription of Xerxes...http://arxiv.org/ftp/arxiv/papers/1204/1204.3800.pdf

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A reference to mleccha as language, bh, in Bharata's Nyastra:

XVIII. 80 ] RULES ON THE USE OF LANGUAGES 827 The Common Language 28. The Common Language prescribed for use [on the stage] has various forms 1 . It contains [many] words of Barbarian {mleccha) origin and is spoken in Bharata-varsa [only] Note: 28 (C.26b-27a; B.XVII.29b-30a). 'Read vividha-jatibhasa ; vividha (ca, da in B.) for dvividha. 'The common speech or the speech of the commoners is distinguished here from that of the priests and the nobility by describing it as containing words of Barbarian (mleccha) origin. These words seem to have been none other than vocables of the Dravidian and Austric languages. They entered Indo-Aryan pretty early in its history. See S. K. Chatterji, Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Calcutta, 1926 pp. 42,178.' Source: Natya Shastra of Bharata Muni in english THE NATYASASTRA A Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics Ascribed to B H A R A T A - M r X I Vol. I. ( Chapters I-XXVII ) Completely translated jor the jirst tune from the original Sanskrit tuttri u Introduction and Various Notes, Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta http://archive.org/stream/NatyaShastraOfBharataMuniVolume1/NatyaShastraOfBharataMuniVol ume1_djvu.txt 1 4 | I.11 - 12 {6/8} mleccha ha vai ea yat apaabda . 1 4 | I.11 - 12 {7/8}

mlecch m bhma iti adhyeyam vykaraam .~V.118.5 - 119.12 {20/36} mlecchitam vispaena iti eva anyatra . tasmt brhmaena na mlecchitavai na apabhitavai . Patanjali explains in the context of ungrammatical mleccha with apaabda . (Patanjali: Mahbhya). http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/10/road-to-meluhha-dt-potts-1982.html

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http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/02/indian-hieroglyphs-meluhha-and-archaeo.html

These are samples of results of my enquiry into mleccha vcas as distinguished from rya

vcas (Manu). I have detailed more in my book on Indus writing in ancient near
East.http://www.amazon.com/Indus-Writing-ancient-NearEast/dp/0982897189/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1371088202&sr=81&keywords=indus+writing Vatsyayana attests mlecchitavikalpa as a cipher, one of the 64 arts to be learnt together with deabh jnnam and akaramuika kathanam. Patanjali elaborates on mleccha as a dialect. There is a lot of textual data on people as distinct from language -both mleccha and rya as dasyu (cf. OIr. daha) and as dwpavsinah. I do not know when the word 'ayas' came into vogue. It is as old as Rgveda. The semantics of this word may hold the key in revisiting our language chronologies. I find the following DEDR (Dravidian etyma) entries intriguing:

aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). I do not know how aduru evolved or is phonetically cognate vis-a-vis ayo 'iron' (Gujarati). There is a very specific explanation for the Kannada word: aduru = gaiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddhnti Subrahmaya stris new interpretation of the Amarakoa,

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Bangalore,Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) One intriguing semantic may be cited, again, in the context of the bronze-age. There are two compounds:

milakkhu rajanam 'copper-coloured' (Pali),

mleccha mukha 'copper' (Samskrtam).

Why mleccha mukha? I think the lexeme mukha is a substrate lexeme

mh 'face, ingot' (Munda. Santali etc.); it is possible that mleccha mukha may
refer to 'copper ingot'. m h = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace (Santali) Mleccha, language. Mleccha, copper. How do semantic associations occur in human interactions as languages evolve? The other meaning of mh 'face' (CDIAL 10158) explains why a face glyph gets ligatured in Indus writing to clear composite hieroglyphs to create mlecchitavikalpa (cipher mentioned by Vtsyyana) 318

See, for example, Seal m0302 (Mohenjo-daro) which shows a 'human face' ligatured to an 'elephant trunk' etc. See other examples on Seals m1179 and m1186A (Mohenjo-daro). The seal m0302 also has the uniquitous fish glyphsdenoting ayo 'fish' (Munda stream). ibha 'elephant' (Samskrtam) ibbo'merchant' (Hemacandra Desinmamla -Gujarati) ib 'iron' (Santali).

There is a Railway station, a village called Ib near Bokaro (with a steel plant in the iron ore belt) on the Howrah-Mumbai rail-route :)-I do not have the competence to suggest dates for the lexemes which were absorbed into various languages of the language union. Some call them borrowings, some call them substratum. Who knows?

Reconstructing mleccha (meluhha) beyond identification of glosses is a very tall order and I have no competence whatsoever to take up the task. I have, however, produced a comparative lexicon for the India sprachbund with over 8000 semantic clusters.

If it is validated, it could be a beginning to suggest phonetic and morphemic 319

evolution and formation of languages such as Marathi or Bengali or Oriya. Syntax can only be inferred based on evidences provided in early Samskrtam-Prakrtam dramas of the type mentioned in Bharata's Nyastra.

Bloch has done pioneering work on Marathi. Similar work has to be done for all languages of the language union which ancient India nurtured on the banks of River Sarasvati. She is vgdevi and mleccha was a vcas. One thing is clear: if the lexemes related to metalware and metalwork are found as substratum lexemes, the date should be subsequent to the 4th millennium BCE of the bronze-age when tin-bronzes and zinc-bronzes supplemented arsenical bronzes; this was a veritable revolution of the times. Given the rich treasure, Bharata nidhi of ancient Hindu texts such as those of Patanjali or Bhartrhari, we have the work cut out for us to re-evaluate andsharpen our understanding of Bharatiya vk, the ancient spoken idiom.

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m1179 tagara 'ram, antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'; damgar 'merchant' mh 'face' Rebus: mh 'ingot'

(Santali) m1186A

m0302

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Meluhha, the land of copper MK Dhavalikar 1997

South Asian Studies, 13:1, 275-279


http://www.scribd.com/doc/148145977/Meluhha-the-land-of-copper-MK-Dhavalikar-1997-SouthAsian-Studies-13-1-275-279

Meluhha, the land of copper MK Dhavalikar 1997 South Asian Studies, 13:1, 275-279

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Related links:

Location.Current Repository

Musee du Louvre. Inventory No. AO 22126 ca. 2120 BCE NeoSumerian from the citystate of Lagash. http://contentdm.unl.edu/ah_copyright.html

According to the inscription this statue was made by Gudea, ruler of Lagash (c. 2100 BCE) for the temple of the goddess Geshtinanna. Gudea refurbished the temples of Girsu and 11 statues of him have been found in excavations at the site. Nine others including this one were sold on 323

the art market. It has been suggested that this statue is a forgery. Unlike the hard diorite of the excavated statues, it is made of soft calcite, and shows a ruler with a flowing vase which elsewhere in Mesopotamian art is only held by gods. It also differs stylistically from the excavated statues. On the other hand, the Sumerian inscription appears to be genuine and would be very difficult to fake. Statues of Gudea show him standing or sitting. Ine one, he rests on his knee a plan of the temple he is building. On some statues Gudea has a shaven head, while on others like this one he wears a headdress covered with spirals, probably indicating that it was made out of fur. Height 61 cm. The overflowing water from the vase is a hieroglyph comparable to the pectoral of Mohenjo-daro showing an overflowing pot together with a onehorned young bull and standard device in front. The diorite from Magan (Oman), and timber from Dilmun (Bahrain) obtained by Gudea could have come from Meluhha. "The goddess Geshtinanna was known as chief scribe (Lambert 1990, 298 299) and probably was a patron of scribes, as was Nidaba/Nisaba (Micha-lowski 2002). " http://www.academia.edu/2360254/Temple_Sacred_Prostitution_in_Ancient_Mesopotamia_Revi sitedThat the hieroglyph of pot/vase overflowing with water is a recurring theme can be seen from other cylinder seals, including Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal. Such an imagery also occurs on a fragment of a stele, showing part of a lion and vases

meha polar star (Marathi). me iron (Ho.Mu.)


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A person with a vase with overflowing water; sun sign. C. 18th cent. BCE. [E. Porada,1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf states, Artibus Asiae, 33, 31-7].

khai buffalo bull (Tamil)


Rebus: kh '(metal) tools, pots and pans' (Gujarati)

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The seal of Gudea: Gudea, with shaven head, is accompanied by a minor female diety. He is led by his personal god, Ningishzida, into the presence of Enlil, the chief Sumerian god. Wind pours forth from of the jars held by Enlil, signifying that he is the god of the winds. The winged leopard (griffin) is a mythological creature associated with Ningishzida, The horned helmets, worn even by the griffins, indicates divine status (the more horns the higher the rank). The writing in the background translates as: "Gudea, Ensi [ruler], of Lagash". l f., lo m.2. Pr. w fox (Western Pahari)(CDIAL 11140-2). Rebus: loh copper (Hindi). Te. eaka, ekka, rekka, neaka, nei id. (DEDR 2591). Rebus: eraka, eaka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); urukku (Ta.); urukka melting; urukku what is melted; fused metal (Ma.); urukku (Ta.Ma.); eragu = to melt; molten state, fusion; erakaddu = any cast thng; erake hoyi = to pour meltted metal into a mould, to cast

(Kannada) m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. kam

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kam, n. < ka. 1. Water; sacred water; . (. 49, 16). Rebus: kh metal tools, pots and pans (Marathi) <lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re<lo>(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh copper (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. The pot carried by the woman accompanying the Meluhha sea-faring merchant could also be a hieroglyphic rebus reading of kam signifying metal pots and pans and tools.

The following semantic cluster indicates that the early compound: loha + ka referred to copper articles, tools, pot and pans. The early semantics of 'copper' got expanded to cover 'iron and other metals'. It is suggested that the hieroglyph of an overflowing vase refers to this compound: lohak.

[ kh ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended (Marathi) M. lokh n. iron(Marthi) yields the clue to the early semantics of kh which should have referred to tools, pots and pans (of metal). Kumaoni has semantics: lokha iron tools'. [ lhlkhaa ] n ( & ) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general (Marathi).

Thus lohak would have referred to copper tools. The overflowing vase on the hands of Gudea would have referred to this compound, represented by the hieroglyphs and rendered rebus.

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N. lokhar bag in which a barber keeps his tools ; H. lokhar m. iron tools, pots and pans ; -X lauhabha -- : Ku. lokha iron tools ; H. lokha m. iron tools, pots and pans ; G. lokh n. tools, iron, ironware ; M. lokh n. iron (LM 400 < -- khaa -- )(CDIAL 11171). lhitaka reddish past., n. calx of brass, bell- metal lex. [lhita -- ]K. ly f. white copper, bell -- metal . (CDIAL 11166). lh red, copper -- coloured rS., made of copper Br., m.n. copper VS., iron MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lha -- m. metal, esp. copper or bronze ; Pk. lha -- m. iron , Gy. pal. li, lihi, obl. elhs, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa" steel ; Kho. loh copper ; S. lohu m. iron , L. loh m., aw.l, P. loh m. ( K.rm. o. loh), WPah.bhad. lu n., bhal. ltilde; n., p. jaun. lh, pa. luh, cur. cam. loh, Ku. luw, N. lohu, h, A. lo, B. lo, no, Or. loh, luh, Mth. loh, Bhoj. loh, Aw.lakh. lh, H.loh, loh m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho, l metal, ore, iron ; Md. ratu -- l copper .(CDIAL 11158). lhakra m. iron -- worker , r -- f., raka -- m. lex., lauhakra -- m. Hit. [lh -- , kra - 1] Pa. lhakra -- m. coppersmith, ironsmith ; Pk. lhra -- m. blacksmith , S. luhru m., L. lohr m., r f., aw. luhr, P. WPah.kha. bhal. luhr m., Ku. lwr, N. B. lohr, Or. lohaa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohr, H. lohr, luh m., G. lavr m., M. lohr m.; Si. lvaru coppersmith . Addenda: lhakra -- : WPah.kg. (kc.) lhwr m. blacksmith , lhwri f. his wife , Garh. lwr m.(CDIAL 11159). lhahala 11161 lhala made of iron W. [lh -- ](CDIAL 11161). Bi. lohr, r small iron pan (CDIAL 11160). Bi. lohsr smithy (CDIAL 11162). P.ludh. lhiy m. ironmonger .(CDIAL 11163). [ lhlkhaa ] n ( & ) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general. [ rup lkhaa ] n A kind of iron. It is of inferior quality to . [ lkhaa ] n ( S) Iron. or To oppress grievously. [ lkhaakma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. [ lkha ] a ( ) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 , in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. Examples follow. [ lkha ] f ( ) An iron boiler or other vessel. [ lkha jara ] m ( & ) False 328

brocade or lace; lace &c. made of iron. [ lkha rast ] m f (Iron-road.) A railroad. [ lha ] n S Iron, crude or wrought. 2 m Abridged from . A medicinal preparation from rust of iron. [ lhakra ] m (S) A smelter of iron or a worker in iron. [ lhakia ] n (S) Scori or rust of iron, klinker. or [ lhag or lhag kh ] f ( & ) A club set round with iron clamps and rings, a sort of bludgeon. [ lhra ] m ( H or S) A caste or an individual of it. They are smiths or workers in iron. [ lhrakma ] n Iron-work, work proper to the blacksmith. [ lhrak ] f ( ) The business of the blacksmith. [ lhra ] m A contemptuous form of the word . [ lhrasa ] f A smithy.

Loha (nt.) [Cp. Vedic loha, of Idg. *(e)reudh "red"; see also rohita & lohita] metal, esp. copper, brass or bronze. It is often used as a general term & the individual application is not always sharply defined. Its comprehensiveness is evident from the classification of loha at VbhA 63, where it is said lohan ti jtiloha, vijti, kittima, pisca or natural metal, produced metal, artificial (i. e. alloys), & metal from the Pisca district. Each is subdivided as follows: jti=ayo, sajjha, suvaa, tipu, ssa, tambaloha, vekantakaloha; vijti=nga -nsika; kittima=kasaloha, vaa, raka; pisca=morakkhaka, puthuka, malinaka, capalaka, selaka, aka, bhallaka, dsiloha. The description ends "Tesu paca jtilohni piya visu vuttn' eva (i. e. the first category are severally spoken of in the Canon). Tambaloha vekantakan ti imehi pana dvhi jtilohehi saddhi sesa sabbam pi idha lohan ti veditabba." -- On loha in similes see J.P.T.S. 1907, 131. Cp. A iii.16=S v.92 (five alloys of gold: ayo, loha, tipu, ssa, sajjha); J v.45 (asi); Miln 161 (suvaam pi jtivanta lohena bhijjati); PvA 44, 95 (tamba=loha), 221 (tatta -- loha -- secana pouring out of boiling metal, one of the five ordeals in Niraya). -- kaha a copper (brass) receptacle Vin ii.170. -- kra a metal worker,

coppersmith, blacksmith Miln 331. -- kumbh an iron cauldron Vin ii.170. Also N. of a purgatory J iii.22, 43; iv.493; v.268; SnA 59, 480; Sdhp 195. -- gua an iron (or metal) ball A iv.131; Dh 371 (m gil pamatto; cp. DhA iv.109). -- jla a copper (i. e. wire) netting PvA 153. -- thlaka a copper bowl Nd1 226. -- thli a bronze kettle DhA i.126. -- psda"copper terrace," brazen 329

palace, N. of a famous monastery at Anurdhapura in Ceylon Vism 97; DA i.131; Mhvs passim. -- pia an iron ball SnA 225. -- bhaa copper (brass) ware Vin ii.135. -- maya made of copper, brazen Sn 670; Pv ii.64. -- msa a copper bean Nd1 448 (suvaa -- channa). -msaka a small copper coin KhA 37 (jatu -- msaka, dru -- msaka+); DhsA 318. -- rpa a bronze statue Mhvs 36, 31. -- salk a bronze gong -- stick Vism 283. Lohat (f.) [abstr. fr. loha] being a metal, in (suvaassa) aggalohat the fact of gold being the best metal VvA 13. (Pali)

Lyre-player, from one of the steles of king Gudea of Lagash. The lyre has eleven strings. Around 2150 BCE

Louvre, Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Paris, France Glyph: tambura harp; rebus: tambra copper (Pkt.) angar bull (Hindi) Rebus: hangar blacksmith (Hindi).

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-writing-systems.html Ancient Near East writing systems: Indian sprachbund and Indus writing Ancient Near East writing systems: Indian sprachbund and Indus writing Indian sprachbund is a philological hypothesis. The time has come for further detailed evaluation by scholars of this sprachbund. Meluhha (mleccha) is attested as a spoken language in ancient Indian texts. Moving away from the polemics of Aryan Invasion/Migration or Out of India theories to explain 330

the evolution and formation of languages of the sprachbund, an alternative approach is to start with the hypothesis of a sprachbund for the region of Ancient Near East which was witness to and participating region of intense interactions in an extensive contact area of civilizations starting circa 4th millennium BCE. One key is provided by the metalware and associated words in languages of the interaction area of ancient Near East. Determination of the direction of 'borrowings' from among the substratum words of a linguistic area is governed by faith of the investigator. Even Emeneau who has done remarkable work with Burrow in compiling a Dravidian Etymological Dictionary and Toda etyma refers to Aryan Invasion Theory as a 'linguistic doctrine', to explain many cognate lexemes in language streams of India. The polemics of the invasion or migration or of directions of migration or invasion need not detain us here. To start with, the focus can be on identifying 'substratum' words of Indian sprachbund. Such words can be identified in one or more of the ancient Indian languages which are recorded in comparative lexicons of Indo-Aryan and Dravidian and in Munda etyma. See: http://www2.hawaii.edu/~reid/Combined%20Files/A40.%201996.%20Current%20SE%20A sia%20linguistic%20research--rev%2011-07-09.pdf The Current State of Linguistic Research on the Relatedness of the Language Families of East and Southeast Asia (1996). Such substratum words could be hypothesised to constitute lexemes of 'Indus language'. Such substrtum words are likely to have been retained in more than one language of the Indian sprachbund, irrespective of the language-family to which a particular language belongs. This is the justification for the identification, in comparative lexicons, of sememes with cognate lexemes from languages such as Gujarati, Marathi, Kannada, Santali, Munda or Toda or Kota. The underlying assumption is that the substratum words were absorbed into the particular languages either as borrowings or as morphemes subjected to phonetic changes over time. There is no linguistic technique available to 'date' a particular sememe and relate it to the technical processes which resulted in naming, for example, the metalware or furnaces/smelters used to create metals and cast the metals or alloys and forge them. It is remarkable, indeed, that hundreds of cognate lexemes have been retained in more than one language to facilitate rebus readings of hieroglyphs. An example can be cited to elucidate the point made in this argument. The word attested in 331

Rigveda is ayas, often interpreted as 'metal or bronze'. The cognate lexemes are ayo 'iron' (Gujarati. Santali) ayaska 'excellent quantity of iron' (Panini), k 'tools, pots and pans of metalware' (Marathi). A blacksmith; Vj.3.5. a. [- -] Going, moving; nimble. N. (-) 1 Iron ( ; ukra 4.169. $ R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3 Gold. -4 A metal in general. Ayaska 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. __(__) 1 beloved of iron, a magnet, load-stone; 2 a precious stone; _ a loadstone; ayaskra 1 an iron-smith, blacksmith (Skt.Apte) ayas-kntamu. [Skt.] n. The loadstone, a magnet. Ayaskruu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. ayassu. N. ay-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. made of iron (Te.) yas n. metal, iron RV. Pa. ay nom. Sg. N. and m., aya n. iron, Pk. Aya n., Si. Ya. AYACRA, AYASKA, *AYASKA. Addenda: yas : Md. Da iron, dafat piece of iron. ayaska m.n. a quantity of iron, excellent iron P. Ga. Viii.3.48 [ YAS, KAA A]Si.yakaa iron.*ayaska iron hammer. [ YAS, KUU A1] Pa. ayka, ayak m.; Si. Yakuasledge hammer, yavua (< ayka) (CDIAL 590, 591, 592). Cf. Lat. Aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. Ais , Thema aisa; Old Germ. E7r , iron ;Goth. Eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen. aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. Ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193). Aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhnti Subrahmaya astris new interpretation of the Amarakoa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. Adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. Adru broken grain (DEDR 134). Ma. Au thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. . ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; . (__.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; . (. 92.) ayiram, n. Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilava, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadar a lump (DEDR 1196) kadara m. iron goad for guiding an elephant lex. (CDIAL 2711). The rebus reading is provided by the fish hieroglyph which reads in Munda languages:

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<ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuliyO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+Gol-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree. Indian mackerel Ta. Ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalis; ayilai a kind of fish. Ma. Ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191) A beginning has been made presenting over 8000 semantic clusters of Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda words in a comparative Indian

Lexicon. http://www.hindunet.org/hindu_history/sarasvati/html/indlexmain.htmTo these clusters,


a Tocharian cluster may also have to be incorporated since the recognition of Tocharian as an Indo-European language. Pinault identifies ancu 'iron' in Toharian and compares it with amu which is a synonym of soma in early texts of Indian tradition, starting with the Rgveda. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/09/decipherment-of-soma-and-ancientindo.html Identification of Soma and notes on lexeme corpora of ancient Indian languages. Soma-haoma, *sauma ? somnakay ! samanom ! *haeusomThe 4th millennium BCE heralded the arrival of a veritable revolution in technology -- the making of tin bronzes to complement arsenical bronzes. Contemporaneous with this metallurgical revolution was the invention of writing systems which evolved from early tokens and bullae to categorise commodities and provide for their accounting systems using advanced tokens with writing as administrative devices. Remarkable progress has been made ever since Kuiper identified a stunning array of glosses which were found in early Samskrtam and which were not explained by Indo-Aryan or IndoEuropean language evolution chronologies. This is noted by Witzel in http://archiv.ub.uniheidelberg.de/savifadok/112/1/AryanandnonAryan_1999.pdf While Witzel presents some examples drawn from Kuiper in the context of a time-period from 2nd millenium BCE, it is likely that many of the words in Indian sprachbund may relate to substratum words of earlier millennia, in particular, the millennia which saw the emergence of the bronze-age and metallurgical repertoire of revolutionary proportions requiring long-distance trade involving sea333

faring merchants from Meluhha, the Ancient Near East and the Levant. On meluhha-mleccha, see: http://arxiv.org/abs/1204.3800 Indus script corpora, archaeo-metallurgy and Meluhha (Mleccha) Cuneiform texts attest to the presence of Meluhha settlements. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/bronze-age-writing-in-ancient-neareast.html On Munda lexemes in Sanskrit see: [F.B.J. Kuiper, Proto-Munda Words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam, Verhandeling der Koninklijke Nederlandsche Akademie Van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks Deel Li, No. 3, 1948] http://www.hindunet.org/hindu_history/sarasvati/dictionary/9MUNDA.HTM Kuiper's brilliant exposition begins: "Some hundred Sanskrit and Prakrit words are shown to be derived from the Proto-Munda branch of the Austro-Asiatic source. The term 'Proto-Munda' is used to indicate that the Munda languages had departed considerably from the Austro-Asiatic type of language as early as the Vedic period... a process of 'Dravidization' of the Munda tongues... contributing to the growth of the Indian linguistic league (sprachbund)." This concept of sprachbund is elaborated further in Emeneau, Masica and Southworth and in the following links: Emeneau, Murray B., The Indian linguistic area revisited, International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics 3, 1974, 92-134 Gonda, J. Old Indian. Leiden-K ln:Brill 1971 Grierson, G. Linguistic Survey of India. Calcutta: Office of the superintendent of government printing, India 1903-22. Kuiper, F.B.J., The Genesis of a Linguistic Aera. IIJ 10, 1967, 81-102. Masica, Colin P. Defining a Linguistic Area. South Asia. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press 1971 Mayrhofer, M. Kurzgefasstes etymologisches W rterbuch des Altindischen. Heidelberg 19561976. (KEWA) Pinault, G. Reflets dialectaux en vdique ancien. In: Colette Caillat (ed.), Dialects dans les littratures indo-aryennes. Paris : Institut de Civilisation Indienne 1989, 35-96. Pinnow, Heinz-Jrgen. Untersuchungen zu den altindischen Gewssernamen. [PhD Diss.] Freie Universitt Berlin 1951. Salomon, Richard. The Three Cursed Rivers of the East, and their Significance for the Historical Geography of Ancient India. Adyar Library Bulletin 42, 1978, 31-60 334

Shaffer, R. Nahli, A linguistic study in paleoethnography. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 5, 1940, 346-371 Sircar, D.C. Indian Epigraphical Glossary. Delhi 1966 Southworth, Franklin, 2004, Linguistic Archaeology of South Asia A hypothesis which governs the identification of Indus script cipher is that metallurgical lexemes found in languages of the Indian sprachbund are traceable to the 'Indus language' which is found in the evidence of hieroglyphs of Indus writing which used the substratum sounds of words of the metallurgical civilization. There is evidence for reconstructing the 'Indus language' from references in ancient texts both in cuneiform archives and in Samskrtam to Meluhha-mleccha as spoken languages of one group of people called dahyu (concordant daha -- Old Iranian). http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/dahyu- DAHYU (OIr. dahyu-), attested in Avestan daxiiu-, dahu- country (often with reference to the people inhabiting it. A clue to the intensity of interactions in the Ancient Near East domain is found in two cognate words: harosheth, 'smithy of nations' (Hebrew) and kharo, name of an early writing system. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/08/proto-indian-in-harosheth-hagoyim.html Proto-Indian in harosheth hagoyim (S.Kalyanaraman 2012)

That Indus writing continued as a legacy in kharo and brhm writing systems is an unfinished hypothesis. (cf. the work of Subhash Kak on Indus script-brhm link and BV Subbarayappa on numeral systems of writing). One view is that kharo writing system is evolved from PhoenianAramaic in the context of trade in civilization contact areas of Ancient Near East. Some work is in progress on kharo documents of ancient Bauddham texts. See the note by Richard Salomon at http://wordpress.tsadra.org/?p=291 The University of Washington Early Buddhist 335

Manuscripts Project: Rediscovering the Worlds Oldest Buddhist Manuscripts. Susa was a settlement which was founded around 4000 BCE and had yielded a number of tablets inscribed in Proto-Elamite writing with apparent cuneiform script. Based on the evidence of cuneiform records of contacts with Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun, and the context of the evolving bronze-age, it is possible to evaluate Indus writing in Susa and provide a framework for deciphering Indus writing using the underlying Meluhha language. Judges 4:16 reads: "Now

Barak chased the chariots and the army all the way to Harosheth Hagoyim. Sisera's whole army died by the edge of the sword; not even one survived!" The reason for the use of the phrase
harosheth hagoyim smithy of nations is possibly, awidespread presence of smithy in many bronze- and iron-age settlements, some of which might have produced metallic war-chariots. Indus writing which starts ca. 3500 BCE was a sequel to the system of using tokens and tallies to record property transactions. There is evidence for the presence of Meluhhan settlements in Susa and neighboring regions. Susa finds of cylinder seals and seal impressions, bas-relief of spinner and a ritual basin with hieroglyphs of Indus writing can be consistently interpreted in the Meluhhan language in the context of the evolving bronze-age trade ransactions.kharo (cognate with harosheth) was a syllabic writing system with intimations of contacts with Aramaic writing system. Though early evidences of kharo documents are dated to ca. early 5th century BCE, it is likely that some form of contract documentation using a protoform of kharo was perhaps used by artisans and traders, across a vast interaction area which covered a wide geographic area from Kyrgystan (Tocharian) to Haifa (Israel, Seaport on Mediterranean Ocean) across Sarasvati-Sindu river-basins, Tigris-Euphrates doab, Caspian Sea, and Mediterranean Ocean of three civilizations Indus, Mesopotamia and Egypt. The evidence of about 6000 Indus script inscriptions provides the details of products traded in this harosheth hagoyim, a smithy of nations, indeed.

Shape of a token representing one ingot of metal, Susa, Iran, ca. 3300 BCE. Many such shapes are found on miniature tablets with Indus writing. Miniature tables account for over 9% of Indus writing corpora. Many miniature tablets are of the size of a human thumbnail. 336

Three miniature tablets, measure about 1.25 inches long by 0.5 inches wide are shown on this image.

http://www.imsc.res.in/~sitabhra/meetings/school10/Nisha_Chennai2010_special_lecture.pdf

Iravatham Mahadevan compares writing on a miniature tablet with the writing in Sulur dish. Source: http://www.harappa.com/arrow/megalithic-inscription.html The text on Harappa miniature tablet can be seen on h351A, B, C tablet three sides shown on Indus writing corpora. http://docs5.chomikuj.pl/76090809,PL,0,0,Iravatham-Mahadevan---A-MegalithicPottery-Inscription-and-a-Harappa-Tablet-A-case-of-extraordinary-resemblance---figures.pdf 337

See the text on Altyn-tepe seal which is comparable to a text on Harappa miniature tablet Text 4500 on an incised Harappa miniature tablet.

Altyn-tepe seals compare with an inscription on a miniature tablet, Text 4500 (Harappa. Incised miniature tablet; not illustrated). Line 2 of inscription: A pair of harrows glyph: dula pair; rebus dul cast (metal); aar harrow; rebus: aduru native metal. Thus, the duplicated harrow glyph read rebus: cast native metal. Glyph: svastika; rebus: jasta zinc (Kashmiri). Glyph three liner strokes: kolmo three; rebus: kolami smithy. Line 1 of inscription: Ligatured glyph: cunda musk-rat; rebus: cundakra ivory turner; kolmo three; rebus: kolami smithy. Thus the Text 4500 on an incised miniature tablet read rebus: ivory turner smithy; cast native metal, tin, smithy. [ kae ] kae. [Tel.] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. . Mth. k stack of stalks of large millet(CDIAL 3023). Rebus: kafurnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire. Rebus: khtools, pots and pans, and metal-ware. h337, h338 Texts 4417, 4426 with two glyphs each on leaf-shaped, miniature Harappa tablets. Glyph; goe a rats hole (DEDR 1660). Pk. kara -- , kla, ka, koa n. hole, hollow ; Or. koraa hollow in a tree, cave, hole ; H. (X *khla --2) khoar m. pit, hollow in a tree , khor m.; Si.kovua rotten tree (< *kalla -- with H. Smith JA 1950, 197, but not < Pa. kpa -- ). (CDIAL 3496). Rebus: [kha] ingot, wedge; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down). (Maratthi) khof alloy (Lahnda) Hence [khasa] a ( & from ) Alloyed--a metal. (Marathi) Bshk. kho embers , Phal. kho ashes, burning coal ; L. kho alloyed , aw. kho forged ; P. kho m. base, alloy M.kho alloyed , (CDIAL 3931) Kor. (O.)

gaa four (Santali); rebus: furnace, ka fire-altar

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Glyph: kolomcob; rebus: kolmo seedling, rice (paddy) plant (Munda.) A miniature, incised tablet from Harappa h329A has a fish-shaped tablet with two signs: fish + arrow (which combination was also pronounced as ayaska on a bos indicus seal Kalibangan032).

The dotted circle (eye) is decoded rebus as ka aperture (Tamil); k hole (Gujarati) (i.e. glyph showing dotted-circle); ka one eye and these glyphs may have been interpreted as the fish-eyes or eye stones (Akkadian IGI-HA, IGI-KU6) mentioned in Mesopotamian texts. ayo fish 9Mu.); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) kai stone (Kannada) ka Copper (Tamil) ka , n. < . stone (Tamil) (Marathi) is metal, nodule, stone, lump.kai stone (Kannada) with Tadbhava khau. khau, ka stone/nodule (metal). . Ga. (Oll.) kan, (S.) kanu (pl. kankil) stone (DEDR 1298). These could be the substratum glosses for ka in ayas ka excellent iron (Pan.) metal tools, pots and pans and metal-ware. h329A has a fish-shaped tablet with two signs: fish + arrow (which has been decoded asayaska on a bos indicus seal). The fish-eye is a reinforcement of the gloss kstone/nodule (metal). The dotted circle (eye) is decoded rebus as ka aperture (Tamil); k hole (Gujarati) (i.e. glyph showing dotted-circle); ka one eye and these glyphs may have been interpreted as the fish-eyes or eye stones (Akkadian IGI-HA, IGI-KU6) mentioned in Mesopotamian texts. The commodities denoted may be nodules of mined stones/nodules of chalcopyrite. See Annex. Eye stones elucidating, based on textual and archaeological contexts, that fish-eyes do NOT refer to pearls. While one surmises that they refer to agate stones, it can be evidenced that the glyphs of dotted circles denoting fish-eyes or antelope-eyes, refer to stone/nodules of mineral (perhaps, chalcopyrite) or tools, pots and pans and metal-ware, decoded rebus as k as in ayaska excellent iron. Combination of fish glyph and four-short-linear-strokes circumgraph also pronounced the same text ayaska on another bos indicus seal m1118. This seal uses circumgraph of four short linear strokes which included a morpheme which was pronounced variantly as gaa four (Santali).

