The Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines

Leadership in Central and Southern Australia Author(s): Hortense Powdermaker Reviewed work(s): Source: Economica, No. 23 (Jun., 1928), pp. 168-190 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science and The Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2547798 . Accessed: 03/06/2012 23:00
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Leadership in Central and Southern

Australia'
By HORTENSE POWDERMAKER the state is co-existent with society and that there has always been some form of authority is now becoming so generally an accepted tenet by anthropologists and sociologists that the question need hardly be gone into here. Lowie, Maclver, Goldenweiser, all postulate the absolute universality of the state.2 Naturally, in speaking of the state or government in primitive society, the concept of an exact replica of the modern state cannot be used. In the following study the primitive state is considered to be a force which controls, regulates and organises tribal life, and which maintains the peace of the group, so that the normal activities of the people may be performed. The leader is one organ through which this force functions. Wherever society has existed, there have been leaders exercising some form of authority.3 It may be displayed in ceremonial, economic or what might correspond to our concept of political activity, settling disputes, making war, etc. The leader is not necessarily limited to one sphere of influence in the exercise of his authority. However, there will generally be found one type of activity in which his authority is more predominantthan in others. The type will vary from area to area and naturally each variety will call for a different kind of leader. In North-West America, among the Kwakiutl Indians, it is the richest man, the one who has been able to give the largest potlatch, who has the most influence; among the CentralAustralians it is the old men who have power; among the CrowIndians it is the skilled warriorwho is the leader;
THAT
1 The subject matter of this article will form part of a general study of leadership in primitive society. 2 See R. H. Lowie, The Origin of the State, I927, p. i-6, also passim; R. M. MacIver, The Modern State, I926, p. 42; A. A. Goldenweiser, article, " Anthropological Theories of Political Origins," C. E. Merriam and H. E. Barnes, History of Political Theories, I924, p. 455. Cf. also R. W. E. Michels, Political Parties, I9I5; E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, I907. 3 The opposing point of view, namely, that the earliest societies were completely communistic and that no individual authority existed was held by Rousseau and his followers, by E. Durkheim and his colleagues and in a more modified form by the late Dr. W. H. R. Rivers. i68

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among the Baganda in East Africa, there is a despotic king who has inheritedhis power. While authority is universal throughout society, it is exercised by different types of leaders and differs in degree,ranging all the way from influence to absolute despotism. Everywhere the leader has the same function to initiate and organise activities and he is always surrounded with a certain amount of ceremonial honour. But the type of person in whom the authority is vested will differ as does the degree of his power. How can these differencesbe accounted for, and what is the real nature of leadership, are questions that must be asked. The phenomenon of leadership in primitive society has been studied by many eminent anthropologists and sociologists, but practically always from one point of view, namely to find its origin. Now the very concept of origins presupposes a time for the non-existence of the phenomenon. If society and authority are co-existent, it is paradoxical to consider the origin of one without the other. But there has been much interesting speculation on the subject of leadership and authority by those who have studied it from the evolutionary and historical point of view. All agree in their hypothesis that there must be one origin, but differ in what they think this origin is. It may, for instance, as Sir James Frazer thinks, be the magician or medicine man.' Then there is a whole school of thought which holds that the state arose in war and that the warriorwas the first chief.2 Or there is another theory that the first chief held his office because of his powerful personality.3 There are still others which derive every ruling group from another ruling group (through diffusion),which ultimately takes one back to Egypt.4- There is also Durkheim and his colleagues who have a metaphysical conception of the evolution of individualised powerfrom social or communisticauthority.A And so one could go on almost indefinitely with these theories of
origin.

But interesting as all these theories are, they are in reality but hypothetical reconstructionsof a past which can never be proved. One may be as true as another. To understand something of the nature of leadershipin primitive society, it may, perhaps, be more fruitful to study the leaders as they function in the primitive societies we know, rather than as we imagine they were in some
J. Fraser, The Magical Origin of Kings, 1920. Herbert Spencer is one of the adherents to this theory; other adherents include such men as Hume, Ferguson, Gumplowicz, Oppenheimer, Simmel and 3 See W. C. MacLeod, Origsn of the State, I924. Ratzenhofer. 4 W. J. Perry, Growth of Civilisation, i926. 5 This theory has been most clearly expounded in G. Davy and A. Moret, From
1 2

Clan to Empire, I926.

