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176] On: 07 July 2013, At: 23:05 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Journal of Lesbian Studies

Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wjls20

Sexuality Sells: A Content Analysis of Lesbian and Heterosexual Women's Bodies in Magazine Advertisements
Diana Milillo
a a

Nassau Community College Published online: 18 Dec 2008.

To cite this article: Diana Milillo (2008) Sexuality Sells: A Content Analysis of Lesbian and Heterosexual Women's Bodies in Magazine Advertisements, Journal of Lesbian Studies, 12:4, 381-392, DOI: 10.1080/10894160802278267 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10894160802278267

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Sexuality Sells: A Content Analysis of Lesbian and Heterosexual Womens Bodies in Magazine Advertisements
Diana Milillo

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SUMMARY. Controversies in the literature suggest varied views as to

whether lesbian and heterosexual women accept different cultural norms about body shape and size. This article explores whether messages about the body from lesbian media deviate from mainstream, heterosexually focused media. In particular, I differentiate the messages within both media by the physical appearance of the model in the photo, and how the body is positioned in the type and context of the ad itself. Three hundred randomly selected photo advertisements from lesbian and mainstream womens magazines were examined. Lesbian models varied more in age and weight than mainstream models, and were more likely to be androgynous in gender appearance. In turn, mainstream models were more likely to be wearing revealing clothing that hindered their mobility, such as a tight skirt or stiletto heels. Advertisements in lesbian magazines placed their models in more dened contexts, such as in travel ads, and with more of a purpose than mainstream advertisements, where models were more likely to be placed in front of a non-descript backdrop. Lesbian advertisements were more likely to sell products that engendered community (e.g., travel, book club), whereas mainstream advertisements more often sold products that emphasized the self (e.g., clothing, beauty products). I consider how lesbian and heterosexual bodies are reproduced and impart messages about doing gender. Diana Milillo, Ph.D., is a social psychologist and instructor at Nassau Community College. Her research focuses broadly on gender roles, sexual orientation, and perceptions of sexism. Address correspondence to: Diana Milillo, Ph.D., Department of Psychology, One Education Drive, Garden City, NY 11530 (E-mail: diana.milillo@ncc.edu). Journal of Lesbian Studies, Vol. 12(4), 2008 Available online at http://www.haworthpress.com C 2008 by The Haworth Press. All rights reserved. doi: 10.1080/10894160802278267

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KEYWORDS. Sexual orientation, lesbian, gender appearance, body image, content analysis, advertisements

In modern culture, women are constantly subject to images from the media about what is normative and accepted body size and shape. Our ever-growing media outlets, including magazines, television, and the Internet, continuously reafrm cultural ideas of how to do gender, which for women means being thin and sexy (West and Zimmerman, 1987). Specifically, advertisements from popular (heterosexually focused) magazines have long been shown to perpetuate an unattainable norm of beauty, body size, and gender appearance (Kilbourne, 2000; Wolf, 1991). Advertisements call for a consumption of products that will transform a woman into a more acceptable-looking package for the outside gaze. Popular womens magazines, such as Mademoiselle and Glamour, educate women on how to perform a more feminine look, by shaving, applying makeup, and shopping for clothes and shoes (Hollows, 2000). Essentially, ads call for women to utilize their energy inward to enhance their own body. Further, popular images not only give us ideals about womens body size and shape (Smith, 2004), but also send subtle messages about dominance and subordination by the placement of those bodies in a given context. For example, in a classic study of magazine photos, Goffman (1978) argued that womens bodies were typically seen in more subservient positions compared to mens bodies. Women were more often shown as smaller or lower than men, holding a withdrawn gaze away from the scene, and expressing a soft and delicate touch (Goffman, 1978). These themes have not drastically improved over the last couple of decades (Kang, 1997). Increasingly, we see images of womens bodies objectied and portrayed as merely pieces, such as legs or torsos, rather than a whole being (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997). Taken together, mainstream advertisements prescribe strong gender role messages about womens self-absorption with appearance, passivity, and docility. Ideals and norms of body image and self-presentation in the lesbian sub-culture can be very different from the mainstream heterosexual culture and can also vary within lesbian sub-cultures. Previous research found that lesbians often hold larger body ideals than heterosexual women, and tend to be heavier themselves (Cohen and Tannenbaum, 2001). Many lesbians also value t and strong bodies (Few, 2001). Further, Krakauer and Rose (2002) argue that many lesbians opt for a more androgynous physical appearance after coming out, which functions as a signal of group membership. For

