Fragments of Flowers: Flores de Filosofia in Early Modern Spain and the Scribal Revision of El Conde Lucanor

Jonathan Burgoyne

La cornica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures, Volume 37, Issue 2, Spring 2009, pp. 5-31 (Article)

Published by La cornica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures DOI: 10.1353/cor.0.0030

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FRAGMENTS OF FLOWERS:
F L O R E S D E F I L O S O F IA I N E A R LY M O D E R N S PA I N A N D T H E S C R I B A L R E V I S I O N O F EL CONDE LUCANOR

Jonathan Burgoyne
the ohio state U N IV ERSIT Y

In the years since Daniel Devoto brought Flores de filosofa (= Flores) into critical contact with don Juan Manuels El Conde Lucanor (= CL), citing it as a minor text, scholars have come to acknowledge that Flores is, in fact, one of the most important medieval Castilian expressions of didactic literature (Devoto 196). Recently, Fernando Gmez Redondo has argued that it is the key piece of wisdom literature that links together a long list of works (260), and a search through the Novedades bibliogrficas of the online journal Memorabilia will discover a growing scholarly interest in Flores and Iberian wisdom literature in general. Among the scholars driving this important work is Marta Haro Corts, whose book Los compendios de castigos del siglo xiii is one of the most comprehensive studies on the form to date.1
1 Presently, there are two print editions of Flores. One is the nineteenth-century edition by

Hermann Knust cited here; the other is an unpublished dissertation prepared by Lee Thomas Fouch. Hugo Oscar Bizzarri and Jos Manuel Luca Megas have transcribed manuscript witnesses of Flores (Ms. escur. S-II-13 and BN, Madrid, Ms. 9428 respectively) for Memorabilia.

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Even in the light of this new scholarship, the history of Flores and its affiliation with other works is an open area of research. I cannot, however, write that entire history here. In this essay I will broadly survey the manuscript landscape of Flores in order to map its transmission from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century, while sketching profiles of its late medieval and early modern audiences. I will then concentrate on fragments of Flores as they were rewritten into two manuscripts from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. These fragments offer intriguing glimpses into the activities of professional compilers and scribes who played active roles in the production, transmission and interpretation of Flores, along with the other works arranged and bound together with it in their respective host anthologies. When studied as cultural artifacts, the two early modern, handmade books containing selections from Flores give witness to unique interpretations of its context and meaning. One, a fifteenth-century compilatio, is designed to serve the interests of an intellectually ambitious seigneurial audience, while the sixteenth-century fragment displays a scribal reading and revision of the CL that suggests a radically different, Counter-Reformational alignment. An examination of Flores manuscript witnesses not only reveals a great deal about its material and literary history, but it also exposes a fascinating response to Juan Manuels most famous work. Without rehearsing in an introduction the thorny topic of genre, it is clear from the title and prologue, as well as from the textual transmission, that Flores is a collection of extracts presented as the best parts, or flowers, of the sayings of ancient philosophers arranged into chapters (Rouse and Rouse, Florilegia of Patristic Texts 165):
Este libro es de Flores de Filosofa que fu escogido e tomado de los dichos de los sabios, e quien bien quisyere fazer sy e su fazienda estudie en esta poca e noble escriptura. E hordenar e conponer por sus captulos ayuntronse treynta e siete sabios, e des acablo Seneca que fu filsofo sabio de Cordoua, e fizo[lo] para que se aprouechasen dl los omes rricos e ms menguados e los viejos e los mancebos. (Knust 11)

Considering that the Latin flores was a common term for selected extracts from the twelfth century on, and that the author declares that the dichos

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were culled from the philosophers, Flores is then, by definition, a picking of flowers or florilegium (Rouse, Florilegia 109).2 Through its transmission we will have occasion to observe other characteristics of the medieval florilegium in Flores.

Transmission and Audiences of Flores de filosofa

Although it is thought to have been originally composed in Castilian (Taylor 75), Flores is a piece of gnomic literature that shares much of its material with other Spanish collections of maxims from the Arabic tradition, such as Bocados de oro and the Libro de buenos proverbios.3 Flores has been compared to the speculum principis genre, described as a florilegium of ethics, an ethico-political catechism, and a compilation of lessons or castigos designed primarily for princes and aristocrats charged with the duties of governance.4 Since its composition some time during the mid-thirteenth century, this anonymous collection of aphoristic laws and advice for kings and courtiers
2 Mary and Richard Rouse clarify the etymology of florilegium as a compound from legere, to

pick up or pick out, and flos, flower (Florilegia of Patristic Texts 165). Mary Rouse recalls that florilegia can vary in length, in type and formality of structure, and in purpose, and that many collections begin with a compilers prologue that explains such things as his purpose, his choice of materials, and the structure or arrangement of the collection as a whole (109). A. G. Rigg describes prose florilegia as usually collections of wise sayings excerpted from philosophers and theologians, and often amount[ing] to a collection of proverbs (Anthologies 317). For further study of the form, see Birger Munk Olsen and Jacqueline Hamesse.
3 Hermann Knust pointed to the proverbs from Bocados de oro and the Libro de buenos proverbios

in his edition, and states in his introduction that the majority of the proverbs in Flores were taken from other books (4). Likewise, Gmez Redondo finds that there are ms que unos cuantos proverbios shared by Flores and Bocados de oro (261).
4 Haro Corts places Flores, among other compilations of Spanish wisdom literature, within the

speculum principis genre based primarily on its implied audience and reception (Los compendios 271). Fouch argues that Flores cannot be a mirror because it is directed not only to the leaders, but also to the followers (20). Bizzarri claims that Flores is not, strictly speaking, a florilegium, but he believes that it was perceived as such since the text claims to present a collection of ancient sayings from some thirty-seven philosophers (Un florilegio 201-02). In another essay, the same scholar describes Flores as one of the most popular catechisms of political ethics from the thirteenth century (Deslindes 45). Gmez Redondo, like Knust, argues that Flores is a religious, or spiritual guide, compiled for a general audience (Knust 4; Gmez Redondo 264). Carlos Alvar presents a more descriptive classification, stating that Flores es una serie de treinta y ocho captulos o leyes, centrados en el amor a Dios, en la figura del rey, en los conceptos de saber y nobleza, en las virtudes y en la riqueza y la codicia (98-99).