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society we can never know. Moreover,the problem of authority cannot be detached and studied alone. The leader cannot be extracted and put under some mental microscope. Rather must he be seen as he functions in his society. His authority cannot be understoodunless it is studied in the setting of its social organisation.' Thegeographicalenvironment,the economiclife, any known history of the tribe, its mythology, the degree of simplicity or complexity of the social organisation, and any dominant characteristical element of the tribal life must all be understood before the nature of the leadership in the society can be comprehended. Once this setting is known, it is then fairly easy to see what the leader does. Whether he manages a buffalo hunt or an initiation ceremony or gives a big potlatch, or collects taxes, he must be studied in the midst of his activity. The next step then follows logicalb'y-namely, to correlate the type of leadership with all the factors of the social structure. The problem is not to find out who was the first leader, but to throw some light on the nature of leadership by a series of intensive monographic studies of various primitive societies, in which the leader is studied in relation to all aspects of life, economic, ceremonial,religious and legal.2 A wide survey of this type shows how completely the type of the leadership is moulded by the social organisation. WN'hether leader is a warrior,a magician, a wise old man, or a despotic king will depend on what specific function3 he has to perform in his society and this will in turn depend on the type of the society. A Baganda king and an Arunta headman could not change places effectively. For the duties that the Baganda king is skilled in performing would have no place in the Arunta tribe and vice versa. After a complete study of a number of societies has been made, some generalisations might be set forth as to the influence of wealth, wars, size of territory, numbers of people, economic
1 By social organisation is meant not merely kinship organisation, as it is so frequently used-but the complete social structure. 2 The study of institutions in primitive society through their function and through their correlation with all the other social forces has been most effectively and adequately done by Prof. B. Malinowski. Prof. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown has used the same method. R. H. Lowie and A. A. Goldenweiser are also in sympathy with this point of view. E. Durkheim and his colleagues were still earlier in their emphasis on the functional point of view. See also L. T. Hobhouse, G. C. Wheeler, and M. Ginsberg, The Material Culture and Social Institutions of the Simpler Peoples, I9I5, in which they correlate the degree of the consolidation of power with advancement in the economic scale and find evidence of an advance in organised government accompanying economic development. The present study is interested in correlating not only the degree of power, but also the type of power, and in making the correlation with all social forces. 3 The general function mentioned previously will be the same.

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life, etc., on the nature of the leader and the development of authority. But the following study is an attempt to correlatethe nature of the leadership with the social organisation in one area, central and southern Australia. Put extremely briefly, it is the old men who are the real leaders of the tribes in this area, and we find them functioning as such because of their knowledge of the totemic mythology which plays such a dominant role in the tribal life.
THEORIES OF EARLY WRITERS.

Australia is a particularly interesting field for this study, for it is the land mentioned by many of the early writers as possessing no government, no authority and no leaders of any kind. To the early explorers, travellers, and missionaries, it appeared that all the aboriginals were equal and living under conditions of complete communism. Yet after setting this forth as their final conclusion, most of these same authors in the descriptive part of their writings will note that there were certain men of influence, certain men who were respected more than others, even certain men who enforced their will on people inferior to others. It is a strange combination of statements, yet a very common one among early writers on primitive peoples. Their theories are frequently wrong, but many of them could not help being keen observers. An example of this contradictionis found in Schurman'saccount of the Port Lincoln Tribes. He says: " It is a curiousfact, as well as a strong proof of the degradedsocial condition of the aboriginal inhabitants of this country, that they have no chief, or any persons of acknowledged superior authority among them. All grown up men are perfectly equal, and this is so well understood that none ever attempt to assume any command over their fellows; but whatever wishes they may entertain with regard to the conduct and actions of others, they must be expressed in the shape of entreaty or persuasion." But the writer continues in the same breath to say that, " Considerabledeference, however, is shown to the old men by the younger generation, proceeding partly from the respect which superior age and experience inspire, but greatly increased and kept up by the superstitious awe of certain mysterious rites, known only to the grown-up men and to the knowledge of which the young people are only very gradually
admitted."'
I

C. W. Schurman, " Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln," J. D. Woods, Native

p. 226.