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Thus, the circumgraph of four linear strokes used on m1118 Mohenjo-daro seal was an allograph for arrow glyph used on h329A Harappa tablet. The hieroglyphic use of fish glyph on Indus writing resolves the transactions related fish-eyes traded between Ur and Meluhha mentioned in cuneiform texts as related to ayas fish and khof alloyed metal: A hole or a diotted-circle glyph may denote a word which was pronounced khof alloyed metal. [ kha ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. Hence [ khasa ] a ( & from ) Alloyed--a metal. (Marathi) Bshk. kho embers, Phal. kho ashes, burning coal; L. khof alloy, impurity, alloyed, aw. kho forged; P. kho m. base, alloy M.kho alloyed (CDIAL 3931)

Kor. (O.) goe a rats hole (DEDR 1660). Pk. kara -- , kla, ka, koa n. hole, hollow ;
Or. koraa hollow in a tree, cave, hole ; H. (X *khla -- 2) khoar m. pit, hollow in a tree , khor m.; Si.kovua rotten tree (< *kalla -- with H. Smith JA 1950, 197, but not < Pa. kpa -- ). (CDIAL 3496). Thus, the dotted circle glyph may be distinguished from a wort glyph (which is a blob or small lump). The dotted circle denotes: khaa tools, pots and pans and metal-ware [quote] The suggestion that fish-eyes (IGI.HA, IGI-KU6), imported through Ur, may have been pearls has been advanced by a number of scholars. Fish-eyes were among a number of valuable commodities (gold, copper, lapis lazuli, stone beads) offered in thanksgiving at the temple of the Sumerian goddess Ningal at Ur by seafaring merchants who had returned safely from Dilmun and perhaps further afield. Elsewhere they are said to have been bought in Dilmun. Whether fish-eyes differed from fish-eye stones (NA4 IGI.HA, NA4 IGI-KU6) and from simply 340

eye-stones is not entirely clear. The latter are included among goods imported from Meluhha (NA4 IGI-ME-LUH-HA) ca. 1816-1810 BCE and ca. 1600-1570 BCE. Any pearls from Meluhha probably coastal Baluchistan-Sind would have been generally inferior to those from Dilmun itself. It has been strongly argued that fish-eyes, fish-eye stones and eye-stones in Old Babylonian and Akkadian texts were not in fact pearls, but rather (a) etched cornelian beads, imported from India and/or (b) pebbles of banded agate, cut to resemble closely a black/brown pupil and white cornea. The nearest source of good agate is in northwest India, which would accord with supplies obtained from Meluhha. Eye-stones of agate were undoubtedly treasured: some were inscribed and used as amulets, others have been found in votive deposits. Perhaps pearls were at times included among fish-eyes, if not fish-eye stones. More likely, however, the word for pearl is among the more than 800 terms in the lexical lists of stones and gems [that] remain to be identified.[unquote] (Donkin, R.A., 1998, Beyond price: pearls and pearl-fishing: origins to the age of discoveries, Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, Memoir Volume 224, pp.49-50)Full text at http://tinyurl.com/y9zpb5n Note 109. For Sumerian words, see Delitzch, 1914: pp.18-19 (igi, eye), 125 (ku, fish), 195 (na, stone); and cf. Chicago Assyrian Dictionary I/J: 1960: pp.45 (iga), 153-158 (Akk. i_nu), N(2), 1980: p.340 (k), fish-eye stones.Note 110. A.L. Oppenheim, 1954: pp.7-8; Leemans, 1960b: pp.24 f. (IGI-KU6). Followed by Kramer, 1963a: p.113, 1963b: p.283; Bibby, 1970: pp.189, 191-192: Ratnagar, 1981: pp.23-24,79, 188; M. Rice, 1985: p.181.Note 111. A.L. Oppenheim, 1954: p.11; Leemans, 1960b: p.37 (NA4 IGI-KU6, fish-eye stones).Note 112. Leemans, 1968: p.222 (pearls from Meluhha.Falkenstein (1963: pp.10-11 [12]) has augenformigen Perlen aus Meluhha. (lit. shaped eyes beads from Meluhha). Examples of miniature tablets which are an expansion of the token shapes of ancient Near East may be seen with Indus writing on the following 7 clusters of images. The writing deploys hieroglyphs. On one stream of evolution, the wedge-shape becomes a glyphic component of cuneiform writing; on another stream of evolution, the token-shapes get deployed with Indus writing. That this deployment is closely related to the bronze-age revolution of tin- and zincbronzes and other metal alloys has been demonstrated by the cipher using rebus readings of hieroglyphs with the underlying sounds of lexemes evidenced from lexemes of Indian sprachbund:

341

342

343

344

Most of the hieroglyphs on these tablets have been read rebus using the underlying sounds of substratum lexemes in Indian sprachbund languages which are veritable substratum meluhha/mleccha lexemes. Further language studies on the sprachbund will help identify the cluster of glosses related to metalware starting from ca. 4th millennium BCE in the linguistic area. It has been demonstrated in the context of HARP discoveries that the tablets could have been used to document metallurgical accounting transactions from furnace/ smelter to working platforms and from working platforms into the warehouse for further documentation on seals and documentation of janga 'entrustment articles' transactions through jangaiyo 'couriers, military guards who accompany treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati). Ancient Near East evidence for mleccha (meluhha) language from ancient texts (Update: June 14, 2013)

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A personal cylinder seal of Shu-ilishu, a translator of the Meluhhan language (Expedition 48 (1): 42-43) with cuneiform writing exists. The rollout of Shu-ilishus cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Dpartement des Antiquits Orientales, Muse du Louvre, Paris. "The presence in Akkad of a translator of the Meluhhan language suggests that he may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script. This in turn suggests that there may be bilingual Akkadian/Meluhhan tablets somewhere in Mesopotamia. Although such documents may not exist, Shu-ilishu's cylinder seal offers a glimmer of hope for the future in unraveling the mystery of the Indus script." (Gregory L. Possehl,Shu-ilishu's cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol. 48, Number 1, pp. 42-43).http://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/481/What%20in%20the%20World.pdf

Meluhha is cognate mleccha. Beyond the Mahbhrata incident in which Vidura is said to have alerted Yudhiira in Mleccha bh, evidence is provided on mleccha (cognate meluhha) language from ancient texts. Addendum (June 13, 2013): Manu (10.45) underscores the linguistic area: rya vcas mleccha vcas te sarve dasyuvah smth [trans. both rya speakers and mleccha speakers (that is, both speakers of literary dialect and colloquial or vernacular dialect) are all remembered as dasyu]. Dasyu is a general reference to people. Dasyu is cognate with dasa, which in Khotanese language means man. It is also cognate with daha, a word which occurs in Persepolis inscription of Xerxes...http://arxiv.org/ftp/arxiv/papers/1204/1204.3800.pdf A reference to mleccha as language, bh, in Bharata's Nyastra: XVIII. 80 ] RULES ON THE USE OF LANGUAGES 827 The Common Language

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28. The Common Language prescribed for use [on the stage] has various forms 1 . It contains [many] words of Barbarian {mleccha) origin and is spoken in Bharata-varsa [only] Note: 28 (C.26b-27a; B.XVII.29b-30a). 'Read vividha-jatibhasa ; vividha (ca, da in B.) for dvividha. 'The common speech or the speech of the commoners is distinguished here from that of the priests and the nobility by describing it as containing words of Barbarian (mleccha) origin. These words seem to have been none other than vocables of the Dravidian and Austric languages. They entered Indo-Aryan pretty early in its history. See S. K. Chatterji, Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Calcutta, 1926 pp. 42,178.' Source: Natya Shastra of Bharata Muni in english THE NATYASASTRA A Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics Ascribed to B H A R A T A - M r X I Vol. I. ( Chapters I-XXVII ) Completely translated jor the jirst tune from the original Sanskrit tuttri u Introduction and Various Notes, Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta http://archive.org/stream/NatyaShastraOfBharataMuniVolume1/NatyaShastraOfBharataMuniVol ume1_djvu.txt 1 4 | I.11 - 12 {6/8} 1 4 | I.11 - 12 {7/8} mleccha ha vai ea yat apaabda .~( mlecch m bhma iti adhyeyam vykaraam .~

V.118.5 - 119.12 {20/36} mlecchitam vispaena iti eva anyatra .~( tasmt brhmaena na mlecchitavai na apabhitavai .~(

Patanjali explains in the context of ungrammatical mleccha with apaabda . (Patanjali: Mahbhya). http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/10/road-to-meluhha-dt-potts-1982.html

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/02/indian-hieroglyphs-meluhha-and-archaeo.html

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These are samples of results of my enquiry into mleccha vcas as distinguished from rya

vcas (Manu). I have detailed more in my book on Indus writing in ancient near
East.http://www.amazon.com/Indus-Writing-ancient-NearEast/dp/0982897189/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1371088202&sr=8-1&keywords=indus+writing

Vatsyayana attests mlecchitavikalpa as a cipher, one of the 64 arts to be learnt together with deabh jnnam and akaramuika kathanam. Patanjali elaborates on mleccha as a dialect. There is a lot of textual data on people as distinct from language -both mleccha and rya as dasyu (cf. OIr. daha) and as dwpavsinah.

Addendum (June 14, 2003):

I do not know when the word 'ayas' came into vogue. It is as old as Rgveda. The semantics of this word may hold the key in revisiting our language chronologies. I find the following DEDR (Dravidian etyma) entries intriguing:

348

aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). I do not know how aduru evolved or is phonetically cognate vis-a-vis ayo 'iron' (Gujarati). There is a very specific explanation for the Kannada word: aduru = gaiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddhnti Subrahmaya stris new interpretation of the Amarakoa, Bangalore,Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330)

One intriguing semantic may be cited, again, in the context of the bronze-age. There are two compounds: milakkhu rajanam 'copper-coloured' (Pali), mleccha mukha 'copper' (Samskrtam)

Why mleccha mukha? I think the lexeme mukha isa substrate lexeme mh 'face, ingot' (Munda. Santali etc.); it is possible that mleccha mukha may refer to 'copper ingot'. m h = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace (Santali) Mleccha, language. Mleccha, copper.

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How do semantic associations occur in human interactions as languages evolve? The other meaning of mh 'face' (CDIAL 10158) explains why a face glyph gets ligatured in Indus writing to clear composite hieroglyphs to create mlecchitavikalpa (cipher mentioned by Vtsyyana) .

See, for example, Seal m0302 (Mohenjo-daro) which shows a 'human face' ligatured to an 'elephant trunk' etc. See other examples on Seals m1179 and m1186A (Mohenjo-daro). The seal m0302 also has the uniquitous fish glyphs denoting ayo 'fish' (Munda stream). ibha 'elephant' (Samskrtam) ibbho 'merchant' (Hemacandra Desinmamla -Gujarati) ib 'iron' (Santali). There is a Railway station, a village called Ib near Bokaro (with a steel plant in the

iron ore belt) on the Howrah-Mumbai rail-route :)--

I do not have the competence to suggest dates for the lexemes which were absorbed into various languages of the language union. Some call them borrowings, some call them substratum. Who knows?

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Reconstructing mleccha (meluhha) beyond identification of glosses is a very tall order and I have no competence whatsoever to take up the task. I have, however, produced a comparative lexicon for the India sprachbund with over 8000 semantic clusters. If it is validated, it could be a beginning to suggest phonetic and morphemic evolution and formation of languages such as Marathi or Bengali or Oriya. Syntax can only be inferred based on evidences provided in early Samskrtam-Prakrtam dramas of the type mentioned in Bharata's Nyastra. Bloch has done pioneering work on Marathi. Similar work has to be done for all languages of the language union which ancient India nurtured on the banks of River Sarasvati. She is vgdevi and mleccha was a vcas. One thing is clear: if the lexemes related to metalware and metalwork are found as substratum lexemes, the date should be subsequent to the 4th millennium BCE of the bronze-age when tin-bronzes and zinc-bronzes supplemented arsenical bronzes; this was a veritable revolution of the times. Given the rich treasure,Bharata nidhi of ancient Hindu texts such as those of Patanjali or Bhartrhari, we have the work cut out for us to re-evaluate and sharpen our understanding of Bharatiya vk, the ancient spoken idiom. 351

m1179

m1186A

m0302

352

Related links:

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-scarf-hieroglyph-on.html Ancient Near East 'scarf' hieroglyph on Warka vase, cyprus bronze stand and on Indus writing Ancient Near East 'scarf' hieroglyph on Warka vase, cyprus bronze stand and on Indus writing

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dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral; eruvai 'reed' Rebus: 'copper'. Alternative: dal bundle of lighted sticks of pine (WPah.) Rebus: hako a large metal ingot (G.) Focus is on the'scarf' hieroglyph ligatured to the reed posts on Warka vase. The narrative of the vase is that ingots of tin and iron are conveyed into the treasury (of minerals and metal ingots) from smithy/forge.

dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral m453B. Scarf as pigtail of seated person.Kneeling adorant and serpent on the field. 354

khaiyo [cf. khaa a tribute] tributary; paying a tribute to a superior king (Gujarti) Rebus: khaaran, kharun pit furnace (Santali)

paa. 'serpent hood' Rebus: pata sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm tempered iron
(Kota) Seated person in penance. Wears a scarf as pigtail and curved horns with embedded stars and a twig. mha The polar star. (Marathi) Rebus: me iron (Ho.) dula pair (Kashmiri); Rebus: dul cast (metal)(Santali) abe, abea large horns, with a sweeping upward curve, applied to buffaloes (Santali) Rebus: ab, himba, hompo lump (ingot?), clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali) kt = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali) The narrative on this metalware catalog is thus: (smelter) furnace for iron and for fusing together cast metal. kamaha penance.Rebus 1: ka stone (ore) metal.Rebus 2:

kampaamint.

m0311 The composite hieroglyph shows a 'tiger + woman' ligatured to a scarf as a pigtail, ram's horns and a twig on the head. kola 'woman'; kol 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'. dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral' tagara 'ram' Rebus: tagara 'merchant'; tagara 'tin'. kt = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali) The narrative is that of a (smelter) furnace for iron, merchant tin mineral.

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m1186A Scarves as pigtails on standing and kneeling persons. The kneeling adorant is shown in a posture comparable to that shown on the persons offering prayers to the rising sun on Sit shamshi

bronze.

Sit Shamshi 12th century BCE Tell of the Acropolis, Susa http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvrenotices/sit-shamshi The eight blobs flanking the ziggurat are comparable to the eight 'knobs' on palm-tree on a cylinder seal presented in the following section. It appears that the Sit shamshi bronze is a narrative related to making the alloy of arsenical bronze using dhatu 'minerals' denoted by dagoba (syn. ziggurat).derived from dhatu + garbha 'tope of embedded minerals'. ah m. stalk (Hindi)(CDIAL 5527). Rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy/forge'. dala 'petal' Rebus: ta 'yellow arsenic'. Alternatives: Aaru twig; airi small and thin branch of a tree; aari small branches (Ka.); aaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). Aar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kt = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuhi = furnace (Santali) hakhara m.n. branch without leaves or fruit (Prakrit) (CDIAL 5524) Rebus: hangar blacksmith (H.) = a branch of a tree (G.) Rebus: hako = a large ingot (G.) hak = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)

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er-agu = a bow, an obeisance; er-aguha = bowing, coming down (Kannada) Rebus: eraka copper (Kannada)dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral. kha standing' (Marathi) Rebus: kha f. Hole, mine, cave (CDIAL 3790). khaiyo [cf. khaa a tribute] tributary; paying a tribute to a superior king (Gujarti) Rebus: khaaran, kharun pit furnace (Santali) dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral er-agu = a bow, an obeisance; er-aguha = bowing, coming down (Kannada) Rebus: eraka copper (Kannada) The narrative points to a pit-furnace at a mine. The mineral taken out the mine is indicated by the ficus religiosa leaves stylized as a tree around the standing person. loa 'ficus' Rebus: loh 'copper'. The reference is to a copper mine. The kneeling adorant is in front of the tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'. The narrative is thus a reference to a pit-furnace for copper and tin dhatu or tin 'mineral'.

Mohenjo-daro seal m1175. Composite animal with scarves on neck. Mohenjo-daro moulded tablets. m1186, m488C adorant with scarf; markhor in front, with rings (or neck-bands, scarves) on neck.

m1179 Mohenjo-daro seal. Markhor or ram with human face in composite hieroglyph with neck-bands or scarves. 357

m he face (Santali) Rebus: m h metal ingot (Santali) m h= the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace (Santali) mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu copper (Pali)

mil markhor (Trwl) meho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120); rebus: mhet, me iron (Mu.Ho.) [scarf glyph is ligatured on the neck of markhor. Scarf [read rebus as dhau m. (also dhahu) m. scarf (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu minerals (Santali); dhtu mineral (Pali)]. Wavy(curved) lines glyph is relatable to: kui in cmpd. curve (Skt.)(CDIAL 3231). kuhi smelting furnace (Santali) koe forged (metal) (Santali)

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Top register of Warka vase has a narrative. A couple is identified: a man is holding the face of a bull with his left hand and faces a palm-tree glyph. The accompanying woman is identified by a reed with scarf hanging from atop. The man and woman are standing on stools (or, frames of buildings). The next register below the couple shows an antelope. The narrative reds: tagara 'antelope' Rebus damgar 'merchant', agara cattle rebus: hangar blacksmith (Hindi) dealing with tam(b)ra 'copper'eruvai dhatu 'copper mineral' stone, 359

Thus, merchant/blacksmith dealing with copper mineral stone and copper (metal) are depicted on this segment of the narrative on Warka vase. Bull hieroglyph:

dma, damr young bull (Assamese)(cdial 6184). glyph: *agara1 cattle rebus: hangar blacksmith (Hindi)hkur blacksmith (Maithili) Palm-tree hieroglyph: tamar, palm tree, date palm the rebus reading would be: tam(b)ra, copper (Pkt.) Reed+scarf hieroglyph: eruvai dhatu 'copper mineral'.

eruvai European bamboo reed (Tamil) straight sedge tuber. Ma. eruva a kind of grass. (DEDR
819). Rebus 1: eruvai copper. dhau scarf (WPah.). Rebus: dhatu mineral (Santali). The frames of buildings used in the glyphic composition are hieroglyphs: sg m. frame of a building (M.)(CDIAL 12859) Rebus 1: jangaiyo military guards who accompanies treasure into the treasury (G.) Rebus 2: sangho (G.) cutting stone, gilding (G.); san:gatar = stone cutter; san:gatari = stone-cutting; san:gsru karan.u = to stone (S.) san:ghiyo, a worker on a lathe (G.)

tagara ram (Ta.) Rebus: tamkru, damgar merchant (Akk.)


The palm-tree hieroglyph on Warka vase compares with the palm-tree glyph of goat-fish ligatured hieroglyph on a ritual basin of Susa:

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Susa. Ritual basin with goat-fish hieroglyphs flanking palm-tree hieroglyph. Jacques de Morgan excavations, 1904-05 Sb 19 Loure Museum. http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/ritual-basindecorated-goatfish-figures

tamar, palm tree, date palm the rebus reading would be: tam(b)ra, copper (Pkt.)
Tin and iron ingots delivered to the temple with ligatured reed-scarf standard: tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin' + kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'iron'.

Scarf is a ligature hieroglyph on Ishtar's (aka Inanna's?) pair of reeds (gi[reed]) of Warka vase. Warka was known as Uruk to the ancient Sumerians. The reeds are also described as two looped temple poles or "asherah," symbolising entrance to a temple.

kole.l was a temple, the same lexeme was used for a smithy (Kota language). A cognate was kwala.l in Toda language. The mudhif shown on other artifacts of Sumer has the reed atop the roof. The mudhif is comparable to a Toda mund. I suggest that Toda mund is a cognate of mudhif. The vase was discovered as a collection of fragments by German Assyriologists in their sixth excavation season at Uruk in 1933/1934. The find was recorded as find number W14873 in the expedition's field book under an entry dated 2 January 1934, which read "Groes Gef aus

Alabaster, ca. 96 cm hoch mit Flachrelief" ("large container of alabaster, circa 96 cm high with
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flat-reliefs"). The vase, which showed signs of being repaired in antiquity, stood 3 feet, inches (1 m) tall. The vase has three registers or tiers of carving. Kleiner, Fred S.; Mamiya, Christin J. (2006). Gardner's Art Through the Ages: The Western

Perspective Volume 1 (12th Edition ed.). Belmont, California, USA: Thomson Wadsworth.
pp. 2021. ISBN 0-495-00479-0. Ralf B. Wartke, "Eine Vermitenliste (2): Die "Warka-Vase" aus Bagdad", Frankfurter

Allgemeine Zeitung 26 April 2003, Nbr 97, page 39. English translation. (The author is a deputy director of the Berliner Vorderasiatischen Museums). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warka_Vase
museum number: IM19606 excavation number: W14873 provenience: Uruk dimension(s) (in cm): height: ca. 105; upper diam.: 36 material: stone (alabaster) date: (ca. 3000 BC) description: vase, relief decoration in four registers, showing (bottom to top) rows of plants, sheep (make and female), nude males carrying baskets or jars, and a cultic scene, in which the ruler of city of Uruk delivers provisions to the temple of the goddess Inanna, represented here by two reed bundle standarts--symbols of the goddess--and a woman, probably her priestess ); rim broken; repair piece inserted in antiquity (holes drilled for repair). http://oi.uchicago.edu/OI/IRAQ/dbfiles/objects/14_2.htm

Presentation of two vases (holding perhaps ingots) in front of a reed with hanging scarf also occurs as a narrative on another Uruk plaque.

dal bundle of lighted sticks of pine (WPah.) Rebus: hako a large metal ingot (G.)

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Uruk bowl with narrative relief sculpture, dated to c. 3,2003,000 BCE.. The artifact also shows a pair of reeds with hanging scarves shown associated with qudrupeds and an eight-petalled flower. Associated quadrupeds: koiyum heifer (G.) [ kiya ] ke, kiya. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. . k* A young bull. Plumpness, prime. . a pair of bullocks. ke adj. Young. keku. n. A young man.. [ kruke ] kru-ke. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime. [ kha ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) [ gda ] gda. [Tel.] n. An ox. A beast. kine, cattle.(Telugu) koiyum (G.) Rebus: ko artisans workshop (Kuwi). tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tamkru, damgar merchant (Assyrian);

A cylinder seal shows a pair of reeds with hanging scarves flanking two quadrupeds with a branch with eight petals in the center.

dala 'petal' Rebus: ta 'yellow arsenic'.


Eight petals (daa) denote 8 parts of copper alloyed with one part arsenic, daa to create the brass alloy. are eight (Mu.). Sa. baha`flower, blossom, to flower'.Mu. tarai-ba(A) `a kind of marsh-flower'. ~ baa(H) ~baha(N) `flower, blossom, to flower'.Ho ba `flower, blossom, to flower'.Bh. baha `flower, blossom, to flower'. KW baha|Cf. So. ba'a `to blossom'.@(V021,M111) Rebus:``^make'':Sa. bai `to make'.Mu. bai `to make'.KW bai @(M100). WPah.kg. dhu m. woman's headgear, kerchief , kc. dhau m. (also dhahu m. scarf , J. dh(h)u m. Him.I 105). dhau m. (also dhahu) m. scarf (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707) dhau scarf (WPah.). Rebus: dhatu mineral (Santali). dhtu mineral (Pali) dhtu mineral (Vedic); a mineral, metal (Santali); dhta id. (G.) H. dhn to send out, pour out, cast (metal) (CDIAL 6771).

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Goddess bat in Egyptian hieroglyphic narratives is symbolised by reed + currycomb athwart a pole with a pair of scarves hanging down the pole. The scarves are comparable to the scarves on the reed pole symbolizing entrance to Inanna's temple in Sumer.

One frame of the cybrus bronze stand showing a bronze ingot bearer. A male carrying a scarf on his right hand and fish on his left.ayo fish ayas metal (bronze). dhatu scarf. dhatu mineral.

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There are two Mohenjo-daro tabletw which show a procession of standard bearers. A drawing of the four standard bearers is also presented. The second standard-bearer from the right carries a scarf on a pole. The scarf is comparable to the reed+scarf hieroglyph on Warka vase.

The first standard bearer from r. may be carrying the glyph 347

or maybe a bead.

kh blob atop standard Rebus: kh alloyed ingots -- dhatu mineral (ore).eruvai copper. eruvai European bamboo reed (Tamil) straight sedge tuber. Ma. eruva a kind of grass. (DEDR
819). Rebus 1: eruvaicopper (Tamil). Alternative: k m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt k. k m. stalk of a reed, straw (Kashmiri); k n. trunk, stem (Marathi); Or.ka, k stalk (Oriya); k stem of muja grass (used for thatching) (Bihari); kn m. stalk of the reed Sara (Lahnda)(CDIAL 3023). Rebus:Tu. kandka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te. kandakamu id. Kona kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe. Kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit.(DEDR 1214).khaaran, kharun pit furnace (Santali) Rebus 2: kh metal tools, pots and pans.

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A pair (of reeds): dulapair. Rebus: dul cast (metal).h097 Pict-95: Seven robed figures (with pigtails, twigs) dhatu scarf.(WPah.) Rebus: dhatu mineral.(Santali) ?ea seven (Santali); rebus: ?eh-ku steel (Telugu) kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'pancaloha, alloy of 5 metals' (Tamil) bahula_ = Pleiades (Skt.) Rebus: bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Kannada); Sumerian mudhif facade, with uncut reed fonds and sheep entering, carved into a gypsum trough from Uruk, c. 3200 BCE (British Museum WA 120000). Photo

source. See also: Expedition 40:2 (1998), p. 33, fig. 5b Uruk trough. The carving on the side shows a procession of sheep (a goat and a ram) approaching a reed hut (of a type still found in southern Iraq) and two lambs emerging. The mudhif (Toda mund) is shown symbolised by a a prif of reeds with a hanging scarf atop either side of the roof.

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Six circles decorated on the reed post are semantic determinants of hieroglyph: bhaa six. Rebus: bhaa furnace.

The association of the reed (with a curved loop) and a scarf hanging from the pole is thus emphatically associated with a temple, a mudhif (Toda mund) . The procession of quadrupeds emerging out of the mudhif are seen to represent pasara 'cattle' rebus: pasra 'smithy, forge'. Glyph: petal: [daamu] daamu. [Skt.] n. A leaf. . A petal. A part, . dala n. leaf, petal MBh. Pa. Pk. dala -- n. leaf, petal , G. M. da n.(CDIAL 6214). <DaLO>(MP) {N} ``^branch, ^twig''. *Kh.<DaoRa>(D) `dry leaves when fallen', ~<daura>, ~<dauRa> `twig', Sa.<DAr>, Mu.<Dar>, ~<Dara> `big branch of a tree', ~<DauRa> `a twig or small branch with fresh leaves on it', So.<kOn-da:ra:-n> `branch', H.<DalA>, B.<DalO>, O.<DaLO>, Pk.<DAlA>. %7811. #7741.(Munda etyma) Rebus 1: tam Yellow orpiment (Tamil) [ takamu ] takamu. [Skt.] n. Yellow orpiment. Yellow sulphuret of arsenic. , . Pa. haritla -- m. yellow orpiment , Pk*. harila -, halira -- m.n.,(CDIAL 13987). hartl f. (sg. dat. hartli ), orpiment, 367

sulphuret of arsenic, yellow arsenic, ratsbane. [ haridaamu ] or hari-

daamu. [from Skt. .] n. Yellow orpiment, Arsenicum flavum. . gold coloured orpiment, auripigmentum.

Glyph: la1 m. branch l. 2. *hla -- . 3. *ha -- . [Poss. same as *dla -- 1 and dra -- 1: dal, d&rcirclemacr;. But variation of form supports PMWS 64 Mu.] 1. Pk. la -- n. branch ; S. ru m. large branch , r f. branch ; P. l m. branch , l m. large do. , l f. twig ; WPah. bhal. m. branch ; Ku. lo m. tree ; N. lo branch , A. B. l, Or. a; Mth. r branch , ri twig ; Aw. lakh. r branch , H. l, l m., G.i, f., n. 2. A. hl branch , li twig ; H. hl, l m. leafy branch (esp. one lopped off) . 3. Bhoj. h branch ; M. ha m. loppings of trees , h m. leafy branch , f. twig , h m. sprig , f. branch . (CDIAL 5546).

Glyph: dlati intr. cracks, splits Sur., dalayati tr. Dhtup. dala2 n. piece split off, fragment Sur., a half VarBrS. [~ dara -- 2. -- Cf. dala -- 1. -- dal1]Pk. dala -- n. piece ; K. dj f. small piece of cloth, small plot of ground (e.g. seed -- bed) ; S. aru m. a breadth of cloth ; WPah.jaun. dal bundle of lighted sticks of pine; B. dal fragment, thickness (of a board, &c.) ; M. da n. half (CDIAL 6213, 6216). dalinsu. v. t. To cut, split, divide. , . daanamu. n. Breaking, cutting, severing. , . Rebus: hako a large metal ingot (G.) sango a lathe (G.); aghai = a pot for holding fire (G.) sango a lathe (G.); on sga part of a turner's apparatus (M.); sg part of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined (Tu.)(CDIAL 12859). sgaa That member and steadied. To take into linkedness or close connection with, lit. fig. (Marathi) [ sg ] f The machine within which a turner confines and steadies the piece he has to turn. (Marathi) sangho (G.) cutting stone, gilding (G.); san:gatar = stone cutter; san:gatari = stonecutting; san:gsru karan.u = to stone (S.) san:ghiyo, a worker on a lathe (G.) A note on Ziggurat and Dageba 368

Ziggurat evolves into dageba which should originally have been a square structure multiplied.

As both construction technology and the importance of the stupa as a religious form developed, the single square base multiplied and the mound was raised even higher on several tiers. The stupa above, found in Pagan, Burma, is a good example of this. The three multiplied square bases are comparable to the ziggurat structure shown on Sit Shamshi bronze.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-jangad-accounting-for.html Ancient Near East janga accounting for mercantile transactions-- evidence of Indus writing presented. Ancient Near East janga accounting for mercatile transactions-- evidence of Indus writing presented.

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Dwaraka 1, h594. Harappa seal., m1171, m1175 sga f. a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together (Marathi)(CDIAL 12859). sg m. frame of a building (M.)(CDIAL 12859) sangar, s.m. (2nd) A breastwork of stones, etc., erected to close a pass or road; lines, entrenchments.(Pashto) sgo, sgaa(lathe/portable furnace) sangai. n. A couple, pair (Telugu) Rebus: 1. sngatarsu stone-cutter, stonecarver. lit. to collect stones, stone-cutter, mason. (Hindi) sangho (G.) cutting stone, gilding (Gujarati) 2. sangara [fr. sa+g] promise, agreement J iv.105, 111, 473; v.25, 479 (Pali) 3. janga id. (Hindi. Gujarati.Marathi)

sagha -- , aga -- m., -- f. pair (Prakrit)(CDIAL 12859) sangai. n. A couple,


pair (Telugu) cf. Pairing of two hieroglyphs into a composite standard device (as shown in the diagram below).with two distinct components: lathe (gimlet) and (portable) furnace both denoted by lexeme:sanga The word is read rebus for janga good entrusted on approval basis.

sga float made of two canoes joined together (Marathi) (LM 417 compares saggarai at
Limurike in the Periplus, Tamil. agaam, Tulu. jagala double -- canoe ) Si. sangaa pair, hangua, ang double canoe, raft (CDIAL 12859). saghtanika -- in cmpd. binding together (Pali)(CDIAL 12863).

A raft or boat made of two canoes fastened side by side (Telugu) cakaam, n. <

Port. jangada. Ferry-boat of two canoes with a platform thereon; . (J.) cf.
Orthographic technic on ancient Near East artifacts such as seals: Paired hieroglyphs, example: of two bulls, two buffaloes, two tigers, two antelopes. 370

Ancient Near East janga accounting for mercantile transactions

Janga or Entrust Receipt is denoted by the 'standard device' hieroglyph read: sanga 'lathe/gimlet, portable furnace'. Note: The meaning of Janga is well-settled in Indian legal
system. Janga means "Goods sent on approval or 'on sale or return' It is well-known that the Janga transactions in this country are very common and often involve property of a considerable value." Bombay High Court Emperor vs Phirozshah Manekji Gandhi on 13 June, 1934 Equivalent citations: (1934) 36 BOMLR 731, 152 Ind Cas 706 Source: http://www.indiankanoon.org/doc/39008/ See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/04/heifer-lathe-hieroglyphs-on-indusseals.html Young bull + lathe hieroglyphs on Indus seals The terms jangad and karanika are represented as the most frequently used hieroglyphs on Indus writing. The hieroglyphs are: sangaa 'lathe, portable furnace' and kanka 'rim of jar' represented by the following glyphs: sangaa appears on the round as a ivory object together with other examples of specific glyphic features deployed on objects inscribed with Indus writing. kanka 'rim of jar' is shown on a circular Daimabad seal. The mercantile agents who were jangadiyo had received goods on jangad 'entrusted for approval'.

m1429 Mohenjo-dar tablet showing a boat carrying a pair of metal ingots. bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (G.lex.) bagala = an Arab

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boat of a particular description (Ka.); bagal (M.); bagarige, bagarage = a kind of vessel (Ka.) bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (G.lex.) cf. m1429 seal. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-legacy_6.html Ancient Near East bronze-age legacy: Processions depicted on Narmer palette, Indus writing denote artisan guilds The note presents many parallels between hieroglyphs used rebus on Indus writing and on ancient Near East artifacts. The names Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha appear on ancient cuneiform documents in the context of maritime trade, in particular with Seafaring merchants from Meluhha (Mleccha, that is part of Indian sprachbund). There is a remarkable statement in Tolkappiyam an ancient text of Sangam period:

( ) When falsehood and deception came into vogue, the Brahmin scholars codified the accounting system. An ancient Near East accounting system was janga. The system of janga simply meant 'goods on approval' with the agent -- like the Meluhhan merchant-agents or brokers living in settlements in ancient near East -- merely responsible for showing the goods to the intended buyers. We are dealing with the times of Indus-Sarasvati civilization when goods were transacted without definitive settlements of purchase. Mercantile transactions took place on the basis of trust. This system of trust gets institutionalised in the trusteeship system which is the central regulating feature of rei, artisan-merhant guilds. Actions such as criminal breach of trust or deception or criminal conspiracy were rare occurrences. Goods were couriered and delivered by consignor on entrustment basis for the consignee to make the settlements AFTER the goods are finally sold to third parties. Such an accounting system was called janga.

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The couriers who effect the delivery of the goods are called jangaiyo. In old Gujarati, the term jangaiyo military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury. The term sanghiyo 'a worker on a lathe' (Gujarati)

kanka rim of jar (Santali) Rebus: khanaka miner karaka scribe (Skt.)

Goods taken from a shop without definitive settlement of purchase Some lexemes from Indian sprachbund: [jgaa] ad Without definitive settlement of purchase--goods taken from a shop. [ jgaa ] f ( H) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or The account or account-book of goods so taken. or [kra or kraka] a ( S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c [ kara ] f () Presenting (in marriages) of cloths, ornaments &c. to the bridegroom and his party. v . (Marathi) [karaamu] karaamu. [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant. he has talents for speaking but not for writing. the registrar of a district. or karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu)

karaikam [Telugu. karaikamu.] Office of accountant. See . Loc. karukam , n. < karaa. [T. karaikamu.] Office of village
accountant or karam; . karaa , n. < karaa.

Accountant; . (. . 210). karaam, n. < karaa. Accountant, karnam; . (S.I.I. i, 65.) karaampalam, n. < id. + . Ancient name for the office of village headman; . Rd. karaiya-mi-k-kal, n. A kind of metal-ore; . (W.) (Tamil) oi-k-karaam n. <
+. See . oi-c-cu , n. < +. Usufructuary mortgage deed; . karaa-kaparam, n. 373

< karaa karaatt , n. < id. Accountant; . (S.I.I.

iii, 23). karaattiyalavar, n. < id. + . Account officers working under a king, one of eperu-n-tuaivar, q.v.; . (.)
It is significant that the word is used. This word in old Tamil denotes the work of karaika village accountant. For describing goods transacted under janga accounting, it was enough to detail the technical specifications of the goods. The quantities involved, the prices to be settled at the time of final sale and final settlement between the consignor and the consignee are subject to separate, later day transactions AFTER the final delivery on the entrustment note -- janga -- takes place to the final purchaser or owner of the goods.

The foundatio of janga accounting is trust in mercantile transactions and an honour system for processing the transactions between the producer and the final consumer.

The ancient, traditional mercantile transactions using janga accounting was adjudicated in Bombay High Court in 1938 where violations of the founding principles of janga were the principal causes for the litigation. A write-up on the case is appended. The judgement of Kania, J. notes the quote of an earlier judge in another case: "Assuming that jangad in Gujerati ordinarily means 'approval' there is no reason to assume that the goods entrusted jangad are goods to be sold on approval, rather than goods to be shown for approval." -- Madgavkar J. But, jangad also meant 'sale or return' in addition to the dictionary meaning 'approval'. The Judge adjudicated on the issues of 'good faith' involving diamonds/pearls adjudicating that the relation of a dealer and a broker or mercantie agent is that of a principal and agent and not of a seller and a buyer. The obiter dicta was: "If the person who takes [the property] on jangad, sells the property at a price in excess of that which he has agreed to pay to the seller, he keeps the difference and he does not have to account to the seller as an agent. On the other hand, if the purchaser from him does not pay, he is still liable to pay on his own contract with his seller." 374

The point made in this note is that janga accounting transactions for high-value goods like diamonds/pearls/metalsware were in vogue as evidenced on Indus writing and the tradition continued into historical times and are in vogue even today in a remarkable civilizational continuum.