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in the Hispano-Arabic adab tradition was recast and interpolated into many of the most important works of Spanish literature of the later Middle Ages.5 Its material was first reshaped into a late thirteenth-century work known as the Libro de los cien captulos, and during the second or third decade of the fourteenth century it became the literary backbone for Pero Lpez de Baezas Dichos de los Santos Padres (Haro Corts, Literatura de castigos 78-79).6 In the early fourteenth century, perhaps no more than fifty years after its original composition, a version of Flores reappears in the Libro del Caballero Zifar, in a section known as the Castigos del Rey de Mentn, which is probably the most well-read performance of Flores today.7 Two observations can be made at this point about the transmission of Flores; that it took on an early textual stability of its own as a unique piece of Spanish literature, and that it also served as an intermediate source for other authors who mined it to produce new books.8 As the creation of a florilegist, it became an independent whole work, a fact announced in the third-person prologue; but as a source, Flores was used to create new collections of extracted wisdom and turned into a speculum principis, which tells us something about how it
5 For an accounting of the multiple meanings of adab, ranging from habit, to exemplary conduct,

urbanity, specialized knowledge, and didactic literature, see Francesco Gabrieli. In the medieval Iberian context, Jos Antonio Maravall explains that adab is a concept similar to that of cortesa, which is much more than a literary genre. It involves the study and cultivation of personal virtue and aristocratic manners, among other intellectual pursuits, but the literature that codified the curial knowledge associated with adab was often identified as the adab itself (264-265).
6 It was once believed that the Libro de los cien captulos was the source for Flores, but since Maria

Lacetera Santini argued in favor of the reverse order, many scholars, including Taylor, Alvar and Luca Megas, agree that Flores was the base text for the Libro de los cien captulos.

7 Luca Megas studies Flores as a source text for the Libro del caballero Zifar in Los castigos del

rey de Mentn a la luz de Flores de filosofa, and Bizzarri has shown that all but five chapters of Flores were copied verbatim into the Libro del caballero Zifar (La labor 86).
8 Richard and Mary Rouse observe the widespread use of florilegia to produce new literary

creations in general as the intermediate source employed sometimes skillfully, sometimes clumsily by many medieval authors (Florilegia of Patristic Texts 179). Rigg offers examples of how a selection of excerpts can take on an independent existence: Presumably each florilegium was originally the selection of an individual, but many took on a textual life of their own, copied from each other but subject to accretion and subtraction according to the scribes choice. In this way an identifiable work was created, such as the Florilegium Gallicum and the Florilegium Angelicum (Anthologies and Florilegia 708).

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was received in late thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Castilla. Flores was an anonymous compilation that had acquired its own authority as a source of orthodox teachings on law, ethics and religion, among other topics, for a broad audience, and it was a mirror of princes. The differences in genre and meaning were the result of readings and adaptations to discrete ideological and literary contexts.9 These observations call to mind the points made about florilegia in general by Richard and Mary Rouse; more particularly, that there is much to be gained from relating a given florilegium to its immediate intellectual milieu; for such an enterprise increases our understanding both of the florilegium and of the milieu itself (Florilegia of Patristic Texts 180). Today we know of seven manuscript copies of Flores and four fragments. The seven complete versions are conventionally divided into two groups; the longer version with thirty-eight chapters, and the shorter with thirty-five leyes depending on whether or not the particular copy contains three introductory chapters. The first of these three introductory chapters is a collection of aphoristic sayings that could serve as a synopsis for much of the books subject matter. The second and third introductory chapters form one single exemplum that tells the story of an impatient king who could not wait to hear a preachers sermon before heading out on his hunt. Along the way, the king meets a physician and asks him for a cure for his sins. The third chapter is the physicians rrecebta, or prescription of hard-to-swallow virtues that the king must write down, prepare, and drink if he truly desires salvation. The bitter melesina is a cocktail of diligent study, humility, charity, good works, and fear of God, among other ingredients. The remaining chapters in the book are more sentential, and deal with subjects such as obedience to the laws of the land and the kings who must protect them, along with chapters that touch on the essential virtues for both kings and commoners such as patience, justice, humility, courage, and a dedication to study and good manners.
9 On the various genre classifications of Flores, see note 4. In spite of the different opinions among

some scholars, many readers will conclude that Flores is a book of counsel designed for the use of members of the ruling class, which is enough to place it in the mirror of princes genre, according to at least one common definition (Eberle 434). Due to its diverse subject matter, culled from various sources, and its prologue, Flores is more in line with the thirteenth-century florilegium tradition. Nevertheless, as I argue above, from the time of its first appearance, medieval audiences treated it as both florilegium and speculum.