Tribesof SouthAustralia, I879,

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E. M. Currwrites in the same contradictory manner, affirming in one paragraphthat all men are equal and that no one has any more authority than anyone else, and in the next paragraph saying that there are men who take the lead, who are held in great esteem, whose opinions have weight and who, because of their performingcertain useful functions, are entitled to special privileges. These men are always the old ones.' These early writersmay argue as to whether there was any government or not, but they all agree that it was the old men who were the highest in rank, and who possessed what authority there was.
HEADMEN AND COUNCILS OF ELDERS.

The more recent writers on this area do not disagree on the existence of authority, and they point out very clearly that the headmanand the council of elders are the organs of governmental authority. Among the Arunta, for instance, each local totemic group has its headman.2 While his position is hereditary, there are certain limiting conditions: the headman must always be of the proper totem, he must be old enough to take the lead in the performanceof the totemic ceremoniesand he must, of course, be a fully initiated man. He has charge of the sacred store-house, containing the totemic objects of his group and the totemic ceremonies are carried out under his direction. But he would never decide upon anything important, such as the holding of a ceremony or punishing an individual for breaking some tribal custom, without first calling the elders together and consulting them. The exact degree of his authority is vague and will depend upon his reputation and ability. As Spencer and Gillen say, " He is not of necessity recognised as the most important member of the council whose judgment must be followed, though, if he be old and distinguished, then he will have great influence."3 Among the Dieri and kindred tribes, the oldest man of a totem is its head or Piinaru. Of these Pinnarus, there is one who is superiorto the others, and he is the principal headman and presides over their meetings. Here as among the Arunta, if a man had exceptional ability, such as that possessed by one Jalina-pira1 E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, i886, vol. I, pp. 58-59. See also G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, i847, vol. I; R. Brough Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, I878; T. L. Mitchell, Journal of an Expedition into the Interior of Tropical Australia, I848. 2 The following description is taken from B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Arunta, I927, vol. I, pp. 8-TI.
3 Op. cit., Io.

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murana,who was the principalheadman of the Dieri in the middle of the nineteenth century, he might exercise a large amount of power outside of his own totem.' In the majority of the tribes of this area, there is some position correspondingto that of the headman of the Arunta and the Dieri. In general, his position tends to be hereditary; that is, the son would inherit the position of the father if he had the necessary ability.2 The headman varies somewhat in type. But in general he has to be of mature age. Sometimes he was a magician as amongthe Theddora,the Yuin and Yerklatribes.3 Or he might be a brave man and a skilled orator, as for example among the Kamilaroi.4 But from the point of view of exercising authority, it is the council of elders who are more significant than any individual headman. He does nothing of any importance without consulting them first, and their advice is almost invariably followed. The council consists of more or less informal meetings of the elder males, whenever any matters o.f general tribal interest are to be decided, such as the time for holding ceremonies,the settling of disputes, the punishment of offenders,the making of matrimonial arrangements, etc. The meetings are usually held at some place apart from the camp. Among the Dieri, after the matter under discussionis decided upon, another meeting will be held at which all the men will be present, the younger men remaining on the outside of the circle and not taking any part in the discussion. But there is no rigidity about these council meetings. The wise elders simply come together whenever necessary and talk over matters of tribal interest. As Spencerand Gillen have pointed out among the Arunta, at the time when the sacred ceremonies are being performed, the elder men who are respected for their ability meet daily aroundtheir camp fires and talk over the tribal
1 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia, I904, PP. 297-300, and "Organisation of Australian Tribes," Trans., Royal Society of Victoria,

vol. I., p.
2

I09.