A remarkable contract is recorded in Mesopotamian archives, attesting to the good-faith doctrine in financial or property transactions:

Contract for the Sale of Real Estate, Sumer, c. 2000 B.C. This is a transaction from the last days of Sumerian history. It exhibits a form of transfer and title which has a flavor of modern business method about it. Sini-Ishtar, the son of Ilu-eribu, and Apil-Ili, his brother, have bought one third Shar of land with a house constructed, next the house of Sini-Ishtar, and next the house of Minani; one third Shar of arable land next the house of Sini-Ishtar, which fronts on the street; the property of Minani, the son of Migrat-Sin, from Minani, the son of Migrat-Sin. They have paid four and a half shekels of silver, the price agreed. Never shall further claim be made, on account of the house of Minani. By their king they swore. (The names of fourteen witnesses and a scribe then follow.) Month Tebet, year of the great wall of KarraShamash. http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/mesopotamia-contracts.asp

Kalyanaraman June 8, 2013 375

Bombay High Court Amritlal Raichand Jhaveri vs Bhagwandas Fatehchand on 7 March, 1938 Equivalent citations: (1939) 41 BOMLR 609 Author: Kania Bench: Kania JUDGMENT Kania, J. This case, which involves a sum of three thousand rupees only, has been contested as a test case to determine certain points in the diamond trade in Bombay. Plaintiffs, a firm dealing in diamonds, handed over to defendant No. 1 173 diamonds on or about November 8, 1934, on terms signed by him in the plaintiffs' book. That document runs in the following terms: To. Zaveri Amritlal Raichand, Bombay, 8-11-1934. Written by Shah Fatehchand Lallubhai. I have this day received from you the goods specified below, for the below-stated purposes and on the below-stated conditions. The goods have been entrusted to me for the sole purpose of being: shown to the intending purchasers. The ownership of the goods is of you alone and I have no right to or interest in them. I have no authority whatever to sell, mortgage the goods or to deal with them otherwise. I am bound to return the goods whenever you make a demand for their return, I am responsible for the return of the goods to you in the same condition in which I have received them. And so long as I do not return them to you, I am liable and responsible for them in all respects. Particulars of the goods: Diamond brilliants 173 in number, ratis 14, Rate up to Rs. 225/-

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The Signature of Shah Fatehchand Lallubhai in respect of the "jangad" (goods taken on approval) by the hand of Bhagwandas. Diamond Brilliants 58 in number, carat 5-5, Rate 15-3. 58 returned. The signature of Shah Fatehchand Lallubhai in respect of the "jangad" (goods taken on approval) by the hand of Bhagwandas. Plaintiffs not having received back the diamonds for some time called upon defendants Nos. 1 and 2 to return the same, but they were put off. Defendants Nos. 1 and 2 are partners and do business as brokers in diamonds. Defendants Nos. 3 and 4 are stated to be brokers in jewellery. The plaint states that on making inquiries the plaintiffs learnt that the defendants had conspired together to deprive them of the diamonds. The plaintiffs thereupon moved the police and the police recovered the diamonds from defendant No. 4's possession. Plaintiffs then filed a complaint for criminal breach of trust and conspiracy. In this suit the plaintiffs claim recovery of the diamonds on the following grounds : (1) That the defendants had entered into a criminal conspiracy to deprive the plaintiffs of the diamonds. (2) That defendants Nos, 1 and 2 had committed criminal breach of trust in respect of the diamonds and defendant No. 4 had obtained possession of the diamonds with notice that an offence had been committed in respect thereof. (3) That the plaintiffs were the owners of the diamonds and as such were entitled to recover the same from the defendant who was in possession of them. Defendants knew that none of them had authority to deal with the diamonds of which plaintiffs were the owners. (4) That the defendants held the diamonds in trust for the plaintiffs and the plaintiffs sought to' follow the same in the hands of defendant No. 4. The prayers are for the return of the diamonds or recovery of their value. Defendants Nos. 1 and 2 admitted in their written statement that they had received the diamonds from the plaintiffs as brokers on the terms mentioned in paragraph 3 of the plaint. According to them they had returned the diamonds to the plaintiffs, who sold the same directly to defendant No. 3. They, therefore, contended that they were not liable to the plaintiffs at all. In his written statement defendant No. 3 alleged that he received those diamonds from defendants Nos. 1 and 2 jangad and in his turn delivered over the same to one Hiralal Jivabhai, 377

in order that Hiralal may sell the same to his customer. In that written statement it was urged that defendant No. 3 having merely passed on the diamonds he was not liable to the plaintiffs. Defendant No. 4 denied the charges of conspiracy made in the plaint and also denied that he had any knowledge of any offence having been committed in respect of the diamonds. Against the plaintiffs' claim to recover the diamonds as the owners thereof, defendant No. 4 stated in paragraph 9 of his written statement that defendants Nos. 1 and 2, who were mercantile agents, were, with the consent of the plaintiffs, in possession of the diamonds and the same were sold by them, when acting in the ordinary course of business, to defendant No, 3 and therefore that sale was valid and binding as if it was expressly authorised by the plaintiffs. Defendant No. 4 contended that he purchased the said diamonds from defendant No. 3 in good faith, and at the time when he purchased them, he had no notice of the fact that defendant No. 1, 2 or 3 had no authority to sell them. He, therefore, contended that the plaintiffs were not entitled to recover anything from him. On these pleadings defendants Nos. 1 and 2 raised five issues. After the case proceeded for a short time those defendants withdrew and the case thereafter proceeded against them ex parte. Defendant No. 3 did not appear at the hearing to defend or support his written statement. On behalf of defendant No. 4 ten issues were raised. At the commencement of the trial Mr. Desai for the plaintiffs intimated that he did not propose to establish any criminal conspiracy or allegations contained in paragraph 5 of the plaint. Issues Nos. 1 and 2 were, therefore, given up and are found against the plaintiffs. Plaintiffs have to prove in the first instance that the 173 diamonds belonged to them. Amritlal, a partner in the plaintiff firm, gave evidence to support that claim. He produced his book in which defendant No. 1 had signed the entry containing the terms on which the diamonds were received by his firm from the plaintiffs. In his oral evidence Amritlal further stated that the diamonds were never sold and the entry in his book remains uncancelled. That supports the plaintiffs' case. He produced his sale book in which there was no entry in respect of the sale of 173 diamonds. In my opinion Amritlal's evidence satisfactorily establishes that the plaintiffs themselves never sold the 173 diamonds to defendants Nos. 1 and 2 or to defendant No. 3. The 173 diamonds produced by defendant No. 4 were identified by Amritlal as his diamonds and he was not cross-examined on that point at all. The result is that the plaintiffs established that the diamonds, which were put in as exhibit F, were plaintiffs' property and had not been sold by them. 378

In my opinion the evidence led on behalf of the plaintiffs does not establish any case of fraud or offence having been committed in respect of obtaining the diamonds from the plaintiffs. In Amritlal's evidence there is nothing to suggest that when defendant No. 1 received the diamonds from the plaintiffs he had any fraudulent or criminal intention. The sixth issue must, therefore, be found against the plaintiffs. Defendant No. 4 denied that when he purchased the diamonds he had any, notice that defendant No. 1, 2 or 3 had no authority to deal with them or that the plaintiffs were the owners thereof. The evidence does not establish that when defendant No. 4 received the diamonds he had notice of want of authority in the defendants or any of them. The evidence does not show that at any stage defendant No. 4 knew that the diamonds had come to defendant No. 3's possession from defendant No. 1. The first part of the fifth issue should therefore be answered in the negative. As regards the second part, defendant No. 3 was called as a witness by the plaintiffs. According to him he handed over the diamonds to Hiralal Jivabhai and at that time had told Hiralal that he had received the diamonds jingad from defendants Nos. 1 and 2 and that they were plaintiffs' property. Defendant No. 3 had not handed over these diamonds to defendant No. 4. Plaintiffs have, therefore, failed to establish that defendant No. 4 was aware that the plaintiffs were the owners of the diamonds when they received the same. The second part of the fifth issue should, therefore, be answered also in the negative. Although defendant No. 4 has raised no issue as regards the plaintiffs' claim to follow trust property in his hands, the evidence does not establish that there was any such trust created or that the plaintiffs were entitled to follow trust property. The main contest between the parties is on the defence formulated in paragraph 9 of defendant No. 4's written statement. That is covered by issues Nos. 7 to 11. The defence is based on Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act. The first question in that connection is whether there was a sale by defendant No. 3 to defendant No. 4. In his evidence defendant No. 3 denied that he had sold the diamonds to defendant No.4. That is contradicted by defendant No. 4 in his evidence. In support of his statement defendant No. 4 produced an endorsement made on the back of the counterfoil of his cheque (exhibit No. 4) to the effect that the same was paid in full settlement of the diamond account to defendant No. 3. In the whole counterfoil book produced by defendant No. 4 this is the only counterfoil on which there is an endorsement at all. Moreover the 379

endorsement does not mention 173 diamonds. That is material because it is established by evidence that two lots of nineteen and twenty diamonds of Dalpatram Jashkaran were sold by Dalpatram to defendant No. 3 and the cheque for Rs. 2,715, counterfoil of which is exhibit No. 4, was handed over to Dalpatram, but the cheque was dishonoured. In further support of his case that there was a sale of 173 diamonds to him, defendant No. 4 produced a weighment memo, (exhibit No. 3). That memo, does not contain the name of defendant No. 4 but to the extent that defendant No. 4 produced the same it goes in his favour. The point is not thus free from doubt. If it is necessary to decide, in my opinion, defendant No. 4 has failed to establish that the diamonds were sold to him by defendant No. 3. Even if a different view is taken, the material question is whether such a sale (even if proved) is valid and binding on the plaintiffs and is any answer to the plaintiffs' claim. Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act deals with the transfer of title. The section incorporates the well-known rule that a person who is not the owner of goods and who does not sell them under the authority or with the consent of the owner cannot give to the buyer a better title than the seller himself has. In the present case there is no evidence to show that defendant No. 3 was the owner of the goods. On the other hand defendant No. 3 denied it, and, as I have pointed out, the evidence clearly establishes that the plaintiffs were the owners of the goods. The evidence also does not establish that defendant No. 3 sold the goods under the authority or with the consent of the plaintiffs. Amritlal of the plaintiff firm emphatically denied that he had authorised anyone to sell the diamonds on his behalf. Defendant No. 3 in his turn denied that he had any communication with the plaintiffs or had any authority to sell the same from the plaintiffs. Therefore, the fourth defendant can only rely on the proviso to that section for his defence. In paragraph 9 of his written statement he has only relied on the proviso and not on the body of the section for his defence. The proviso runs in the following terms: Provided that, where a mercantile agent is, with the consent of the owner, in possession of the goods or of a document of title to the goods, any sale made by him, when acting in the ordinary course of business of a mercantile agent, shall be as valid as if he were expressly authorised by the owner of the goods to make the same ; provided that the buyer acts in good faith and has not at the time of the contract of sale notice that the seller has no authority to sell.

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In support of his contention that the sale by defendant No. 3 was binding on the plaintiffs Mr. Amin for defendant No. 4 relied on Durgabai v. Sarasvatibai (1925) 31 Bom. L.R. 414, Oppenheimer v. Attenborough and Son [1908] 1 K.B. 221, and Folkes v. King [1923] 1 K.B. 282. In my opinion this contention of defendant No. 4 entirely fails. Turning to the words of the proviso it is clear that if defendant No. 3 is considered a mercantile agent, he was not in possession of the goods with the consent of the owners. Plaintiffs who were the owners gave the goods to defendants Nos. 1 and 2 : they had not given the goods to defendant No. 3 and defendant No. 3's possession was therefore not with the consent of the owners. If on a construction of the terms contained in exhibit A defendants Nos, 1 and 2 are held to be mercantile agents within the meaning of the Sale of Goods Act, those defendants were in possession of the goods with the consent of the owners, but they had not sold the goods to defendant No. 4 or to anyone. In that view also the case is not covered by the proviso. Apart therefore from the question of good faith and notice, the words of the proviso do not cover the present case at all. Durgabai v. Sarasvatibai is not a case on this point. That case was decided under Section 178 of the Indian Contract Act the words whereof were different from the words of Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act. The particular distinction which may be noted is that under Section 178 (as it stood when that decision was given) the word "person" found place in the section in place of "mercantile agent". On going through the judgment again it is clear that the learned Judge held that the person in possession was himself a dealer in diamonds. The decision proceeded on that footing as is clearly stated in the concluding part of that judgment. The learned Judge held that if a dealer was in possession of diamonds, and a purchaser or pledgee for value from him acted bona fide, such purchaser or pledgee had a good title and he could not be ordered to hand over the goods to the owner. Oppenheimer v. Attenborough was a case on the construction of Section 2 of the. Factors Act and dealt with the authority of a mercantile agent, who, having general authority, acted in the ordinary course of business. The decision was that if according to the ordinary course of business there was a general authority, any particular trade-custom could not restrict it. I am not concerned in the present case with an instance where the mercantile agent in the ordinary course of business had general authority to sell diamonds. My attention has been drawn to an unreported decision of the Appeal Court in Emperor v. Hiralal Jivraj(1936) Criminal Appeal No. 413 of 1935 where the term jengad came to be interpreted. I am told that it has considerably disturbed the position of diamond brokers and dealers and has created confusion in the trade. I am, therefore, particularly reluctant to 381

express any opinion on the general relations of a: diamond broker and dealer in respect of the sale of diamonds through a broker, except to the extent it is essential to decide the present case. Plaintiffs handed over their diamonds to defendants Nos. 1 and 2 on terms which are reduced to writing and are found in exhibit A. Having regard to that position, I refrain from stating to what extent, if the facts were applicable, the decision in Oppenheimer v. Attenbarough would affect the diamond trade in Bombay. The decision in Folkes v. King is equally inapplicable because there the owner of a car had delivered it to a mercantile agent for sale. The mercantile agent sold the car to a third party, who in his turn sold it to the defendant. No case of notice of fraud or want of good faith having been established, the Court held that the defendant has acquired a good title under the Factors Act. In the present case if defendants Nos. 1 and 2 had received the diamonds merely as brokers (without any writing as in exhibit A) and had sold them to defendant No. 4 directly or had sold them to defendant No. 3, who in his turn had sold them to defendant No. 4, the applicability of this case may have to be considered. It will be useful to examine first the terms on which defendant No. 1 received the diamonds from the plaintiffs. They are in the form of a letter written by the firm of defendant No. 1 and defendant No. 2 and addressed to the plaintiffs. The opening words clearly set out, in express terms, the purpose and conditions on which the goods were delivered by the plaintiffs to) defendant No. 1. Taking the printed terms together, it is clear that defendants Nos. 1 and 2 admitted that they received the goods only for the purpose of showing them to intending purchasers; that defendant No. l's firm had no authority whatsoever to sell, mortgage or pledge the goods ; that the ownership of the goods remained all along in the plaintiffs and the first and/or second defendants had no right to or interest in them ; and that till the goods were returned in the condition in which they were received or if they were not returned, defendants Nos. 1 and 2 were liable and responsible for the same. It is not disputed that defendants Nos. 1 and 2 are brokers in jewellery and are working as such for many years past. The first question to be considered is whether having regard to these terms they were mercantile agents under the Sale of Goods Act. The effect of these terms on the relation between the parties, and the possession of the goods in the hands of the broker, was considered by Madgavkar J. in an unreported judgment in Kanga Jaghirdar & Co. v. Fatehchand 382

Hirachand (1929) O.C.J. Suit No. 1117 of 1928. At that time the relative section of the Indian Contract Act did not contain the expression "mercantile-agent" but only "person". On a consideration of the terms mentioned above the learned Judge came to the conclusion that the possession obtained under a document worded as aforesaid was not juridical possession within the meaning of Section 178 of the Indian Contract Act. As regards the term jangad used in the document the learned Judge observed as follows : "Assuming that jangad in Gujerati ordinarily means 'approval' there is no reason to assume that the goods entrusted jangad are goods to be sold on approval, rather than goods to be shown for approval." I respectfully agree with that conclusion about the meaning of the conditions found in exhibit A in this case. The relation of a dealer and a broker is that of a principal and agent and not of a seller and a buyer. The extent of the authority of the agent is to be found in the document under which the goods are delivered to him. As between the plaintiffs and defendants Nos. 1 and 2, therefore, it is clear that defendants Nos. 1 and 2 had no authority to sell the goods. The next question to be considered is whether the addition of the word "jangad" in the signature made any difference. It was urged that when there were printed terms and written conditions the written conditions must prevail, and as the word "jangad" was written in manuscript, the effect of the document was that the diamonds were delivered to defendants Nos. 1 and 2 for "sale or return". The authorities clearly show that when in one document there are printed as well as written conditions, the Court's duty, as far as possible, is to reconcile all the terms ; but, when that is not found possible, the written conditions are to be given greater weight than the printed ones. The dictionary meaning of the word "jangad" is "approval". As stated by Madgavkar J. in the passage quoted above, having regard to the printed terms in this case, there appears no reason to assume that the diamonds were entrusted to defendants Nos. 1 and 2 to be sold on approval and not that they were given to them to be shown for approval. In my opinion taking the document as a whole, it is clear that they were given to defendants Nos, 1 and 2 to be shown for approval only. I am unable to accept the contention of defendant No. 4 that the term "jangad" means "sale or return" wherever the same is found. I am also unable to accept his contention that having regard to the term "jangad" used in the signature the printed terms should be given no meaning at all. In my opinion having regard to the terms on which the goods were delivered to defendants Nos. 1 and 2 they are not mercantile agents within the meaning of the Sale of Goods Act having general authority to sell. As I have pointed out, even if they were, 383

the case does not fall under Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act because they have not sold the goods to defendant No. 4. 1 8. The terms on which defendant No. 3 received the goods from defendants Nos. 1 and 2 are not clear on the evidence. Defendant No. 3 stated that he had received them on jangad. He did not say whether he had signed any writing like exhibit A or not. He further admitted that he was working as a broker in jewellery at the time. It is, therefore, clear that by the delivery of 173 diamonds to him, even on jangad terms, no property can pass to him under Section 24 of the Sale of Goods Act. On behalf of defendant No. 4 it was urged that in respect of 84 diamonds of the plaintiffs defendants Nos. 1 and 2 had acted as dealers. On the evidence I am unable to accept that contention. For this purpose it is necessary to bear in mind the terms on which the diamonds were originally handed over by the plaintiffs to those parties. According to the evidence of Amritlal, which stands uncontradicted, these diamonds were delivered to those defendants on terms similar to those found in exhibit A. The subsequent dealings with the diamonds and the entry in the plaintiffs' books, as if there was a sale to them, cannot affect the original relations established between the parties by the document, unless there was proof of a new contract. According to Amritlal defendants Nos. 1 and 2 informed him that the diamonds were sold, but as they did not disclose the name of the purchaser, in the plaintiffs' books the goods were debited to them. In answer to some leading questions put in cross-examination Amritlal did state that those diamonds were sold to defendants Nos. 1 and 2, but the remaining evidence quite clearly shows that the goods were not sold to them as merchants but the price was debited to them because they did not disclose the name of the purchaser and they were responsible for the price. I am, therefore, unable to consider that in respect of 84 diamonds defendants Nos. 1 and 2 had acted with the plaintiffs as dealers. Under Section 19(3) of the Sale of Goods Act, passing of property is a question of intention. When the Indian Contract Act governed the sale of goods there were no express words of that kind in the Act. The rule found in Section 24 is to govern when there is no intention to the contrary. In considering the decisions given under the old sections of the Indian Contract Act this distinction has to be carefully remembered. In support of his contention that "jangad" meant 'sale or return' defendant No. 4 relied on an unreported judgment of Beaumont C.J. and N.J. Wadia J. in Emperor v. Hiralal Jivraj (1936) 384

Criminal Appeal No. 413 of 1935. The accused Hiralal Jivraj (whose name was repeatedly mentioned in the evidence in this suit by defendant No. 3) had appealed against his conviction under Section 406 of the Indian Penal Code. After considering that the first charge framed was not sufficiently particular, the judgment proceeded to discuss the charge of criminal misappropriation of eighty-four diamonds given by Purshottam (defendant No. 3 in this case) to the accused. In the opinion of the Appeal Court the learned Chief Presidency Magistrate was in error in convicting the accused. It was stated that the diamonds were given to Purshottam on jangad and became the property of Purshottam, If Purshottam in his turn gave the diamonds to the accused, on jangad terms, they became the property of the accused and he could not be charged with criminal misappropriation of the same The evidence was that Purshottam received the diamonds "jangad" from one Shantilal and delivered them to the accused on jangad. The judgment thereafter runs in the following terms: That being so, the property would pass to the accused under Section 24 of the Sale of Goods Act either when he signified his approval or acceptance to the seller or did any other act adopting the transaction, and if he did not signify his approval or acceptance to the seller but retained the goods without giving notice of rejection, then, if a time had been fixed for the return of the goods, on the expiration of such time, and, if no time had been fixed, on the expiration of a reasonable time. The learned Government Pleader has argued that the accused was a broker, but there is not a particle of evidence of brokerage. The transaction is stated to be a transaction on jangad. That places the parties in the relationship of seller and buyer, that is, principal and principal. If the person who takes [the property] on jangad, sells the property at a price in excess of that which he has agreed to pay to the seller, he keeps the difference and he does not have to account to the seller as an agent. On the other hand, if the purchaser from him does not pay, he is still liable to pay on his own contract with his seller. This passage from the judgment clearly shows that, on the facts proved, the accused was not a broker and the diamonds were not delivered to him as a broker. Although the judgment does not record that the diamonds were delivered over to the accused as a buyer or had been received by Purshottam as a buyer on jangad from the previous holder or the owner, the relation of buyer and seller between all parties is assumed. The facts in that case also do not show that at the time of receiving the diamonds the parties had signed a document, like exhibit A in the present suit. That judgment therefore does not govern the facts of this case. I think the discussion in that 385

judgment about the applicability of Section 24 of the Sale of Goods Act, when goods are received on jangad terms, requires an explanation. Goods or jewellery may be delivered by the owner to the buyer, with the intention that he may inspect the same and ultimately purchase it. The goods in such cases are stated to be delivered for approval, i.e. "jangad". Section 24 of the Sale of Goods Act covers that situation. On the other hand, the owner of the goods may deliver the same to a mercantile agent, as defined in the Sale of Goods Act. According to that definition of a mercantile agent, in the customary course of business, he has authority to sell the goods. Goods may be handed over to such a mercantile agent also "jangad" meaning to be shown for approval to his customers. Under those circumstances, if the mercantile agent effects a sale, the title of the purchaser is protected under Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act provided there is no want of good faith. On a comparison of the words of Section 24 and Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act, it is clear that the mercantile agent who receives goods on jangad acquires no property by reason of Section 24, because he is not a buyer. He has, therefore, no title to pass on the property by reason of Section 24. This is important because if want of good faith is established, the sale can be avoided under Section 27. But if the case was governed by Section 24, no question of want of good faith arises and the property must pass. The third contingency is where the owner delivers goods to an agent (who is not a mercantile agent falling within the definition of that expression as given in the Sale of Goods Act) on terms arranged between the owner and the agent. As one of the terms of delivery the goods may be given jangad, i.e. for approval by a prospective customer or to be shown for approval. To such a case neither Section 24 nor Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act applies, and the extent of the authority of the agent depends on the terms of his agency, and the provisions governing the relations of principal and agent as found in the Indian Contract Act. It is clear that in that case also no property passes from the owner to the agent under Section 24, nor is a sale by him protected under Section 27. If this authority enables him to sell the goods, the sale is authorised and binding on the owner. If the authority is exceeded, the question will have to be considered in the light of Sections 227 and 228 of the Indian Contract Act. The judgment of the Appeal Court which treats "jangad" as equivalent to sale or return must be read as applicable only when the goods are delivered to a buyer. In addition to the above grounds I have grave doubts about the good faith of defendant No. 4 in the transaction. Defendant No. 4 is an undischarged insolvent and started doing business in 386

Bombay on a small scale in August-September, 1934. The evidence shows that he had no money. His banking account shows that except a sum of about a hundred rupees or so he had no cash to buy diamonds worth any substantial amount at all. According to his own evidence when he purchased these 173 diamonds he had no means to pay, although he hoped to obtain loans from his friends and relatives. He produced no evidence to show that any arrangements were made to procure such loans or that any party had promised to give him any money. On the other hand his conduct in pledging these very diamonds on about November 18/19, 1934, with a Marwari firm and paying over the proceeds to satisfy his debts incurred in cotton speculation, negatives his good faith. He has produced his counterfoil cheque book which is in a very mutilated condition and about eight counterfoils have been found missing between November 14 and November 23, 1934. In the absence of those counterfoils it is difficult to ascertain for what purposes he had attempted to draw the cheques and for what amounts. Defendant No. 4 did not impress me as a truthful witness, and unless his oral testimony was supported by clear documentary evidence, I do not accept his evidence as that of a truthful witness. It appears that about this time defendant No. 3, who was a very petty broker, defendant No. 4, and Hiralal Jivabhai, had dealings in various lots of diamonds and pearls. Barring the 173 diamonds in suit the rest of the jewellery has not been traced. Different merchants who had handed over their jewellery to brokers for sale, and which jewellery ultimately reached Hiralal or defendant No. 4 remained unpaid, because of the dealings of these three parties. Defendant No. 3 came to know defendant No. 4 at the residence of Hiralal. Neither side has called Hiralal as a witness, perhaps realising that his evidence would not be considered reliable. Amritlal gave his evidence in a straightforward and honest manner and I accept his oral evidence as that of a truthful witness. In order to meet the case of defendant No. 4 of a sale of the diamonds by the first and or second defendants to defendant No. 3, the plaintiffs called defendant No. 3 as their witness. As the case proceeded ex parte against defendants Nos. 1, 2 and 3 and contested by defendant No. 4, several statements in the evidence of defendant No. 3 have gone on record which would be hearsay evidence as against the other parties to the conversation. Taking the evidence in that light the case sought to be established by defendant No. 4 has not been established at all, and there is no evidence to prove that there was a sale of the diamonds by the first and/or second defendants to defendant No. 3. Defendant No. 3 was not a satisfactory witness, but I would prefer him to defendant No. 4, particularly on points where the oral evidence of defendant No. 4 was not supported by any document. 387

In addition to the want of means of defendant No. 4 and the manner in which he dealt with the 173 diamonds after he got possession, of the same, his evidence about the making-up of account of sale also shows considerable room for suspicion in this transaction. According to defendant No. 4 when the account of the sale was made up he deducted the full discount of six and a quarter per cent. and received credit for Rs. 25 by way of interest. Defendant No. 4 alleged that as the diamonds; were weighed on November 11, he was liable to pay the price fifteen to twenty days thereafter. He gave a cheque to defendant No. 3 on or about November 11, post-dated November 20. Therefore, at best he made a payment earlier by about five to ten days. Working out the figure of Rs. 25 as interest for that period, it shows that for obtaining a post-dated cheque defendant No. 3 (according to the case of defendant No. 4) gave credit at the rate of about three per cent. per month. It is really a matter of surprise that a dealer in diamonds would give credit for interest at thirty-six per cent. per annum for obtaining payment by a post-dated cheque five to ten days earlier. It is not suggested that this rebate of| Rs. 25 was given otherwise than for interest. If defendant No. 3 was a mercantile agent within the meaning of Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act, this way of making accounts, in my opinion, indicates that in the matter of this sale he was not acting in the ordinary course of business of a mercantile agent. For these reasons, if necessary, I would hold that defendant No. 4 was not protected under Section 27 of the Sale of Goods Act because there was want of good faith on his part in the transaction. In exhibit A at the time of putting his signature defendant No. 1 had added the word "jangad". It was contended that the word "jangad" meant "sale or return" and under Section 24 of the Sale of Goods Act the diamonds became the property of defendants Nos. 1 and 2. They had, therefore, title to pass on that property to defendant No. 3, by delivery on jangad terms, and defendant No. 3 in his turn could pass it on to defendant No. 4 by sale. When it was pointed out that this case was not pleaded in the written statement, Mr. Amin, for defendant No. 4, at the close of his final address, applied for an amendment of the written statement to raise this contention. In the present suit on the pleadings it is nobody's case that when defendants Nos, 1 and 2 received the diamonds they were the "buyers" of the diamonds. Defendants Nos. 1 and 2 have not alleged that case in their written statement. Nor is that case put forth in the written statement of defendant No. 4. This argument raises a question of fact, as to the position of defendants Nos. 1 and 2 when they received those diamonds. That question of fact not having 388

been pleaded in the written statement, I do not think it is permissible to defendant No. 4 now to amend his written statement and raise that question. If the amendment was allowed, it would involve the re-opening of the bulk of evidence and calling further witnesses.. Mr. Amin's application for amendment is, therefore, rejected. Mr. Amin next urged that defendants Nos. 1 and 2 having received the diamonds on the terms contained in exhibit A (including the word "jangad"), they had authority to hand over the same to defendant No. 3 on jangad. I repeatedly asked Mr. Amin if there was any authority for that proposition, but he failed to point out any. He urged that if defendants Nos. 1 and 2 had authority to sell, the authority to give possession to defendant No. 3 was a smaller authority and was therefore included in the larger one. In my opinion this argument is unsound. Under Section 190 of the Indian Contract Act an agent has no power to delegate his authority to any one except when it is done according to the custom of trade or from the nature of the agency it must be done. Neither of those contingencies are alleged in the pleadings nor suggested in the course of evidence. No issue has been raised on the point. Unless such a right to appoint a subagent was established, under Section 193 of the Indian Contract Act this act of the agent is not binding on the principal and he is entitled to repudiate the same. The authority of defendants Nos. 1 and 2 in the present case was defined by the writing which they executed. That writing did not give them any power to sell the goods. There is no authority express or implied in that writing to pass on the goods to a third party, with a power to the third party to deal with the same as if he was the owner. In my opinion if such a privilege was sought to be established, it had to be expressly pleaded and proved by evidence. The power goes to the root of the relations between principal and agent and cannot be lightly inferred because it was urged in the course of argument by counsel. The argument about passing of property to defendant No. 3 and the right of defendant No. 3 to sell is based on Section 24 which is assumed as applicable to an agent who received goods to sell. This is due to ignoring the fundamental distinction between a buyer and a seller and a principal and agent. In my opinion, therefore, the argument that defendants Nos. 1 and 2 had authority to pass on the goods to defendant No. 3 for any purpose is unsound and unwarranted on the evidence. On behalf of defendant No. 4 it was urged that he had paid Rs. 1,324 and Rs. 950 for the price of these diamonds and, therefore, in any event, he should get the same back before the diamonds were delivered over to the plaintiffs. This contention is not pleaded in his written 389

statement. Considerable evidence was led and lengthy cross-examination conducted to establish that defendant No. 4 had paid those two sums towards the price of the 173 diamonds to defendant No. 3. In my opinion the evidence does not justify that conclusion. Defendant No. 4 alleged that in respect of these diamonds at first he gave a cheque for Rs. 2,715 to defendant No. 3. The evidence of Dalpatram Jashkaran shows that this cheque of Rs. 2,715 was handed over to him for the price of two lots of nineteen and twenty diamonds sold by him to defendant No. 3. Me produced his pass-book showing that the cheque was handed over to his bank but was returned dishonoured. Defendant No. 3 in his evidence stated that this cheque for Rs. 2,715 was handed over to Dalpatram against his diamonds. It is not disputed that Dalpatram has not been paid in respect of his two lots of diamonds. Defendant No. 4 admitted that his cheque for Rs. 2,715 was dishonoured and that he had no funds at any time to meet the cheque. His case in the written statement is that after he gave this cheque to defendant No. 3, defendant No. 3 approached him on November 13 and asked for an immediate payment of Rs. 1,324. Defendant No. 4 accordingly gave to the third defendant a cheque dated November 14 for Rs. 1,324. The written statement is completely silent as to what was the agreement made about the balance. In his oral evidence defendant No. 4 alleged that he was to pay the balance afterwards, but as defendant No. 3 absconded from Bombay after a few days it was not paid. This explanation is entirely unsatisfactory because he met defendant No. 3 on November 18/19 and it is not suggested that at that time there was any conversation about it. The pass-book of defendant No. 4 shows that after November 14 he had never any funds to pay this balance. As against this defendant No. 3 denied that the cheque for Rs. 1,324 was received by him for the price of 173 diamonds at all. According to defendant No. 3 he received from Hiralal Jivabhai two cheques for Rs. 1,324 and Rs. 1,700, which was the price of 84 diamonds, and they were the cheques of defendant No. 4. These 84 diamonds originally belonged to the plaintiffs. Plaintiffs produced their cash-book showing that the cheque of Rs. 1,324 was received by them towards the price of their 84 diamonds. When the cheque for Rs. 1,700 was received, Amritlal presented it to the bank; but it was returned dishonoured. He thereupon gave it to defendant No. 1 and ultimately defendant No. 1 paid sixteen hundred and odd rupees in cash, which was the balance of the price payable to the plaintiffs. Defendant No. 3 in his evidence stated that when the cheque of Rs. 1,700 was dishonoured he was informed of it by defendant No. 1 and the cheque was given to him. He conveyed the information to Hiralal and Hiralal paid him Rs. 1,700 in cash, which he 390

passed on to defendant No. 1. It is material to note in this connection that the price of these 84 diamonds as) shown by exhibit No. 2 was about Rs. 3,023. If defendant No. 4 had nothing to do with these 84 diamonds, it is surprising that on the same day he should give two cheques, which exactly make up the price of 84 diamonds, and the said two cheques should be passed on together to the plaintiffs, who were the owners of the diamonds. Defendant No. 4's explanation about the cheque of Rs. 1,700 was that he gave it for the price of certain pearls which he had purchased from defendant No. 3. The pearls belonged to one Ratahchand Bhaidas. According to defendant No. 4 after he gave the cheque of Rs. 1,700 on November 14 (but dated November 20) to defendant No. 3 when he met defendant No. 3 on November 18 or 19, he told him not to present the cheque for some days and paid him Rs. 950 in cash. In spite of this defendant No. 3 presented the cheque and the cheque was dishonoured. After defendant No. 3 absconded, he inquired who was the owner of the pearls, and having ascertained that Ratanchand was the owner, he paid Ratanchand Rs. 1,170 in full settlement of Ratanchand's claim for the pearls. According to the oral evidence of defendant No. 4 he claimed from Ratanchand credit for what he had paid to defendant No. 3 but that was refused. In my opinion this conduct of defendant No. 4 is very surprising if in the regular course of business he had purchased those pearls of Ratanchand and given his cheque for the price. In the first instance he would not have paid defendant No. 3 Rs. 950 without getting back the cheque for Rs. 1,700. Moreover, I do not see any reason why defendant No. 4 should be very anxious to trace the owner of the pearls and offer to pay him the price, if he had in fact given the cheque for Rs. 1,700 for the price of the pearls. Having regard to his means it is also difficult to believe that after paying Rs. 950 to defendant No. 3 towards the price of the pearls, he would pay in addition to Ratanchand Rs. 1,170 without consulting defendant No. 3 at all. These factors taken together, along with the fact that the amount of these two cheques exactly made up the price of 84 diamonds, leads me to believe that defendant No. 4 had given these cheques for the price of 84 diamonds and the cheque for Rs. 1,700 was not given for the price of Ratanchand's pearls. It was urged on behalf of defendant No. 4 that the fact of the cheques being found in possession of the plaintiffs and Dalpatram Jashkaran did not prove that the payments were made in respect of the goods of those merchants. There would be force in that argument if that was the only coincidence. The other factors which I have noticed above and in particular the fact that the exact amount of Rs. 3,023 was the price of 84 diamonds lend support to the evidence of defendant No. 3 that those two cheques were received by him for the price of 84 diamonds. The 391

co-existence of all the factors makes that conclusion highly probable. No witness in his oral evidence had stated in terms that defendant No. 4 had purchased those diamonds. The only witness who could say so is Hiralal, and he has not been called as a witness. The surrounding circumstances, however, are in my opinion sufficiently strong to justify the inference mentioned above. The attitude of defendant No. 4 in connection with the cheque of Rs. 1,700 is also significant. In the written statement he alleged that the cheque was given for the pearls and Rs. 950 were paid also for the pearls. After he filed his written statement he appears to have changed his attitude and in his affidavit dated March 18, 1936, alleged that Rs. 950 should be treated as paid towards the price of 173 diamonds. In fact he went further and on the counterfoil of the cheque which he alleged he had given for the price of the diamonds he endorsed "Cash Rs. 950" as if the same were paid towards the price of the diamonds. This was admittedly done after the suit was filed and savours of manufacturing evidence to urge this claim. The evidence shows that defendant No. 4 had no means to pay for the jewellery purchased by him from time to time, and if he finds it difficult to prove that he had paid those amounts towards the price of 173 diamonds, he has to thank himself for his habit of giving post-dated cheques, for the price, in different sums. Defendant No. 4's written statement does not show what arrangements were made for the payment of the balance and his oral evidence is equally vague on the point. In my opinion defendant No. 4 has failed to establish that he had paid anything towards the 173 diamonds in suit, and his claim to recover the two amounts fails. At this stage Mr. Desai for the plaintiffs states that he does not press for a decree against defendants Nos. 1, 2 and 3. There will, therefore, be a decree for the plaintiffs against defendant No. 4 in terms of prayer (a) of the plaint. In due course the diamonds, exhibit F, would be handed over to the plaintiffs.

The allegations of conspiracy were not given up till the suit reached hearing and the plaintiffs led no evidence to establish the charges of fraud or offence, nor of notice to defendant No. 4. Having regard to this, I think defendant No. 4 should pay the plaintiffs the costs of the suit, less Rs. 500. http://www.indiankanoon.org/doc/1749483/ 392

See: http://www.scribd.com/doc/88974889/Indus-script-corpora-and-business-transactions-ofjangad-%E2%80%98entrustment-note%E2%80%99-S-Kalyanaraman-2012

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-legacy_6.html Ancient Near East bronze-age legacy: Processions depicted on Narmer palette, Indus writing denote artisan guilds Ancient Near East bronze-age legacy: Processions depicted on Narmer palette, Indus writing denote artisan guilds It is certain that the design known as the animal file motif is extremely early in Sumerian and Elamitic glyptic; in fact is among the oldest known glyptic designs. A characteristic style in narration is the use of a procession of animals to denote a professional group. The grouping may connote a smithy-shop of a guild --pasramu.

Mohenjo-daro seal m417 six heads from a core.rik -- f. tent lex. and mngs. house ~ ladder in *ria -- 2, *rhi -- . -- Words for ladder see rit -- . -- ri]H. sain, sen f. ladder ; Si. hii, hia, ii ladder, stairs (GS 84 < ri -- ).(CDIAL 12685). Wo. en roof , Bshk. an, Phal. n(AO xviii 251) Rebus: sei (f.) [Class. Sk. rei in meaning guild; Vedic= row] 1. A guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. -- pamukha the head of a guild J

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ii.12 (text seni -- ). 2. A division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- J vi.81, 49; seimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. Sen and seniya). (Pali) This denotes a mason (artisan) guild -- seni -- of 1. brass-workers; 2. blacksmiths; 3. ironworkers; 4. copper-workers; 5. native metal workers; 6. workers in alloys. The core is a glyphic chain or ladder. Glyph: ka a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaiyo [Hem. Des. kaaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaiyaa, kaiyea a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.) The glyphics are: Glyph: one-horned young bull: kondh heifer. k dr turner, brass-worker. Glyph: bull: hangra bull. Rebus: hangar blacksmith. Glyph: ram: meh ram. Rebus: me iron Glyph: antelope: mreka goat. Rebus: milakkhu copper. Vikalpa 1: meluhha mleccha copper worker. Vikalpa 2: meh helper of merchant. Glyph: zebu: kh zebu. Rebus: kh guild, community (Semantic determinant of the jointed animals glyphic composition). ka joining, connexion, assembly, crowd, fellowship (DEDR 1882) Pa. gotta clan; Pk. gotta, gya id. (CDIAL 4279) Semantics of Pkt. lexeme gya is concordant with Hebrew goy in ha-goy-im (lit. the-nation-s). Pa. gotta -- n. clan , Pk. gotta -, gutta -- , amg. gya -- n.; Gau. g house (in Kaf. and Dard. several other words for cowpen > house : gh -- , Pr. gu cow ; S. goru m. parentage , L. got f. clan , P. gotar, got f.; Ku. N. got family ; A. got -- nti relatives ; B. got clan ; Or. gota family, relative ; Bhoj. H. got m. family, clan , G. got n.; M. got clan, relatives ; -- Si. gota clan, family Pa. (CDIAL 4279). Alternative: adar angra zebu or humped bull; rebus: aduru native metal (Ka.); hangar blacksmith (H.) The sixth animal can only be guessed. Perhaps, a tiger (A reasonable inference, because the glyph tiger appears in a procession on some Indus script inscriptions. Glyph: tiger?: kol tiger.Rebus: kol worker in iron. Vikalpa (alternative): perhaps, rhinoceros. gaa rhinoceros; rebus:kha tools, pots and pans and metal-ware. Thus, the 394

entire glyphic composition of six animals on the Mohenjodaro seal m417 is semantically a representation of a ri, guild, a kh , community of smiths and masons. This guild, community of smiths and masons evolves into Harosheth Hagoyim, a smithy of nations.