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While a good many of the dictums in Flores address the topic of the perfect prince, the entire collection seems to have a larger implied audience.10 The audiences of Flores in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Spain will be one of the main topics of this essay, but before moving on, a brief survey of its witnesses will suffice to point out a few of the most salient and telling characteristics of its manuscript transmission. All but one of the manuscripts that reproduce a Flores text date from the fifteenth century, which is an important fact in itself, but not necessarily as significant as one might imagine. The total number of witnesses eleven does suggest that it was a well-read work in late medieval and early modern Spain, but as many Hispanomedievalists know, the majority of all Castilian manuscript literature that has survived the ravages of time dates from this period, so there is no mathematical reason to conclude that it was more popular in the fifteenth century than any time before. On the contrary, because of its constant adaptation into new works almost as soon as it was originally composed, Flores may well be the most successful creation of literatura sapiencial in Spanish from the thirteenth century through the later Middle Ages. Returning to the manuscripts themselves, it has been noted that Flores is always associated with various other works of wisdom literature in vernacular anthologies, and it could be argued that if we extend our modern definition of wisdom literature to include the CL after all, Parts II to IV of Juan Manuels book are themselves collections of aphorisms then all of the manuscript witnesses could be grouped in the same category.11 This observation, however, may be somewhat misleading, since the manuscript situation of Flores shows that late medieval compilers did not establish literary categories along strict formal lines; rather, texts were linked together according to interpretations of their meanings, uses, and compatibility with the overarching organizing
10 I will return to a discussion of audiences further on, but for now I use implied audience,

like implied reader, in the most commonly used sense, as in Gerald Princes definition: The audience presupposed by a text (43). Flores de filosofa, and demonstrates how it was incorporated into compilaciones sapienciales (359-66).

11 Luca Megas studies the manuscript transmission of Flores in Hacia la edicin crtica de

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parameters of their host anthologies.12 A review of the contents of the manuscripts will help illustrate this point. The seven manuscripts with complete copies of Flores, in either its longer or shorter version, are listed in the Works Cited; they are housed in libraries in and around Madrid and are identified by the following sigla: h, B1, HS, &1, S, X and P1. The four fragments of Flores, also located in and around Madrid, are identified as &2, G, P2 and B2. Interestingly, manuscript &-II-8 of the Monasterio de El Escorial contains a complete copy of Flores (=&1), and one of the four fragments (=&2). Since Hermann Knust first edited Flores in 1878, &1 has been considered the best text for future editions.13 Manuscript &1 binds together various manuscript and print fascicles, including letters from the Emperor, Charles V. The majority of the texts bound together with Flores in &1 deal with the topic of the ideal prince and government, such as the translation of the first part of John of Waless Communiloquium, entitled Tratado de la comunidad; and the Contencin entre Alejandro y Anbal y Escipin, which is a Castilian translation of a Latin version of Lucians dialogue.14 These are clearly not examples of wisdom literature, or texts which give advice on conduct, expressed in the form of brief sentences arranged paratactically, according to one definition (Taylor 71). &1 does, however, reproduce another text which is very similar to Flores, the Libro de los doce sabios, in which philosophers present aphoristic definitions and examples of the virtues a perfect prince should have. A simple survey of the texts in &1 shows that it is a thematic rather than a formal link that binds the manuscript together. The most salient organizing parameter at work in &1, aside from the common vernacular language (i.e., Spanish), is an interest in texts that provide authoritative, often terse ethical discussions of the ideal prince and the nature of true nobility and
12 The term organizing parameter is inspired by Theo Stemmlers general organizing principles

that can be found in many medieval anthologies, such as author, language, form, genre, and content (232).
13 Fouchs edition is based on h, B1, &1 and X. 14 According to Sueiro Pena and Gutirrez Garca, the Latin text was prepared by Giovanni

Aurispa, and the Castilian translation was produced by Martn de vila (158-60).

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good government. This will be a common feature found in almost all of the manuscript witnesses of Flores from the fifteenth century, with few exceptions, many of which unite compilations of proverbs and sententiae like Bocados de oro and the Libro de los buenos proverbios with other didactic works that resonate with the general theme of the entire anthology. In HS, for example, a piece of wisdom literature entitled Preceptos morales is added on to the end of Flores, which is then followed by yet another collection of maxims, the Libro de los sellos de los filsofos, which Charles Faulhaber has identified as a combination of material from two other gnomic works, the Libro de los buenos proverbios and the Poridat de poridades (663).15 HS may well prove a point that Taylor makes about this special brand of literature: [I]n practice the purpose [wisdom books] most commonly served was to spawn other wisdom books (78).16 B2 is another case in point, where a small selection from Flores provides the introductory chapters for a version of Bocados de oro. Also included in B2 is a copy of Alfonso de Toledos Invencionario, which is a rather heterogeneous work inspired by the Etymologies of Isidore of Seville (Gericke xiii), and a collection of sermons on the Song of Songs. While most of the other manuscript witnesses of Flores were designed for a fifteenthcentury audience drawn to the topic of nobility and attracted to the sayings of ancient philosophers, the contents of B2 suggest a different interest. Rather, it appears to be a preachers reference book, complete with handy aphorisms that could be employed to prove a point or add some levity to an otherwise serious subject. The other complete manuscript witnesses (B1, h, S, X, and P1), with the exception of P1 and X, combine Flores with collections of aphorisms, some of which have already been mentioned, such as the Libro de los buenos proverbios (B1, h) and the Libro de cien captulos (h). S starts with a collection of maxims
15 The Libro de los sellos de los filsofos is item number 778 in Faulhabers catalogue. 16 Mary and Richard Rouse describe a similar cannibalistic phenomenon in the transmission of

Thomas of Irelands Manipulus Florum; an alphabetically arranged florilegium of quotations which was used to produce new florilegia for both private and public use (Preachers 197).