One exception has already been indicated, as among the Arunta, where the position was definitely hereditary. Another is among the Mukjarawaint, where the opposite principle was in force, and the headman was elected by the people of his totem and a son never necessarily succeeded his father in office. A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribesof South-EastAustralia, 1904, p. 304-305.
3 OpJ. cit,

p.

30I-3I3-

A. W. Howitt, " Organisation of Australian Tribes," Trans. Royal Society of Victoria, vol. I, p. I 2. 6 A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, 1904, p. 320. Cf. also S. Gason, The Dieyerie Tribe, J. D. Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, I879, p. 262: When anything important such as the making of rain, or the moving of camp was to be decided, " one of the old men moots the subject late at night, before the camp retires to rest." At dawn of the next day the question is proposed again and answered.
4

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affairs. It is even possible at this time, say the same authors, to introduce changes in tribal customs.' Among practically all the tribes of this area which have been reported on, there has been found some form of council of wise and eminent old men. In the tribes around Maryborough, the old men make up their mind as to the courseto be followed in any matter by holding afternoon meetings in private. In the evening they stand before the camp fires and make speeches to the people on the subject under discussion.2 When a number of the divisions of the Murringtribes were collected together, their headmen or Gommerasmet and consulted at some place apart from the camp. The younger men sat at a distance and listened attentively, but did not speak.3 The headmen of the Urunjeri also held meetings and consulted on matters of importance. For instance, although a man could promise his infant daughter in marriage, it was the old men in consultation who decided when any marriageable girl might be taken by her promised husband.4 These councils of elders and the headmen are the organs of government. They decide when ceremoniesshould be held, preside at them, mete out punishment to offenders, arrange for parties of revenge, determine the time for fishing and hunting expeditions, make peace and war, etc. In other words, it is these old men who take the initiative and organise the tribal activities. Always are the members of the council described as old men. It is not that old age itself confers distinction, but only when it is combined with special ability.5 This ability is generally a deep knowledge of the ancient mythology of the tribe. It is the men who possess this ancient lore who are looked up to by the others., All the other recent writers have noted this emphasis on age. To mention the more important ones, Knabenhanspoints out how the Australians differ from many other primitive peoples, who consider ability in war and courage as the necessary qualities for their leaders. But the Australians are not a warlike race and, in fact, have but few wars. The young men have no social position whatever. It is the old men who have all the authority; they are the keepers of the myths, legends and secret ceremonials. J. Gillen, The Arunta, I927, vol. ILpp. II-I3. A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, I904, p. 323. 3 A. W. Howitt, " Organisation of the Australian Tribes," Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria, vol. I, p. io6. 4 Op. cit. p. I09. See also descriptions of councils among the Gringai, the Kiabara, the Turrbal and many others described in op. cit. r B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Arunta, I927, vol. I, p. 9. ' Op. cit., p. 12.
I B. Spencer and F.
2

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Because of their important position, respect and honour is shown them.I Howitt says very definitely that, " It may be stated as a general
rule that authority attaches to age . . . and that the headmen

of the clan were, first of all, those who were the oldest, secondly perhapsthose who, to some age, added exceptional qualifications. This principle regulating authority I (Howitt) believe to be not peculiarto the Kurnai, but to be general to the whole Australian race."2 Thomassays that, judging superficially,there would seem to be no authority in Australia, but that this view would be a mistake, and he gives similar descriptions of the councils of elders.3 Strehlow has indicated that while there are no chiefs with absolute power, there are leaders who rank first among equals and that the old men dispense justice and exercise authority.4
STATEMENT OF PROBLEM.