Tell AsmarCylinder seal modern impression [elephant, rhinoceros and gharial (alligator) on the upper register] bibliography and image source: Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from

the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no.
642. Museum Number: IM14674 3.4 cm. high. Glazed steatite. ca. 2250 - 2200 BCE. ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. k 'rhinoceros' Rebus: kha tools, pots and pans, and metalware. kar 'crocodile' Rebus: khar 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) kru a wild crocodile or alligator (Te.) mosale wild crocodile or alligator. S. ghaylu m. long snouted porpoise ; N. ghaiyl crocodile (Telugu); A. B. ghiyl alligator , Or. Ghaia, H. ghayl, gharir m. (CDIAL 4422) karavu, n. < . Cf. grha. Alligator; . (. . 8, 9, 9). kar, n. prob. Grha. 1. A species of alligator; . (. . 2, 3, 9). 2. Male alligator; . (.) karm n. prob. Grha. 1. A species of alligator ; . (. 257). 2. Male alligator; . (.) karuvu n. Melting: what is melted (Te.) [ kru ] m (S) An artificer or artisan. 2 A common term for the twelve q. v. Also m pl q. v. in . (Marathi) , , , , [ krigara, krigra, krgra, krgra, krgra ] m ( P) A good workman, a clever artificer or artisan. 2 Affixed as an honorary designation to the names of Barbers, and sometimes of , , & . 3 Used laxly as adj and in the sense of Effectual, availing, effective of the end. [ balut ] n A share of the corn and garden-produce assigned for the subsistence of the twelve public servants of a village, for whom see below. 2 In some districts. A share of the dues of the hereditary officers of a village, such as , &c. or 395

[ balutdra or balut ] or m ( &c.) A public servant of a village entitled to . There are twelve distinct from the regular Governmentofficers , &c.; viz. , , , (These four constitute or or the first division. Of three of them each is entitled to , twenty bundles of Holcus or the thrashed corn, and the to ); , , , constitute or or , and are entitled, each, to ; , , , form or or , and have, each, . Likewise there are twelve or supernumerary public claimants, viz. , , , , , , , , , , , . Of these the allowance of corn is not settled. The learner must be prepared to meet with other enumerations of the (e. g. , - , , , , , , , , , , ; also , , , as constituting the first-class and claiming the largest division of ; next , , , as constituting the middle class and claiming a subdivision of ; lastly, , , , ; and, in the Konkan, yet another list); and with other accounts of the assignments of corn; for this and many similar matters, originally determined diversely, have undergone the usual influence of time, place, and ignorance. Of the in the Indpr pergunnah the list and description stands thus:--First class, , , , ; Second, , , , ; Third, , , , , , ; in all fourteen, but in no one village are the whole fourteen to be found or traced. In the Panharpr districts the order is:- or (1stclass); , , , , or (2nd class); , , , , or (3rd class); , , , ; twelve and of there are eighteen. According to Grant Duff, the are , , , , , , , , , , ; and the are , , , , or , , , , , , , . In many villages of Northern Dakhan the receives the of the first, second, and third classes; and, consequently, besides the , there are but nine . The following are the only or now to be found;--, , , , - , , , but of the & there is much confused intermixture, the of one district being the of another, and vice lls. (The word used above, in , , requires explanation. It means Udder; and, as the are, in the phraseology of endearment or fondling, termed (calves), their allotments or divisions are figured by successive bodies of calves drawing at the or under of the under the figure of a or cow.) (Marathi)kruciji smith (Old Church Slavic)

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Indus inscription on a Mohenjo-daro tablet (m1405) including rim-of-jar glyph as component of a ligatured glyph (Sign 15 Mahadevan)This tablet is a clear and unambiguous example of the fundamental orthographic style of Indus Script inscriptions that: both signs and pictorial motifs are integral components of the message conveyed by the inscriptions. Attempts at deciphering only what is called a sign in Parpola or Mahadevan corpuses will result in an incomplete decoding of the complete message of the inscribed object. This inscribed object is decoded as a professional calling card: a blacksmith-precious-stonemerchant with the professional role of copper-miner-smelter-furnace-scribe. m1405At Pict-97: Person standing at the center points with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand points to the ligatured glyph. The inscription on the tablet juxtaposes through the hand gestures of a person - a trough gestured with the right hand; a ligatured glyph composed of rim-of-jar glyph and water-carrier glyph (Glyph 15) gestured with the left hand.

Water-carrier glyph kui water-carrier (Telugu); Rebus: kuhi smelter furnace (Santali) ku f. fireplace (H.); krvI f. granary (WPah.); ku, kuo house, building(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kui hut made of boughs (Skt.) gui temple (Telugu) [The bull is shown in front of the trough for drinking; hence the semantics of drinking.] The most frequently occurring glyph -- rim of jar -- ligatured to Glyph 12 becomes Glyph 15 and is thus explained as a kanka, karaka: furnace scribe and is consistent with the readings of glyphs which occur together with this glyph. Kan-ka may denote an artisan working with copper, ka (Ta.) kar coppersmiths, blacksmiths (Ta.) Thus, the phrase ka karaka may be decoded rebus as a brassworker, scribe. karaka scribe, accountant.

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Glyph15 variants (Parpola) The inscription of this tablet is composed of four glyphs: bison, trough, shoulder (person), ligatured glyph -- Glyph 15(rim-of-jar glyph ligatured to water-carrier glyph). Each glyph can be read rebus in mleccha (meluhhan). angur m. bullock, rebus: ro blacksmith (N.) *agga -- 3 cattle . 2. *hagga -- 2. [Cf. *agara -- 1, *dagara -- ] 1. WPah.kg. gg m. a head of cattle, gge m.pl. cattle, sat. (LSI ix 4, 667) gai cattle .2. S.kcch. hago m. ox , L(Shahpur) hagg m. small weak ox, hagg f. cow , Garh. hgu old bull (CDIAL 5524a) *agara1 cattle. 2. *dagara -- . [Same as a- gara -- 2 s.v. *agga -- 2 as a pejorative term for cattle]1. K. angur m. bullock, L. agur, (Ju.) gar m. horned cattle; P. agar m. cattle, Or. agara; Bi. gar old worn - out beast, dead cattle, dhr gar cattle in general; Bhoj. gar cattle; H. gar, gr m. horned cattle . 2. H. dgar m. = prec.(CDIAL 5526) Rebus: N. ro term of contempt for a blacksmith (CDIAL 5524) Vikalpa: sal bos gaurus; rebus sal workshop (Santali) <sayEl>(L) {N} ``^bison, wild ^buffalo''. #59041. pattar trough (Ta.), rebus paar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants (Ta.); perh. vartaka (Skt.) pthar precious stone (OMarw.) (CDIAL 8857) me body (Mu.); rebus: me iron (Ho.); eaka 'upraised arm' (Ta.); rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.)

Ligature 1 in composite glyph: kan-ka rim of jar (Santali), rebus karaka scribe, accountant (Pa.); vikalpa: 1. kraika -- m. arrow-maker (Pa.) 2. khanaka miner, digger, excavator (Skt.). Ligature 2 in composite glyph: kui water-carrier (Telugu), rebus: kuhi smelter furnace (Santali) The composite message is thus: blacksmith, merchant, copper smelter scribe.

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Vikalpa: pattar trough; rebus pattar, vartaka merchant. pattal, n. pattar 1. A wooden bucket; . (. 19, 23). pattar , n. < T. battuu. A caste title of goldsmiths; . paaai , n. prob. - + -. 1. [T. paika, K. paae.] Anvil; . (.) (, 821). 2. [K. paai.] Smithy, forge; pattal , n. 1. A wooden bucket; . (. 19, 23). pattar , n. 1. See , 1, 4, 5. 2. Wooden trough for feeding animals; . (, 257). paar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants; perh. vartaka (Skt.) Patthara [cp. late Sk. prastara. The ord. meaning of Sk. pr. is "stramentum"] 1. stone, rock S i.32. -- 2. stoneware Miln 2. (Pali) Pa. Pk. patthara -- m. stone , S. patharu m., L. (Ju.) pathar m., khet. patthar, P. patthar m. ( forms of Bi. Mth. Bhoj. H. G. below with atth or ath), WPah.jaun. ptthar; Ku. pthar m. slates, stones , gng. pth*lr flat stone ; A. B. pthar stone , Or. pathara; Bi. pthar, patthar, patthal hailstone ; Mth. pthar, pathal stone , Bhoj. pathal, Aw.lakh. pthar, H. pthar, patthar, pathar, patthal m., G. patthar, pathr m.; M. pthar f. flat stone ; Ko. phttaru stone ; Si. patura chip, fragment ; -- S. pathir f. stone in the bladder ; P. pathr f. small stone ; Ku. pathar stone cup ; B. pthri stone in the bladder, tartar on teeth ; Or. pathur stoneware ; H. patthr f. grit , G. pathr f. *prastarapaa -- , *prastaramrttik -- , *prastarsa -- .Addenda: prastar -- : WPah.kg. ptthr m. stone, rock ; pthreu to stone ; J. pthar m. stone ; OMarw. pthar precious stone . (CDIAL 8857) paarai workshop (Ta.) pattharika [fr. patthara] a merchant Vin ii.135 (kasa).(Pali) cf. Pattharati [pa+tharati] to spread, spread out, extend J i.62; iv.212; vi.279; DhA i.26; iii.61 (so read at J vi.549 in cpd pda with spreading feet, v. l. patthaa). -- pp. patthaa (q. v.). pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; . (W.) battuu. n. The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as vala b*, carpenter.

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Gilded bullock known as the Golden Calf Middle Bronze Age, 1900-1800 BCE Byblos, the Levant Lost-wax bronze cast, gold leaf H. 37 cm; W. 55 cm Maurice Dunand excavation, gift of the Lebanese Republic, 1930 AO 14680 This statuette of a young bullock represents the animal form of Reshef or Baal, god of storms. He was worshipped in Byblos, where many offerings were dedicated to him, including steles, weapons, and figurines such as this, which were placed inside vases. The covering of gold leaf is reminiscent of the episode of the Golden Calf in the Bible, when the tribes led through the desert by Moses forsook their god to worship false idols (Exodus 32). A young bullock The statuette represents a young bullock walking in a calm, non-threatening manner. Its head is slightly raised, its horns pointing forward. The body of the bullock is rather slender - a clue to its youthful age, as are its small dewlaps and the tail, which is topped off with an impressive plume and raised well clear of the animal's rump. The bronze was cast using the lost-wax process, enabling the artist to produce a three-dimensional figure, which he then covered in gold leaf. The statuette was found along with several other figurines depicting human and animal subjects in a vase buried in the foundations of a shrine in Byblos. Several similar vases, often containing figurines of the warrior god brandishing a weapon, have been found at the same site, indicating that the shrine was dedicated to the god Reshef. Byblos: an important archaeological site 400

The site of Byblos - the Greek name for the city now known as Jbeil in Arabic and Gubla in Semitic languages - dates from the seventh millennium BC. The city is perched on a promontory overlooking the sea and is flanked by two bays that are ideal for shipping. As early as the third millennium BC, the site was already a large town ringed by a defensive rampart. It had trading links with Egypt: this is where the pharaohs bought the cedarwood necessary for their great building projects. A local dynasty took power early in the second millennium BC and established a royal necropolis in chambers carved out in the cliffs. This was only discovered in 1924. It was filled with stone tombs and sarcophagi which contained large numbers of luxurious objects, including gifts from the pharaohs of the Middle Kingdom. The palace, now no longer standing, was on the cliffs above the royal necropolis. It is mentioned in the report of Wenamun, an envoy sent by the pharaoh to negotiate the purchase of cedarwood. Temple offerings Two main temples have been excavated in Byblos. The first is that of the Lady of Byblos, whom the Egyptians worshipped as the goddess Hathor. This temple was constantly added to and redecorated until the Achaemenid Persian period, and has given up a rich hoard of offerings such as a bust of the pharaoh Osorkon I dedicated by Elibaal, King of Byblos, in the early ninth century BC, or the stele commissioned by King Yehawmilk to commemorate the completion of a portico decorated with gold, built in the sixth century BC in honor of the goddess. The second shrine was dedicated to a male god - probably Reshef - and contained steles in the form of obelisks or small pyramids, as well as precious figurines placed in vases. Reshef also received offerings of weapons, including harpes - a type of Egyptian sword with a curved blade. The bull, whose roar was held to be reminiscent of the rolling thunder unleashed by the deity, is the animal form of the god of storms in many parts of the Levant, where he was worshipped in a number of guises, including Reshef and Baal. Many figurines of bulls have been found in the Levant, but few of such good quality. The young bullock of Byblos is clearly associated with a youthful god, as distinct from El, the father of the gods, who is sometimes depicted in the form of an older, more powerful bull. Author: Caubet Annie

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A person is a standard bearer of a banner holding aloft the one-horned young bull which is the signature glyph of Indus writing. The banner is comparable to the banner shown on two Mohenjo-daro tablets. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-artindus-writing.html Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware ku horn (Kannada. Tulu. Tamil) [kha] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus: [ka] A circular hamlet; a division of a or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. [kha]

Alloyed--a metal (Marathi).

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Frieze of a mosaic panel Circa 2500-2400 BCE Temple of Ishtar, Mari (Tell Hariri), Syria Shell and shale Andr Parrot excavations, 1934-36 AO 19820 These inlaid mosaics, composed of figures carved in mother-of-pearl, against a background of small blocks of lapis lazuli or pink limestone, set in bitumen, are among the most original and attractive examples of Mesopotamian art. It was at Mari that a large number of these mosaic pieces were discovered. Here they depict a victory scene: soldiers lead defeated enemy captives, naked and in chains, before four dignitaries. A victory scene The pieces that make up this shell mosaic composition were found scattered on the floor of the Temple of Ishtar, and therefore the reconstruction of the original panel is based on guesswork, all the more so in that the shell pieces are missing. The shell figures were arranged on a wooden panel covered with a layer of bitumen. The whole composition was organized in several registers, and the frame of the panel was emphasized by a double red and white line of stone and shell. The spaces between the figures were filled by small tiles of gray-black shale. The panel depicts the end of a battle, with soldiers leading their stripped and bound captives before dignitaries. The soldiers wear helmets, carry spears or adzes, and are dressed in kaunakes (fleecy skirts or kilts) and scarves. The dignitaries wear kaunakes and low fur hats, and each 403

carries a long-handled adze on the left shoulder. Their leader appears to be a shaven-headed figure: stripped to the waist and wearing kaunakes, he carries a standard showing a bull standing on a pedestal. The lower register, on the right, features traces of a chariot drawn by onagers, a type of wild ass. The art of mosaic Many fragments of mosaic panels were discovered in the temples of Mari. Used to decorate the soundboxes of musical instruments, "gaming tables," or simple rectangular wooden panels, the pieces of mosaic seen here were like scattered pieces of a jigsaw puzzle when they were found. Mosaic pictures were particularly prized in Mesopotamia. Fragments can be found in Kish, Tello, and Tell Asmar, in Mesopotamia, and in Ebla, Syria, where these extremely fragile works of art did not survive the destruction of the buildings in which they were housed. Only the Standard of Ur (Mesopotamia) has been preserved, an object which offers many points of comparison with the present work, since one side of this artifact is devoted to the theme of war. We know that the fragments discovered at Mari were manufactured locally, for the workshop of an engraver using mother-of-pearl was found in the palace. By the delicacy of their carving and engraving, the mother-of-pearl figures produced in this capital of a kingdom on the Middle Euphrates distinguish it from other centers of artistic production; they sometimes even surpass works of art produced in the Mesopotamian city of Ur. One of the distinctive features of Mari is the diversity of the scenes depicted: battles and scenes of offerings made to the gods, religious scenes with priests and priestesses, and sacrifices of rams.These scenes provide us with invaluable insights into the social, political, and religious life of Mari. Bibliography Contenau G., Manuel d'archologie orientale depuis les origines jusqu' Alexandre : les dcouvertes archologiques de 1930 1939, IV, Paris : Picard, 1947, pp. 2049-2051, fig. 1138 Parrot A., Les fouilles de Mari, premire campagne (hiver 1933-1934), Extr. de : Syria, 16, 1935, paris : P. Geuthner, pp. 132-137, pl. XXVIII Parrot A., Mission archologique de Mari : vol. I : le temple d'Ishtar, Bibliothque archologique et historique, LXV, Paris : Institut franais d'archologie du Proche-Orient, 1956, pp. 136-155, pls. LVI-LVII Author: Iselin Claire 404

Bas-relief fragment, called "The Spinner" Bitumen J. de Morgan excavations Sb 2834 This votive or commemorative relief shows a woman squatting on a stool holding a spindle. Behind her, a servant cools her with a fan; before her stands a pedestal table laden with food. Another figure formerly stood facing her. This figure of a spinner is one of the rare images of a woman in her personal domestic environment in the ancient Orient. The image of women in the ancient Orient Women appear in many ancient Oriental texts, always in the background of a predominant male figure. With the exception of goddesses, they feature more rarely in images pertaining to fertility. In this domestic scene, the woman is seated in an informal manner, with one leg folded under her. With her arms full of bracelets, she turns the spindle: the flower-shaped tip is visible above her left hand, and the thread accumulates below the conical spinning whorl serving as a pulley. No skein is visible, perhaps because the scene may not represent the act of spinning so much as the spinner's satisfied presentation of her work to an important figure who is just visible on the other side of the table. She is dressed in a sleeveless tunic; her decorated veil, which does not cover her head - probably because she is an intimate setting - reveals her long hair, pulled back in a bun and held in place with a headscarf crossed around her head. Her face is calm but smiling, her body plump and stocky. A royal interior Behind the spinner stands a figure, as large as the seated figure, either because it is a child, or rather because the artist is indicating a social hierarchy. The standing figure has large round curls, wears a short-sleeved tunic and jewelry on his or her wrists, and is shown fanning the spinner with a square fan on a long handle, whose parallel grooves suggest wickework. The spinner's stool is covered with a fabric whose fringed edges hide the upper part of the seat; an 405

ornament protruding at the back, probably an animal's head, remains visible. The feet, joined together by a triple brace, are sculpted in the shape of thick lion claws. This decoration is also visible on the table, a low pedestal table with a thick top resting on molded capitals. This highly ornate style of furniture resembles that depicted on certain Assyrian stone reliefs, at Khorsabad (Louvre), and on the "Banquet under the Arbor" relief from Nineveh (British Museum), featuring a similar scene. Excavations at Ugarit, Nimrud and Arslan Tash (Louvre) produced similar ornamentations in ivory. In the ancient Orient, only gods and sovereigns received such furnishings, a privilege reflected in the inventories of royal trousseaux and lists of booty drawn up by Assyrian scribes. Ordinary people ate and slept on the floor. This scene therefore probably takes place in the divine world or in the palace at Susa, at the court of a Neo-Elamite sovereign, perhaps the figure on the right now completely lost. A Susian material The material used to sculpt this relief is highly characteristic of Susa: a bituminous stone, a matte, black sedimentary rock. Deposits of bitumen, a thick hydrocarbon, are relatively numerous in Mesopotamia and in western Iran, an area of abundant oil resources, but the bituminous stone deposit in the Susa region seems to have been unique and the Susians were the only ones to use it from the 4th millennium. The fine grain of the stone permitted a high level of precision in the details. If heated slightly, the stone could be coated with gold or silver leaf or receive incrustatations of various materials, for the making of luxury objects typical of Susa. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, Elam, Auvers-sur-Oise, Arche, 1966, p. 413. Amiet Pierre, Suse : 6000 ans d'histoire, ditions de la Runion des Muses nationaux, coll. "monographies des Muses de France", 1988, p. 112, fig. 69. The Royal City of Susa. Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, catalogue de l'exposition, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1992, pp. 200-201, cat. n 141. Connan Jacques , Deschesne Odile, Le bitume Suse : collection du Muse du Louvre, ditions de la Runion des Muses nationaux, Elf Aquitaine Production, 1996, p. 227, fig. 34 ; pp. 339-340, cat. n 431. Herrmann Georgina (d.), Furniture in Ancient Orient, Mainz, Philipp von Zabern. Roaf Mickhal, Atlas de la Msopotamie et du Proche Orient antique, Brepols, 1991, p. 130. Ibex and lion 406

Dagger chape 539-333 BCE Iran Bone H. 30 cm; W. 45 cm; D. 10 cm Antoine-Barthlmy Clot Bey collection N 8336 (MN 1376) The decoration of this chape - the mount of a scabbard - is remarkable. It depicts a lively and realistic scene of a lion devouring an ibex. The artist has made the best of the small surface and the trefoil shape imposed by the function of the object. This chape would have originally been part of a ceremonial dagger. In stylistic terms, it reflects the influence of a number of artistic traditions. The mystery of the object's provenance

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The small piece of flat bone has been irregularly rounded. The flat base is pierced in the middle with an elongated mortise. The bone is carved in slight relief. The scene, doubtless inspired by the trefoil shape of the material, is of a lion devouring an ibex, of which only the long neck and the head can be seen. The object was formerly in a collection that included a number of similar pieces in bone and ivory, brought back from Egypt by Dr. Antoine-Barthlmy Clot Bey. He donated his collection to the Louvre in 1853. The archaeological provenance of the objects remains unclear. Their function has been suggested with reference to illustrations of similar pieces. The chape of an akinakes The object is the chape of an akinakes, which was a type of short sword or dagger common in the Middle East. An illustration of such a ceremonial weapon can be seen on one of the reliefs of the Treasury of Persepolis, known as the Scene of the Audience of the Great King. It shows a dignitary wearing such a short sword in a preciously wrought scabbard that ends in a similarly shaped chape, carved with a horse being brought down by a lion. Various artistic influences Achaemenid art flourished principally at the imperial court. It is characterized by its eclecticism. As the charter of Darius (Louvre, Sb2789) shows, the empire drew on the best its various peoples had to offer and made skilful use of the riches of each region. The decoration of this chape is an example of Skythian art, in which such designs were common. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, "Les Ivoires achmnides de Suse", in Syria, t. XLIX, 1972, pp. 167 et suiv. Contenau Georges, Manuel d'histoire de l'art, t. IV, 1947, p. 2262.Author: Giraudon Catherine

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Cylinder Seal of Ibni-Sharrum Agade period, reign of Sharkali-Sharri (c. 2217-2193 BCE) Mesopotamia Serpentine H. 3.9 cm; Diam. 2.6 cm Formerly in the De Clercq collection; gift of H. de Boisgelin, 1967 AO 22303 Fine engraving, elegant drawing, and a balanced composition make this seal one of the masterpieces of glyptic art. The decoration, which is characteristic of the Agade period, shows two buffaloes that have just slaked their thirst in the stream of water spurting from two vases held by two naked kneeling heroes. A masterpiece of glyptic art This seal, which belonged to Ibni-Sharrum, the scribe of King Sharkali-Sharri, who succeeded his father Naram-Sin, is one of the most striking examples of the perfection attained by carvers in the Agade period. The two naked, curly-headed heroes are arranged symmetrically, halfkneeling. They are both holding vases from which water is gushing as a symbol of fertility and abundance; it is also the attribute of the god of the river, Enki-Ea, of whom these spirits of running water are indeed the acolytes. Two arni, or water buffaloes, have just drunk from them. Below the scene, a river winds between the mountains represented conventionally by a pattern of two lines of scales. The central cartouche bearing an inscription is held between the buffaloes' horns. A scene testifying to relations with distant lands Buffaloes are emblematic animals in glyptic art in the Agade period. They first appear in the reign of Sargon, indicating sustained relations between the Akkadian Empire and the distant country of Meluhha, that is, the present Indus Valley, where these animals come from. These exotic creatures were probably kept in zoos and do not seem to have been acclimatized in Iraq 409

at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Indeed, it was not until the Sassanid Empire that they reappeared. The engraver has carefully accentuated the animals' powerful muscles and spectacular horns, which are shown as if seen from above, as they appear on the seals of the Indus. The production of a royal workshop The calm balance of the composition, based on horizontal and vertical lines, gives this tiny low relief a classical monumental character, typical of the style of the late Akkadian period. Seals of this quality were the preserve of the entourage of the royal family or high dignitaries and were probably made in a workshop whose production was reserved for this elite. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, Bas-reliefs imaginaires de l'ancien Orient : d'aprs les cachets et les sceauxcylindres, exp. Paris, Htel de la Monnaie, juin-octobre 1973, avec une prface de Jean Nougayrol, Paris, Htel de la Monnaie, 1973. Amiet Pierre, L'Art d'Agad au muse du Louvre, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1976. Art of the First Cities, New York, 2003, n 135. Boehmer Rainer Michael, Die Entwicklung der Glyptik whrend der Akkad-Zeit, Berlin, W. De Gruyter und C , 1965, n 724, fig. 232. Boehmer Rainer Michael, Das Auftreten des Wasserbffels in Mesopotamien in historischer Zeit und sein sumerische Bezeichnung, ZA 64 (1974), pp. 1-19. Clercq Louis (de), Collection de Clercq. Catalogue mthodique et raisonn. Antiquits assyriennes, cylindres orientaux, cachets, briques, bronzes, bas-reliefs, etc., t. I, Cylindres orientaux, avec la collaboration de Joachim Menant, Paris, E. Leroux, 1888, n 46. Collon Dominique, First Impressions : cylinder seals in the Ancient Near-East, Londres, British museum publications, 1987, n 529. Frankfort Henri, Cylinder Seals, Londres, 1939, pl XVIIc. 410

Zettler Richard L., "The Sargonic Royal Seal. A Consideration of Sealing in Mesopotamia", in Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 6, Malibu, 1977, pp. 33-39. Author: Demange Franoise

Cylinder seal carved with an elongated buffalo and a Harappan inscription circa 2600-1700 BCE Susa, Iran Fired steatite H. 2.3 cm; Diam. 1.6 cm Jacques de Morgan excavations, Susa Sb 2425 This cylinder seal, carved with a Harappan inscription, originated in the Indus Valley. It is made of fired steatite, a material widely used by craftsmen in Harappa. The animal - a bull with no hump on its shoulders - is also widely attested in the region. The seal was found in Susa, reflecting the extent of commercial links between Mesopotamia, Iran, and the Indus. A seal made in Meluhha The language of the inscription on this cylinder seal found in Susa reveals that it was made in Harappa in the Indus Valley. In Antiquity, the valley was known as Meluhha. The seal's chalky white appearance is due to the fired steatite it is made of. Craftsmen in the Indus Valley made most of their seals from this material, although square shapes were usually favored. The animal carving is similar to those found in Harappan works. The animal is a bull with no hump on its shoulders, or possibly a short-horned gaur. Its head is lowered and the body unusually elongated. As was often the case, the animal is depicted eating from a woven wicker manger. Trading links between the Indus, Iran, and Mesopotamia This piece can be compared to another circular seal carved with a Harappan inscription, also found in Susa. The two seals reveal the existence of trading links between this region and the

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Indus valley. Other Harappan objects have likewise been found in Mesopotamia, whose sphere of influence reached as far as Susa. The manufacture and use of the seals Cylinder seals were used mainly to protect sealed vessels and even doors to storage spaces against tampering. The surface of the seal was carved. Because the seals were so small, the artists had to carve tiny scenes on a material that allowed for fine detail. The seal was then rolled over clay to produce a reverse print of the carving. Some cylinder seals also had handles. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, L'ge des changes inter-iraniens : 3500-1700 av. J.-C., Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1986, coll. "Notes et documents des muses de France", p. 143 et p. 280, fig. 93. Borne interactive du dpartement des Antiquits orientales. Les cits oublies de l'Indus : archologie du Pakistan, cat. exp. Paris, Muse national des arts asiatiques, Guimet, 16 novembre 1988-30 janvier 1989, sous la dir. de Jean-Franois Jarrige, Paris, Association franaise d'action artistique, 1988, pp. 194-195, fig. A5. Author: Herbin Nancie

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M0304 (Reconstructed) A person is shown seated in penance. kamaha penance (Pkt.) Rebus: kammai a coiner (Ka.); kampaam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) Thus, the over-arching message of the inscription composed of many hieroglyphs (of glyphic elements) thus is a description of the offerings of a mint or coiner (workshop with a golf furnace).

kt = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuhi = furnace (Santali) Vikalpa: clump between the two horns: kua n. clump e.g. darbhakuaP.(CDIAL 3236). Kundr turner (A.)(CDIAL 3295). : kundr turner (A.); k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, 413

to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turners lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Vikalpa: kd, k bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuhi smelter furnace (Santali) Rebus reading of glyphic elements of the bristled (tigers mane) face: There are two glyphic elements denoted on the face. m h face; rebus: metal ingot (Santali) m h = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a fourcornered piece a little pointed at each end; mh mht = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~he~t mh akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.) Shoggy hair; tigers mane. Sodo bodo, sodro bodro adj. adv. Rough, hairy, shoggy, hirsute, uneven;sodo [Persian. Sod, dealing] trade; traffic; merchandise; marketing; a bargain; the purchase or sale of goods; buying and selling; mercantile dealings (G.lex.) sodagor = a merchant, trader;sodgor (P.B.) (Santali.lex.) The face is depicted with bristles of hair, representing a tigers mane.c, cl, cliy tigers mane (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4883).Rebus: cai furnace, kiln, funeral pile (Te.)(CDIAL 4879; DEDR 2709). Thus the composite glyphic composition: bristled (tigers mane) face is read rebus as: sodagor m h ca furnace (of) ingot merchant. Reading the glyphic elements on the chest of the person and arms: kamarasla = waist-zone, waist-band, belt (Te.) karmrala = workshop of blacksmith (Skt.) kamar blacksmith (Santali) sekeseke, sekseke covered, as the arms with ornaments; Rebus: sekra those who work in brass and bell metal; sekra sakom a kind of armlet of bell metal (Santali) Vikalpa: bhula n. armour for the arms (Skt.) Rebus: bangala. [Tel.] n. An oven. . (Telugu) Vikalpa: cri bangles (H.) Rebus: cai furnace, kiln, funeral pile (Te.)(CDIAL 4879; DEDR 2709).

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Thus, together, the glyphic elements on the chest of the person and arms are read rebus: sekra karmrala brass/bell-metal workshop of smith (with) furnace. Glyphic compositions on the base on which the person is seated; hence, the rebus readings of glyphics: stool, pair of hayricks, pair of antelopes.

Kalibangan 067 Antelope with long tail + two glyphs of ficus religiosa. mha antelope; rebus: me iron (Mu.) Alternative: tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara'tin'; damgar 'merchant'.

loa fig leaf (Santali): Rebus: lo iron (Assamese, Bengali); loa iron (Gypsy) Glyph: lo = nine
(Santali); no = nine (B.) on-patu = nine (Ta.)

Kur. Ka a stool. Malt. Kano stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: ka = a furnace, altar (Santali.lex.) mu, ma, mi stack of hay (Te.)(DEDR 5058). Rebus: me iron (Ho.) Vikalpa: kuntam haystack (Te.)(DEDR 1236) Rebus: kuamu a pit for receiving and preserving 415

consecrated fire (Te.) A pair of hayricks, a pair of antelopes: mu, ma, mi stack of hay (Te.)(DEDR 5058). Rebus: me iron (Ho.) Vikalpa: kundavum = manger, a hayrick (G.) Rebus: kundr turner (A.); k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turners lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Thus, a pair of haystacks can be read as phonetic determinatives of a pair of antelopes. Decoding a pair: dula m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rm. 966) (Kashmiri); dol likeness, picture, form (Santali) Rebus: dul to cast metal in a mould (Santali) dul mee cast iron (Mundari. Santali) Antelope: mil markhor (Trwl) meho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120); rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.) Alternative: tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'; damgar 'merchant'. Glyph: krammara look back (Te.); Rebus: kamar smith (Santali) Vikalpa 1: mlekh antelope(Br.); milakkhu copper (Pali) Vikalpa 2: kala stag, buck (Ma.) Rebus: kallan mason (Ma.); kalla glass beads (Ma.); kalu stone (Kona); xal id., boulder (Br.)(DEDR 1298). Rebus: kallan stone-bead-maker. Thus, together, the glyphs on the base of the platform are decoded rebus:me kamar dul mee

(vikalpa: k dr),iron (metal) smith, casting (metal) (Vikalpa: ku k dr turner).


Animal glyphs around the seated person, glyphics: buffalo (sal), boar (rhinoceros, bahoe), elephant (ib), tiger (jumping, k d kol). The four animal glyphs surrounding the seated person thus connote, rebus: workshop (sal), worker in both iron and wood (bahi), merchant (ibbho), turner-smith (k d kol), sal bos gaurus; rebus: sal workshop (Santali) Vikalpa 1: ran:g buffalo; ran:ga pewter or alloy of tin (ran:ku), lead (nga) and antimony (ajana)(Santali) Vikalpa 2: kaam bison (Ta.)(DEDR 1114) Rebus: kaiyo [Hem. Des. Kaa-i-o = (Skt. Sthapati, a mason) a bricklayer, mason (G.)] 416

bahia = a castrated boar, a hog (Santali) Rebus: bahi a caste who work both in iron and wood (Santali) bahoe a carpenter, worker in wood; badhoria expert in working in wood(Santali) ibha elephant (Skt.) Rebus: ibbho 'merchant' (cf.Hemacandra, Desinamamala, vaika). ib iron (Santali) karibha elephant (Skt.); rebus: karb iron (Ka.) kolo, kole jackal (Kon.Santali); kola kukur white tiger (A.); [ klh ] [ klh ] (Marathi) Rebus: kol pacaloha five metals(Ta.); kol furnace, forge (Kuwi) Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kolla blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kolel smithy, temple in Kota village; kolhali to forge (DEDR 2133) krda m. jump , grda -- m. jump Kh. [krd] S. kuu m. leap , N. kud, Or. kuda, d, kud -- kudi jumping about .krdati leaps, jumps MBh. [grdati, khrdat Dhtup.: prob. Drav. (Tam. kuti, Kan. gudi to spring ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 375]S. kuau to leap ; L. kua to leap, frisk, play ; P. kudd to leap , Ku. kudo, N. kudnu, B. k d, kd; Or. kudib to jump, dance ; Mth. kdab to jump , Aw. lakh. kdab, H. kdn, OMarw. kda, G. (CDIAL 3411, 3412) Rebus: kunda turner kundr turner (A.) Vikalpa: pui to jump; pua calcining of metals. Pouncing tiger glyph is read rebus: k d kol 'turner smith'. Allograph: u Pouncing upon, as an eagle; . (. 43, 5). Rebus: eruvai copper (Ta.); ere dark red (Ka.)(DEDR 446). Thus, together, the set of animals surround the seated person are decoded rebus: ran:ga bahi karb kol dhtu pui (worker in) pewter, iron & wood, iron(metal) forge/furnace for calcining metals. Decoding the text of the inscription

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Text 2420 on m0304 Line 2 (bottom): body glyph. Md body (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); me iron (Ho.) Line 1 (top): Body glyph plus ligature of splinter shown between the legs: md body (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); me iron (Ho.) sal splinter; Rebus: sal workshop (Santali) Thus, the ligatured glyph is read rebus as:me sal iron (metal) workshop. Alternative: [kh] m a jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon); rebus: kh metal tools, pots and pans. Thus the body hieroglyph ligatured with the splinter hieroglyph is read: me kh 'iron tools, pots and pans'. Sign 216 (Mahadevan). ato claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs; aom, iom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; akop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu mineral (Santali) Vikalpa: er claws; Rebus: era copper. Allograph: kamakom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarma (Has.), kamakom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Skt.) Sign 229. Sann, sannh = pincers, smiths vice (P.) ann f. small room in a house to keep sheep in (Wpah.) Bshk. an, Phal.n roof (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). sei (f.) [Class. Sk. rei in meaning guild; Vedic= row] 1. A guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni - ). 2. A division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- J vi.81, 49; seimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. Sen and seniya). (Pali)

Together, Sign 229 and Sign 216 may be read as: dhatu sei 'mineral (products) guild (of artisans)' 418

Fish glyph: ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal' (Samskrtam)

Sign 342. Kaa kanka rim of jar (Santali): karaka rim of jar(Skt.) Rebus: karaka scribe, accountant (Te.); gaaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: ka fire-altar (Santali) Thus, the rim of jar ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account) Sign 344. Ligatured glyph: rim of jar ligature + splinter (infixed); rim of jar ligature is read rebus: kaa karaka furnace scribe (account). sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal workshop (Santali) * lai, n. < l. 1. Apartment, hall; . (. 844. 7). 2. Elephant stable or stall; . (. 220, 3). lai-k-kui, n. < +. Receptacle for the juice underneath a sugar-cane press; .* lai-t-toi, n. < id. +. Cauldron for boiling sugar-cane juice; .- lai-py-, v. intr. < id. +. 1. To work a sugar-cane mill; . (. . 93). 2. To move, toss, as a ship; . (R.) 3. To be undecided, vacillating; . (,) Vikalpa: sal splinter; rebus: workshop (sal) lai workshop (Ta.) * lai, n. < l. 1. Apartment, hall; . (. 844. 7). 2. Elephant stable or stall;. (. 220, 3). lai-k-kui, n. < +. Receptacle for the juice underneath a sugar-cane press; .* lai-t-toi, n. < id. +. Cauldron for boiling sugar-cane juice; .- lai-py-, v. intr. < id. +. 1. To work a sugar-cane mill; . (. . 93) Thus, together with the splinter glyph, the entire ligature rim of jar + splinter/splice is read rebus as: furnace scribe (account workshop). Sign 59. Ayo, hako fish; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) Sign 342. Kaa karaka rim of jar; rebus: furnace scribe (account). Thus the inscription reads rebus: iron, iron (metal) workshop, copper (mineral) guild, fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account workshop), metal furnace scribe (account) As 419

the decoding of m0304 seal demonstrates, the Indus hieroglyphs are the professional repertoire of an artisan (miners/metalworkers) guild detailing the stone/mineral/metal resources/furnaces/smelters of workshops (smithy/forge/turners shops). kuntam haystack (Te.)(DEDR 1236) Rebus 1: kuamu a pit for receiving and preserving consecrated fire (Te.)kha tools, pots and pans and metal-ware (Gujarati).Rebus 2: kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295). Rebus: kundan pure gold. kuamu a pit for receiving and preserving consecrated fire (Te.)

krammara. Adv. Again. or Same


as . krm back(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) Rebus: karmra smith, artisan (Skt.) kamar smith (Santali) tagara 'antelope' Rebus 1: tagara 'tin' Rebus 2: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian)

ku = crooked buffalo horns (L.) Rebus: ku = chief of village. Kui-a = village headman; leader of a village (Pkt.lex.) I.e. rei jeha chief of metal-worker guild. The entire hieroglyph composition of seal m0304 is thus the metalware catalog of a chief of metal worker, mineral worker, kundan pure gold merchant (damgar) guild. Hieroglyph denoting guild, pattar 'trough'

Together with me body, rebus: me iron, the rebus reading of the body with spread feet may read rebus: me pattar iron (workers) guild.