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called the Proverbios de Sneca llamados vicios y virtudes, which reworks material taken from the Libro de los buenos proverbios (Haro Corts and Luca Megas 564). As in &1, the proverbs in these manuscripts are coupled with texts that are formally dissimilar yet maintain a thematic coherence with the ethical and political content of Flores. S also has a fascinating version of Benvenuto da Imolas commentary on Dantes Inferno that includes a study of Spanish and Italian pronunciation to aid a Castilian reader of the Italian original.17 Of particular interest for my argument here is that the accessus highlights the encyclopedic content of Dantes work, while concentrating the readers attention on its ethical subject matter above all, pointing out that the Inferno deals primarily with human behavior, vices and virtues.18 X and P1 have Flores as the central piece of aphoristic literature, while binding it with works that would be of particular interest to a fifteenthcentury aristocratic audience: the Fuero de los hijosdalgo de Castilla (X), and the Arte de las batallas (P1), a copy of Alfonso de San Cristbals translation and gloss of Vegetiuss Epitome rei militaris.19 With the exception of B2, all of the medieval anthologies that presently reproduce a Flores text, either a complete version or fragment, appear to have been designed for a fifteenthcentury Castilian secular audience that was becoming ever more literate and intrigued by classical wisdom, as well as by the history and codes of its own class identity. The majority of these manuscripts are the product of an exclusive cultural climate in Spain during the fifteenth century in which a group of noblemen
17 Mario Penna transcribed this text, along with a study of the scribes comments on the life

of Dante, and the history of Castilian and Italian as romance languages. He demonstrates that the commentary and translation of the first canto of the Inferno is a copy of a text intended to accompany an Italian version of Dantes masterpiece as a reading aid (92-93).

18 According to the manuscript prologue, dezir se ha aqui alguna cosa para que los que nunca

vieron la obra del dante mas largamente conoscan su motiuo (fol. 36v). The accessus calls attention to the ethical content in the Inferno: Este libro es suppuesto a toda parte de filosofia primeramente a la etica en quanto tracta de los actos humanos conuiene a saber de viios e virtudes (fol. 36v). Transcriptions are my own from manuscript S. I have not added punctuation or accent marks, nor have I altered the spelling of the manuscript text.
19 Little is known about Alfonso de San Cristbal, according to Mara Elvira Roca Barea, who

concludes that the translation was made during the reign of Enrique III, before 1455 (268-69).

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who did not have access to Latin or Greek aspired to participate more intellectually in matters of government and the formation of a new modern state. In addition to their political aspirations, these readers developed a taste for the study of statecraft from classical sources, as well as more contemplative and studious pastimes to accompany their traditional courtly diversions. Ottavio di Camillo (El humanismo castellano) studies this dynamic period in Spanish history often referred to as el pre-humanismo; Jeremy Lawrance describes the scholarly activities of these noble readers as a vernacular humanism. The readers of La cornica will be aware of the debate over humanism in fifteenth-century Iberia, and of Francisco Ricos Nebrija frente a los brbaros, which appeared two years after Di Camillos book, but the scope of this essay does not allow for a lengthy rehearsal of the various arguments for and against speaking of humanism in a fifteenth-century Spanish context.20 Suffice it to say that I acknowledge, along with Rico, that there is a specialized training, grounded in studia humanitatis, that defines a humanist (Humanismo 507); it may be more accurate to describe the interest in history and the classics among a relatively small number of aristocratic snobs as something more akin to a fad rather than an authentic intellectual movement (Rico, Imgenes 16). I do, however, agree with many of the scholars mentioned here who recognize a spirit, or climate of intellectual curiosity among these undereducated readers that has much in common with what we generally mean when we think of humanism as a culture; the evidence for this intellectual climate is found among the numerous translations of classical authors in almost every vernacular language of the Peninsula. As the work of Isabel Beceiro suggests, the fact that an interest in books became a fashion does not diminish its cultural impact (538). Even though notable scholars such as Peter Russell hold that these translations do not indicate an interest in humanism (62), it seems that
20 The same readers are by now familiar with the excellent critical cluster in La cornica on

fifteenth-century Spanish culture and humanism, Sali buen latino: Los ideales de la cultura espaola tardomedieval y protorrenacentista, edited by Antonio Cortijo Ocaa and Teresa Jimnez Calvente.

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the term vernacular humanism, although oxymoronic for some, is a useful compromise. By vernacular humanism I also mean, following one of Di Camillos more recent essays, an interest in studying the classics in translation for the sincere purpose of applying their lessons in everyday life, both public and private (Teoras 57). Furthermore, I would point the reader to the work of Alejandro Coroleu Lletget, Toms Gonzlez Roln, Antonio Moreno Hernndez, and Pilar Saquero Surez-Somonte for further documentation of humanism in the Peninsula, and to ngel Gmez Moreno, who writes that Spain not only assimilated Italian humanism, but actually competed with it (27). Finally, what is important to note about this expanding, yet still quite limited readership in Castilla is that many of its members came from the highest ranks of the nobility, as in the case of igo Lpez de Mendoza, Marqus de Santillana, one of the most avid book collectors of late medieval Spain.21 These amateur scholars lived during an intense, often violent political climate spanning most of the fifteenth century during the reigns of Juan II through Isabel La Catlica.22 This period of history (from approximately 1419 to 1492) was fraught with civil war and competition between two broad views of government. In one, power was increasingly centralized at court, embodied in the figure of the monarch and his grandees; the other, more medieval Castilian model respected the almost complete autonomy of a noble lord within the precincts of his feudal jurisdiction.23 The new lay readerships literary tastes were encouraged by Church authorities, including the bishop of Burgos, Alonso de Cartagena, who
21 Mario Schiff in his now classic study remarks that Santillanas library was a humble cradle, le

modeste berceau, of humanism in Spain (lxxxvi).

22 Lawrance argues that the reign of Juan II (1406-54) was the turning point of lay literacy in

Spain, the period when accelerating literacy achieved the momentum to pivot Castilian culture around and set it facing the new direction which leads to the modern world (The Spread of Lay Literacy 83).
23 Angus MacKay discusses the history of absolutism in Spain and places its political formulation

within the reign of Juan II, although the theoretical foundation in Spain for the divine right of kings was laid out in the Alphonsine Siete partidas (133-35). Joseph OCallaghan outlines these two competing political theories; he also places the principle of divine-right monarchy in the reign of Juan II where it was given a full expression in the cortes of Olmedo in 1445 (580).