The early travellers and missionaries argued theoretically that there was no authority in this area and then described how the old men exercised power. The more recent writers have agreed that there is a form of primitive government here and have shown how the authority was held by the elders. But none have posed the problem of why it is the old men who are the leaders here. To find an answer to this question it is necessary to go a step further and correlate the type of leadership with the other aspects of the society. What is the dominating characteristic of the life of these aboriginals,as distinguishing them from other primitive peoples ? It is their emphasis on the complicated totemic ceremonials. And what is the most specific and one of the most important functions of the old men leaders ? It is the performanceof these ceremonies. They are the only ones who are able to officiate,because they have the exclusive knowledge of the mythology. Without this knowledge the rites could not be performed. It is this wisdom which comes only with age, which is the foundation of power in this area. In another area, it might be skill as a warrior, or ability to amass wealth, or magical power, etc., that would be the basis of power. But here none of these are important. It is age that counts, for with it comes knowledge to perform the most necessary and important function in the life of the people.
1 A. Knabenhans, Die politische Organisation bei den australischen Eingeborenen, I9I9, pp. 59-60. 2 L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, i88o, pp. 2I0-212. 3 N. W. Thomas, Natives of Australtia, I906, pp. 142-155. 4 C. Strehlow, " Die Aranda und Loritja-Stamme in Zentral-Australien," Ver6ffentlichungenaus dem Stadtischen V8lkermuseum, IV Teil, 2 abt, I-2,

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The whole problem must be set in the background of the social organisation-the physical environment, the mode of life, mythology, totemism, and other vital influences. The most striking environmentalfeature is the lack of water, there being only one large permanent river system, the Murray-Darlingsystem in the south-east. Over the whole continent the yearly rainfall is low and a large part of it is desert. In the central area, with which this study is mostly concerned, there are times of drought when food and water are scarce. But under ordinary circumstances, except in the desert country of the south-west, the native's life in this area is not such a very hard one. He has no knowledge of agriculture, but lives as a wandering hunter and fisherman. Kangaroo, rock-wallabies, emus and other forms of game are fairly plentiful, while smaller animals such as rats and lizards are caught without much difficulty by the women, who also secure grass seeds, tubers and wild fruit. Because the natives are constantly on the move in the search for food, they do not live in permanent settlements. Parties of one or two families wander over their land and camp at favourite spots, where they can procure food. Here they build their temporary lean-to (mia-mia) of shrubs. Clothing, ornaments and weapons are all few and simple.I The tribe is the larger unit, and is divided into a number of local groups, each one of which is identified with some particular totem, from which the local group takes its name. The essential point is that there are small units or groups bound together by ties of kin, limited to a certain territory which it appears to possess, speaking a distinct dialect and divided into two or more exogamous classes or moieties.2 From our point of view, the significant element in the social organisation is the totemic structure of the local groups. Each native of the tribes we are concerned with is a member of some totem. a These totems, in the mind of the native, have their origin
1 This description is based on B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, I899 and G. C. Wheeler, The Tribe, and Intertribal Relations in

Australia, I9IO.

2 For a long discussion on whether the unit is based on kinship or locality, see A. Knabenhans, Die politische Organisation, etc. It is not a case of an " either-or" solution, for most probably the unit is based on both kinship and locality. 3 The exact nature of the totem varies among the tribes. In one, as for example among the Urabunna tribe, it is correlated with exogamy. In another tribe, the Arunta, the totems have no reference to marriage and are not hereditary. B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, I899, pp. 113-II6. But in the general characteristic of being based on the doings of mythological ancestors, there is agreement. The following description is of the totemism of the Arunta tribe,