This glyph if ligatured with a notch-glyph, the reading is: me pattar kh 'iron guild tools pots and pans'. [ kh ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: kha tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware.

Alternative: 420

dhau body (Sindhi) rebus: dhatu ore (Santali) k 2 a man's length, the stature of a man
(as a measure of length) Rebus: k stone. Ga. (Oll.) kan, (S.) kanu (pl. kankil) stone

worker in wood; badhoria expert in working in wood(Santali) Fish + splinter, aya + [ kh ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: kha tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware. Ayaska is a compounde word attested in Panini.

Listed by Koskenniemi and Parpola and cited by Diwiyana[http://indusscriptmore.blogspot.com/2011/08/problematic-13-stroke-signs-inindus.html]. Ligatured glyph of three sememes: 1. me body (Mu.); rebus: iron (Ho.); 2. kui water carrier (Te.) Rebus: kuhi smelter furnace (Santali); 3. [kh] m a jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon); rebus: kh metal tools, pots and pans.

Nave + notch glyphs on Text 1061 read: eraka 'nave' Rebus eraka 'copper' + [kh] m a jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon); rebus: kh metal tools, pots and pans, thus denoting copper tools, pots and pans.

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On seal m1186A a kneeling adorant makes offerings. bre, brae = an offering of food to a demon; a meal after fasting, a breakfast (Tu.) barada, barda, birada = a vow (G.lex.) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(P.B.) A similar kneeling adorant now holds a wide-mouthed, rimless pot and makes an offering to the tree. bahu m. large pot in which grain is parched (Sindhi) Rebus; bhah m. kiln (P.) baa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaa furnace (g.) baa = kiln (santali); baa = a kind of iron (g.) bhaha -- m.n. gridiron (pkt.) bahu large cooking fire bah f. distilling furnace; l. bhah m. grainparcher's oven, bhah f. kiln, distillery, aw. bhah; p. bhah m., h f. furnace, bhah m. kiln; s. bhah ke distil (spirits). (CDIAL 9656) Thus, the reading of the composite glyph: kneeling adorant + pot is read rebus: me pattar + bhaa 'iron urnace (of) merchant guild'. Glyph: spread feet: Pattharati [pa+tharati] to spread, spread out, extend J i.62; iv.212; vi.279; DhA i.26; iii.61 (so read at J vi.549 in cpd pda with spreading feet, v. l. patthaa). pp. Vin ii.135 Ta.) pattharika [fr. Patthara] a merchant( patthaa (q. v.). Rebus: paarai workshop guild as of workmen (Ta.);pattar merchants; perh. Vartaka ;(kasa).(Pali) Paar-ai community (Skt.) pattar, n. perh. Vartaka. Merchants; (Tamil) battuu. n. The caste title .of all the five castes of artificers as vala b*, carpenter

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Circular working platform as a workshop (anvil, smithy, forge)Examples of workers platforfms at Harappa. The circular platforms could have served as prastara for the articles taken for display from out of the storage pots. During excavations of the circular platform area on Mound F numerous Cemetery H-type sherds and some complete vessels were recovered in association with pointed base goblets and large storage vessels that are usually associated with Harappa Period 3C. South fo the platforms was a furnace. A large kiln was also found just below the surface of the mound to the south of the circular platforms. http://www.harappa.com/indus4/e6.html The circular platforms are used in conjunction with the products taken out of the kiln (furnace) and large storage vessels which could have been plced in the center of any of the street platforms, constituting the main market street of early times of Harappa settlement. Circular platforms (with a dia. Of 1.5 m) found within rooms (of a coppersmith) as in Padri might have served as working platforms for the brass-workers, lapidaries, artisans of the civilization or as a display counter if the room was used as a shop for sales.

Paar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants; perh. Vartaka (Skt.) varangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. battuu. n. A worshipper. . The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as a carpenter. one who makes a god of his belly. L. xvi. 230.(Telugu)

The merchant, battuu, pattar is shown in a worshipful state kneeling in adoration on many

inscriptions.

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One side of a two-sided tablet m0478, 0479, 0480. in bas relief. Kneeling adorant carrying a U-shaped rimless pot in front a tree. NOTE: The kneeling motif also occurs on Sit Shamshi bronze.

Obverse of the tablets show this narrative. Pict-111: From R.: A woman with outstretched arms flanked by two men holding uprooted trees in their hands; a person seated on a tree with a tiger below with its head turned backwards; a tall jar with a lid. Many such circular working platforms were discovered. A lexeme of indian linguistic area which described a circular working platform of the type found at harappa: ku. Pathrau f. pavement of slates and stones (cdial 8858) Ta. paaai, paaai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. Paae, paai anvil, workshop. Te. Paika, paea anvil; paaa workshop.(dedr 3865). kaaica-paarai , n. < id. +. turner's shop; . pathr f. level piece of ground, plateau, small village ; s. patharu m. rug, mat ; or. athuripathuri bag and baggage ; m. pthar f. flat stone ; omarw. pthar precious stone .(CDIAL 8857) allograph indus script glyph: ptra trough in front of wild/domesticated/composite animals. pattar trough (dedr 4079) 4080 ta. cavity, hollow, deep hole; pattar (dedr 4080) rebus: pattar , n. < t. battuu. a caste title of goldsmiths. it was a smiths guild at work on circular platforms of harappa using tablets as category tallies for the final shipment of package with a seal impression. Trough as a hieroglyph See examples of trough glyph are shown in front of wild, domesticated and composite animals an evidence for the use of trough glyph as a hieroglyph, together with the animal glyph. Maybe, the 19 circular working platforms of Harappa were used for assembling 19 types of products the trough glyph denoting the working platform and the animal glyph denoting the product type (e.g. copper, gold, metal alloy, output of furnaces (of various types), minerals).

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That trough is a hieroglyph is evident from the glyph shown in front of a rhinoceros which was not a domesticated animal.

pattar trough (Ta.), rebus paar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants (Ta.); perh. vartaka (Skt.) pthar precious stone (OMarw.) (CDIAL 8857) ga rhinoceros, k id. Rebus: ka tools, pots and pans and metal-ware The combination of the hieroglyphs of rhinoceros + trough thus connote a guild (pattar, paar-ai) of metalware artisans. Alternative: Glyph and rebus decoding: Ku. Pathar stone cup; Or. Pathur stoneware; patthara [cp. Late Sk. prastara. The ord. meaning of Sk. Pr. Is stramentum] 1. Stone, rock S i.32. 2. Stoneware Miln 2. (Pali) Pa. Pk. Patthara m. stone , S. patharu m., L. (Ju.) pathar m., khet. Patthar, P. patthar m. ( forms of Bi. Mth. Bhoj. H. G. below with atth or ath), Wpah.jaun. ptthar; Ku. Pthar m. slates, stones , gng. Pth*lr flat stone ; A. B. pthar stone , Or. Pathara; Bi. Pthar, patthar, patthal hailstone ; Mth. Pthar, pathal stone , Bhoj. Pathal, Aw.lakh. pthar, H. pthar, patthar, pathar, patthal m., G. patthar, pathr m.; M. pthar f. flat stone ; Ko. Phttaru stone ; Si. Patura chip, fragment; -- S. pathir f. stone in the bladder; P. pathr f. small stone; B. pthri stone in the bladder, tartar on teeth ; ; H. patthr f. grit, G. pathr f. prastar -- : Wpah.kg. ptthr m. stone, rock; pthreu to stone; J. pthar m. stone; Omarw. Pthar precious stone. (CDIAL 8857)

Stamp seal with a water-buffalo, Mohenjo-daro. As is usual on Indus Valley seals that show a water buffalo,this animal is standing with upraised head and both hornsclearly visible. (Mackay, 1938b, p. 391). A feeding trough is placed in front of it, and a 425

double row of undecipherable script fills the entire space above. The horns are incised to show the natural growth lines. During the Akkadian period, cylinder seals in Mesopotamia depict water buffaloes in a similar pose that may have been copied from Indus seals (see cat. No.135)(For a Mesopotamian seal with water buffalo, see Parpola1994, p. 252 and Collon 1987, no.529 Fig. 11).(JMK Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Professor of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin, Madison) (p.405). pattar , n. 1. See , 1, 4, 5. 2. Wooden trough for feeding animals; . (, 257). Other examples of trough as a hieroglyph on Indus writing seals shown in front of animals.

A trough is shown in front of some domesticated animals and also wild animals like rhinoceros, tiger, elephant. The trough glyph is clearly a hieroglyph, in fact, a category classifier. Trough as a glyph occurs on about one hundred inscriptions, though not identified as a distinct pictorial motif in the corpus of inscriptions. Why is a trough shown in front of a rhinoceros which was not a domesticated animal? A reasonable deduction is that trough is a hieroglyph intended to classify the animal rhinoceros in a category. hangar trough; hangar bull; rebus: hangar blacksmith

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Chanhudaro22a hangar bull. Rebus: hangarblacksmith pattar trough. Rebus: pattar (Ta.), battuu (Te.) goldsmith guild (Tamil.Telugu) kh alloyed ingot; kolmo rice plant. Rebus: kolami smithy. koi flag (Ta.)(DEDR 2049).Rebus: ko workshop (Kuwi) Vikalpa: badd = ox (Nahali); bahi = worker in wood and metal (Santali) ngr = a wooden trough just enough to feed one animal. cf. iankari = a measure of capacity, 20 iankari make a par-r-a (Ma.lex.) ang = small country boat, dugout canoe (Or.);g trough, canoe, ladle (H.)(CDIAL 5568). Rebus:nro term of contempt for a blacksmith (N.) (CDIAL 5524)

427

Axe inscribed with the name of King Untash-Napirisha. Wild boar figurine on the heel Circa 1340-1300 BCE Temple of Kiririsha in Tchoga Zanbil, Iran Silver and electrum H. 5.9 cm; L. 12.5 cm Excavations by R. Ghirshman 1951-62 Sb 3973 Louvre. This hatchet inscribed with the name of Untash-Napirisha is dedicated to the goddesses Ishnikarab and Kiririsha. It was found in Tchoga Zanbil, in the temple of Ishnikarab near the great ziggurat consecrated by the king to Inshushinak and Napirisha. This type of weapon, with the axe blade emerging from the mouth of an animal - usually a lion - is in keeping with the tradition in the early 2nd millennium BC. An electrum figurine of a wild boar decorates the side of the hatchet. A hatchet inscribed with the name of Untash-Napirisha This axe found in the temple of Kiririsha in Tchoga Zanbil was an offering made by the king to thank both Kiririsha, consort to the god Napirisha, and Ishnikarab. Famous for his victorious campaigns against Babylon, King Untash-Napirisha dedicated many weapons in stone and precious metals to Elamite divinities, the principal ones being Inshushinak, Napirisha, and Kiririsha. Ishnikarab is associated with these three divinities. Although the feminine character of Ishnikarab has been questioned, she would appear to have been the wife of Inshushinak. In making his gift, the king placed himself under the protection of the two goddesses, Ishnikarab and Kiririsha. At the time, the unification of the upper and lower regions was uncertain, and the unity of the Elamite empire fragile. The inscription of the sovereign's name on this object in 428

Elamite was an assertion of the linguistic identity of the kingdom, which formed one of its underlying foundations. These offerings suggest the warrior nature of Kiririsha. A new capital to celebrate the Elamite gods King Untash-Napirisha founded a new religious capital, Al-Untash Napirisha (present-day Tchoga Zanbil), on the road linking the two principal centers of the kingdom, Anshan and Susa. In the middle of this "holy city" was a small temple dedicated to the goddess Ishnikarab. UntashNapirisha built a temple next to it dedicated to Kiririsha, as well as one to Inshushinak. Later, he changed his mind and turned the latter into a large ziggurat dominating this site where the country's guardian deities - Napirisha, the god of the upper regions, and Inshushinak, the god of the Susian plain - were worshipped. Kiririsha was the "Great Goddess," the "Great Wife," and the "Mother of Gods." She was also the "Protector of Kings." A tradition from Eastern Iran dating from the 3rd millennium BC The weapon belongs to a tradition introduced in the late 3rd millennium BC: namely, votive axes with blades emerging from the mouth of a wild animal, decorated with an animal on the collar. A reclining boar - an image commonly found in the region - is here featured on the heel of the blade, which appears to be "spewed forth" from the mouth of a lion. Other weapons such as daggers and swords have been found in graves in Luristan. These arms were often inscribed with the name of a monarch, as is the case in the Foroughi Collection. Often made of precious metals, these were not made for battle, but were insignia of dignity presented to high-ranking officials. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, Suse 6000 ans d'histoire, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1988, p. 94 ; fig. 52. Borne interactive du dpartement des Antiquits orientales.Author: Herbin Nancie

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"Akkadian tabarru, 'red dye' and Latin tablion, 'purple fringe,' all derived from the Sumerian TABBALI, 'mushroom,' literally 'twin cone.' "http://www.drugsforum.com/forum/showthread.php?t=214292

Read more: http://www.drugs-forum.com/forum/showthread.php?t=214292#ixzz2VX4hiTmk" A perforated bas-relief decorated with banquet scenes c. 2700-2650 BCE Mesopotamia Mesopotamia Limestone H. 0.27 cm; W. 0.24 cm. Fishes on the bottom register. This relief, with its central perforation, depicts banquet scenes, including a banquet in a boat, which is seldom represented. These liturgical banquets were the occasion of a communion with the god and seem to have been one of the main forms of worship during this period. The crude stylization of the figures, champlev relief, and incised details are characteristic of art in the oldest phase of the early dynasties of Sumer...Both decorative and votive, these plaques also had a functional role as door catches...The decoration of this plaque, divided into three registers, depicts banquet scenes, the most frequently illustrated theme at the time these reliefs were made. In the upper register, two guests, a man on the right and a woman on the left, are holding conical cups. Between the attendants waiting on them, a musician is playing a harp. In the lower register, a single guest is enthroned on a boat rowed by three sailors. This "banquet in 430

a boat" is the only known example of a complete scene. The goat and the heifer on either side of the hole in the middle...Author: Demange Franoise

"Music" stele Second dynasty of Lagash, reign of Gudea, c. 2120 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu) Limestone H. 1.20 m; W. 0.63 m; D. 0.25 m E. de Sarzec excavations, 1881 AO 52 The stele of music shows the foundation rites - performed to the sound of the lyre - of the temple built by Prince Gudea (c. 2100 BC) at his capital of Telloh (ancient Girsu), for Ningirsu, god of the state of Lagash in the Land of Sumer. The stele thus accords with the tradition of 431

Neo-Sumerian art, which unlike that of the preceding period that focused on the warlike exploits of the rulers of Akkad, tends to show the king engaged in pious activities. The building of Ningirsu's temple In the Neo-Sumerian Period (c. 2100 BCE), the rulers Gudea and Ur-Nammu had themselves depicted taking part in the foundation rites of temples, notably on steles, as statues, and as figurines. On the stele of music, Gudea, carrying a peg and cord and followed by figures probably representing his princely heir and two priests, prepares to lay out the plan of Ningirsu's sanctuary. The ceremony is punctuated by music, which accompanies the chanting or singing of liturgical poems. Behind the cantor, a musician plays on a lyre whose sound box is decorated with a bull. The deep tones of the instrument evoked the bellowing of a bull, and by poetic identification, within the temple of Ningirsu "the room of the lyre was a noisily breathing bull." The making of the god's lyre gave its name to the third year of Gudea's reign, called "the year in which was made the lyre [called] Ushumgalkalamma [the dragon of the land of Sumer]." Music in temple foundation ceremonies The spirit embodied by the lyre played a part in the events leading to the building of the temple, for it appears in the dream in which the god reveals to Gudea the task he is to accomplish (Gudea Cylinders, Louvre, MNB 1512 and MNB 1511): "When, together with Ushumgalkalamma, his well-beloved lyre, that renowned instrument, his counselor, you bring him gifts [...] the heart of Ningirsu will be appeased, he will reveal the plans of his temple." When the work was complete, Ushumgalkalamma went before Gudea, leading all the musical instruments, to mark the arrival of the god in his new abode. Ushumgalkalamma is the god's counselor because its song calms the emotions that disturb the spirit, allowing the return of the reason indispensable to good judgement. Among the divine servants of Ningirsu, it is the lyre's duty to charm his master, a god of changeable mood. It is assisted by the spirit of another lyre that brings consolation in times of darkness: "So that the sweet-toned tigi-drum should play, so that the instruments algar and miritum should resound for Ningirsu, [...] his beloved musician Ushumgalkalamma accomplished his duties to the lord Ningirsu. To soothe the heart and calm the liver [the seat of thought], to dry the tears of weeping eyes, to banish grief from the grieving 432

heart, to cast away the sadness in the heart of the god that rises like the waves of the sea, spreads wide like the Euphrates, and drowns like the flood of the storm, his lyre Lugaligihush accomplished his duties to his lord Ningirsu." Representations of musicians in Mesopotamia Representations of musicians are not uncommon in Near-Eastern iconography. They are found from the early 3rd millennium BC in the banquet scenes that appear on perforated plaques and cylinder seals. Early in the next millennium, they would appear on molded terracotta plaques, such as the example with the harpist in the Louvre (AO 12454). Very few examples of musical instruments have survived until today (among them the lyres from the royal tombs of Ur, c. 2550 BC); these representations are therefore particularly valuable. Bibliography Andr-Salvini Batrice, "Stle de la musique", in Musiques au Louvre, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1994, pp. 10-11. Parrot Andr, Tello, vingt campagnes de fouilles, 1877-1933, Paris, Albin Michel, 1948, pp. 174176, pl. 20a. Rutten Marguerite-Maggie, "Scnes de musique et de danse", in Revue des arts asiatiques, Paris, cole franaise d'Extrme-Orient, 1935, p. 220, fig. 8. Sarzec douard de, Dcouvertes en Chalde, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, pp. 36 et 219-221, pl. 23. Sillamy Jean-Claude, La Musique dans l'ancien Orient ou la thorie musicale sumrobabylonienne, Villeneuve d'Ascq, Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1998, p. 160.Author(s): Iselin Claire (after a text by Andr-Salvini Batrice)

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Hammer decorated with heads of two birds and feathers 3rd Ur Dynasty, reign of Shulgi (20942047 BCE) Iran, Royal City of Susa, acropolis mound Bronze H. 12. 3 cm; L. 11 cm Excavations led by Roland de Mecquenem Sb 5634 This votive bronze weapon is characteristic of Iranian metalwork, of which many examples have been found at the Susa site. Decorated with birds' heads and feathers, this hammer carries an inscription in Sumerian referring to King Shulgi: "Powerful hero, king of Ur, king of Sumer and Akkad." A work inscribed with the name of a Mesopotamian king Shulgi, second king of the 3rd Ur Dynasty, is one of the sovereigns who marked the Neo-Sumerian period, half of which was covered by his long forty-eight-year reign. During this period, Susa and Elam were returned to Mesopotamia. Shulgi took control of Mesopotamia and conquered Susa, thus putting an end to the attempts of the Elamite sovereign Puzur-Inshushinak to achieve autonomy. Epigraphic figurines and foundation tablets in the name of Shulgi (Louvre Museum, Sb 2879 and Sb 2880) record the king's building of the temples of Ninhursag and Inshushinak on the acropolis at Susa.

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The inscription on this bronze hammer dedicated to him is in Sumerian, once more the official language in the Neo-Sumerian period, and uses the official title adopted by Shulgi's predecessor: "King of Sumer and Akkad." A ceremonial weapon in the Iranian tradition This ceremonial bronze hammer is decorated with the heads of two birds on either side of the hammer collar and curled plumage on the heel. This model has not been found in Mesopotamia, but is well documented in Luristan. A similar example (Louvre Museum, AO 24794) from this region dates from the early years of the 2nd millennium BC. Though animal motifs are a very ancient form of decoration in Iran, it was in the late 3rd and the 2nd millenniums BC that Iranian metalworkers excelled in this type of weapon, often decorated with animals. These bronze hammers and axes featuring animal motifs were often ceremonial weapons presented by Elamite sovereigns to their dignitaries. An illustration of this custom can be seen on the seal of Kuk-Simut, an official under Idadu II, an Elamite prince in the early years of the 2nd millennium BC (Louvre Museum, Sb 2294). This votive weapon was thus preserved for eternity in its owner's grave. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, lam, Auvers-sur-Oise, Arche, 1966, p. 243, n 176. La Cit royale de Suse, Exposition, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 17 novembre 19927 mars 1993, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1994, p. 92, n 56. Author: PK

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Pectoral decorated with a sphinx and a stylised tree Late Bronze Age II (1400-1230 BCE) Tomb 2, Enkomi Repouss gold leaf C. Schaeffer excavations, 1949 AM 2164 In Late Bronze Age Cyprus (1600-1050 BCE), the dead were often adorned with jewelry of fine sheet gold with repouss decoration sewn onto cloth through small holes in the gold and then placed on the hair, the face, or the chest. This broad gold band is decorated with a pair of winged sphinxes facing a stylized tree, showing both Aegean and Levantine influences. An "international" art This thin sheet of beaten gold has repouss decoration. Within a central rectangular panel are two winged sphinxes with elongated bodies, angular wings, and tails curled upwards; in their hair, they wear aigrettes like those depicted in paintings from Crete or Thera. The sphinxes are symmetrically arranged on either side of a stylized tree composed of a fleuron and a palmette with curling fronds. The whole is surrounded by a border of raised dots, within which, on the long sides, are circles of the same. The symmetrical winged sphinxes on either side of an ornamental plant element are a motif of Near Eastern inspiration, also found in Mycenaean Greece and through the 1st millennium. This type of composition is often found in the decorative arts of the Levant, on ivories, cylinder seals, and goldwork. The Louvre has a ring from Enkomi with a winged sphinx, for example. The stylized sapling or tree found in the middle of these symmetrical compositions certainly has a symbolic significance, and is sometimes called a "sacred tree" or "tree of life." Funerary jewelry 436

The gold is pierced at the middle of the short sides. From the same tomb at Enkomi comes another, elliptical band with decoration from the same die, which must have been of wood. These two pectorals, found at chest level on the remains in Tomb 2, particularly well-provided with funerary equipment, were probably sewn to pieces of fabric through the holes. Bands of this kind found in the Enkomi tombs adorned the forehead, hair, or chest of the deceased. The rosettes and spiral motifs of the decoration are part of the Near Eastern repertoire adopted in the Mediterranean. Enkomi, a prosperous port In the late 2nd millennium, Enkomi was a prosperous port that owed its wealth to the development of the copper mines and the growth of maritime trade. Founded in the 2nd millennium, this city, with its dense urban fabric, was surrounded by stone ramparts. Family tombs were dug beneath the houses, as in the Levant. Their plentiful funerary equipment, consisting of cosmetics jars in ivory, faience, or Egyptian alabaster, jewelry, and imported Mycenaean and Levantine pottery, testifies to Cyprus's involvement with the international art of the Late Bronze Age. Bibliography Caubet Annie, Karageorghis Vasos, Yon Marguerite (sous la dir. de), Les Antiquits de Chypre : ge du bronze, muse du Louvre, dpartement des Antiquits orientales, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1981, coll. "Notes et documents des muses de France, 2", p. 53, CKY89. Caubet Annie, Hermary Antoine, Karageorghis Vasos (sous la dir. de), Art antique de Chypre au muse du Louvre : du chalcolithique l'poque romaine, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1992, Athnes, Kapon, 1992, p. 64, n 60. L'Acrobate au taureau, les dcouvertes de Tell el-Daba, gypte et l'archologie de la Mditerrane orientale : 1800-1400 av. J.-C., Actes du colloque organis au muse du Louvre par le Service culturel le 3 dcembre 1994 sous la direction d'Annie Caubet, Paris, La Documentation franaise, muse du Louvre, 1999, (Confrences et colloques), p. 25, fig. 14. 437

Schaeffer Claude, Enkomi-Alasia : nouvelles missions en Chypre, 1946-1950, avec une note prliminaire de Ren Dussaud et des contributions de H. J. Plenderleith et O. Masson, Paris, Klincksieck,1952, Publications de la mission archologique franaise et de la mission du gouvernement de Chypre Enkomi, t. I, pp. 127-128. Schaeffer Claude, "La coupe en argent incruste d'or d'Enkomi-Alasia", Syria, n 30, Paris, Geuthner, 1953, pp. 51-64.Author: Iselin Claire

Goblet decorated with winged, two-headed monsters, grasping gazelles Fourteenth to twelfth centuries BCE Marlik region, Iran, southwest of the Caspian Sea Electrum H. 11 cm; D. 11 cm Purchase, November 1956 AO 20281 In the second half of the second millennium BCE, the Marlik culture, located southwest of the Caspian Sea, developed a very original art of vessels, made both in ceramic and precious metals. Ceramic vases, often polished, represented humans or animals. Goblets, made of gold, silver, or electrum, were decorated with mythological scenes or beings. The Marlik culture The people of Marlik were nomadic horsemen whose way of life and art are known only through their necropolis in the fertile Iranian province of Gilan, southwest of the Caspian Sea. They did 438

not use writing, and no trace of their dwellings remains, but it is thought that they amassed their wealth as suppliers of raw materials to the neighboring great powers of Mesopotamia and Elam. Most of the Marlik pieces date from Iron Age I, between the fourteenth and twelfth centuries BC. The art of Marlik is often attributed to what were, strictly speaking, the first Iranians, that is to say, to an Indo-European population. Before this period the inhabitants of Iran are described as Elamite. Description of the goblet The most common status objects placed in tombs were large polished vases and goblets of precious metals. The anthromorphic and zoomorphic vases are very refined. The tall goblets, with concave sides and a slight swelling at the base, are always decorated with a single or double spiral design. The vessel seen here, whose origin is unknown, appears to be related to such goblets. Made of electrum, an alloy of gold and silver, it is worked in repouss and engraved. On the outside of the goblet, repeated three times, is a monster with its jaws open, each paw holding a gazelle by the tail. A hybrid monster The monster is a two-headed composite being. The head and part of the body are feline (leopard or panther), with flecked fur, but it has wings and human arms and hands. Furthermore, the lower limbs look like coiled snakes but terminate in hawk's claws. Each type of animal skin is incised differently, with great attention paid to detail: pointed circles for the feline, lines of oval plates for the snake, diamond-shaped hatching for the claws, chevrons and hatching for the wings, and tighter hatching for the fur of the gazelles. The personality of this hybrid monster is not very clear. It is seemingly a being that dominates weaker species than itself, a counterpart of the Master of Animals. This status and the creature's two heads are clearly borrowed from Middle Assyrian glyptics of the fourteenth 439

century BC, showing that nomad Marlik craftsmen were in contact with the great contemporary Mesopotamian empires.Author: Benoit Agns Animals in procession: Two gazelles (antelopes?), stalks, two tigers Two eagles, sprout between

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Base for a ritual offering, carved with animals Elamite period, mid3rd millennium BC Tell of the Acropolis, Susa, Iran Bituminous rock H. 19 cm; Diam. 11 cm Jacques de Morgan excavations, 1908 Lions and gazelles passant; eagles protecting their young Sb 2725 This base for a ritual offering is made of bitumen. This material was plentiful throughout the Middle East, but only in Susa was it used in sculpture. The object is carved with big cats, gazelles, and eagles. The theme of the eagle spreading its wings to protect its young was found only in Iran and also features on painted ceramics of the same period. Bitumen: a plentiful material used in an unusual manner This object in the form of a truncated cone is a base for a ritual offering. It is carved from bituminous rock, found throughout the region but used in sculpture only in Susa. It was used to make vases similar to this object (Louvre, Sb2726), and later, in the early years of the 2nd millennium BC, vases carved with bas-relief decorations and an animal's head in high relief (Louvre, Sb2740). The shape of this object - a truncated cone - is similar to other pieces made of chlorite and dating from the same period. The mortise at the top of the cone and the unfinished lip suggest that the object originally had a second part that fitted on top of the cone. However, the precise purpose of the object remains a mystery.

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The animal carvings The cone is carved with two registers separated by a narrow strip. The upper register is decorated with two gazelles calmly grazing on vegetation, represented by stalks between each animal. Alongside the two gazelles are two big cats, almost certainly lions, with their backs to each other. Their stylized manes are shown as vertical strips, reminiscent of those of the woolen Mesopotamian garments known as kaunakes. Their tails are raised horizontally over their backs, similar to depictions of lions on cylinders from Uruk or Susa. Their heads are depicted in geometrical form. All four animals are shown in profile. The artistic desire to create a scene and a landscape imbued with life is also evident in two cylinders from Uruk and Khafaje. The lower register shows two highly stylized eagles, upright, as if resting on their tail feathers. Their wings and talons are spread to protect the chicks beneath them. These eagles differ somewhat from the usual representation of eagles as the attribute of the Sumerian god Ningirsu, where the birds are depicted with a lion's head, holding two lion cubs, which are shown face on. Mythological creatures or carvings of local wildlife? Eagles were a major theme in Susian and Mesopotamian art. This depiction of an eagle resting on its tail feathers is also found in ceramics, glyptics, and perforated plaques dating from the 3rd millennium BC. However, unlike Mesopotamian eagles, Susian eagles never resembled composite animals. Likewise, Mesopotamian eagles had a mythological dimension, which was absent from Susian portrayals of the bird. In Susa, eagles were simply considered ordinary birds of prey. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, lam, Auvers-sur-Oise, Arche, 1966, p. 166, fig. 119. Les quatre grandes civilisations mondiales. La Msopotamie entre le Tigre et l'Euphrate, cat. exp., Setagaya, muse d'Art, 5 aot-3 dcembre 2000, Fukuoka, muse d'Art asiatique, 16 dcembre 2000-4 mars 2001, Tokyo, NHK, 2000, pp. 214-215. Author: Herbin Nancie http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/base-ritual-offering-carved-animals 442

m0489A One side of a prism tablet shows: crocodile + fish glyphic above. The following glyphics of m1431 prism tablet show the association between the tiger + person on tree glyphic set and crocile + 3 animal glyphic set.

m1431B m1431A, B, C, E and Text 2805 Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?] koe young bull (Telugu) [ kha ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kd to turn in a lathe (B.) [kaa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakra ironsmith (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kru (Te.)]baai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) bahi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kuhi) (Santali) bhaa = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; ia bhaa = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhaa a potters kiln; cun bhaa = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhaaea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhah (H.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bharty= a barzier, worker in metal; bha, bhrra = oven, furnace (Skt.) mht bai = iron (Ore) furnaces. [Synonyms are: mt = the eye, rebus for: the dotted circle (Santali.lex) baha [H. bah (Sad.)] any kiln, except a potters kiln, which is called coa; there are four kinds of kiln: cunabat.ha, a lime-kin, it.abat.ha, a brick-kiln, rbaha, a lac kiln, kuilabaha, a charcoal kiln; trs. Or intrs., to make a kiln; cuna rapamente ciminaupe bahakeda? How many limekilns did you make? Baha-sen:gel = the fire of a kiln; bai [H. Sad. bahi, a furnace for distilling) used alone or in the cmpds. arkibui and baiora, all meaning a 443

grog-shop; occurs also in ilibai, a (licensed) rice-beer shop (Mundari.lex.) bhai = liquor from mohwa flowers (Santali)

Stone vase from Mesopotamia Late Uruk period, about 3400-3200 BCE. Ht. 1.2 cm. It shows a bull, goat and ram.

Pict-97: Person standing at the center pointing with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand pointing to the sign

2841 Obverse: A tiger and a rhinoceros in file. Pict-48 A tiger and a rhinoceros in file kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib 'iron'. ka 'rhimpceros' Rebus:kha tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware. The text on m0489 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and 444

produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. pancha-lnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.

h182A, h182B The drummer hieroglyph is associated with svastika glyph on this tablet (har609) and also on h182A tablet of Harappa with an identical text. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'alloy of five metals, pancaloha' (Tamil). hol drum (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul to cast in a mould. G.kar n. pl. wristlets, bangles; S. kar f. wrist (CDIAL 2779). Rebus: khr blacksmith (Kashmiri) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. kanka Rim of jar (Santali); karaka rim of jar(Skt.) Rebus:karaka scribe (Telugu); gaaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) Thus, the tablets denote blacksmith's alloy cast metal accounting including the use of alloying mineral zinc --

satthiya 'svastika' glyph.

Pict-102: Drummer and people vaulting over? An adorant?

Glyph: ka a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaiyo [Hem. Des. kaaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaiyaa, kaiyea a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.) hol drum (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus 1: large stone; Rebus 2: brass pot; Rebus 3: dul to cast in a mould. 445

The imagery of vaulting over is repeated. This hieroglyphic representation of 'vaulting or rolling over' is an allograph: Allographs: ollu. [Tel.] v. n. To fall, to roll over. , . [ olucu ] or olusu. [Tel.] v. n. To tumble head over heels as dancing girls do (Telugu) Mth. Bhoj. Aw. lakh. Marw. G. M. hol m. *hlayati makes fall(CDIAL 5608). Glyph: hol a drum beaten on one end by a stick and on the other by the hand (Santali); hol drum (Nahali); dhol (Kurku); hol (Hi.) dhol a drum (G.)(CDIAL 5608) [lu ] [Tel.] n. A drum. Rebus 1: dul to cast in a mould; dul mht, dul mee, dul; koe mee forged iron (Santali) WPah.kg. (kc.) Rebus 2: h m. stone, kg. h m. big stone or boulder, hu small id. Him.I 87.(CDIAL 5536). Rebus 3: K. ula m. rolling stone (CDIAL 6582) Rebus 4: Bshk. l brass pot ; K. ol m. bucket , S. olu m., P. ol m., WPah.bhal. ol n., Ku. N. B. Mth. ol, Aw. lakh. lu, H. dol, ol m., G. ol f., M. ol m. WPah.poet. r m. small pot , kg. l m. bucket , J. 'l m. H. or < *dlla -- ).(CDIAL 6583) Allograph: Pk. la -- m. eye (CDIAL 6582).