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advised noblemen to read classical works of ethics and moral philosophy in translation, while avoiding texts that ventured into the more specialized disciplines of theology and Church doctrine (Lawrance, The Spread of Lay Literacy 88).24 Noble audiences preferred works that treated the subject of gentle education or the knowledge and manners expected of the wellborn, as well as [c]ompilations and extracts of fueros and leyes relating specifically to chivalry and the rules of war (The Spread of Lay Literacy 8889). Based on exhaustive studies of seigneurial libraries of the time, Beceiro points to lvar Prez de Guzmns library as indicative of the common literary tastes of fifteenth-century aristocratic audiences. Along with their interests in history, the Church Fathers, and Latin philosophical texts, these readers had a penchant for los tratados polticos del buen gobierno, las enciclopedias generales del saber y las obras que aluden a las formas de vida nobles (366). All of these can be found in the Flores manuscripts. The apothegms found in Flores embody the notion of gentle education as they appear in their manuscript anthologies; its proverbs are illuminated by the halo of classical antiquity and are often directly linked to ancient philosophers such as Seneca and Aristotle. The &1 text edited by Knust and cited here in the introduction attributes the concluding chapters to the famous philosopher from Crdoba, and in B1 Flores is a compilation of castigos sent to Alexander from his mentor:25
Cuando aristotiles en greia fue casado que non pudo yr con su criado alexandre en las huestes nin en los logares por do el yua. Fazia le muy gran mengua e dapo e enbiole alexandre su criado en que le enbio rrogar que le enbiase aconsejar por escripto en commo ordenase su vida e su cuerpo por ser mas sano. E otrosi que le enbiase commo podiesse consoer las naturalezas delos omnes por quales naturalezas conosiese a cada uno si fuesse bueno o malo. E aristotiles enbio gelo por escripto en esta manera que se sigue. (fol. 1r)

Clearly, these proverbs were not placed in the same category as the homey saws, or refranes from popular culture. The castigos and leyes in Flores would
24 Because of his contacts as bishop and ambassador, Cartagena was the Castilian intellectual

most familiar with Italian humanism in the first half of the fifteenth century (Di Camillo, El humanismo castellano 128).
25 The following transcription is my own from manuscript B1.

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have been particularly attractive to the fifteenth-century audience that Lawrance and Beceiro profile; the dilettanti militares viri who were caught up in the fashion of humanistic study. Although the prologue from &1 makes it plain that all members of society can benefit from the wisdom in Flores, it is unlikely that the poor menguados of fifteenth-century Spain were searching its pages for guidance. All the evidence from the manuscript transmission of Flores points to an elite secular readership from early modern Spain. One manuscript witness in particular (P2) suggests that its leyes were actually recruited for a defense of the rights and privileges of the Castilian aristocracy, faced with constant encroachments on its privileges by the Crown.

Fragments of Flores de filosofa: P2 and G

P2 is most commonly studied for its copy of various works by the historian and courtier Diego de Valera, such as the Ceremonial de prncipes y caballeros and Tratado de las armas, both attractive sources for an audience drawn to the trappings and stylized history of the nobility.26 According to the manuscript text, the first work in P2, De commo se deven pintar las armas, claims to be a selection from a treatise on nobility by Valera, and it includes illustrations of the basic composition of escudos drawn in the same black ink as the rest of the text.27 P2 is not a luxurious book, and it appears to have been written in a rushed, rounded Gothic script, leading one to imagine that it may have been copied by a non-professional for immediate use. The somewhat sloppy presentation of the text suggests further that it was commissioned for study, rather than to adorn a library with deluxe display volumes. This would corroborate another of Lawrances observations about the reading habits of the fifteenthcentury Spanish nobility, that they did not go to great expense in procuring their reading material, and that they did indeed commission books for their own private reading (The Spread of Lay Literacy 82, 86).
26 As Jess Rodrguez Velasco concludes, Diego de Valera is the most oustanding writer on the

polemical debate over nobility and knighthood in the fifteenth century (197). The presence of Valeras treatises in P2 marks the manuscript as a product of that aristocratic milieu.
27 Haro Corts and Luca Megas identify Valeras treatise as the Espejo de verdadera nobleza

(Flores de filosofa 565). The brief selection on coats of arms (fols. 1r - 3r) appears to be a copy from the Libro de las armas, cotas y banderas.

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Along with the more famous works by Diego de Valera, P2 contains a study of the attributes of precious and non-precious stones, as well as magical amulets. However, of particular interest here is the Definicin de nobleza, a brief treatise on nobility attributed to an unknown Per Afn de Ribera who, according to the manuscript text, dedicated his work to his cousin, Fernn Gmez de Guzmn, the famous commander of the Order of Calatrava who died at the hands of Fuenteovejunas townspeople in 1476. The scribe saw fit to add a chapter from Flores to conclude this text. Fortunately, Definicin de nobleza has been edited by Manuel Ambrosio Snchez, one of the few scholars who has taken an interest in the minor and anonymous works found in this compilatio. Snchez identifies Definicin de noblezas author in Per Afn de Ribera y Guzmn, mariscal of Castilla, who most probably composed the text between 1475 and 1476 (594). One of the most turbulent times in Spanish history, this period endured an intense conflict between the traditional nobility and the monarchy, as well as outright civil war during the reigns of Enrique IV, El Impotente, and his sister Isabel (Snchez 598-99). As a product of this violent age, the most noticeable characteristic of the Definicin de nobleza is its strident anti-monarchist tone. According to Snchez, it is the most virulent defense of the privileges of fifteenth-century Spanish aristocracy (590). The author of the Definicin de nobleza defends the rights of noblemen to wealth and honors that should be bestowed on them by the king. Furthermore, the text argues aggressively in favor of the legendary view of monarchs as peers among the nobility, rather than their natural and divinely chosen sovereign lords. Most importantly, and especially in the context of the tensions with the Castilian monarchy of the time -which was criticized by the traditional aristocracy for excluding aristocrats from government in favor of ministers of common lineage- the treatise repeatedly reminds the reader that the nobles, rather than the ricos plebeos must always be favored (Snchez 603).28 In light of this apology for seigneurial honor and privilege
28 It would appear that the authors complaints about favors given to commoners is a reference