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example, markers of dress, make-up, and hair help facilitate lesbians to feel that they are part of a larger community and in tune to the norms of lesbian identity (Krakauer and Rose, 2002). Appearance has also been a socially and politically charged statement. Especially during the 1960s and 1970s, many lesbians adopted a detectable look, functioning as a rejection of patriarchal beauty and dress standards and as a challenge to contemporary notions of femininity (Dworkin, 1988). Over the next couple of decades, however, the highly politicized homogenous look dissipated into a breadth of styles, accepting the notion that lesbians can remain on the outskirts of mainstream patriarchal society and at the same time indulge in their sexual expressiveness and femininity (Hollows, 2000). Considering the argument that lesbian identity acts as a buffer against mainstream images of the female ideal, some research supports the idea that lesbians are more satised with their bodies than heterosexual women (Beren, Hayden, Wiley, and Striegel-Moore, 1997; Gettelman and Thompson, 1993; Herzog, Newman, Yeh, and Warshaw, 1992; LaTorre and Wendenburg, 1983). Bergeron and Senn (1998) found that, although equally aware of societys pressures to be thin and anxious about their bodies, lesbians internalized mainstream sociocultural norms less than heterosexual women. Ludwig and Brownell (1999) found specically that lesbian and bisexual women who self-identied as being androgynous and masculine in gender appearance had higher body satisfaction than feminine women. This research argues that lesbian sub-culture is separate from mainstream America, and emits its own norms, ideals, and patterns of behavior (Dworkin, 1988). Opposing research argues that lesbians, as all women, are exposed to the widespread efforts of the media, and therefore are as equally subject to stereotypic gender role internalization and body dissatisfaction as heterosexual women (Beren, Hayden, Wiley, and Grilo, 1996; Cogan, 1999). One study comparing lesbian and heterosexual women suggests that the groups do not differ on measures of body esteem or weight concern, maintaining that a lesbian is still a part of a greater culture that values beauty and thinness in women (Striegel-Moore, Tucker, and Hsu, 1990, p. 498). The current study examines the role of womens bodies in photo advertisements in popular lesbian and heterosexual womens magazines. Specifically, I question whether there are major differences in how the models perform their gender appearance and body image. In addition, I consider how the bodies are displayed in the advertising space and specically look at whether the models appear in active or passive positions and poses. Finally, to more fully capture the essence of what messages are being

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elicited, this article also analyzes the type and context of advertisements in each type of magazine. How does the nature of the advertisement (e.g., beauty, travel, sports) reect the different types of messages elicited to each group? I argue that by looking at the whole context of photo advertisements, quite different messages are solicited by ads in heterosexually geared magazines from lesbian magazines. I hypothesize that ads geared toward a mainstream, heterosexual audience will be largely focused on xing the individual self, whereas ads geared toward lesbians will be more holistic, active, and communally focused.
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METHOD Materials
Three hundred magazine advertisements photos were randomly selected to be analyzed from popular heterosexual womens magazines (n = 150) and popular lesbian magazines (n = 150). Recent editions of heterosexual womens magazines (Glamour, Elle, and Mademoiselle) and lesbian magazines (Curve, Girlfriends, and OUT ) were chosen based on their similar content of popular culture commentary, style, and editorials.