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in the Alcheringatimes, the dim past when human creatures first originated. From this Alcheringa mythology, the Australian native takes his beliefs, his philosophy and the rules for his daily life. The myths give him his ideas of birth, of death, of life after death and the necessary knowledge to carry on his daily life. Among the Arunta the individual is the reincarnation of his spirit ancestor of Alcheringatimes and at his death his spirit goes back to the totemic spirit centre from which it came.' His daily life is concerned with a round of ceremonies, all connected with his totem. There are the elaborate Intichiuma ceremonies which are thought to increase the totem and hence the food suipply. But these ceremonies do something more than give the native confidencethat the totem is being increased. Their performance imposes a collective and organised system of labour upon the community.2 Then there are the initiation ceremonies, which every young man has to go through before he can enter into the full life of the tribe or be considered an adult. These initiation rites are long and elaborate, as will be seen in the descriptionto follow, and they serve as -a means of education for the young men. It is at this time that he is instructed in the tribal lore. It would be impossible to imagine the life of the native without its ceremonies, as they are a most essential part of it. For the performance of all these ceremonies an exact knowledge of the mythology is necessary, because the ceremony consists in doing what the Alcheringaancestoris supposedto have done. Here then is the crux of the matter. The life of the native, his actions and his thoughts are dependent upon the mythology, the exact knowledge of which is confined to the old men. It is in the study of this close correlation between the exclusive possession of the myths by the old men and the importance of these myths to the performanceof the ceremonies and to the whole life of the tribe, that a deeper insight into the nature of leadership in this area may be reached. The old men attain their leadership in the performanceof the ceremoniesthrough their knowledge of the myths and in this role attain prestige and authority which is carried over to other tribal activities. The correlationmentioned above will be clearerafter a detailed observation of the ceremonies and the Alcheringa myths accompanying them.
'For a detailed description of the belief in reincarnation and the process by which it occurs, see B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Arunta, I927, vol. II, pp. point was first made and elaborated by B. Malinowski, " Economic As1912. pect of the Intichiuma Ceremonies," Festskrift tillagna4 :ldvart Woskrmarck,
42I-424. 2 This

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PERIOD. THEALCHERINGA First it is necessaryto give a general description of the Alcheringa time.' As already indicated, it refers to the mythical non-humanperiod,when the ancestors of the present natives were created. Beyond this time, there is no tradition and no stories of origin. The whole period is generally divided into four parts. The first period is concerned with the creation of men and meaning women. At this time, two beings, " Ungambikulza," " out-of-nothing" or " self-existing," lived in the Western sky. They saw in the East a number of Inapertwacreatures,incomplete human beings, with no distinct limbs or sense organs, who resembled a round mass with just the outlines of the various parts of the human being. These Inapertwa creatures represented stages in the transformation of various animals and plants into human beings. From them, the Ungambikulawith their stone knives formed men and women. The individual thus formed belonged then to the totem of the animal or plant from which he had been transformed.2 These individuals wandered around the country, carrying with them sacred stones, which were supposed to contain the spirits of the individuals and called by the Arunta natives, Churinga. At certain spots in their wanderings, a number of ancestors went into the ground carrying with them their Churinga. Their spirits remained in this spot and some natural feature such as a rock or tree arose to mark it. This then became the local totem centre, from which the spirits to be reincarnated in human beings now come. The whole country is dotted with these local totem centres. They are known to the old men who pass the knowledge on from generation to generation. The second and third periods are usually grouped together as the Middle Alcheringa and are concerned chiefly with how the rite of circumcision was done with a stone knife instead of a fire stick, which had been used up to this time, and with the rite of sub-incision or Ariltha. The tradition says that the men of the Little Hawk totem possessed stone knives and the myth tells of the wanderings of these men and of their introducing the stone knife as a new implement to performthe rite of circumcision The name of the ground where the ceremony was performedwas called Aipullaand at several of these spots, the Little Hawk men went
1 The description is based on the account given by B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Native Tnibes of Central Australia, I899. 2 This first stage is found among the following totems, Plum Tree, Grass Seed, Large Lizard, Small Lizard, Alexandra Parakeet and Small Rat-but is completely lacking in the Wichetty Grub totem,