to the hidalgos de privilegio created by the monarchy in the fifteenth century, in contrast to the traditional hidalgos de sangre, described, among others, by Marie-Claude Gerbet (109-10).

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vis--vis the monarchy and new aristocracy, the place of Flores at the end of this work is more than an example of fragmentation, textual variance, mouvance, or tradicionalidad escrita, if these terms are used -as they often are- to describe an essential instability in medieval texts.29 The inclusion of one particular chapter from Flores in this manuscript shows that the variance found in medieval manuscript works is also the result of an interpretation and adaptation of texts to ideological and codicological contexts. This constitutes deliberate reading and rewriting processes that are often overlooked when we view manuscript textuality as having some sort of essential mobility or when we refer to this textual adaptation as contamination. The introduction to the Definicin de nobleza suggests that the inclusion of a fragment of Flores may well have been part of the original work, rather than a scribal afterthought or a mere accident: Seor primo, porque se que vos plazera las dotrinas delos filosofos que tocan alos fidalgos, enbiovos un manojo de flores que olays commo en el mes de mayo (Snchez 601). This manipulus of springtime flowers may refer to the content of the treatise on nobility, but the use of floral imagery, and the idea that the text contains selections of philosophical doctrine is a commonplace in the manuscript witnesses of Flores. Regardless of whether or not the fragment was added at a later date, the content of the chapter complements the tone of the Definicin de nobleza, as well as the entire compilation.30 The Flores fragment in P2 corresponds to chapter 7 in Knusts edition, De los que han de aver vida con los reyes, and it is one of the least representative of the entire Flores collection, which tends to favor proverbial wisdom that
29 I am, of course, referring to Paul Zumthors notion of mouvance as a mobility that is essential

to medieval textuality (70-71). Long before Zumthor wrote his now-famous essay, Ramn Menndez Pidal described the creation of variance in manuscript texts as tradicionalidad escrita, claiming that the creation of variance in manuscripts is the result of the same improvisation and adaptation for new audiences seen in the Spanish ballad tradition (247).
30 Snchez argues that the chapter from Flores was added deliberately (590-91), but there is some

manuscript evidence that suggests that it was added after the copy of the Definicin de nobleza was completed. On folio 14v, the Definicin de nobleza ends, taking up the entire folio side, and the scribe seems to have written what appears to be initials to mark the end of the text. The Flores fragment does begin on the following folio, but with no indication that it is a separate work.

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advocates for obedience, adherence to duty and faith in Gods divine laws. This particular chapter from Flores in P2 presents a distinctly tyrannical and capricious picture of monarchs:
Guardad vos de hirar al rey en ningun yerro, ca el apor costunbre de tomar el muy pequeo yerro por grande e, maguer quele aya ome fecho serviio luengo tiempo, todo lo oluida al tienpo de la saa . . . Ca sabed que no ay mayor saa que la del rey, ca en reyendo manda matar e jugando manda destroyr, e alas vezes faze grrande escarmiento por pequea culpa, e alas vezes perdona grran yerro por pequeo ruego, e alas vezes dexa muchas culpas sin ningun escarmiento. (Snchez 604)

Whether this was the work of Per Afn de Ribera y Guzmn, or another anonymous compiler that created P2, the presence of Flores in this compilation shows how late medieval authors enlisted materials from disparate textual traditions, interpreting them according to their needs, and reshaping them into new literary creations for discrete ideological and social purposes that can be best understood within the localized historical context of a particular group of readers. Among these materials, medieval florilegia of all kinds were common sources. If we take the chapter of Flores in P2 as an example, even though we may now view it as part of a whole separate work rather than a broken off piece of a missing one, then the meaning of Flores has been radically realigned to meet the expectations of the implied audience of the Definicin de nobleza. This creative writing process that involves reading, selection and adaptation appears to be reversed in the last fragment of Flores that will be studied here. While the chapter included in the Definicin de nobleza provides an insight into how one author read Flores, the fragments of Flores in the CL offer fascinating textual evidence of the reception of Juan Manuels book in early modern Spain. Manuscript G is one of two five-part versions of Juan Manuels masterpiece. The other is MS 6376 of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, known as manuscript S of the CL. S is a single-author, complete-works volume from the late fourteenth or fifteenth century, and it appears to have been designed as a showpiece, with expensive parchment and spaces left for decorative