Procedure
Samples of photo advertisements were taken from twelve issues of mainstream womens magazines geared to a heterosexual womens audience (6 issues) and lesbian womens magazines (6 issues) from 2001. Approximately 25 print advertisements per each individual magazine were randomly selected, and only advertisement photos featuring at least one female were scored. Ratings clustered into two main categories: (1) the physical appearance of the model and (2) the type and context of advertisement. In the following sections I outline the variables within both categories as well as the scoring criteria. Advertisements were coded primarily by one rater, and two independent raters (one female, one male) coded a random sub-sample of 60 images each (20% of the overall sample). There was an overall 90% interrater agreement among all three coders.

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Physical Appearance of the Model Age

Models were rated on approximate age, using the following categories: 13 to 19 years old, 20 to 29 years old, 30 to 39 years old, 40 to 49 years old, 50 to 59 years old, and 60 and over.

Ethnicity
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Ethnicity was coded as African American, Asian American, Caucasian, Hispanic, Middle Eastern, Native American, or inability to determine ethnicity.

Weight
Models were given ratings of frail (extremely thin or lanky; showing bones), thin, medium-sized (weight appears in proportion to their height), overweight, or obese (noticeable signs, such as heavy thighs, arms, or a double-chin).

Gaze
Models were coded on whether they looked at the camera or away from the camera.

Hands
Ads were coded on whether the models hands were in motion, touching another person, at her sides, behind her back, or not shown at all.

Posture
The models posture was coded on whether she was lying down or sitting, standing, or in motion (such as walking, running, or jumping).

Amount of Clothing
This rating focused on whether the models clothes covered her full body (including arms, legs, and full chest), exposed her arms, legs, or torso, whether she was in undergarments, or topless or bottomless.

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Mobility Impairment
This rated whether the models amount of clothing presented an impairment to her mobility, such as high heels or a tight skirt would impair one from running or walking fast, or a short shirt would impair her lifting her arms high. This was a dichotomous variable scored as yes or no.

Type of Dress
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This category scored whether the models clothes were casual (form tting, showed the outline of the models body without being too tight or posing a mobility impairment), sporty (work-out garments), professional (covered three-quarters of ones body, plain in design, and in conservative colors), sexy (tight tting, showing cleavage, short skirt, or in undergarments), baggy (very loose tting, hides the outline of the models body), punk/alternative (characterized by leather, ripped clothes, mismatched outts), elegant (dressy, form-tting, such as a prom or a wedding dress), or the models type of dress could not be determined (body not shown).

Perceived Overall Gender Appearance

The models overall gender appearance was rated on a continuous scale from one (very feminine) to nine (very masculine), with the midpoint being an androgynous overall appearance.

Type and Context of Advertisement Type of Advertisement

The type of product featured in the ad was categorized by beauty product, book, website, political event, travel, music, clothing or shoes, perfume, athletic or sport related, home d ecor, food, counseling or health related, cigarette or alcohol, erotica, or other.

Advertisement Setting
I scored whether the ad was set indoors (such as in a home, ofce, restaurant, club or bar), outdoors (such as in a park or on a ski trail), or whether the setting of the advertisement could not be determined (such as a plain backdrop).

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RESULTS
A series of chi-square analyses were conducted, comparing lesbian with heterosexual magazine photos on each variable.