Impression and line-drawing of a steatite stamp seal with a waterbuffalo and leapers. Buffalo attack or bull-leaping scene, Banawali (after UMESAO 2000:88, cat. no. 335). A figure is impaled on the horns of the buffalo; a woman acrobat wearing bangles on both arms and a long braid flowing from the head, leaps over the buffalo bull. Two Indus script glyphs in front of the buffalo.

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m0312 Persons vaulting over a water-buffalo. olu 'to tumble over' Rebus: h m. stone; ka buffalo; rebus:ka stone (ore). Allograph: kaa 'arrow'. [ kh ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: kh tools, pots and pans, metal-ware.

Glyphs: 1. arrow, 2. jag/notch: kaa arrow (Skt.) H. ker m. a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. ka, k stalk, arrow (CDIAL 3023). ayaska a quantity of iron, excellent iron (P.ga) [ kh ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus:kh tools, pots and pans, metal-ware. The message of stone ore is reinforced by the glyphics of buffalo and overthrow of an acrobat woman (kola woman; rebus: kol smithy): kai buffalo bull (Tamil) ka buffalo; rebus: ka stone (ore). kivu. He-buffalo; (Malayalam) Colloq. kaavu , n. < . 1. Male buffalo; . (. 33). kaawan ho a man who has buffaloes. (George L. Campbell, Compendium of the Worlds Languages, Routledge, London, 1991, p. 1199).Rebus: kh trench, firepit (G.) kho pit, bog (Nepali) In Santali, any word may (in theory at least) be used as a verb simply by adding a, which is the verbal sign, and other signs to signify tense, 447

mood etc. The a alone signifies the general or future tense in the active voice used to make general statements, or statements referring to the future The verb generally comes at the end of a sentence or phrase (Santali language) consists of root-words and various infixes, suffixes and particles, joined together or agglutinated in such a way as to form phrases and sentences dalgot kedeae dal the root word, meaning to strike or striking; got an adverbial particle giving the sense of quickly or suddenly; ked the sign ket, denoting the past tense of the active voice, modified to ked e signifying an animate object him, or her a the verbal sign, showing that the idea of striking is used verbally; e the short form of the 3rd personal pronoun, singular denoting the subject he, or she. (R.M. Macphail, An Introduction to Santali, 1953, p.2).

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h1973B h1974B Two tablets. One side shows a person seated on a tree branch, a tiger looking up, a crocodile on the top register and other animals in procession in the bottom register.

Glyph: seven: eae seven (Santali); rebus: eh-ku steel (Ta.) [ kh ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: kha tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware. Alternative: aar a splinter (Ma.) aaruka to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aarcca splitting, a crack; aarttuka to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aaruni to crack (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru native, unsmelted metal (Kannada) Alternative: sal splinter Rebus: sal artisans workshop.

ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'. kaa 'arrow' Rebus: kha tools, pots and pans, and metalware. ayaska is a compounde word attested in Panini. The compound or glyphs of fish + arrow may denote metalware tools, pots and pans.

G. khu f., kh m. corner .2. S. kua f. corner ; P. k f. corner, side ( H.). (CDIAL 3898) Phal. Khun corner ; H. kh m. corner, direction ( P. kh f. corner, side ); G. kh f. angle . Rebus: kh 'guild, community'. 449

Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mh me~r.he~t = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~r.he~tko mh akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.) Thus the message conveyed by the text is that the metalware -- ayaska -- is of guild, community workshop -- kh sal.

h1966A h1966B 1.

Glyph: bull: hangra

bull. Rebus: hangar blacksmith.pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'guild'. dula 'pair, likenes' Rebus:
dul 'cast metal. Thus the hieroglyphs denote pattar 'guild' of blacksmiths, casters of metal.

Eye Idol Chalcolithic (3300-3000 BC) Northern Syria Terra-cotta H. 25 cm Gift of the Friends of the Louvre, 1991 AO 30002

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With its bell-shaped body and cylindrical neck topped with two perforated circles, this strange object was long known as the "eye idol" or "idol with spectacles." Such idols date from the Late Uruk period (3300-3000 BC) and are found mainly in northern Mesopotamia and Syria. They were first thought to be votive objects, but may have been used in spinning. An eye idol? This relatively large pottery object has a bell-shaped body and a cylindrical neck topped by two perforated circles. Its flat base shows that it was meant to be freestanding. The beige clay is covered with a thick orange-red slip, which is still shiny under the concretions. Max Mallowan coined the conventional name of "eye idols" in 1937-38 during excavations at Tell Brak in Syria, where hundreds of small anthropomorphic plaques with huge eyes were found in a richly decorated building. The archaeologist extended the name to other objects, this time called "idols with spectacles" because they were surmounted by two circles that were disproportionately large compared with the total size of the object. They were regarded as prototypes of the first objects found. The building in which they were found was called the "Temple of the Eyes" because of its rich decor of cone mosaics and gold plating, as well as for the eye idols that were unearthed there. However, the building was altered several times and remains stratigraphically unreliable. There is nothing to prove that it had a religious function. A multitude of eye idols Eye idols are scattered over a vast region bounded by southeast Turkey (Arslantepe) to the north, Syria (Hama) to the west, and southern Mesopotamia (Telloh, Uruk, Ur) and Iranian Khuzistan (Susa) to the south. These objects are characteristic of the Proto-urban period in Uruk (3700-3100 BC) during which the first cities appeared. The many different contexts in which they were discovered (domestic, ritual, funerary, dumps) cast doubt on the strictly religious function of these objects, which vary greatly in shape, material, and style. In 1996, Catherine Brniquet suggested dividing the idols into three types. Type 1, from Tell Brak, known as "eye idols," covers all the small engraved alabaster plaques evoking the upper part of a human body with the face reduced to the eyes and sometimes adorned with jewelry and headdresses. Type 2, the "large idols with spectacles," covers quite large bell- or trumpetshaped pottery objects with a neck supporting two perforated circles. Some have been carefully shaped, smoothed and glazed, while others are quite summarily made. Our idol belongs to this type of "large idols with spectacles," present in northern Mesopotamia and Syria. Type 3, which groups "small idols with spectacles" shows strong similarities with Type 2, but these objects are much smaller and are all made of stone. 451

Various interpretations Max Mallowan interpreted all these objects as belonging to one and the same series, evolving in shape over time. The group would have made a set of votive objects dedicated to an "eye god" venerated in the "temple" of Tell Brak. Other scholars have thought Types 2 and 3 to be lids (H. Frankfort), a set of standard weights or weights for a loom, or even firedogs to be set around a hearth. Catherine Brniquet believes that Type 1 models - the only ones that really deserve to be called "eye idols" - should be distinguished from Types 2 and 3. The latter could well be instruments used in spinning, placed in front of the seated operator. The holes were used to separate two or three single threads, which were then twisted together. On cylinder seals from the Uruk period, such objects seem to be shown in association with spinners at work. Bibliography Les Antiquits orientales : guide du visiteur, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1993, p. 188. Brniquet Catherine, "Du Fil retordre : rflexions sur les idoles aux yeux et les fileuses de l'poque d'Uruk", in Collectanea Orientalia, 1996. Caubet Annie, "L'Idole aux yeux du IVe millnaire", in La Revue du Louvre, fvrier 1991, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1991, pp. 6-9. Iselin Claire

"Baal with thunder-bolt" stele 452

15th-13th century BC Acropolis, Ras Shamra (ancient Ugarit) Limestone C. Schaeffer excavations, 1930 AO 15775 The decoration of this arched stela shows the great storm god Baal brandishing a club and thrusting a spear sprouting vegetation into the ground. A smaller figure, probably the king of Ugarit, appears to be under the protection of the god. This stela, the most important of those discovered at Ugarit, testifies to the widespread production of stelae in the Near East, where they emerged as a major medium of artistic expression during the Late Bronze Age. A warrior god The large stela in the Louvre bears the relief carving of a monumental male figure in action, towering over a much smaller figure standing on a pedestal. The horned headdress worn by the main figure indicates that he is a god. He is facing right, his right arm raised above his head and brandishing a club, the other arm outstretched and carrying a spear, the head of which is stuck in the ground, while vegetation sprouts out of its shaft. The god is wearing a beard, and two long coils of hair fall below his shoulders. At the waist of his short loincloth, which is decorated with stripes, hangs a dagger, the tip of which seems to be touching the head of the small figure. The latter is wearing a long robe trimmed with braid, which hides his arms. His small round head is bare. The pedestal on which he stands is a horned altar, smaller and less ornate than the one upon which the main figure stands: this altar consists of two rectangular tiers with protruding corners, each decorated with a flowing double line of unequal thickness. The storm god protecting the king Today it is generally agreed that this scene depicts the god Baal unleashing a storm from the club he is brandishing in the traditional pose of the storm gods worshipped throughout the Levant - the Greek god Zeus and the Roman god Jupiter would later take up the same pose and attributes. The beautiful visual metaphor of the spear transformed into a plant is an allusion to the beneficial effects of the rain produced by storms. The small figure crouching between the god and his spear is generally thought to be the king of Ugarit, in ceremonial dress, his arms crossed in prayer and the recipient of divine protection. Like the god, has he been shown placed on an altar as an allusion to his role as officiant in ceremonies? The motifs carved on the two453

tiered altar on which the god stands are more difficult to interpret: is the monstrous snake who will cause the death of Baal depicted above the carved waves of the ocean? Or is it the horizon of mountains that surrounded the kingdom of Ugarit, protected by Baal, whose home is "in the innermost reaches of Mount Sapon." A major medium of expression The stela depicting the storm god Baal is the largest and the most significant of the stelae discovered at Ras Shamra. It was found, along with eight others, not far from the temple to which it gave its name: four were discovered near the Temple of Dagon and another ten in various locations around the city. Usually broader towards the bottom, the stelae were topped with an arch or a pyramid, and had either a lower part which was sunk into the ground, or a wide base forming a set of steps. Comparison with stelae excavated on other Bronze Age SyrianPalestinian sites, such as Byblos, Gezer, or Hazor, indicates that the stela was a major form of religious expression in the Levant. It could have a niche carved into it, as at Byblos, be decorated with astral motifs, or, as is the case with the most outstanding examples, depict a ritual scene or a deity. Caubet Annie

Cylinder seal of the priest-king Uruk period, circa 3200 BC Iraq, findspot unknown White limestone H. 6.2 cm; Diam. 4.3 cm

Purchased 1914

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AO 6620 The image on this cylinder seal shows a 'priest-king' participating in a liturgical ceremony in honor of Inanna, the Sumerian goddess of fertility. This figure, who occupied the highest rank in the city-states of the Uruk period, combined both military and religious functions. The appearance of the cylinder seal Seals of cylindrical form appeared in Mesopotamia in the second half of the 4th millennium BC, rapidly replacing the stamp seals employed since the 5th millennium to authenticate the sealings that guaranteed the integrity of goods in storage or in transport. These small stone cylinders, carved all over, could easily be rolled in fresh clay to produce complex motifs, arranged in symbolic compositions. Reproducible at will, these impressions could thus serve as marks of ownership. The appearance of such cylinder seals was not, however, an isolated phenomenon, but rather an integral part of a decisive transformation of society as a whole. The most important expression of this was the birth of the first cities, accompanied by the discovery of writing. The iconography of these cylinder seals thus reflects the new form of social organization prevailing in the cities, in which the dominant figure was the 'priest-king.' The cult of the goddess Inanna The 'priest-king' appears on this fragmentary cylinder seal in his cultic function, presiding at a ceremony in honor of Inanna, the Sumerian goddess of fertility, whose most important sanctuary was in the city of Uruk. Dressed in a long skirt and wearing a cap or headband denoting his status, the priest-king seems to be making an offering, probably of a wheat-sheaf, in front of the sanctuary of the goddess, symbolized by the bundle of reeds tied with a streamer. He is followed by an assistant also bearing a sheaf of wheat: their offering being symbolically intended to feed the sacred herd of Inanna. The truncated cone at the top of the cylinder is also decorated in relief with a group of sheep, the property of the goddess and of her temple. The offering of wheat testifies to the emblematic significance still attached to cereals, the first plants to be selected and grown. It is to be presented to Inanna, the great goddess of fertility, who governs the annual cycle of nature's regeneration. Her performance of this fundamental role depends in particular on the intensity of the worship addressed to her, and it is the responsibility of the priest-king - first among the humans who depend on her - to ensure the regularity of this worship and so guarantee the prosperity of the country. Bibliography

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Delaporte Louis, Muse du Louvre, catalogue des cylindres, cachets et pierres graves de style oriental, Hachette, 1920-1923, p. 106, pl. 69-8. Amiet Pierre, La glyptique msopotamienne archaque, CNRS, 1980, pp. 75-77, pl. 44. Pouyssgur Patrick

Vase depicting a leopard fighting a snake Late 3rd-early 2nd millennium BC 456

Southeast Iran (?) Black steatite H. 14.5 cm; Diam. 8.5 cm Gift of the Friends of the Louvre, December 2001 AO 31595 This vase in the shape of a truncated cone is decorated with a motif often found on steatite recipients from the 3rd millennium BC: a leopard fighting a snake. The fight certainly refers to an episode in trans-Elamite mythology. Chlorite vases were luxury objects produced for export. The production of chlorite objects for export Chlorite, also known as steatite or serpentine, is a soft stone that is easy to carved and usually green but sometimes black or grey. It was frequently used between 2600 and 1700 BC in workshops mostly in southeast Iran, in the province of Kerman where veins of this stone are found. The reference site for this production has to date been Tepe Yahya, but the recent discovery of chlorite workshops in the Iranian province of Jiroft will provide further information about this craft. The objects were exported throughout the Near East, which explains their presence not only in Iran but also in Mesopotamia, Syria, and the Gulf region. The leopard and the snake The commonest chlorite objects have geometrical patterns of curls, braids, scales, or bricks. Plant motifs are common, especially date palms, which were grown locally. Architectural representations show curved lintels over doors and windows. The animal repertory is reduced to scorpions, snakes, felines, and birds repeated several times. The fights most commonly shown on chlorite vases are between leopards and snakes. For a long time, one of the only vessels to offer a full version of this struggle was that found in the temple of Ishtar at Nippur, Iraq. The inscription engraved on the truncated conical vase reads: "Innana and the Snake." This vase is remarkable for the beautiful black color of the steatite and the almost complete scene, repeated twice. The leopard is standing on its hind legs so its front paws are free; it has thus twice seized the body of the snake that is rising up behind it. The adversaries' heads are at the same level, both with snarling open mouths. Although they belong to two very different species, the animals are treated in much the same way: with wrinkled muzzles. Both have ears, although the snake's are interlocking S-shapes. This is a surprising detail since it attributes to the animal with a sense of hearing, which is does not have in real life. 457

The theme of the fight is the snake's submission to the grip of the leopard, a mythological spirit that regulates the forces of nature. Objects inlaid with materials of different colors The hollows in the snake's body are almond-shaped cups; those in the leopard's body are round. They are meant to receive inlays of different materials, which have now partly disappeared. Each animal seems to have had its own material, but later analyses will settle this question. However, it is already clear that the inlays were in a contrasting color. Bibliography Benoit Agns, "Acquisitions", in Revue du Louvre, n 3, juin 2003, p. 87. Agns Benoit

Lid of a pyxis with mistress of the animals Thirteenth century BC Minet el Beida, port of Ugarit (modern Ras Shamra), Syria The Levant Elephant ivory D. 13.7 cm; Th. 12 cm Allocated to the Louvre after the Schaeffer excavation, 1929 AO 11601 This lid is that of a pyxis which would have originally held face powder. It is decorated with a relief of the Mistress of the Animals feeding wild goats. Her layered garb and

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curled hair, as well as the rocky landscape, show that the Levantine artist was inspired by Mycenean art. The Mistress of the Animals This lid forms a circular scene. In the center, a female figure is holding out ears of corn to two wild goats standing on their hind legs. Many works of art from Greece and the Levant depict female figures dominating wild or tame animals. Such scenes, which might at first glance appear to be straightforward depictions of female goatherds, are in fact generally understood as expressions of a belief in the symbolic powers of nature. A smiling young woman, her arms bent symetrically on either side of her chest, is holding out ears of corn that the two goats are nuzzling. Her profile, with the nose a continuation of the line of the forehead and her hair arranged in curls, is reminiscent of works from Crete and Santorini, as is the band with a spiral at the center of her forehead and the long wavy lock of hair at the top of her head. The costume is also pre-Hellenistic in inspiration. Her breasts are bare and she is wearing a necklace and a loose skirt made of decorated panels. She is shown sitting on a small stepped stool. Her legs are in profile, but her torso is shown face-on. The step on the right is hidden by a notched cone, on which the goat is resting its right foreleg. There is a similar object beside the goat on the left side. It is not clear what these objects represent. They may be stylized rocks like the one the young woman is sitting on, which is likewise full of holes. The entire scene was originally ringed with a decorative trim of overlapping scales. The two goats are mirror images of each other, standing on their hind legs as if in the act of stepping forward. They each have one front hoof on a cone of rock, the other close to the woman's elbow. Their bodies are powerful and slender, and the hooves are carefully detailed. Their beards are pointing forward, and their mouths are open, ready to eat the ears of corn. The influence of Cretan art The theme of the Mistress of the Animals is common throughout the eastern Mediterranean region, while this particular symmetrical yet dynamic presentation is typical of the Mesopotamian tradition and was also adopted in Syria. The details of the woman's costume and curled hair, as well as the straight line of the nose and forehead in profile, were borrowed from motifs found in pre-Hellenistic art from Crete. These motifs spread thanks to the expansion of Mycenean culture from mainland Greece to the Greek islands and the coast of western Turkey and the Levant. Ugarit artists were familiar with this international civilization. This small piece, doubtless the treasured possession of some Ugarit beauty, reflects the cosmopolitan character of this Syrian kingdom at the end of the second millennium BC. 459

Ivory in art This disk was originally the lid of a cylindrical box made from an elephant tusk. The lid was cut out of a slice sawn vertically from the pointed end of the tusk. The box was cut from the thicker end of the tusk where there is a natural cavity containing the dental pulp tissue. The artists of Ugarit were experts in carving ivory from both elephants and hippopotamuses to produce all sorts of precious objects, such as powder boxes (round like this one or in the shape of a duck), combs, spindles, musical instruments, and parts of pieces of furniture. Elephant tusks and hippopotamus teeth were shipped in from Africa and Egypt across the Mediterranean, as proved by the cargo found in a ship wrecked off the coast of Turkey some time during the thirteenth century BC. Bibliography Schaeffer Claude, Ugaritica I, Paris, Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1939, frontispice, pl. I et XI, p. 3. Poursat J.C., Les Ivoires mycniens. Essai sur la formation d'un art mycnien, De Boccard, Bibliothque des coles franaises d'Athnes et de Rome Premire srie, Paris 1977, p. 144. Caubet Annie Susa: sacred fire-smithy

There is a possibility that there was a Meluhha settlement of traders in Susa who could read the messages conveyed by Indus script inscriptions. The ziggurat shown on the Sit-Shamshi bronze compares with a ziggurat which might have existed in the Stupa mound of Mohenjodaro (lit. mound of the dead), indicating the veneration of ancestors in Susa and Meluhha in contemporaneous times.Some glyphics of the bronze model have parallels in Indian hieroglyphs. Glyph: 'stump of tree': M. kh m. stump of tree; P. khu, m. peg, stump; G. kh f. landmark, kh m., f. peg , n. stump (CDIAL 3893). Allograph: (Kathiawar) kh m. Brahmani bull(G.) Rebus: kh 'community, guild' (Munda) The ceremony involved lo pouring (water) oblation (Munda) for the setting sun. Rebus: loa copper (Santali) The glyphic representations connote a guild of coppersmiths in front of a ziggurat, temple and is a veneration of ancestors. The authors of the bronze model seem to 460

have interacted with the groups of artisans of Mohenjo-daro who had a ziggurat in front of the great bath. The eight knobs lining either side of the ziggurat may denote: <tamja-n+m>(L) {N} ``eight years''. #48162. <tamji>(L) {N} ``^eight''. *^V008 Kh.<tham>. #64641.Rebus: tam(b)ra 'copper'. If this surmise is valid, the ziggurat might have been stupa called dhatu-garbha or dagoba or dagaba.

Three stakes on Sit-Shamshi bronze. Glyph: [ mh ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. [ mh ] m A stake, esp. as forked. me(h), meh f., meh m. post, forked stake .(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.) Vikalpa: khu stump. Rebus: kh community, guild (Mu.) Thus, three jagged sticks on the Sit Shamshi bronze may be decoded as kh kolami smithy guild or, me kolami 'iron (metal) smithy'. 'Iron' in such lexical entries may refer to 'metal'.

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Add caption After Fig. 200 in Gautier 1911:145 + FW Konig, Corpus Inscriptionum Elamicarum, no. 56, Hanover 1926 + Tallon & Hurtel 1992: 140, fig. 43. The base measures 60 X 40 cm. Sit Shamshi sunrise ceremony. Discovery location: Ninhursag Temple, Acropole, Shsh (Khuzestan, Iran); Repository: Muse du Louvre (Paris, France) ID: Sb 2743 width: 40 cm (15.75 inches); length: 60 cm (23.62 inches)

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Source: http://www.elamit.net/elam/sit_overheads.pdf

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Model of a temple, called the Sit-shamshi, made for the ceremony of the rising sun. http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/sit-shamshi See the reading of the inscription at http://www.elamit.net/elam/sit_handout.pdf

Akkadian name for an Elamite object in an Elamite inscription! Sit Shamshi an Akkadian loan-word in Elamite? "Do you know this object? I hope so. It is perhaps the most stimulating object found in the entire Ancient Near East, even if handbooks on Mesopotamian art do not talk much about it. It is a three-dimensional bronze model whose base measures 60 X 40 cm, excavated in the 1904-05 campaign by the French Mission at Susa. The scene is focused on two squatted human figures: one stretches its hands out, the other seems to be pouring water over them from a jug. Around them, there are possibly some kinds of altars, a large vessel, two basins, a stela and three trunks of trees. This act, perhaps a cultic scene which took place in the second half of the 12th century BCE, was fixed for eternity by will of Shilhak-Inshushinak (1140-1120 BCE), king of Anshan and Susa, according to the short inscription in a corner of the base. If you are so lucky as to run into a picture of it (unless you are directly visiting the Louvre Museum), looking at the caption you would learn that the name commonly given to this object is sit shamshi. Actually , this name, meaning 'the rising of the sun, sunrise' in Akkadian, appears in lines 5-6 of the inscription. But only in the unlikely event that you are both in front of the Louvre showcase with the sit shamshi in and an 'Elamist', i.e. a specialist in Elamite studies, you could go further in reading the inscription, though even an Elamist, having been ready to interpret the most stereotyped Akkadian inscription -- you know, Akkadian was very spread in Susiana --, so even 464

an Elamist will jolt becoming aware of the language of the text. Apart from brushing up the revered edition by Scheil (1909) or Konig (1965), this is the only way to learn that the inscription is compiled in Elamite language. So, an Akkadian name for an Elamite object in an Elamite inscription!" (Gian Pietro Basello, 2003, Loan-words in Achaemenid Elamite: the spelling of old Persian Month-names, in: 5th European Conf. of Iranian Studies, October 10th 2003 http://digilander.libero.it/elam2/elam/basello_sie2003.pdf ) The 3D Model from Susa called Sit-shamshi: An essay of interpretation by Gian Pietro Basello "Sit shamshi is the name used in an inscription of the Middle Elamite king Shilhak-Inshushinak (ca. 1150-1120 BC) to refer to its textual support, a bronze model (base 60 40 cm) representing in three dimensions two squatted individuals, one pouring a liquid over the hands of the other, in an open space with buildings, trees and other installations. The common interpretation of this name (meaning sunrise in Akkadian) has become also the key for the understanding of the whole scene, supposedly a ritual ceremony to be performed at the sunrise in a sacred precint. From one hand, I would like to discuss the interpretation of sit shamshi as an Akkadian syntagm, considering that the inscription is written in Elamite and that sit e sham- are also known as Elamite terms. On the other hand, I would like to have feedback from scholars skilled in ritual texts from Mesopotamia, trying also to understand if there is some further element in support of the sunrise ritual interpretation. http://www.academia.edu/1706512/The_3D_Model_from_Susa_called_Sitshamshi_An_essay_of_interpretation 12th century BC Tell of the Acropolis, Susa J. de Morgan excavations, 1904-05 Sb 2743 Louvre. This large piece of bronze shows a religious ceremony. In the center are two men in ritual nudity surrounded by religious furnishings - vases for libations, perhaps bread for offerings, steles - in a stylized urban landscape: a multi-tiered tower, a temple on a terrace, a sacred wood. In the Middle-Elamite period (15th-12th century BC), Elamite craftsmen acquired new metallurgical techniques for the execution of large monuments, statues and reliefs. 465

A ceremony Two nude figures squat on the bronze slab, one knee bent to the ground. One of the figures holds out open hands to his companion who prepares to pour the contents of a lipped vase onto them. The scene takes place in a stylized urban landscape, with reduced-scale architectural features: a tiered tower or ziggurat flanked with pillars, a temple on a high terrace. There is also a large jar resembling the ceramic pithoi decorated with rope motifs that were used to store water and liquid foodstuffs. An arched stele stands by some rectangular basins. Rows of dots in relief may represent solid foodstuffs on altars, and jagged sticks represent trees. The men's bodies are delicately modeled, their faces clean-shaven, and their shaved heads speckled with the shadow of the hair. Their facial expression is serene, their eyes open, the hint of a smile on their lips. An inscription tells us the name of the piece's royal dedicator and its meaning in part: "I Shilhak-Inshushinak, son of Shutruk-Nahhunte, beloved servant of Inshushinak, king of Anshan and Susa [...], I made a bronze sunrise." Chogha Zambil: a religious capital The context of this work found on the Susa acropolis is unclear. It may have been reused in the masonry of a tomb, or associated with a funerary sanctuary. It appears to be related to Elamite practices that were brought to light by excavations at Chogha Zambil. This site houses the remains of a secondary capital founded by the Untash-Napirisha dynasty in the 14th century BC, some ten kilometers east of Susa (toward the rising sun). The sacred complex, including a ziggurat and temples enclosed within a precinct, featured elements on the esplanade, rows of pillars and altars. A "funerary palace," with vaulted tombs, has also been found there. The royal art of the Middle-Elamite period Shilhak-Inshushinak was one of the most brilliant sovereigns of the dynasty founded by ShutrukNahhunte in the early 12th century BC. Numerous foundation bricks attest to his policy of construction. He built many monuments in honor of the great god of Susa, Inshushinak. The artists of Susa in the Middle-Elamite period were particularly skilled in making large bronze pieces. Other than the Sit Shamshi, which illustrates the complex technique of casting separate elements joined together with rivets, the excavations at Susa have produced one of the largest bronze statues of Antiquity: dating from the 14th century BC, the effigy of "Napirasu, wife of Untash-Napirisha," the head of which is missing, is 1.29 m high and weighs 1,750 kg. It was made using the solid-core casting method. Other bronze monuments underscore the mastery of the Susa metallurgists: for example, an altar table surrounded by snakes borne by divinities holding vases with gushing waters, and a relief depicting a procession of warriors set above a 466

anel decorated with engravings of birds pecking under trees. These works, today mutilated, are technical feats. They prove, in their use of large quantities of metal, that the Susians had access to the principal copper mines situated in Oman and eastern Anatolia. This shows that Susa was located at the heart of a network of circulating goods and long-distance exchange. Authors: Caubet Annie, Prvotat Arnaud Sit Shamshi Model of a place of worship, known as the Sit Shamshi, or "Sunrise (ceremony)" Middle-Elamite period, toward the 12th century BC Acropolis mound, Susa, Iran; Bronze; H. 60 cm; W. 40 cm Excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1904-5; Sb 2743; Near Eastern Antiquities, Muse du Louvre/C. Larrieu. Two nude figures squat on the bronze slab, one knee bent to the ground. One of the figures holds out open hands to his companion who prepares to pour the contents of a lipped vase onto them.The scene takes place in a stylized urban landscape, with reducedscale architectural features: a tiered tower or ziggurat flanked with pillars, a temple on a high terrace. There is also a large jar resembling the ceramic pithoi decorated with rope motifs that were used to store water and liquid foodstuffs. An arched stele stands by some rectangular basins. Rows of 8 dots in relief flank the ziggurat; jagged sticks represent trees.An inscription tells us the name of the piece's royal dedicator and its meaning in part: "I Shilhak-Inshushinak, son of Shutruk-Nahhunte, beloved servant of Inshushinak, king of Anshan and Susa [...], I made a bronze sunrise." (http://www.louvre.fr/en/recherche-globale?f_search_cles=sit+shamshi ) Three jagged sticks on the Sit Shamshi bronze, in front of the water tank (Great Bath replica?) If the sticks are orthographic representations of 'forked sticks' and if the underlying language is Meluhha (mleccha), the borrowed or substratum lexemes which may provide a rebus reading are:

kolmo 'three'; rebus; kolami 'smithy' (Telugu)


Glyph: [ mh ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. [ mh ] m A stake, esp. as forked. me(h), meh f., meh m. post, forked stake .(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mht, me iron (Mu.Ho.) Vikalpa: P. khu, m. 467

peg, stump ; khu stump. Rebus: 1. kh community, guild (Mu.) 2. Skt. kua- round hole in ground (for water or sacred fire). Thus, three jagged sticks on the Sit Shamshi bronze may be decoded as kh

kolami smithy guild or, kua kollami sacred fire smithy or, me kolami 'iron (metal) smithy'.
'Iron' in such lexical entries may refer to 'metal'. Sit Shamshi bronze illustrates the complex technique of casting separate elements joined together with rivets, the excavations at Susa have produced one of the largest bronze statues of Antiquity: dating from the 14th century BC, the effigy of "Napirasu, wife of Untash-Napirisha," the head of which is missing, is 1.29 m high and weighs 1,750 kg. It was made using the solidcore casting method. S. kua f. corner; P. k f. corner, side ( H.). (CDIAL 3898) Rebus 1: kundr turner (A.) k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295). Rebus 2: kh community, guild (Mundari) Wo. en roof , Bshk. an, Phal. n(AO xviii 251) Rebus: sei (f.) [Class. Sk. rei in meaning guild; Vedic= row] 1. A guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). 2. A division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- J vi.81, 49; seimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. Sen and seniya). (Pali) bharao = cross-beam in the roof of a house (G.lex.) bhraiyum, bhrvaiyo, bhroiyo = a beam (G.lex.) bri = bamboo splits fastened lengthwise to the rafters of a roof from both sides (Tu.lex.) brapae = chief beam lying on pillars (Te.lex.) bharaum a piece in architecture; placed at the top of a pillar to support a beam (G.) Rebus: bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bharty = a barzier, worker in metal; bha, bhrra = oven, furnace (Skt.) Thus, the glyph roof + cross-beam may read: bharao en; rebus: bharatiyo

sei guild of casters of metal.

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Sit Shamshi. Model of a place of worship, known as the Sit Shamshi, or "Sunrise (ceremony)" Middle-Elamite period, toward the 12th century BC Acropolis mound, Susa, Iran; Bronze; H. 60 cm; W. 40 cm Excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1904-5; Sb 2743; Near Eastern Antiquities, Muse du Louvre/C. Larrieu. Two nude figures squat on the bronze slab, one knee bent to the ground. One of the figures holds out open hands to his companion who prepares to pour the contents of a lipped vase onto them.The scene takes place in a stylized urban landscape, with reduced-scale architectural features: a tiered tower or ziggurat flanked with pillars, a temple on a high terrace. There is also a large jar resembling the ceramic pithoi decorated with rope motifs that were used to store water and liquid foodstuffs. An arched stele stands by some rectangular basins. Rows of 8 dots in relief flank the ziggurat; jagged sticks represent trees.An inscription tells us the name of the piece's royal dedicator and its meaning in part: "I Shilhak-Inshushinak, son of Shutruk-Nahhunte, beloved servant of Inshushinak, king of Anshan and Susa [...], I made a bronze sunrise."

Table decorated with serpents and deities bearing vessels spouting streams of water 14th century BCE Tell of the Acropolis, Susa, Iran Bronze H. 19.5 cm; W. 15.7 cm; L. 69.5 cm Jacques de Morgan excavations, 1898 Sb 185 This table, edged with serpents and resting on deities carrying vessels spouting streams of water, was doubtless originally a sacrificial altar. The holes meant the blood would drain away as water flowed from the vessels. Water was an important theme in Mesopotamian mythology, represented particularly by the god Enki and his acolytes. This table also displays the remarkable skills of Elamite metalworkers. A sacrificial table

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The table, edged with two serpents, rested on three sides on five figures that were probably female deities. Only the busts and arms of the figures survive. The fourth side of the table had an extension, which must have been used to slot the table into a wall. The five busts are realistic in style. Each of the deities was holding an object, since lost, which was probably a water vessel, cast separately and attached by a tenon joint. Water played a major role in such ceremonies and probably gushed forth from the vessels. Along the sides of the table are sloping surfaces leading down to holes, allowing liquid to drain away. This suggests that the table was used for ritual sacrifices to appease a god. It was believed that men were created by the gods and were responsible for keeping their temples stocked and providing them with food. The sinuous lines of the two serpents along the edge of the table mark off holes where the blood of the animals, sacrificed to assuage the hunger of the gods, would have drained away. The importance of water in Mesopotamian mythology In Mesopotamia, spirits bearing vessels spouting streams of water were the acolytes of Enki/Ea, the god of the Abyss and of fresh water. The fact that they figure in this work reflects the extent of the influence of Mesopotamian mythology in Susa. Here, they are associated with another Chtonian symbol, the snake, often found in Iranian iconography. The sinuous lines of the serpents resemble the winding course of a stream. It is thought that temples imitated the way streams well up from underground springs by the clever use of underground channels. Water the precious liquid - was at the heart of Mesopotamian religious practice, being poured out in libations or used in purification rites. Objects made for a new religious capital Under Untash-Napirisha, the founder of the Igihalkid Dynasty, the Elamite kingdom flourished. He founded a new religious capital, Al-Untash - modern-day Chogha Zanbil - some 40 kilometers southeast of Susa. However, the project was short-lived. His successors soon brought large numbers of religious objects back to Susa, the former capital. This table was certainly among them. Its large size and clever drainage system reflect the remarkable achievements of metalworking at the time. Bibliography 470

Amiet Pierre, Suse 6000 ans d'histoire, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1988, pp.98-99 ; fig. 57. Miroschedji Pierre de, "Le dieu lamite au serpent", in : Iranica antiqua, vol.16, 1981, Gand, Ministre de l'ducation et de la Culture, 1989, pp.16-17, pl. 10, fig.3.Author: Herbin Nancie

Statue of Queen Napirasu, wife of Untash-Napirisha C. 1340-1300 BCE Tell of the Acropolis, Susa Bronze and copper J. de Morgan excavations, 1903 Sb 2731 This statue is of Queen Napirasu, wife of Untash-Napirisha, who ruled in the Middle Elamite period as one of the greatest Igihalkid kings. Under this dynasty, a great Elamite empire flourished, taking advantage of the decline of neighboring Mesopotamia. Untash-Napirisha founded the city of Al-Untash-Napirisha and filled it with monuments decorated with statues, which are remarkable proof of the standard of Elamite metalworking techniques. A statue protected by the gods Queen Napirasu, Untash-Napirisha's wife, is shown standing. The figure is life-size, but the head and the left arm are damaged. She is wearing a short-sleeved gown covered in the sort of embroidery usually found on such garments. She has four bracelets on her right wrist and a ring 471

on her left ring finger. Although her hands are crossed on her stomach, she is not in the pose usually associated with worship. The inscription on the front of the skirt is in Elamite, reflecting the kingdom's linguistic identity. This inscription gives the queen's name and titles, invokes the protection of the gods, describes the ritual offerings made to them, and calls down their curse on anyone bold enough to desecrate her likeness. The statue is placed under the protection of the god Beltiya and three deities associated with the Igihalkid Dynasty - the god Inshushinak, the god Napirisha, and his consort Kiririsha. These three deities are also depicted on the stele of Untash-Napirisha, also in the Louvre (Sb3973). Elaborate metalworking techniques This statue of Queen Napirasu is a rare surviving likeness of a member of the royal court during the Middle Elamite period. The sheer amount of metal used - some 1,750 kg for a single work reflects the wealth of the Elamite kingdom during Untash-Napirisha's reign. The dimensions and the finesse of the statue also reflect the skill of the Elamite metalworkers. The work must have been cast in two successive parts: a lost-wax cast for the copper and tin shell, followed by a full cast alloy of bronze and tin for the core, rather than the more usual refractory clay. The two parts are held together with pins and splints. The sides would have originally been covered with gold or silver. A great king and a great builder The reign of the Igihalkid king, Untash-Napirisha, witnessed the launch of a major construction program. The king ordered the restoration of a large number of temples and also built a new religious capital, Al-Untash-Napirisha (sometimes simply known as Al-Untash), on the site of modern-day Chogha Zanbil. The aim was to unite the different religions practiced in his kingdom in one place. Monuments throughout the city were decorated with numerous sculptures commissioned by the king, including this statue of his wife, which was discovered in Susa but was probably moved there from Al-Untash. Bibliography

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Amiet Pierre, Suse 6000 ans d'histoire, Paris, ditions de la Runion des muses nationaux, 1988, pp. 98-99 ; fig. 57. Benoit A. , "Les Civilisations du Proche-Orient ancien", in Manuels de l'cole du Louvre ; Art et archologie, Paris, cole du Louvre, 2003, pp 358-359 ; fig. 180. Meyers Peter, "The casting process of the statue of queen Napir-Asu in the Louvre", extrait de : Journal of Roman Archaeology, supplementary series, n 39, Portsmouth, 2000, pp.11-18. Author: Herbin Nancie

Praying figure clutching a young goat Middle Elamite period, c. 1500-1200 BCE Tell of the Acropolis, Susa Gold and copper J. de Morgan excavations, 1904 Sb 2758 This prayer figure sculpted in gold was found in a cache with numerous other objects made of precious materials (lapis lazuli, carnelian, agate, gold, silver) on the Susa mound, near the temple of Inshushinak, the great god of the city. Given the material used - gold - and the details of the costume and hair style, the figure depicted is almost certainly the king. A precious statue The figure is standing on a small rectangular pedestal, which has a tenon underneath for fixing it onto a support. The figure raises his right hand in a gesture of prayer and in his left hand holds 473

a goat in miniature, whose head with oblique horns is visible above the donator's hand. The latter is clad in a flared, fringe-edged robe from which emerge joined, shod feet. The skirt of the robe is decorated with a pattern of engraved dots, while above the draped belt, the close-fitting bodice with elbow-length sleeves is decorated with rosettes. The Near East, unlike Egypt, has few preserved remains of its sumptuous ancient textiles, which we know of through descriptions in texts, and this figurine is evidence of these lost techniques. The figure's head is very carefully molded and reengraved: the face is serene, the eyes large and oval under thick eyebrows that meet in an arch on the bridge of the nose. The beard rises over the cheeks and falls over the chest in a wavy mass trimmed horizontally. The figure's cap of short hair, shown with crosshatching, comes down low over the forehead and bulges over the nape of the neck. A diademshaped plait is wound around the head. A treasure A treasure known as the "Golden Statue Find" was discovered hidden "in a confined space" under a paving of glazed bricks, on the acropolis in front of the southern facade of the ziggurat, not far from the temple of Inshushinak. The circumstances of the excavation raise a number of questions, and we do not have the exact list of findings. Other than the gold statue, the discoveries included animal bones - the remains of a sacrifice? - a limestone chariot wheel, nine earthenware statuettes of praying figures, a silver statue - an exact replica of the gold statue - a lapis lazuli dove studded with gold, a pendant in the shape of a bull's head in lapis lazuli, a whetstone mounted on a gold handle with a lion's head decorated with filigree, two animal statuettes (a reclining lion and a hedgehog) in limestone on casters, and numerous carnelian and agate beads of various shapes. The interpretation of this collections of objects remains uncertain: was it perhaps a foundation deposit related to the Inshushinak sanctuary, or an offering made to this sanctuary; or were these the furnishings of a plundered royal tomb? A royal offering

At Susa, as in Mesopotamia, the supreme act of piety consisted in bringing divinities offerings, a sacrifice or foodstuffs, and of preserving the eternal memory of this act by depositing a figurine of the worshipper himself. Most figurines were in terracotta, more rarely in earthenware or 474

bronze. None of those dating to the Middle-Elamite period feature such a magnificent costume. The clothes of these figurines are devoid of ornaments and fringes; the hair is cut in a similar style forming a thick mass on the forehead, but has no plaited diadem. Here, the choice of a precious metal, the majesty of the figure and the complexity of the hair style and costume are indications that this may well be the figure of the king himself, depicted as the bearer of an offering.Author(s): Caubet Annie, Prvotat Arnaud Ritual basin decorated with goatfish figures

Middle Elamite period Susa, Iran Limestone H. 62.8 cm; W. 92 cm Jacques de Morgan excavations, 1904-05 Sb 19 f. the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. (Kashmiri) pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'guild'. ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal' tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'. ka m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt k. Rebus: ka tools, pots and pans and metal-ware.