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illuminations after each of Juan Manuels exemplary tales.31 On the other hand, G is an inexpensive paper copy that seems to have been carelessly produced by a sixteenth-century scribe, or perhaps even the owner of one of the now lost five-part copies of Juan Manuels text.32 As is well known, the CL is most famous for its collection of framed didactic short stories from the first part of the book; a collection of illustrative tales told by Patronio, the Counts wise adviser who solves his lords political, social, and ethical dilemmas through the use of various exempla. At the end of each narrative, the authors literary persona makes an entrance to cap Patronios advice with helpful viessos, or rhyming maxims that, on the surface, summarize the moral of each story. An important point to make about Part I of the CL for my study of Flores in Part V is that most scholars studying the thematic development through the short story collection see a gradual progression from the Counts political and worldly troubles, to tales that focus more on his eschatological concerns. This critical focus stems from the third-person prologue, which states that Juan Manuel intends to help his readers act in this world in such a way that would benefit their honor and estates, while bringing them closer to the path of salvation: Este libro fizo don Iohan, fijo del muy noble infante don Manuel, deseando que los omnes fiziessen en este mundo tales obras que les fuessen aprovechosas de las onras et de las faziendas et de sus estados, et fuessen ms allegados a la carrera porque pudiessen salvar las almas (Blecua 45). Whether or not Juan Manuel was able to harmonize the theme of God and World in his text has preoccupied scholars for decades (see, for example, Ian Macpherson).
31 There is some uncertainty among scholars about the date of this manuscript. While many, like

Guillermo Sers, believe that it is a late fourteenth-century artifact (xciii), another editor of the CL, Reinaldo Ayerbe-Chaux, has published important evidence that dates its production during the second half of the fifteenth century (89). Jos Manuel Blecua based his edition of the CL on manuscript S. Quotations from the CL will be taken from Blecuas edition in order to compare the two versions of Part V as they appear in S and G.
32 Laurence de Looze describes manuscript G as an example of private writing, which betrays

no goal beyond the simple copying of the text with a minimum of fuss (Manuscript Diversity 35-36).

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Searching for the often illusive unity of form and didactic coherency, critics have strained to follow the progression of the God/world dichotomy through to the final part of the CL, although most agree that when the reader arrives at Juan Manuels conclusion, after passing through the labyrinth of proverbs in Parts II to IV, we are ready for the final triumph of the spiritual over the temporal.33 In Part V the author writes a brief catechism, touching on many of the more familiar points of Catholic doctrine, such as the belief in the Holy Trinity and the Virgin Birth, as well as the Sacraments. Patronio ventures into a series of proofs of the authority of Church doctrine on the Sacraments, beginning with the Eucharist and Baptism, but he cuts his argument short, abandoning the last five sacraments to save time, relying on his audiences good faith:
Et quanto de los otros inco sacramentos que son: penitenia, confirmacin, casamiento, orden, prostrimera unin, bien vos dira tantas et tan buenas razones en cada uno dellos, que vs entendrades que eran assaz; mas dxolo por dos cosas: la una, por non alongar mucho el libro; et lo al, porque s que vs et quien quier que esto oya, entendr que tan con razn se prueva lo al commo esto. (Blecua 308)

Juan Manuel uses the time-saving device to return to the topic of how man must perform good works, but manuscript G takes Juan Manuels text in a new direction by concluding with seven chapters from Flores, beginning with this same transitional moment in Patronios argument. The text in G is similar to S up to the point where Patronio claims that he could continue his proofs for the remaining five sacraments, but instead of taking the audiences faith for granted, the sixteenth-century version of the
33 Among the scholars who have studied the entire five-part CL, Paolo Cherchi writes that

the first part deals mostly with the problem of living up to the expectations of the estado; the fifth part is concerned with the problem of eternal salvation (373). De Looze argues that there is a hierarchical progression from beginning to end that places soul over body, the spiritual over the social, etc. (El Conde Lucanor, Part V 150). More recently, de Looze has published one of the most sensitive readings of the five books, concluding that the CL is concerned with gradually honing the readers powers of interpretation until finally, in Book V, the reader is made to consider the world as a vast textus in which everything is a figura for an analogical term (Manuscript Diversity 96).

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CL is much more suspicious of the readers good intentions:34

Vien vos deza tantas e tan buenas razones en cada uno dellos que vos entenderedes que son asaz, mas dxolo por dos cosas: la una por no alongar mucho el libro, e lo al por que s que vos e quien quier que esto oya entre mala sospecha, ca la obediencia es guarda de quien la quiere e castillo de quien la sygue. (fols. 122v-123r, emphasis added)

It is not impossible that the scribes exemplar of the CL showed this same version even though there are no other manuscript witnesses of it besides G and it is also quite possible that the exemplar was incomplete, so that the chapters from Flores were culled to simply fill in the empty space, but the original choice of words to transition into the Flores text entre mala sospecha is a patent example of scribal authorship that reveals not only an attitude toward the text being copied, but also toward the sixteenth-century Spanish audiences that could have had access to it. The subsequent texts from Flores found in G (which, following Knusts edition, correspond to chapters 6-11) deal with the topics of the king as source and champion of justice, advice for those who live with and counsel the king, the king as leader and advocate of his people, the proper and efficient governance of the kingdom (which involves access to wise and loyal advisers), the virtue of bravery and strength, and the mutability of history, followed by the medieval metaphor of the world as a book. The CL as it appears in G then concludes with a fragment found in B1 that addresses the importance of education and catechism for the young.35 The content of these chapters from Flores that conclude the G version of the CL effectively rewrite the meaning of Juan Manuels entire five-part book, and since the sources of Flores in G stem from two manuscript traditions, there is a greater probability that the chapters were intentionally extracted. If manuscript G is a scribal revision of the CL, based primarily on the scribes transitional statement emphasized above, then the question remains, what could have motivated the scribe to rewrite Juan Manuels book? I believe the
34 Transcriptions are my own from manuscript G. 35 Knust included this chapter in an appendix to his edition as Captulo VIII De cmmo deven

los omnes ser ensennados (80).