Physical Appearance of the Model

A chi-square analysis revealed a signicant difference in perceived age of model between magazine genres, showing that the majority of models are used in heterosexual magazines perceived to be young adults between 20 and 29 years old (33%) and in lesbian magazines, the majority of models were perceived to be slightly older, between 30 and 39 years old (37%), 2 (5, n = 299) = 31.25, p < .001. There were no differences in ethnicity between the models of lesbian and heterosexual magazines. Predominantly, Caucasian models were featured in heterosexual (79%) and lesbian magazines (72%), followed by African-American models (11% and 15%, respectively). Surprisingly, analyses indicated only a marginally signicant difference in the body size and weight between models in lesbian and heterosexual magazines, 2 (4, n = 297) = 9.03, p < .06. The largest percentage of models fell into the thin category for both the heterosexual (67.8%) and lesbian models (67.6%). The next frequently rated models were of average weight (21.5% and 25%, respectively). Of all the models rated frail, however, there were twice as many frail models depicted in the heterosexual magazines (9%) as in the lesbian magazines (3%). Heterosexual and lesbian models differed somewhat on how their bodies were positioned in the advertising space. Heterosexual models were much more likely to be looking downward or away from the camera (31%) than lesbian models (19%), 2 (6, n = 293) = 22.61, p < .001. Heterosexual models were also more likely to be shown with their hands behind their back (25%) than lesbian women (13%), whereas lesbian models were more likely to be shown touching another person (30%) than heterosexual models (7%), 2 (5, n = 298) = 30.30, p < .001. Finally, heterosexual models were more likely to be sitting still or lying down (46%) than lesbian models (39%), but this was not a signicant difference, 2 (3, n = 282), ns. Contrary to my hypothesis, both models were just as likely to be shown in some type of active motion (16% and 18%). However, models general appearance did differ in advertisements. First, lesbian models were more likely to have shorter hair than heterosexual models, F (1, 292) = 25.44, p < .001. Next, there was a signicant

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TABLE 1. Frequency of type of dress of lesbian

and heterosexual models

Heterosexual Lesbian

Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Revealing Professional Casual Sporty Baggy Elegant Alternative Other 42 9 24 11 <1 9 <1 3 60 13 35 16 1 13 1 5 32 3 32 14 4 6 8 1 47 5 47 21 6 9 12 1

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difference in the amount of clothing by magazine type, 2 (6, n = 292) = 28.23, p < .001. Two signicant trends were found here. First, lesbian models were more often shown in full clothing (88%) than heterosexual models (70%). Second, relative to lesbian models, heterosexual models were also more likely to be dressed in undergarments and topless or be bottomless (21% compared to 11% lesbian models). Furthermore, a chisquare analysis indicated that heterosexual models were much more often dressed in clothes that could present mobility impairments (48%) than lesbian models (26%), 2 (1, n = 293) = 14.19, p < .001. In terms of gender appearance, both heterosexual and lesbian models appeared relatively feminine in dress and appearance as rated on a 9point scale (M = 2.25, SD = .96; M = 2.94, SD = 1.62, respectively). However, lesbian models tended to appear signicantly more androgynous than heterosexual models, t (294) = 4.46, p < .001. In terms of dress, heterosexual models were dressed sexier, showing more skin and cleavage than lesbian models, whereas lesbian models tended to wear casual, sporty, or alternative clothing. This was a statistically signicant effect, 2 (7, n = 292) = 23.79, p < .001 (see Table 1).

Type and Context of Advertisement

A chi-square analysis showed an overwhelming difference between the types of ads in lesbian and heterosexual womens magazines, 2 (15, n = 298) = 218.12, p < .001. There were clear themes about which types of products were solicited in both types of magazines. As shown in Table 2,

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TABLE 2. Frequency of types of advertisements in

lesbian and heterosexual womens magazines

Heterosexual Lesbian

Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Beauty Travel Clothes/Shoes Erotica Book Website Cigarette/Alcohol Political Event Health Jewelry Home Food Other 38 <1 31 <1 2 <1 5 0 2 2 2 1 6 57 1 47 1 3 1 7 0 3 3 3 2 9 0 35 0 14 12 8 3 4 3 <1 <1 <1 3 0 52 0 20 17 12 5 6 4 1 1 1 4

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lesbian magazines more frequently ran travel (35%), erotica (15%), book (11%), and website (8%) ads, whereas in heterosexual magazines, beauty products (38%) and clothing and accessories (31%) dominated. Further, there was a signicant difference in the setting of lesbian and heterosexual magazine advertisements, 2 (4, n = 298) = 12.70, p < .01. Both lesbian and heterosexual ads showed similar percentages of indoor locations (e.g., a bar or ofce) (15%). However, congruent with my hypothesis, lesbian ads were more often set outdoors (47%) than heterosexual ads (28%). Interestingly, a signicant number of heterosexual models were set in front of a non-descript or undened setting, such as a plain colored backdrop (53%), than were lesbian models (36%).