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The reed hieroglyph may be comparable to the reed + scarf hieroglyph shown on the top register of Warka vase. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. ka m. the stalk or stem of a reed. Rebus: ka tools, pots and pans and metal-ware. Scarf [read rebus as dhau m. (also dhahu) m. scarf (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu minerals (Santali); dhtu mineral (Pali) Thus reed + scarf denotes metallic minerals + metalware tools, pots and pans.

[pattara trough is a glyph used in front of many types of animals including wild animals and composite animal glyphs. ptra trough; pattar merchant. The lexeme also connotes a guild.] Thus, the entire ritual trough may connote pattar 'guild' [pattharika [fr. Patthara] a merchant Vin ii.135 (kasa). (Pali) ] of mineral- and metal-workers and traders dealing with alloys (ayaska).

The reed glyph and the humanface glyph are the key hieroglyphic links to Uruk trough and Indian hieroglyphs of Indus script. The Meluhhan settlers of Uruk who created the hieroglyphs of Uruk trough, of Indus script and of the Nar Mer Palette are of the same scribe guild whose language was Indus language, mleccha (meluhha) and who had learnt the literate art of writing to represent (vikalpa) human speech sounds.

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This limestone basin dates from the 13th or 12th century BC. It was used for ritual libations. The decoration depicts goatfish figures around a sacred tree in reference to the Mesopotamian god Enki/Ea. This reveals the full extent of the mutual influence of the Iranian and Mesopotamian cosmogonies. The sacred palm, the ancestor of the Assyrian sacred tree, reflects the importance of dates as a food source in the region. A basin symbolizing the water cycle This basin was broken into several pieces when it was found and has been reconstituted. Used by priests in their ritual libations, liquid was poured out over the basin and was then collected for re-use. There were two types of ritual libations. The first reflected the water cycle, with water rising up from underground, filling rivers and wells. The other was an offering of beer, wine or honey, poured out for the deity in anticipation of his meal. The decoration of this basin suggests it was used for the first type of ritual libation. It is made in the shape of the realm of Enki/Ea, Apsu, the body of fresh water lying beneath the earth and feeding all the rivers and streams. Apsu is likewise represented in the bronze model called Sit-Shamshi (Louvre, Sb2743). The fact that it was found in Susa indicates that the Elamites adopted certain aspects of Mesopotamian mythology. Goatfish figures around a sacred palm The rim of the limestone basin is decorated with a single repeated motif: two goatfish figures, or Nou, on either side of a stylized tree. These creatures were the attributes of Enki/Ea, the Mesopotamian god of underground water, symbolizing his power to replenish vegetation, represented by the sacred palm tree. A similar stylized tree can be seen on the stele of King Untash-Napirisha (Sb12). The tree consists of a central trunk with a number of offshoots curved at the tip and with three palmettes on the upper part. The image is completely stylized, bearing only a very distant resemblance to actual date palm trees. This symbol of plant life reflects the importance of date palms in the region. Dates were a staple foodstuff for the local population. This type of sacred palm was the predecessor of the sacred trees of Assyria. A relief from the palace of Assurnazirpal II in Nimrud depicts a winged spirit with a bird's head in front of just such a sacred tree (AO19849). The upper part of the basin is decorated with an intertwining pattern resembling flowing water. The inside of the basin consists of a series of squared steps leading down to the bottom of the dish. Traces of an inscription, too worn to be read, indicate that there was originally a text along the edges of the basin. Bibliography 477

Amiet Pierre, lam, Auvers-sur-Oise, Arche, 1966, p. 394 et pp. 467-468, fig. 298 A-B. Borne interactive du dpartement des Antiquits orientales. Contenau Georges, Manuel d'archologie orientale depuis les origines jusqu' l'poque d'Alexandre, vol. II, Histoire de l'art : IIIe et IIe millnaires avant notre re, Paris, A. Picard, 1931, pp. 912-913, fig. 629. Herbin Nancie

Copper alloy vase decorated with animal friezes, Susa, Iran, (1200-1000 BCE)- 11.5 cm high (Louvre)

Cylinder seal with kneeling nude heroes, ca. 22202159 b.c.; Akkadian Mesopotamia Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm) The Metropolitan Museum of Art - USA

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A SUMERIAN WHITE MARBLE CYLINDER SEAL Early Dynastic, Circa 3200-3000 B.C. Engraved with a temple facade with a gateway, a gatepost to the left, together with a standing nude hero with a sword in one hand, holding a small quadruped in the other, to their left a stag.

A NEO-BABYLONIAN CYLINDER SEAL it shows the Sumerian hero Gilgamesh CIRCA 900700 B.C.

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See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-eastart-indus-writing.html Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware The note explains the hieroglyphs on the tablet showing a procession of standard-bearers as the standard of the civilization. This artistic deployment of hieroglyphs on a procession is also seen on one side of Narmer palette.

Late Uruk and Jemdet Nasr seal; ca. 32003000 BC; serpentine; cat.1; boar and bull in procession; terminal: plant; heavily pitted surface beyond plant.

Late Uruk and Jemdet Nasr seal; ca. 32003000 (?) BC; marble; cat.3; loop bore; an antelope with two tigerss, one with head turned. kola 480

'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'. tagara 'antelope' Rebus: tagara 'tin'. krammara 'head turned back' Rebus: kamar 'smith, artisan'.

Cylinder seal and impression: cattle herd at the cowshed. White limestone, Mesopotamia, Uruk Period (4100 BC3000 BC). Louvre Museum.

Bronze dish found by Layard at Nimrud: circular objects are decorated by consecutive chains of animals following each other round in a circle. A similar theme occurs on the famous silver vase of Entemena. In the innermost circle, a troop of gazelles (similar to the ones depicted on cylinder seals) march along in file; the middle register has a variety of animals, all marching in the same direction as the gazelles. A one-horned bull, a winged griffin, an ibex and a gazelle, are followed by two bulls who are being attacked by lions, and a griffin, a one-horned bull, and a gazelle, who are all respectively being attacked by leopards. In the outermost zone there is a stately procession of realistically conceived one-horned bulls marching in the opposite direction 481

to the animals parading in the two inner circles. The dish has a handle. (Percy S.P.Handcock, 1912, Mesopotamian Archaeology, London, Macmillan and Co., p. 256).

Cylinder seal and impression: cattle herd in a wheat field. Limestone, Mesopotamia, Uruk Period (4100 BC3000 BC). kua n. clump (Sanskrit) A phonetic determinant of the young bull kd [ kha ] m 'A young bull, a bullcalf'. (Marathi) read rebus: k der m. one who works a lathe'. Alternative: The cob is kolmo seeding, rice-plant(Munda) rebus: kolami smithy; (Telugu)

Mudhif and three reed banners. A cow and a stable of reeds with sculpted columns in the background. Fragment of another vase of alabaster (era of Djemet-Nasr) from Uruk, Mesopotamia. Limestone 16 X 22.5 cm. AO 8842, Louvre, Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Paris, France. Six circles decorated on the reed post are semantic determinants of Glyph: bhaa six. Rebus: bhaa furnace. m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt k. The rebus reading of the pair of reeds in Sumer standard is: khna tools, pots and pans and metal-ware.

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Quadrupeds exiting the mund (or mudhif) are pasaramu, pasalamu an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Telugu) [ pasaramu ] or pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. . Rebus: pasra = a smithy, place where a black-smith works, to work as a blacksmith; kamar pasra = a smithy; pasrao lagao akata se ban:? Has the blacksmith begun to work? pasraedae = the blacksmith is at his work (Santali.lex.) pasra meed, pasra meed = syn. of koe meed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) [ pasramu ] or pasrdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. . Allograph: pacar = a wedge driven ino a wooden pin, wedge etc. to tighten it (Santali.lex.) Allograph: pajhar 'eagle'.

A Toda temple in Muthunadu Mund near Ooty, India. For example, on a cylinder seal from Uruk, a professional group of workers in a smithy are shown as a procession of young bull calves and other quadrupeds emerging out of the smithy.

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Kur. xol tail. Malt. qoli


id.(DEDR 2135) The 'tail' atop the reed-structure banner glyph is a phonetic determinant for kole.l 'temple, smithy'. Alternative: pajha = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasrasmithy, forge (Santali)

m0702 Text 2206 Toda munda structure.

Glyph 39, a glyph which compares with the Sumerian mudhif or

[Kannada. ku] Tusk; . (. 39, 1). Rebus: [kha] A lump or solid bit (as of phlegm, gore, curds, inspissated milk); any concretion or clot. (Marathi) Rebus: L. khof. alloy, impurity , alloyed , aw. kho forged ; P. kho m. base, alloy M.kho alloyed , (CDIAL 3931) kole.l = smithy (Ko.) Rebus: Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. Ko. koll blacksmith. (DEDR 2133).

Reading 1: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) Rebus 1: Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kolla blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Ko. koll blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusn to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstn, kulsn to forge; (Tr.) klstn to repair (of ploughshares); 484

(SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. (DEDR 2133). Rebus 2: Ko. kolel smithy, temple in Kota village.To. kwalal Kota smithy (DEDR 2133). Reading 2: go = the place where cattle are collected at mid-day (Santali); goh (Brj.)(CDIAL 4336). Goha (Skt.); cattle-shed (Or.) ko = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) cattle-shed (Marathi) [ k ] A pen or fold for cattle. [ gh ] f C (Dim. Of ) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi) Cattle Byres c.3200-3000 B.C. Late Uruk-Jemdet Nasr period. Magnesite. Cylinder seal. In the lower field of this seal appear three reed cattle byres. Each byre is surmounted by three reed pillars topped by rings, a motif that has been suggested as symbolizing a male god, perhaps Dumuzi. Within the huts calves or vessels appear alternately; from the sides come calves that drink out of a vessel between them. Above each pair of animals another small calf appears. A herd of enormous cattle moves in the upper field. Cattle and cattle byres in Southern Mesopotamia, c. 3500 BCE. Drawing of an impression from a Uruk period cylinder seal. (After Moorey, PRS, 1999, Ancient materials and industries: the archaeological evidence, Eisenbrauns.)

Text 1330 (appears with zebu glyph). Shown as exiting the kole.l 'smithy' arekol 'blaksmiths' and k der 'lathe-workers'. The young bulls emerging from the smithy. kd [ kha ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus 1: k nu or konu m. a hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri)Rebus 2: A. kundr, B. k dr, ri, Or. kundru; H. k der m. one who works a lathe, one who scrapes , r f., k dern to scrape, plane, round on a lathe .(CDIAL 3297). [ kh ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: kha tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware. kole.l = smithy (Ko.) Rebus: Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. Ko. koll blacksmith. (DEDR 2133). ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'.

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kuila bent; rebus: kuila, katthl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. ra-ka, brass (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230) kui in cmpd. curve (Skt.)(CDIAL 3231). kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karika 'accountant'. kul -- kar m. village accountant (Marathi); karikan id. (Tamil) kaakku, n. cf. gaaka. [M. kaakku] 1. Number, account, reckoning, calculation, computation (Tamil) Rebus: to engrave, write; lapidary: <kana-lekhe>(P) {??} ``??''. |. Cf. <kana->. %16123. #16013. <lekhe->(P),,<leke->(KM) {VTC} ``to ^write''. Cf. <kana-lekhe>. *Kh.<likhae>, H.<lIkhAna>, O.<lekhIba>, B.<lekha>; Kh.<likha>(P), Mu.<lika>. %20701. #20541. (Munda etyma) Kashmiri:khanun conj. 1 (1 p.p. khonu for 1, see s.v.; f. kh to dig (K.Pr. 155, 247; L. 459; iv. 59, 746, 994, 143, 1197, 1214, 1373, 1754; Rm. 343, 958, 1147, 1724; H. xii, 6); to engrave (iv. 414, 671, 176; Rm. 1583). khonu-motu ; perf. part. (f. khm) dug (e.g. a field, or a well); engraved. mhara-khonu -; or (Gr.M.) mhar-kan m. a seal-engraver, a lapidary (El. mohar-kand). -w j * f. a signet-ring. DEDR 1170 Ta. kaam iron style for writing on palmyra leaves. Te. gaamu id. DEDR 1179 Kur. ka a stool. Malt. kano stool, seat. gaa-manche. n. A wooden frame like a bench to keep things on. .

There three reed decorations atop the mudhif (or, Toda mund). k 1 m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt k. Rebus: kha tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware. Sumerian mudhif facade, with uncut reed fonds and sheep entering, carved into a gypsum trough from Uruk, c. 3200 BCE. This trough was found at Uruk, the largest city so far known in

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southern Mesopotamia in the late prehistoric period (3300-3000 BC). The carving on the side shows a procession of sheep (a goat and a ram)

CARVED GYPSUM TROUGH FROM URUK. Two lambs exit a reed structure. A bundle of reeds (Inannas symbol) can be seen projecting from the hut and at the edges of the scene. The British Museum. WA 120000, neg. 252077 Part of the right-hand scene is cast from the original fragment now in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin

Dr. L. Legrain, 1936, Ur excavations, Vol. III, Archaic Seal-impressions, Carnegie Foundation of New York. http://amar.hsclib.sunysb.edu/u?/amar,37238 kuhi vagina; rebus: kuhi smelting furnace bich 'scorpion' (Assamese). Rebus: bica 'stone ore' as in meed-

bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) dul 'pair, likeness' Rebus:
dul 'cast metal' (Santali) Thus the hieroglyphs connote a smelter for smelting and casting metal stone ore.

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Fig. 96f: Failaka no. 260 Double antelope joined at the belly; in the Levant, similar doubling occurs for a lion.

Tell Abraq. Gold objects recovered.

prh n. back, hinder part Rigveda; puh m. buttock of an animal


(Punjabi) Rebus: puh, puh m. buttock of an animal, leather cover of account book (Marathi) tagara 'antelope' Rebus: damgar 'merchant'. This may be an artistic rendering of a 'descendant' of a ancient (metals) merchant. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/05/antithetical-antelopes-of-ancient-near.html Antithetical antelopes of Ancient Near East as hieroglyphs (Kalyanaraman 2012) Hieroglyph: Joined back-to-back: pusht back; rebus: pusht ancestor. pust bah pust generation to generation.

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Tell Abraq. Bronze dagger. Contained 12 % tin. Charred wood at the base of the tang had fragments of Dalbergia Sissoo, commonly known as Pakistani rosewood. Sissoo was rare in the ancient Near East. http://amar.hsclib.sunysb.edu/u?/amar,124774 DT Potts, 1998, Ancient Magan, The

secrets of Tell Abraq, Trident Press

Kudurru of Meli-Shipak commemorating a gift of land to his son Marduk-apla-iddina Kassite period, reign of Melishipak (1186-1172 BCE) Susa (where it had been taken as war booty in the 12th century BCE) Limestone J. de Morgan excavations Sb 22 Kudurrus (small steles recording royal gifts of land) first appeared during the Babylonian Kassite Dynasty. This example records a gift of land made by King Melishipak to his son Marduk-Apal489

Iddina. Such gifts were placed under the protection of the great deities of the Babylonian pantheon. Their emblems were carved on the kudurru to protect it from desecration. The Babylonian Kassite Dynasty After the fall of the first Babylonian Dynasty following the golden age of Hammurabi's reign, the kingdom gradually recovered under the foreign Kassite Dynasty. The Kassites rapidly adopted the Babylonian language, customs, and traditions. They introduced the use of small stone steles known as kudurrus - a tradition maintained by later dynasties until the 7th century BC. What is a kudurru? Kudurrus were stone steles that were sculpted and carved with inscriptions recording gifts of land made by Babylonian rulers to members of their family or to high-ranking civil or religious dignitaries. On this example, the text, which covers one whole side of the stone, records a major gift of land from the Kassite king, Melishipak, to his son, Marduk-Apal-Iddina, the future "shepherd of his country." The ownership of the land came with a number of franchises. Kudurrus were probably placed in temples, where they would be visible to both worshippers and gods. Three such kudurrus have been found during archaeological excavations of temples. This particular kudurru, however, was found along with several others in the Iranian city of Susa, where it was taken several decades after the end of Melishipak's reign by the Elamite king Shutruk-Nahhunte, whose victorious campaign in Babylonia led to the fall of the Kassite Dynasty. Kudurru inscriptions are usually in two parts. The first describes the nature of the gift and the clauses attached to it. This is followed by an imprecation calling down a divine curse on anyone who opposed the gift. The gift was thus not only recorded and displayed for all to see, but also placed under divine protection. The emblem of each god invoked is represented on the stele. The divine order of the world 490

This kudurru is remarkable in that in recording the royal gift, it represents the entire pantheon of gods who preserve the order of the world. The artist has used a formula that was later to be developed on other kudurrus, representing the symbols associated with each deity in hierarchical rows. At the top of the stele are the astral deities, as if in the vault of the heavens. The crescent of Sin, the moon god, and the star set with the rays of Shamash, the sun god, flank the goddess Ishtar, represented by the planet Venus. They are accompanied by the sovereign gods who preserve the equilibrium of the world. The crowns with six rows of horns placed on the altars are the emblems of Anu, the sky god, and Enlil, the air god. They are followed by the ram's head and the goatfish representing Ea, the god of fresh water, and the symbol of Ninhursag, the earth goddess. On the row immediately underneath are the warrior gods, whose victories in battle protect the order of the world - Nergal, represented by a weapon mounted on a dragon's back; Zababa, shown by a weapon with the head of a bird of prey; and Ninurta, depicted by a weapon with the head of a lion. Just beneath them is the figure of Marduk, the demiurge and protector of Babylonia, represented by a pointed spade and a horned dragon. He is accompanied by Nabu, the god of scribes, represented by a tablet and calamus, and Gula, goddess of medicine, astride her dog. The gods of earthly fertility are shown on the lowest level - the bolt of lightning and the bull of Adad, the god of storms; the lamp of Nushku, god of fire; the plow of Ningirsu, originally the god of farming; and the birds of Shuqamuna and Shumalia, the divine couple of the Kassite pantheon. On the ground, ready to strike, are the snake and the scorpion, representing the Chtonian deities of the underworld. The spatial ordering in rows represents the hierarchy of the deities and presents the Babylonian pantheon as a symbolic microcosm. The layout reflects both the divine ordering of the cosmos and the hierarchy of the pantheon. Bibliography 491

Morgan Jacques de, Mmoires I, Leroux, 1900, p. 172, pl. XVI-3. Scheil, Victor, Mmoires II, 1900, p. 99, pl. XXI XXIII.Author: Pouyssgur Patrick

Proto-Elamite tablet with seal mark Proto-Elamite period, circa 3100-2800 BCE Acropolis mound, Susa, Iran Clay H. 21 cm; L. 26 cm; H. of seal mark: 4.2 cm Excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1901 Sb 2801 The invention of writing corresponded to the economical needs of a society at a time when the development of cities was giving rise to increasing number of exchanges and transactions. This form of writing was inscribed on a soft material, clay. The first tablets date from the Late Uruk period, in Mesopotamia, and the Proto-Elamite period in Iran. They often bear the mark of one or two cylinder seals, proof that an administrative check or an agreement between two parties had taken place. A large tablet This tablet is the largest from the Proto-Elamite period, corresponding to the earliest urban development in the late 4th millennium BC, in the Fars region (southwestern Iran), the present regional capital of which is Shiraz. It bears traces of three different types of administrative tools: writing, accounting and glyptics, a major art form of the period, corresponding to the use of seals. There are inscriptions of both writing and numeral signs on both sides of the tablet. The emergence of a new writing system in the Fars region 492

Writing emerged in Iran nearly three centuries after being invented in southern Mesopotamia. This writing system, developed in the Fars region and called Proto-Elamite for this reason, is totally independent from the writing in use at Uruk. As no bilingual text exists that would enable us to establish an equivalence between the two systems, Proto-Elamite writing remains undecipherable. However, the reading direction (right to left) and its horizontality have been detected. An accounting document sealed with images of animals in human poses These Proto-Elamite tablets are accounting documents. Three different numerical systems are used on the tablet: a decimal system, a sexagesimal system and a mixed system known as SE. The various operations are listed on the front side of the tablet, recapitulated, with totals, on the back at the top. New figures appear: crescent-shaped notches and dots circled with a constellation of tiny points, some of which represent fractions. A pictographical sign resembling a fringed triangle, known as the "hairy triangle," often appears, but its meaning remains unclear. A single seal was used on the document, a cylinder-seal that was rolled twice across the width of the tablet, covering most of the back of the tablet. The scene shows a bull symmetrically restraining two seated felines, alternating with a lion dominating two rearing bulls, each topped with a "hairy triangle." The animals stand on their hindlegs as if they were bipeds, a technique characteristic of the Proto-Elamite period in which animals were often depicted in a human pose. The choice of bulls and lions was deliberate, for these animals appear to personify cosmic forces, decisive in the balance of power in the world. In the scene, there is no durable winner or loser, but alternating, opposing forces that appear equal. Bibliography Amiet Pierre, lam, Auvers-sur-Oise, Arche, 1966, p. 101, n 56. Amiet Pierre, La Glyptique msopotamienne archaque, Paris, ditions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1980, pp. 107-110 et pl. 38, n 585. Stolper Matthew W., The Royal City of Susa. Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, Exposition, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992, n 49. Author: AB

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Cylinder seal. Iraq. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2003/05/photogalleries/iraqtreasures_1/

Ancient near Eastern cylinder seal, Marcopoli Collection (Beatrice Teissier, 1985, Univ. of California Press).

Sumerian dynastic seal ca. 2500 BCE.

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Sumerian seal (carved cylinder), early dynastic period (third millenium B.C.). British Museum.

British Museum. http://www.mesopotamia.co.uk/writing/explore/seal.html

Sumerian cylinder seal impression. http://www.honestinformation.com/articles/missing-teapot.php

Akkadian Cylinder Seal (c. 2200 BCE). http://www.tulane.edu/~danny/arch.html

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A cylinder seal with zebu and lion, Sibri {Jarrige)

Akkadian cylinder seal, showing kneeling heroes. Around 2200 BCE.

AMAR: Archive of Mesopotamian Archaeological Site Reports Potts, Daniel T., 2001, Excavations at Tepe Yahya, Iran, 1967-1975: the third millennium, Bulletin (American School of Prehistoric Research) ; no. 45. Contributors: Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C., 1937- Pittman, Holly Kohl, Philip L., 1946- Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.

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Location of Tepe Yahya.

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Source: CC Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1970, Excavations at Tepe Yahya, Iran 1967-1969 Progress Report 1, Harvard Univ., Cambridge

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Tepe-yahya seal

impression.

Tepe-yahya. Figure 9.6 Inscribed on a stone-axe. Two sides of

a ceremonial chlorite axe head with incised design of an eagle or bird from the chlorite-rich level of the Tepe Yahya period IVB workshop (Trench BW, test trench 5, level 6A, approx. 13.4 cm in height).

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Fig. 10.26 Catalogue No. 26 TY 13, fragmentary impression of classic style cylinder seal with seated feline facing left and two registers in front with small bovid and small feline.

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http://www.scribd.com/doc/145991238/Excavations-at-Tepe-Yahya-Iran-1967-1975-the-thirdmillennium-DT-Potts-2001

Excavations at Tepe Yahya, Iran, 1967-1975: the third millennium (DT Potts, 2001) by Srini Kalyanaraman http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-art-indus-writing.html Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware

This is a report on the transition from lapidary to bronze-age metalware in ancient Near East. This is a proto-historical 4th millennium BCE narrative on how ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware artisan/merchant guilds.

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This graduation is supported by ancient near East art evolving into Indus writing --

jgaa accounting for metalware, in a transition from stone-cutting or bead-making to bronzeage metals alloying in a wide interaction area for metalware trade and metals technologies. This report discusses how ancient near East art (as on Warka vase or Tell Tabraq axe) evolved into Indus writing accounting for metalware transactions from smelter to smithy/forge. This process of accounting is elucidated by the semantics of the mercantile, technical term, jgaa -

- goods taken on approval basis. This jgaa system is recogized in law related to
corporations and trade transactions and is practised even today in the Indian sprachbund. The lexeme jgaa is denoted, rebus, by the sangaa (gimlet + portable furnace) hieroglyph 1 of the device in front of the hieroglyph 2 of one-horned young bull calf. The hieroglyphs 1 and 2 recur on over 1000 inscriptions of Indus writing attesting to the dominant role played by this method of metalware accounting which is the principal message conveyed by almost all the Indus inscriptions which now number over 5000 in the corpora presented in http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east.html . The message conveyed by the procession of hieroglyphs -- carried as banners -- constituting a bronze-age standard of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization is interpreted (read rebus) as mineral (stones) and metal alloys transacted on [jgaa] 'goods on approval' basis. The procession is a celebration of the graduation from stone-cutting or making of stone-beads --

sangho -- community (or artisan guild) to a bronze-age guild of metal (mineral and alloy)turners in smithy/forge or mint, kammaa.

m0490

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m0491 This can be viewed as the standard of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization. This tablet Mohenjo-daro m0491 shows a person of three persons (There is another standard-bearer in front of the scarf-standard bearer; maybe, he is carrying a banner of a stone-bead) R. to L: one carries a post with a scarf hanging like a flag; the second carries a pedestal on which one-horned young bull calf is shown; the third carries a 'standard device' (lathe + furnace). Read rebus:

kandi (pl. l) necklace, beads (Pa.) Ga. (P.) kandi (pl. l) bead, (pl.) necklace; (S.2) kandi bead
(DEDR 1215). kandil, kandl = a globe of glass, a lantern (Ka.lex.) Rebus: ka 'fire-altar'.

dhu m. woman's headgear, kerchief; dhau m. (also dhahu) m. scarf (WPah.);


rebus: dhtumineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali).

ku horn (Kannada. Tulu. Tamil) [kha] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi)


Rebus: [ka] A circular hamlet; a division of a or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. [kha] Alloyed--a metal (Marathi). [sgaa] That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied (Marathi) sangho (G.) cutting stone, gilding (G.) Rebus: [jgaa] f ( Hindi) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or The account or account-book of goods so taken.(Marathi)

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A glyph which occurs as frequently as the onehorned heifer is the 'standard device' in front of the heifer.

sagaa 'gimlet, portable furnace'. Rebus: jgaa 'goods on approval basis'.

The standard device is also a hieroglyph, sagaa 'lathe'; rebus: furnace. The word sagaa can also be denoted by a glyph of combined animals. The bottom portion of the 'standard device' is sometimes depicted with 'dotted circles'. khangar ghongor 'full of holes'; (Santali) rebus: kangar 'portable furnace' (Kashmiri). This device also occurs by itself and as variants on 19 additional epigraphs, in one case held aloft like a banner in a procession which also includes the glyph of the one-horned heifer as one of the banners carried.

(Kannada) = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to smelting in a furnace. This precise explanation of a lexeme of Indian sprachbund yields a clue to understanding how ancient near East art evolved into Indus writing in the context of bronzeage. The discovery for hieroglyphic depiction of lexeme aduru, starts from an exquisite artwork on Warka vase.

Tabernae montana on a register on Warka vase (Late Uruk period 3600 to 3200
BCE). If a Meluhha artisan had rendered the art-work, he would have conveyed in

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writing: tagaraka, tabernae montana. Rebus: tagara tin (Ka.); tamara id. (Skt.) Allograph: agara ram.

Tabernae montana hieroglyph is shown together with zebu and a thorny object, on a
Mesopotamian cylinder seal.

Other hieroglyphs shown on the cylinder seal: ran:ga ron:ga, ran:ga con:ga = thorny, spikey, armed with thorns; edel dare ran:ga con:ga dareka = this cotton tree grows with spikes on it (Santali) ) Rebus: ran:ga, ran: pewter is an alloy of tin lead and antimony (ajana) (Santali).Alternative: kaiya thorny (Prakrit) Rebus: kammaa 'mint, gold furnace' (Telugu) adar angar zebu aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to smelting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddhnti Subrahmaya astris new interpretation of the Amarakoa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Tamil) aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192).

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Susa pot hieroglyph: fish + scales. The pot contained metalware Hieroglyph: fish+scales. Allograph: aDara 'scales of a fish' (Munda) Rebus: aduru native metal; ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal' (G.) ayas, ayah 'metal' (Sanskrit) Two Harappa fish-shaped miniature tablets with incised hieroglyphs. ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal' (G.) ayas, ayah 'metal' (Sanskrit)

h1139 Harappa tablet. The choice of a fish-shape was a dramatic advancement over the shapes which had evolved on tokens to account for products. Such tokens were put into bullae and sealed with seal impressions. Some of the seal impressions denoted Indus writing hieroglyphs. Thus, we have a combination of two types of writing: one -- the token shapes -- categorized the products; the other -- seal impressions of hieroglyphs -- provided a technical specification of or professional title of owner of the products. The invention of new shapes which denoted sounds of words of the underlying words used by the artisans constituted a breakthrough in the evolution of writing systems.

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One such shape was the fish-shape which denoted ayo 'fish' <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish. #3612. Rebus: ayo 'metal' (G.) ayas, ayah 'metal' (Sanskrit). ka 'an arrow' (Marathi)

k tools, pots and pans, metal-ware (Marathi).The fish-eye is a reinforcement of the


gloss kstone/nodule (metal). The dotted circle (eye) is decoded rebus as ka aperture (Tamil);k hole (Gujarati) (i.e. glyph showing dotted-circle); ka one eye. kai stone (Kannada) kaCopper (Tamil) ka , n. < . stone (Tamil) kha (Marathi) is metal, nodule, stone, lump.kai stone (Kannada) with Tadbhava khau. khau,

ka stone/nodule (metal). Ga. (Oll.) kan (S.)kanu (pl. kankil) stone (DEDR 1298).
The lexeme k could be denoted by the hieroglyph ka 'arrow'. Hieroglyphs fish + arrow read rebus ayas + ka thus connoted metal tools, pots and pans, metalware of the type shown in the Susa pot. These hieroglyphs -- ka one eye; rebus: kai stone (Kannada) -- ayo 'fish'; rebus: ayas 'metal' (Sanskrit) -- may have been translated and interpreted as the fish-eyes or eye stones (Akkadian IGI-HA, IGI-KU6) mentioned in Mesopotamian texts.

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Shaft-hole axe head. Early-middle bronze age. Lae 3rd or early 2nd millennium BCE. Iran. 10.31 x 16.41 cm. Accession Number: 1980:307 Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Hieroglyphs on the axe:

Hieroglyph 1: tagara 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagara 'tin'. Hieroglyph 2: eaka upraised arm (Ta.) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.) The hieroglyph indicates that the broad axe is made of copper + tin alloy: eraka + tagara.

tabar 'a broad axe' (Punjabi) Rebus: tam(b)ra = copper (Pkt.)

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Dilmun seal show

on http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/see-httpbharatkalyan97.html. Failaka seal shown on http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/indus-writing-on-dilmun-typeseals.html The hieroglyphs are: palm tree, two persons with upraised arms, two antelopes, an ingot shape, a circle. The palm tree is read rebus: tamar 'palm tree' Rebus: tam(b)ra 'copper'. tagara 'antelope' Rebus: damgar 'merchant'. eraka 'upraised arm' Rebus: eraka 'copper'. = a branch of a tree (G.) Rebus: hako = a large ingot (G.) hak = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)

A pair of 'empty circle hieroglyphs': Tu. tou hole; empty; ou, ou, to void, hollow. Te. toli,
tolika hole; tol(u)cu to bore, perforate, hollow, dig, scoop, carve; doi hole; (K.) dol(u)cu to make a hole; olla hollow, concave. (DEDR 3528) Rebus: dul casting (Santali) Allograph: dol likeness, pair Rebus: dul 'cast metal' (Santali)

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Allographs: tamar palm tree, date palm (Hebrew) Ku. N. tmo (pl. young bamboo shoots ), A. tm, B. tb, tm, Or. tamb, Bi tb, Mth. tm, tm, Bhoj. tm, H. tm in cmpds., tb, tm m., G. trb , tb n.(CDIAL 5779).

teba, tebor. three times, thrice; tebage emok hoyoktama you will have to give three times that
(Santali) cf. tamar 'gimlet' (Tamil)

It was circa 3500 BCE. An Indus artisan had written these hieroglyphs on a potsherd discovered by HARP (Harvard Harappa Archaeology Project). BBC titled the report of May 4, 1999 'Earliest writing'. Citing this find, the report quoted one of the excavators, Richard Meadow: "...these primitive inscriptions found on pottery may pre-date all other known writing."