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into the ground with their Churinga. From their spirits, men and womenhave now sprung. At other places, trees, or hills or curiouslooking stones mark the spot where the operation was performed, or where the ancestors stopped in their wanderings, or where someparticularevent happened, as for example, one man dropping dead. For each stone or tree there is a myth, and for each of the ceremonies performed to-day there is its counterpart in the Alcheringatimes. In the final and later Alcheringa period, the present marriage system of the tribe was introduced. Up to this period, there was no knowledge of any marriagerestrictions. The myth relates that the Emu or Erlia people quite consciously introduced these restrictions. It was proposed by a leader of the Thurathertwa group, the Oknirabata(an especially wise old man), and consisted in permitting Panunga men to marry Purula women and Bulthara men to marry Kumara women and vice versa. The leaders of several other Emu groups also decided that this was a good system. They therefore called all the people together for an Initiation ceremony, and at its conclusion re-alloted all the men and women to their proper mates. Even back at this time the myth tell us that it was an old man who presided at the ceremony, and that it was the old men who agreed on introducingthe change. It is truly believed that these exploits of the Alcheringa ancestors took place and the ritual consists in doing exactly what the ancestors did. The mythology might be said to contain the rules.1 The close relation of the Alcheringa myth to the ceremony can be observed in the Initiation ceremonies and in them we also get an idea of the multitude of details required for their performance. It will therefore be wise to take one ceremony, such as the Initiation rite and work out this inter-relationship between the rite and the myth and the leadership of the elders.
INITIATION RITES-THE ENGWURA CEREMONY.2

The Initiation rites are an integral part of the life of the group and every native must go through them before he becomes a fully developed member of the tribe. It is one of the most important occasionsof a man's life. The rites vary somewhat in nature and number among the different tribes, the most elaborate being found among the central tribes. There they extend over a num' The close connection between myth and rite has been pointed out by B. Malinowski, Myth in Primitive Psychology, i926. 2 The following- description is taken from B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, I899, pp. 272-367. D

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ber of years. The boy begins them at the age of Io or I2 and goes through the final one when he is 25 or 30. Among the Arunta and Ilpurra, the ceremony is divided into four parts: i, the Painting and Throwingthe boy up into the air; 2, Circumcisionor Lartna; 3, Sub-incision or Ariltha; 4, the Engw7ra or Fire Ceremony. In all these ceremonies, each performerrepresents an Alcheringa ancestor, and the young men going through the rites learn the traditions connected with them. According to Spencer and Gillen, their object is threefold: I, to bring the young men under the control of the old men; 2, to teach them habits of selfrestraint and hardihood; and 3, to teach them the sacred secrets of the tribes, or the myths which are concernedwith the Churinga and the totems. For the purpose of this study, it will be sufficient to describe merely the last of the Initiation ceremonies, the Engwura, which is a long series of rites, terminating in ordeals by fire. All the preparationsand directing of the ceremonies are in the hands of the old men. Some particular group will decide to hold an Engwura. The initiative then rests with the Alatunja, the headman of a local group, who, after consulting with the older men, sends out messengers to the other local groups of the tribe. No one can refuse the summons to appear. A secluded piece of ground for the performance of the ceremonies is chosen, so that the women and children cannot see what is taking place. The men who come to these ceremonies represent various local totemic groups, each of which has its own ceremonies. What ceremonies are performedwill, therefore, depend upon which totemic groups are present. The programmeis arrangedby the leading man, who, however, consults with the other older men about it. 1 On the occasion witnessed by Spencer and Gillen, they say that " everything was under the immediate control of one special old man who was a perfect repository of tribal lore. Without apparently any trouble or the slightest hitch he governed the whole camp, comprising more than a hundred full-grown natives, who were taking part in the ceremonies. Whilst the final decision on all points lay in his hands, there was what we used to call the " cabinet," consisting of this old man and three of the elders, who often met together to discuss matters. Frequently the leader would get up from the men amongst whom he was sitting, and apparently without a word being spoken or any sign being made, the other
' Spencer and Gillen do not specify very clearly just who this 'old man is. As far as we can gather he seems to be one particular old man, belonging to a southern group, and famous for his knowledge of the Alcheringa past. Op, cit., p. 28 I.