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answer lies both in the original text, and in the shift in Castilian society from the vernacular humanism of fifteenth-century Spain to the sixteenth-century Counter-Reformational attitude toward secular literature. Juan Manuels conclusion of the CL as it appears in S may have been suspect in a culture that was striving to contain heterodoxy, since it relies heavily on the readers personal faith, rather than on unambiguous Church dogma. The most troublesome material could have been Patronios final discussion of the relative nature of sin, which he exemplifies with a story of a knight who kills his father and his lord with one tremendous blow. This exemplum only appears in S, since in G the Flores excerpts take its place. As the story ends, the sins of fratricide and regicide are not sins at all but virtues, since the young knight acted out of duty and did not perform a perfect act of evil, according to Patronios scholastic definition. Summarizing Patronios argument, sins are relative to intentions, and a moral act is not a sin unless it meets all of three basic conditions: (1) that the act indeed be a sin, (2) that it be performed with malice, and (3) that the sinner fully understands that the act is a sin and chooses to sin freely. If any one of these conditions is not met, as in the case of the unlucky paladin, then the sinner is, for all intents and purposes, off the hook: Ca non seyendo estas tres cosas, non sera la obra del todo mala, as Patronio litigiously claims (Blecua 310). In the hands of a disingenuous parishioner with a perverse suspicion of dogma, this could be a powerful rationalization. Although Juan Manuels examination of sin may, in fact, be perfectly orthodox even today, Patronios exemplary defense could be employed in a myriad of personal circumstances to pardon or legitimize behavior without recourse to the judgment of Church authorities.36 It must be more than a coincidence that the chapters from Flores chosen to counterbalance the readers mala sospecha and Patronios relativism begin with obedience: Ca la obediencia es guarda de quien la quiere e castillo de quien la sygue (fol. 123r). Obedience is the most prominent concluding theme
36 Regarding the Catholic Churchs views on sin today, see Arthur Charles ONeil, who outlines

many ideas about intentions and moral actions also found in Patronios explanation. See especially the sections Material and formal sin and Conditions of mortal sin: knowledge, free will, grave matter.

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of the CL, Part V, as it appears in G; first with obedience to the authority of the monarch, and lastly with obedience to parents and the proper education of children: quien castiga a su fijo quando es pequenio, fuelga con l quando es grande, according to one of the concluding maxims (fol. 126v). The G version of the CL may be helpfully imagined as a contrafactum in reverse; instead of creating an orthodox Christian ending for Juan Manuels text a lo divino style, the conclusion of the CL is effectively stripped of its complex and potentially misleading theological subject matter by reorienting it toward the more conservative secular themes found in the tales of Part I.37 These stories, as many scholars have pointed out, tend to defend the traditional, medieval worldview of man living obediently within the confines of his predetermined estate.38 Finally, in G as in P2, the fragments of Flores demonstrate that the evidence of medieval textual mobility and scribal authorship are also the result of deliberate interpretations, namely discrete readings of medieval works by individuals who did not merely copy texts, but rewrote and revised the meaning of those texts according to the expectations, perhaps even fears, of their respective audiences. In their work, these anonymous authors could pluck their words from highly regarded bouquets of wisdom literature, such as Flores. From the study of medieval anthologies that have transmitted Flores in late fifteenth-century Spain, all of which display a similar content and implied audience, to the ways in which it was interpolated into other works, such as the Definicin de nobleza and the CL, I believe that Flores was approached by communities of readers, scribes and compilers as a searchable vernacular florilegium specifically designed for an aristocratic, courtly audience. In the fifteenth century this audience was fascinated, even obsessed, with its own class identity during a period of political history in Castilla when the aristocracy was under pressure to defend its privileges against an increasingly
37 Bruce Wardropper defines the contrafactum as una obra literaria (a veces una novela o un

drama, pero generalmente un poema lrico de corta extensin) cuyo sentido profano ha sido sustitudo por otro sagrado (6). David Darst has described the countering writing techniques of sixteenth-century Spain as conversions of previous secular literature or secular ways of thought to a spiritual context (15).
38 See Luciana de Stefano for a study of the medieval estate worldview in Juan Manuels opus.

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centralized and absolutist monarchy. The sixteenth century fragments of Flores also suggest that its secular teachings were viewed as authoritative, even orthodox, and thus could be recruited as persuasive statements for the legitimation of a state-sponsored ideology, or to suppress heterodox voices that challenged the authority of the Church and State. Furthermore, the fragments of Flores as they appear in some of the manuscripts examined here were clearly not copied into their host anthologies at random; on the contrary, a process of selection and adaptation is implied, which leads me to suspect that late medieval and early modern readers, compilers, authors and scribes were very familiar with written versions of Flores, so much so that they could draw from it materials needed to revise the meaning of a text according to the artistic and ideological expectations that shaped the new works they produced.
The archival research carried out for this project was made possible by a grant from the Pennsylvania State University, Institute for the Arts and Humanities.

Works Cited
Manuscript copies of the complete Flores de filosofa
h San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Monasterio de El Escorial, MS h-III-1 (Flores = fols. 130r-144v). 1 B Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 9428 (Flores = fols. 1-18r). HS New York, Hispanic Society of America, MS HC371/217 (Flores = fols. 1r-13v). &1 San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Monasterio de El Escorial, MS &-II8 (Flores = fols. 27r-37r). S San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Monasterio de El Escorial, MS S-II13 (Flores = fols. 25v-36r). X San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Monasterio de El Escorial, MS X-II12 (Flores = fols. 87r-99r). P1 Madrid, Real Biblioteca, MS II-569 (Flores = fols. 193v-206v).

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Fragmentary copies
&2 San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Monasterio de El Escorial, MS &-II-8 (Flores = fols. 94r-97r). G Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 18415 (Flores = fols. 123r-127v). P2 Madrid, Real Biblioteca, MS II-1341 (Flores = fols. 16r-16v). 2 B Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 6936 (Flores = fols. 103r-104r).

Cited manuscripts of El Conde Lucanor

G Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 18415. S Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 6376.

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