Gharial holding fish. Mohenjo-daro. kar crocodile (Telugu). Rebus: khara blacksmith (Kashmiri) ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal' (G.) ayas, ayah 'metal' (Sanskrit)

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Fish design from Nal, South Baluchistan. .Potsherd from Amri combining fish and star hieroglyphs. mha 'The polar star' (Marathi) Rebus: me 'iron' (Ho.Munda) ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal' (G.) ayas, ayah 'metal' (Sanskrit) aDara 'scales of a fish' (Munda) Rebus: aduru 'native metal' (Kannada)

Writing on pots from Mundigak (eastern Afghanistan).

Two copper tablets. Mohenjo-daro. Showing two allographs: archer hieroglyph; ficus + crab hieroglyph. ato = claws of crab (Santali); dhtu = mineral (Skt.) loa ficus religiosa (Santali) rebus: loh metal (Skt.) kamakom fig.kamaha crab. kmahum = a bow; kma, kmaum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kmahiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammai a coiner (Kannada); kampaam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil)kammaa = mint, gold furnace (Telugu)

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Inscribed steatite tablet. Harappa.

Moulded inscribed faience tablet. Harappa.

One example of 21 identical inscriptions on tablets. The inscription on h2218A ends up as part of messageon a seal h1682.

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h1682 Harappa seal which includes the first segment of the message from the tablet h2218A. cf. http://harappa.drupalgardens.com/sites/harappa.drupalgardens.com/files/Kenoyer2000_The %20Tiny%20Steatite%20Seals%20of%20Harappa.pdf The tablet h2218A message incorporated on Seal h1682 is: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: gaaka 'accounting'. kui 'water carrier' Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. The seal h1682 also includes an additional message:

kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dol 'likeness, pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal). kan 'stone' (Gadba) Thus the two-part message on Seal h1682 is: Part1: cast (metal stone) smithy -- dul kan kolami Part 2: smelter smithy accounting - kui gaaka kolami The other hieroglyphs on the seal are: one-horned young bull calf -ku horn (Kannada. Tulu. Tamil)

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[kha] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus: [ka] A circular hamlet; a division of a or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. [kha] Alloyed--a metal (Marathi). gimlet + portable furnace - [sgaa] That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied. (Marathi) Rebus: [jgaa] f ( Hindi) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or The account or account-book of goods so taken.(Marathi)

Thus, the seal message completes the accounting of goods taken on approval basis (jgaa) of metal cast from smelter and taken into the smithy/forge (kolami). The procession tablet which is noted as the standard of the civilization has other hieroglyphs deployed on a text (1605) which is repeated on both tablets m0490 and m0491. The procession of four banners has been read rebus as mineral (stones) and metal alloys transacted on [jgaa] 'goods on approval' basis.

Text 1605 on m0490 and m0491 tablets. The hieroglyphs read rebus denote the following specialist functions of the artisan guild: workshop (for) casting metals, gemstones, smithy working with alloys, kiln, guild. dula pair (i.e., two long linear strokes). Rebus: dul to cast metal in a mould (Santali)

kar n. pl. wristlets, bangles (Gujarati) Rebus: [kha] the gem or stone of a ring or trinket:
a lump of hardened fces or scybala: a nodule or lump gen. (Marathi)

sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (Hindi) Rebus: sal workshop (Santali)
kolmo seeding, rice-plant(Munda) Rebus: kolami smithy (Telugu) [kha] ingot, wedge. Rebus: alloy (Marathi) That is, a smithy working with alloys.

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bhaa -- m. soldier (Pali) Rebus: baa = kiln (Santali); baa = a kind of iron (Gujarati) bhah f.
kiln, distillery(Gujarati)

kh f. corner, side) (Punjabi) Rebus: kh community, guild (Mu.)


1. dula pair (Kashmiri); dula m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rm. 966) dul cast (metal) (Santali). dul to cast metal in a mould (Santali) dul mee cast iron (Mundari. Santali) Alternative: tae a thick bamboo or an areca-palm stem, split in two (Ka.) (DEDR 3042)Rebus: toxin, to.xn goldsmith (To.); ta gold- or silver-smith (Ta.); taaravu goldor silver-smith (Te.); *haakra brass-worker (Skt.)(CDIAL 5493). Thus, the glyph is decoded: taara worker in gold, brass. Alternative: S. jo m. twin , L. P. j m.; M. j f. a double yoke . (CDIAL 5091) Rebus: *jaati joins, sets . 1. Pk. jaia -- set (of jewels), joined ; K. jarun to set jewels ( Ind.); S. jaau to join, rivet, set , jaa f. rivet, boundary between two fields ; P.jau to have fastened or set ; A. zariba to collect ; B. jana to set jewels, wrap round, entangle , ja heaped together ; Or. jaib to unite ; OAw.jara sets jewels, bedecks ; H. jan to join, stick in, set ( N. janu to set, be set ); OMarw. ja inlaid ; G. jav to join, meet with, set jewels ; M.ja to join, connect, inlay, be firmly established , ja to combine, confederate . (CDIAL 5091) G.kar n. pl. wristlets, bangles; S. kar f. wrist (CDIAL 2779). Rebus: khr blacksmith (Kashmiri) [kha] the gem or stone of a ring or trinket: a lump of hardened fces or scybala: a nodule or lump gen. (Marathi) sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal workshop (Santali) Alternative: aar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddha_nti Subrahman.ya Sastris new interpretation of the Amarakosa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) kolmo seeding, rice-plant(Munda) rebus: kolami smithy (Telugu)

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urseal11Seal; UPenn; a scorpion and an elipse [an eye (?)]; U. 16397; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 10-11, pl. II, no. 11 [Note: Is the eye an oval representation of a bun ingot.) Glyph: bich

scorpion (As+samese)Rebus: bica stone ore (Munda)


Glyph shown together with stong of scorpion on Urseal 1. Rebus: [kha] ingot, wedge; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Maratthi) khof alloy (Lahnda) Hence [khasa] a ( & from ) Alloyed--a metal. (Marathi) Bshk. kho embers , Phal. kho ashes, burning coal ; L. kho alloyed , aw. kho forged ; P. kho m. base, alloy M.kho alloyed , (CDIAL 3931)Kor. (O.) The seal thus depicts an ingot made of bica, stone ore.

Mohenjo-daro seal m417 six heads from a core. A circular seal of Mohenjo-daro. It shows a warrior. G. bhth, bht,bhth m. quiver (whence bhth m. warrior)(CDIAL 9124). Pali. bhaa -- m. hireling, servant, soldier; S.kcch. bha brave; Garh. (rnagr dial.) bh, (Saln dial.) bhe warrior. S. bhau clever, proficient, m. an adept; Ku. bha m. hero, brave man, gng. adj. mighty; B. bha soldier, servant, nom. prop., bhail servant, hero; Bhoj. bhar name of a partic. low caste;G. bha m. warrior, hero, opulent person, adj. strong, opulent Pk. bhayaga -- m. servant, bhaa -- m. soldier, bhaaa -- m. member of a non -Aryan tribe; (CDIAL 9588). Rebus: baa = kiln (Santali); baa = a kind of iron (G.) bhah f. kiln, distillery, aw. bhah; P. bhah m., h f. furnace, bhah m. kiln; S. bhah ke distil (spirits).bhrra n. frying pan, gridiron MaitrS. [bhrajj] Pk. bhaha -- m.n. gridiron; K. bh f. level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire; S. bahu m. large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire, bah f. distilling furnace; L. bhah m. grain -- parcher's oven, bhah f. kiln, distillery, aw. bhah; P. bhah m., h f. furnace, bhah m. kiln; N. bhi oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing; A. bha brick -- or lime -- kiln; B. bhi kiln ; Or. bhi brick -- kiln, distilling pot ; Mth. bhah, bha brick -- kiln, furnace, still; Aw.lakh. bhh kiln; H. bhah m. kiln, bha f. 521

kiln, oven, fireplace; M.bha m. pot of fire, bha f. forge. S.kcch. bhah ke distil (spirits).(CDIAL 9656). kna corner (Nk.); Tu. ku angle, corner (Tu.); Rebus: kd to turn in a lathe (B.) kundr turner (A.); k dr, k dri (B.); kundru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) *khua2 corner . 2. *kua -- 2. [Cf. *khca -- ] 1. Phal. khun corner ; H. kh m. corner, direction ( P. kh f. corner, side); G. kh f. angle . <-> X ka -- : G. khu f., kh m. corner .2. S. kua f. corner ; P. k f. corner, side ( H.). (CDIAL 3898). Rebus: kh community, guild (Mu.) Rebus: ka a house, dwelling (Skt.lex.) kh = a community, sect, society, division, clique, schism, stock; kh ren pea kanako = they belong to the same stock (Santali) kh Nag. Kh , k Has. (Or. Kh) either of the two branches of the village family. Context of the hieroglyph of warrior on a circular seal The core is a glyphic chain or ladder. Glyph: ka a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaiyo [Hem. Des. kaaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaiyaa, kaiyea a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.)

Mohenjo-daro Seal m0417 The glyphics are: Glyph: one-horned young bull: kondh heifer. k dr turner, brass-worker. Glyph: bull: hangra bull. Rebus: hangar blacksmith. Glyph: ram: meh ram. Rebus: me iron Glyph: antelope: mreka goat. Rebus: milakkhu copper. Vikalpa 1: meluhha mleccha copper worker. Vikalpa 2: meh helper of merchant. Glyph: zebu: kh zebu. Rebus: kh guild, community (Semantic determinant of the jointed animals glyphic composition). ka joining, connexion, assembly, crowd, fellowship (DEDR 522

1882) Pa. gotta clan; Pk. gotta, gya id. (CDIAL 4279) Semantics of Pkt. lexeme gya is concordant with Hebrew goy in ha-goy-im (lit. the-nation-s). Pa. gotta -- n. clan , Pk. gotta -, gutta -- , amg. gya -- n.; Gau. g house (in Kaf. and Dard. several other words for cowpen > house : gh -- , Pr. gu cow ; S. goru m. parentage , L. got f. clan , P. gotar, got f.; Ku. N. got family ; A. got -- nti relatives ; B. got clan ; Or. gota family, relative ; Bhoj. H. got m. family, clan , G. got n.; M. got clan, relatives ; -- Si. gota clan, family Pa. (CDIAL 4279). The sixth animal can only be guessed. Perhaps, a tiger (A reasonable inference, because the glyph tiger appears in a procession on some Indus script. inscriptions. Glyph: tiger?: kol tiger. Rebus:kol worker in iron. Vikalpa (alternative): perhaps, rhinoceros. gaa rhinoceros; rebus: kha tools, pots and pans and metal-ware. Thus, the entire glyphic composition of six animals on the Mohenjodaro seal m417 is semantically a representation of a ri, guild, a kh , community of smiths and masons.

kh 'zebu' (Gujarati)
This guild, community of smiths and masons evolves into Harosheth Hagoyim, a smithy of nations. Archaeological context (as seen in Harappa)

An overview of the area on Mound F as seen from the city wall on Mound AB. The circular working platforms are in the background and a row of identical houses that were clearly made all at one time, possibly a housing project of some wealthy merchant or perhaps sponsored by the city council.

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Slide 16. harappa.com Circular working platforms. Connected with the circular working platforms is the kiln discovered close-by.

Large updraft kiln of the Harappan period (ca. 2400 BCE) found during excavations on Mound E Harappa, 1989 (After Fig. 8.8, Kenoyer, 2000) After Figure 9. Harappa 1999, Mound F, Trench 43: Period 5 kiln, plan and section views. http://www.harappa.com/indus4/e6.html

Harappa kiln. Drawing. Hypothesis 1: It is reasonable to infer that the kiln of the type used a smelting furnace is also relatable both to the circular working platforms and the copper tablets with Indus script glyphs. 524

The shape of the kiln shown in this Figure 9 diagram is comparable to another kiln which was unearthed. During excavations of the circular platform area on Mound F numerous Cemetery H-type sherds and some complete vessels were recovered in association with pointed base goblets and large storage vessels that are usually associated with Harappa Period 3C. A large kiln was also found just below the surface of the mound to the south of the circular platforms. The upper portion of the kiln had been eroded, but the floor of the firing chamber was found preserved along with the fire-box. Upon excavation it became clear that this was a new form of kiln with a barrel vault and internal flues (Figure 8). This unique installation shows a clear discontinuity with the form of Harappan pottery kilns, which were constructed with a central column to support the floor (Dales and Kenoyer 1991). Radiocarbon samples taken from Harappa Phase hearths in the domestic areas and from the bottom of the Late Harappan kiln will help to determine if these installations were in use at the same time or if the kiln was built in an abandoned area after the Harappa Phase occupation. It is possible that people using Late Harappan style pottery were living together with people using Harappan style pottery during the Period 4 transition between Periods 3C and 5. http://www.harappa.com/indus4/e6.html

h1085 Hypothesis 2: It is reasonable to infer a close link between the functions served by the circular platform and the copper tablet with raised Indus script glyphs. During his excavations, Vats identified 17 circular brick platforms (Vats 1940:19ff) and in 1946 Wheeler excavated an 18th example (Wheeler 1947). Earlier interpretations about the circular platforms suggested that they were used for husking grain and that they may have had a central wooden mortar. In the 1998 excavations one additional circular platform was located and detailed documentation and sampling was conducted to determine its function and chronology. Contra view: The new excavations did not reveal any evidence for grain processing and there was no evidence for a wooden mortar in the center. Some straw impressions were found on the floor to the south of the circular platform, but microscopic examination by Dr. Steve Weber confirmed that these impressions were of straw and not of chaff or grain processing byproducts.

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Susa pot (reported by Maurizio Tosi) containing metal artifacts possibly sent from Meluhha traders or received by merchants with links to Meluhha trading community?) Hypothesis 3: Considering that the circular platforms were located in close proximity to one another, it is reasonable to infer that the workers who worked on these platforms belonged to a guild or metalworker community.Indus language (Indian linguistic area: mleccha/meluhha): bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharata = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bharty = a barzier, worker in metal; bha, bhrra = oven, furnace (Skt.)

h1083 Hypothesis 4: It is reasonable to infer that the center of the circular platform could have held a storage pot of the type unearthed in Susa with metal objects (and with a fish Indus script glyph written below the rim of the pot) evidenced by Maurizio Tosi as a link with Meluhha (aka Indus valley). Hypothesis 5: It is reasonable to infer that the pots with inscriptions (either embossed using a seal or inscribed as on the Susa pot) were used as containers for despatch to traders, while other storage pots (without inscriptions) might have been kept in the center of the circular platforms.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east-on.html An ancient Near East proto-cuneiform tablet with Indus writing An ancient Near East proto-cuneiform tablet with Indus writing 526

The narrative is set of hieroglyphs read rebus. Rebus readings connote that the cylinder seal impressions on the proto-cuneiform tablet relate to the smelting furnace for metalware: pasara 'quadrupeds' Rebus: pasra 'smithy' (Santali) a tiger, a fox on leashes held by a man kol 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloys' lo fox (WPah.) Rebus: lha metal (Pali) a procession of boars (rhinoceros?) and tiger in two rows k 'rhinoceros. Rebus: a tools, pots and pans and metal-ware (Gujarati) 3. a stalk/twig, sprout (or tree branch) kd, k bunch of twigs (Sanskrit) Rebus: kuhi smelting furnace (Santali) Thanks to Abdallah Kahil for the line drawing which clearly demonstrates that the narrative is NOT 'a hunting with dogs or herding boars in a marsh environment.' Traces of hieroglyphs are found on both sides of the tablet which also contains a proto-cuneiform inscription. It is noteworthy that cuneiform evolved TOGETHER WITH the use of Indus writing hieroglyphs on 527

tablets, cylinder seals and other artifacts. I wish every success for efforts at decoding protoelamite script using Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) System (see below).

Fig. 24 Line drawing showing the seal impression on this tablet. Illustration by Abdallah Kahil. Proto-Cuneiform tablet with seal impressions. Jemdet Nasr period, ca. 3100-2900 BCE. Mesopotamia. Clay H. 5.5 cm; W.7 cm. The blurb of Metropolitan Museum of Art says "The seal impression depicts a male figure guiding two dogs on a leash and hunting or herding boars in a marsh environment."

Comparable are hieoroglyphs of jackals appear where tigers are normally shown on a tablet h1971B Harappa. Three tablets with identical glyphic compositions on both sides: h1970, h1971 and h1972. Seated figure or deity with reed house or shrine at one side. Left: H95-2524; Right: H95-2487. Planoconvex molded tablet found on Mound ET. Reverse. a female deity battling two tigers and standing above an elephant and below a six-spoked wheel.

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Boar or rhinoceros in procession. Cylinder seal impression: Rhinoceros, elephant, lizard (gharial?).Tell Asmar (Eshnunna), Iraq. IM 14674; glazed steatite. Frankfort, 1955, No.

642; Collon, 1987, Fig. 610.

A group of animal hieroglyphs (including tiger/jackal, rhinoceros/boar) are show on many tablets with Indus writing : m2015Am2015Bm2016Am1393tm1394tm 1395Atm1395Bt Meluhha (mleccha) lexemes and rebus readings: Stalk: kam , n. < ka. 1. Water; sacred water; . (. 49, 16). 2. Staff, rod; . (.) 3. Stem, stalk; . (. .) 4. Arrow; . (.) 5. Weapon; . (.) Collection, multitude, assemblage; . (. .) kaumu- um, n. Redupl. of . Household utensils, great and small, useful and useless; . ? Loc. Alternative 1: aaru twig; airi small and thin branch of a tree; aari small branches (Ka.); aaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). Rebus:aduru native, unsmelted 529

metal (Kannada) aduru gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru, that is, ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) Alternative 2: kd, k bunch of twigs (Skt.lex.) kd (also written as k in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kauika Stra (Bloomsfields ed.n, xliv. Cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badar, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177). Rebus: kuhi smelting furnace (Santali)

pasaramu, pasalamu an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Telugu); rebus: pasra smithy
(Santali). Boar. Allograph: rhinoceros: ga4 m. rhinoceros lex., aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaa -. [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khag --1: cf. gatsha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaaka -- m., Pk. gaaya -- m., A. gr, Or. ga. 2. K. g m., S. geo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. ga m., f., N. gao, H. ga m., G. g m., f., M. g m.Addenda: gaa -- 4. 2. *gayaa -- : WPah.kg. ge mirg m. rhinoceros , Md. gen H. (CDIAL 4000). k-mirukam , n. [M. kmgam.] Rhinoceros; . (Tamil) Rebus: ka tools, pots and pans and metal-ware (Gujarati) kol tiger, jackal (Kon.) Rebus: kol iron (Ta.)

lo fox (WPah.) rebus: lha metal (Pali)


kul tiger (Santali); klu id. (Te.) klupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. Kolhuya -- , kulha m. jackal < *khu -- ; H.kolh, l m. jackal , adj. crafty ; G. kohl , l n. jackal , M. kolh, l m. kr crying BhP., m. jackal RV. = kru m. P. [kru] Pa. kohu -- , uka and kotthu -- , uka m. jackal , Pk. Kohu m.; Si. Koa jackal , koiya leopard GS 42 (CDIAL 3615). [ klh ] [ klh ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol furnace, forge (Kuwi) kol alloy of five metals, pacaloha (Ta.) Allograph: kla = woman (Nahali)

Rebus: kol , n. < -. Working in iron; . 4. Blacksmith; . kolla , n. < . [M. kollan.]

Blacksmith; . (.
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207). kouai , n. < + . Blacksmith's workshop, smithy;


. (. 95). kou , n. prob. -. 1. Masonry, brickwork; . ( . 30, 23). 2. Mason, bricklayer; . Colloq. 3. The measure of work turned out by a mason; . ?

lpka m. a kind of jackal Sur., lpkik -- f. lex. 1. H. low m. fox.2. Ash. ki, k fox, Kt. wki, Bashg. wrik, Kal.rumb. lawk: < *raupkya -- NTS ii 228; -- Dm. rpak Ir.? lp m. fox, jackal RV., lpik -- f. lex. [Cf. lpka -- . -- *lpi -- ] Wg. liw, laa fox, Pa.kch. low , ar. le jackal ( Shum. le NTS xiii 269), ku. lwin; K. lou, lh, lohu, lhu porcupine, fox.1. Kho. lw fox, Sh.gil. l tilde;i f., pales. li f., lo m., WPah.bhal. l f., lo m.2. Pr. w fox.(CDIAL 11140-2).Rebus: lh red, copper -- coloured rS., made of copper Br., m.n. copper VS., iron MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lha -- m. metal, esp. copper or bronze; Pk. lha -- m. iron, Gy. pal. li, lihi, obl. elhs, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa" steel; Kho. loh copper; S. lohu m. iron, L. loh m., aw. l, P. loh m. ( K.rm. o. loh), WPah.bhad. lu n., bhal. ltilde; n., p. jaun. lh, pa. luh, cur. cam. loh, Ku. luw, N. lohu, h, A. lo, B. lo, no, Or. loh, luh, Mth. loh, Bhoj. loh, Aw.lakh. lh, H. loh, loh m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho, l metal, ore, iron ; Md. ratu -- l copper lh -- : WPah.kg. (kc.) l iron, J. loh m., Garh. loho; Md. l metal. (CDIAL 11158).

Read on a write-up on the proto-cuneiform tablet... [quote] Administrative tablet with cylinder seal impression of a male figure, hunting dogs, and boars, 31002900 B.C.; Jemdet Nasr period (Uruk III script) Mesopotamia ClayH. 2 in. (5.3 cm) Purchase, Raymond and Beverly Sackler Gift, 1988 (1988.433.1) ON VIEW: GALLERY 402 Last Updated April 26, 2013 In about 3300 B.C., writing was invented in Mesopotamia, perhaps in the city of Uruk, where the earliest inscribed clay tablets have been found in abundance. This was not an isolated development but occurred during a period of profound transformation in politics, the economy, and representational art. During the Uruk period of the fourth millennium B.C., the first Mesopotamian cities were settled, the first kings were crowned, and a range of goodsfrom ceramic vessels to textileswere mass-produced in state workshops. Early writing was used primarily as a means of recording 531

and storing economic information, but from the beginning a significant component of the written tradition consisted of lists of words and names that scribes needed to know in order to keep their accounts. Signs were drawn with a reed stylus on pillow-shaped tablets, most of which were only a few inches wide. The stylus left small marks in the clay which we call cuneiform, or wedge-shaped, writing. This tablet most likely documents grain distributed by a large temple, although the absence of verbs in early texts makes them difficult to interpret with certainty. [unquote] http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/1988.433.1

Pre-cuneiform tablet with seal impressions

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The imagery of the cylinder seal records information. A male figure is guiding dogs (?Tigers) and herding boars in a reed marsh. Both tiger and boar are Indus writing hieroglyphs, together with the imagery of a grain stalk. All these hieroglyphs are read rebus in Meluhha (mleccha),of Indian sprachbund in the context of metalware catalogs of bronze age. kola 'tiger'; rebus: kol 'iron'; ka 'rhino'; rebus: ka 'metalware tools, pots and pans'. Ka. (Hav.) aaru twig; (Bark.) ar small and thin branch of a tree; (Gowda) ari small branches. Tu. aaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: aduru gan.iyinda tegadu

karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka.
Siddhnti Subrahmaya astris new interpretation of the Amarakoa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330) Alternative rebus: If the imagery of stalk connoted a palmfrond, the rebus readings could have been: Ku. N. tmo (pl. young bamboo shoots ), A. tm, B. tb, tm, Or. tamb, Bi tb, Mth. tm, tm, Bhoj. tm, H. tm in cmpds., tb, tm m. (CDIAL 5779) Rebus: tmr dark red, copper -- coloured VS., n. copper Kau., tmraka -- n. Yj. [Cf. tamr -- . -- tam?] Pa. tamba -- red , n. copper , Pk. taba -- adj. and n.; Dm. trmba -- red (in trmba -- lacuk raspberry NTS xii 192); Bshk. lm copper, piece of bad pine -- wood (< *red wood ?); Phal. tmba copper ( Sh.koh. tmb), K. trm m. ( Sh.gil. gur. trm m.), S. rmo m., L. trm, 533

(Ju.) tarm m., P. tmb m., WPah. bhad. m n., ki th. cmb, sod. cambo, jaun. tb (CDIAL 5779) tabshr f. the sugar of the bamboo, bamboo-manna (a siliceous deposit on the joints of the bamboo) (Kashmiri) Source: Kim Benzel, Sarah B. Graff, Yelena Rakic and Edith W. Watts, 2010, Art of the Ancient Near East, a resource for educators, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art http://www.metmuseum.org/~/media/Files/Learn/For%20Educators/Publications%20for%20Edu cators/Art%20of%20the%20Ancient%20Near%20East.pdf

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An example of a proto-Elamite accounting tablet. The direction of reading is right-to-left, then downward when the end of line is reached.

Economic tablet with numeric signs. Proto-Elamite script in clay, Susa, Uruk period (3200 BC to 2700 BC). Department of Oriental Antiquities, Louvre.

Tablet with numeric signs and script. From Teppe Sialk, Susa, Uruk period (3200 BC to 2700 BC). Department of Oriental Antiquities, Louvre.

Clay tokens, from Susa, Uruk period, circa 3500 BC. Department of Oriental Antiquities, Louvre.

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Seal excavated at Susa, now in modern-day Iran, showing an account of five fields and their yields, with total on the reverse. Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford,

Syllabograms of Elamite script. "The discovery of a bilingual text, with one version in Linear Elamite and the other in Old Akkadian, in 1905 at the Elamite capital of Susa made it possible to partially decipher Linear Elamite. The system is discovered to frequently make use of syllabograms, with logograms sprinkled in. The following is the Elamite portion of the bilingual tablet, which is attributed to the Elamite king PuzurInshushinak around the 22th century BCE."eal excavated at Susa, now in modern-day Iran,

showing an account of five fields and their yields, with total on the reverse. Faculty of Oriental Studies,

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Tablet Sb04823: receipt of 5 workers(?) and their monthly(?) rations, with subscript and seal depicting animal in boat; excavated at Susa in the early 20th century; Louvre Museum, Paris (Image courtesy of Dr Jacob L. Dahl, University of Oxford) Cited in an article on Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) System.

The tablet illustrated here is a business document with a seal impression. Seal impressions are somewhat like signatures, in that they identify the person involved in the business transaction recorded on the tablet. While most of the tablets that have been found are such things as contracts, sales receipts, and tax records, a number of very important literary texts have been found as well, such as the Epic of Gilgamesh and the Code of Hammurabi. Photograph by Kai Quinlan West Semitic Research Courtesy University of Southern California Archaeological Research Collection http://www.usc.edu/dept/LAS/wsrp/educational_site/ancient_texts/Cuneiform.shtml

See:

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http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/tokens-and-bullae-evolve-into-indus.html Tokens and bullae evolve into Indus writing, underlying language-sounds read rebus http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/see-httpbharatkalyan97.html Indus writing in ancient Near East (Dilmun seal readings) Note on the copulation scenes on Dilmun seals: kama, khama 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus:kaa furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire. Allograph: kamaha penance (Pkt.) Rebus 1: kampaa mint (Ma.) Rebus 2: kaa fire-altar' (Santali); kan copper (Ta.)

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http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/indus-writing-on-dilmun-type-seals.html Indus writing in ancient Near East (Failaka seal readings) Indus writing in ancient Near East (Failaka seal readings) Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs:

A () g Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: kho alloyed (metal) (Marathi) [kha] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. kho m. alloy (CDIAL 3931) kolom three (Mu.) Rebus: kolami furnace, smithy (Telugu) 539

Thus, the seals are intended to serve as metalware catalogs from the smithy/forge. Details of the alloyed metalware are provided by the hieroglyphs of Indus writing on the reverse of the seal.

Composition of two horned animals, sitting human playing a four-string musical instrument, a star and a moon. The rebus reading of hieroglyphs are: [tambura] or tambura. [Tel. +.] n. A kind of stringed instrument like the guitar. A tambourine. Rebus: tam(b)ra 'copper' tambabica, copper-ore stones; samobica, stones containing gold (Mundari.lex.) tagara 'antelope'. Rebus 1: tagara 'tin' (ore) tagromi 'tin, metal alloy' (Kuwi) 'merchant'. Thus the seal connotes a merchant of tin and copper. Rebus 2: damgar

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Inventory No. 8480. A seal from Dilmun, A seal from Dilmun, made of soft stone, classified as the 3rd largest seal in Failaka Island, decorated with human and zoomorphic figures. 0.16 X 4.8 cm. Site: the Ruler's Palace. 2nd millennium BCE, Dilmun civilization [NOTE: Many such seals of Failaka and Dilmun have been read rebus as Indus writing on blogposts.] Hieroglyphs on this Dilmun seal are: star, tabernae montana flower, cock, two divided squares, two bulls, antelope, sprout (paddy plant), drinking (straw), stool, twig or tree branch. A person with upraised arm in front of the antelope. All these hieroglyphs are read rebus using lexemes (Meluhha, Mleccha) of Indiansprachbund.

meha polar star (Marathi). Rebus: me iron (Ho.Mu.) agara (tagara) fragrant wood (Pkt.Skt.).tagara 'antelope'. Rebus 1: tagara 'tin' (ore) tagromi 'tin,
metal alloy' (Kuwi) Rebus 2: damgar 'merchant'

kui (-pp-, -tt-) to drink, inhale. Rebus: kuhi smelting furnace (Santali) angar bull; rebus: angar blacksmith (Hindi) dula 'pair' (Kashmiri). Rebus: dul 'cast metal'
(Santali) Thus, a pair of bulls connote 'cast metal blacksmith'.

kha field, division (Skt.) Rebus 1: Ga. (Oll.) kan, (S.) kanu (pl. kankil) stone (ore). Rebus
2: ka 'fire-altar' (Santali) Thus, the two divided squares connote furnace for stone (ore). 541

kolmo paddy plant (Santali) Rebus: kolami furnace, smithy (Telugu) Kur. ka a stool. Rebus: ka 'fire-altar' (Santali)

Tu. aaru twig. Rebus: aduru 'native (unsmelted) metal' (Kannada) Alternative
reading: [kae] kae. [Tel.] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. Rebus 1: ka 'fire-altar' (Santali) Rebus 2: khna tools, pots and pans, metal-ware. eraka upraised arm (Te.); eraka copper (Te.) Thus, the Dilmun seal is a metalware catalog of damgar 'merchant' dealing with copper and tin. The two divided squares attached to the straws of two vases in the following seal can also be read as hieroglyphs:

kha field, division (Skt.) Rebus 1: Ga. (Oll.) kan, (S.) kanu (pl. kankil) stone (ore). Rebus
2: ka 'fire-altar' (Santali) Thus, the two divided squares connote furnace for stone (ore).

kui (-pp-, -tt-) to drink, inhale. Rebus: kuhi smelting furnace (Santali)
ang = small country boat, dug-out canoe (Or.); g trough, canoe, ladle (H.)(CDIAL 5568). Rebus: nro term of contempt for a blacksmith (N.); angar (H.) (CDIAL 5524) Thus, a smelting furnace for stone (ore) is connoted by the seal of a blacksmith, angar :

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Stamp seal with a boat scene. Steatite. L. 2 cm. Gulf regio, Failaka, F6 758. Early Dilmun, ca. 2000-1800 BCE. Ntional Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, Kuwait National Museum, 1129 ADY. The subject is a nude male figure standing in the middle of a flat-bottomed boat, facing right. The man's arms are bent at the elbow, perpendicular to his torso. Beside him are two jars stand on the deck of the boat, each containing a long pole to which is attached a hatched square that perhaps represents a banner. Six square stamp seals from Failaka have been published...It is unlikely that the hatched squares represent sails, since the poles to which they are attached emerge from vases. The two diagonal lines on the body of the boat may represent the reed bundles from which these craft were buit. See Kjaerum 1983, seal nos. 192, 234, 254, 266, 335, 367. Source: Source: Joan Aruz et al., 2003, Art of the First cities: the third millennium BCE from the Mediterranean to the Indus, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art (Pages 320, 322).See also: http://ancientworldonline.blogspot.in/2012/10/kuwaiti-slovak-archaeologicalmission.html Similar readings are suggested for all hieroglyphs on Failaka seals treating them as evidences of Indus writing in ancient Near East. The suggested rebus readings for specific hieroglyphs of Failaka seals (akin to Dilmun seal readings) are listed in the following section. Note:

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What is shown like the phase of a moon may not denote a moon but the shape of a buningot. abu an iron spoon (Santali) Rebus: ab, himba, hompo lump (ingot?). Alternative reading: mh 'ingot'. Read together with the polar star, the rebus reading is: me mh 'iron ingot'. [meha polar star (Marathi). me iron (Ho.Mu.)] The antelope + divided square is read rebus: eraka tagara ka 'tin furnace' (merchant, damgar). The upraised arm indicates eraka 'copper': eraka upraised arm (Telugu); eraka copper (Telugu) Thus, the seal denotes a merchant dealing in iron, tin and copper ingots. Rebus readings of hieroglyphs on Failaka seals (akin to Dilmun seal readings): [tambura] or tambura. [Tel. +.] n. A kind of stringed instrument like the guitar. A tambourine. Rebus: tam(b)ra 'copper' tambabica, copper-ore stones; samobica, stones containing gold (Mundari.lex.) Skt. ku- intoxicating liquor. Ta. kui (-pp-, -tt-) to drink, inhale; n. drinking, beverage (DEDR 1654). Rebus: kuhismelting furnace.

kolmo paddy plant (Santali); kolom = cutting, graft; to graft, engraft, prune; kolma hoo = a variety of the paddy plant (Desi)(Santali.) kolom three (Mu.) Rebus: kolami furnace, smithy (Telugu)

kha field, division (Skt.) Rebus: Ga. (Oll.) kan, (S.) kanu (pl. kankil) stone (DEDR 1298). (Marathi) is metal, nodule, stone, lump. kai stone (Kannada) with Tadbhava khau. khau, ka stone/nodule (metal). Rebus: khaaran, kharun pit furnace (Santali) ka furnace (Skt.) f. a blacksmith's smelting furnace (Grierson Kashmiri lex.) [khaa] A piece, bit, fragment, portion.(Marathi) Rebus: khna tools, pots and pans, metal-ware. Allographs: Kur. ka a stool. Malt. kano stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) [ khaa ] A piece, bit, fragment, portion.(Marathi) kha ivory (H.) ja kha = ivory (Jak) kha = ivory in rough

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(Jak) kandhi = a lump, a piece (Santali.lex.) kandi (pl. -l) beads, necklace (Pa.); kanti (pl. -l) bead, (pl.) necklace; kandit. bead (Ga.)(DEDR 1215).

Ta. ka eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. (DEDR 1159a) Rebus brazier, bellmetal worker: ka , n. < . [M. kannn.] Brazier, bell-metal worker, one of the divisions of the Kamma caste; . (.) [ kae ] kae. [Tel.] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. (Telugu) k stack of stalks of large millet(Maithili) k 2 m. a section, part in general; a cluster, bundle, multitude (iv. 32). k 1 m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt k.

Ka. (Hav.) aaru twig; (Bark.) ar small and thin branch of a tree; (Gowda) ari small
branches. Tu. aaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: aduru gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhnti Subrahmaya astris new interpretation of the Amarakoa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330). meha polar star (Marathi). me iron (Ho.Mu.) Allograph: meh ram.

satthiya svastika glyph; rebus: satthiya pewter. Skt. ku- intoxicating liquor. (DEDR 1654) Ta. kui (-pp-, -tt-) to drink, inhale; n. drinking, beverage,drunkenness; kuiya drunkard. Rebus: kui= smelter furnace (Santali) ga 'four'. ka 'bit'. Rebus: ka 'fire-altar'. kolmo 'three'. Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. tagara 'antelope'; rebus 1: tagara 'tin'; rebus 2: tamkru, damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) The bamboo-shoot is tb read rebus: tamba 'copper'.

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B. Or. bich 'scorpion', Mth. bch (CDIAL 12081) Rebus: meed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) bica, bica-diri (Sad. bic; Or. bic) stone ore; mee bica, stones containing iron; tambabica, copper-ore stones; samobica, stones containing gold (Mundari.lex.)

kama, khama 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus:ka furnace, fire altar, consecrated fire. mx frog. Rebus: m h (copper) ingot (Santali) m h = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Santali) Allographs: m he face (Santali) [ mkha ] . Add:--3 Sprout or shoot. (Marathi) Kuwi (Su.) mogla shoot of bamboo; (P.) moko sprout (DEDR 4997) Tu. mugiyuni to close, contract, shut up; muguru sprout, shoot, bud; tender, delicate; muguruni, mukuruni to bud, sprout; mugg, mogg flower-bud, germ; (BRR; Bhattacharya, non-brahmin informant) mukk bud. Kor. (O.) mke flower-bud. (DEDR 4893)

pajhar. = to sprout from a root (Santali) Rebus: pasra smithy (Santali)

angar bull; rebus: angar blacksmith (Hindi)


umgara mountain (Pkt.)(CDIAL 5423). Rebus: damgar merchant. kangha (IL 1333) kgher comb-maker (H.) Rebus: kangar portable furnace [ gd ] m A circular brand or mark made by actual cautery (Marathi) [ g ] m A