DISCUSSION
The goal of this project was to compare differences in the way lesbian and mainstream heterosexual magazine advertisements portray models bodies in context. This studys results suggest body image and appearance are indeed targeted to audiences in markedly different ways. There appear to be signicant differences in both the appearance of the model and the type and context of the advertisement. Specically, heterosexual womens

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ads depicted a thin, passive female model, whereas lesbian bodies were more uid in terms of physical appearance and positioned in more active ways. In heterosexual magazines, the typical model is young, very feminine, and very thin. This model is often packaged in relatively skimpy, mobilitylimiting clothing. Contrasted with the often expensive and airbrushed image in heterosexual magazines, a typical model in a lesbian magazine generally appears more real life like. On average, lesbian models were heavier, and ranged more in terms of body size, gender appearance, and dress. A lesbian model was often portrayed in androgynous clothing and with a short haircut. Lesbian models also ranged more in age than models in heterosexual advertisements; ads in lesbian magazines occasionally feature models in their fties or sixties. Additionally, the type and context of the advertisements varied widely between the two types of magazines. Lesbian magazines carried a majority of travel, erotica, book, and website advertisements. No beauty advertisements were found in lesbian magazines, yet this type of ad dominated heterosexual magazines, along with clothing and shoe ads. Lesbian ads were also much more likely to be set outdoors, such as on a ski slope or at a pool, than heterosexual ads. Often in heterosexual ads, a non-dened or plain backdrop was set behind the model, offering no indication of where the model may wear her new dress or shade of lipstick. One theme in interpreting the patterns found is internal versus external agency. Taken together, lesbian advertisements exert a greater presence of control over ones body and self than heterosexual advertisements. Given the prevalence of lesbian models holding their gaze at the camera, physically touching other women, and displayed in travel advertisements, lesbians are shown in activities external to their physical bodies. Likewise, the number of erotica ads in lesbian magazines signals acceptance of female sexuality and agency in actively pursuing gratication of ones desire. In contrast, heterosexual ads seem to place all prospects of gratication on the consumption of products that aim to enhance womens outward appearance. Here it is clear that the power to induce pleasure or gratication does not rest in the woman herself, but rather on something external to make her whole (i.e., beauty product, clothes). Similarly, the prevalence of women in undened settings supports Goffmans (1978) notion of womens licensed withdrawal or disconnectedness from a dened purpose in a context. This suggests that there is no practical place for heterosexual women to utilize the products being sold.

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The differences in the types of advertisements suggest another interesting theme. In large part, the lesbian ads were built on themes of community and connectedness to other women. From vacation spots to lesbian book clubs, these ads all feature vehicles by which a woman can feel a sense of belonging to a community of lesbians. Further, their hand placement showed that instead of touching themselves they were more likely seen touching another person, almost always a woman. Collectively, the advertisements in lesbian magazines facilitate a message of lesbian community and identity pride (Cass, 1979). In contrast, heterosexual advertisements evoke no sense of connectedness among either the women featured or the audience. Much the opposite, the advertisements promote a sense of individualism and competition between women. Women are encouraged to look and dress better than the next in order to have a chance at obtaining a reward (e.g., a man, attention). The results of this study show that there are signicantly different messages marketed to heterosexual and lesbian women through visual media. It is important to understand what the norms and ideals are of both groups in order to subsequently examine how these norms are internalized and affect behavior. Understanding the relative degree of agency and passivity in these images can glean important conclusions about womens subjective power in society. REFERENCES
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