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three wouldrise and follow him one after the other, walking away to a secluded spot in the bed of the creek. Here they would discuss matters concernedwith the ceremoniesto be performed,and then the leader would give his orders and everything would work with perfectregularity and smoothness. The effect on the younger men was naturally to heighten their respect for the old men and to bring them under the control of the latter."'I These particular ceremonies lasted about four months, On every day there was a ceremony performed and sometimes there would be as many as five or six within the twenty-four hours. There were five clearly marked phases in the performance of the ceremonies. The first part consisted in the sending out of messengersand the assemblingof the tribe. Then came the performance of the introductory corroborees,which lasted ten nights. On the second day the old leader chose a special spot, and digging up the soil made a low mound called a Parra. This was ornamented with gum tree boughs to represent a tract of country, and they were always arranged to run north and south, because in the Alcheringatimes the wildcat people had marched in that direction. Not the slightest deviation in the making of this mound would be allowed. The second phase of the ceremonieslasted six weeks. The men were now separated from the women and lived on the Engwura groundwhere the sacredceremonieswere performedday and night. The days were spent in hunting, so that the young men could bring food to the old men, and in watching and taking part in the sacredceremonies. The following is a descriptionof the ceremonies performed only during the last eight days of this six weeks' period. On the first (of these last eight days), a ceremony called the QuabaraUnjiamba of Ooraminnawas performed.2 It refers to two women of the Unjiamba totem, who in the Alcheringa came from the north and travelled southward, keeping close to the tracks of a party of wildcat men. However, they did not see or come in contact with the men, who were travelling in the opposite direction. The preparations for this ceremony were most elaborate, taking more than three hours, while the performanceitself lasted onlyfive minutes. First, there was the making of a decoratedpole, called Ntrtunja, the foundation of which was a long spear. There was much ceremony in the process of decorating it. It was first
Op. cit., p. 280. Quabara is the native name for the ceremony. The second name refers to the totem and the third to the particular local group of the totem.
2

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swathed in long grass stalks, except for the lower end. Then the men took off their hair waist-girdles and wound them around the spear and to it fixed a bunch of eagle hawk and emu feathers. One man then cut a vein in his arm and drew out about a half pint of Elood, which was smeared on the pole. This made a congealing substance to which the decorative rings of red and white down were affixed. Six Churinga supposed to have belonged to the women of the myth were next attached to the pole. The whole process was accompanied by singing. The decorating was done exactly as the myth describes it should be done. The bodies of the performerswere decoratedwith designs drawn in ochreand birds' down and the pole was carriedto the ceremonial ground. The other men were summonedwith a special cry and up they came with an answering shout, and danced around the two performers,who bent the pole over the heads of the men. Two or three of the men laid their hands on the shoulders of the performersand the ceremony came to an end. This was followed by a solemn examination of the Churinga, after which came the performanceof a ceremony of the Ulpmerka men of the palm tree totem. The night was spent (uncircumcised)
in singing.

On the second day, in the morning, the examination of the Churinga was continued and in the afternoon the Quabara Iruntarinia Irritcha was performed. The two men performers represent two eagle hawks quarrelling over a piece of flesh and the ceremony was imparted to a special individual by the spirits. Later on the same afternoon another ceremony was performed. For both there was an elaborate decoration of the bodies of the performers. On the morning of the third day, the Quabara Achilpa of Urapitchera was performed. This ceremony was concerned with a group of wildcat men, who walked from the south to the north in part of the country now occupied by the Arunta; in their passage across, they had camped at a certain spot now called Urapitchera. For this ceremony, there were prepared two poles (Nu,rtnjas), about ten feet long. They had no spear for a central support, but were made entirely of a large number of flexible grass stalks bound around with hair string and decorated with rings of red and white down. The bodies of the performerswere of course also decorated. The carrying of the poles had to be done most particularly, exactly as they were supposed to have been done in the Alcheringa. " On the Parra ground, the Nartunjas (poles)were arrangedso that one end of each was under the man's

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waist-girdle, while the other ornamented with a bunch of eagle hawk feathersrested on the ground, the two diverging from each other. Then the other men were called up and began running around and shouting and then all passed under the Nurtunjas whichthe performerslifted up for the purpose,the men with their hands and shoulders helping to support them, for they had been carriedin that way in the Alcheringa. Finally, the old Purula man to whom the ceremony belonged, came up and embraced the old performer, who was in fact about the c ldest man on the ground and almost blind, but as full of energy as the youngest man present."' On the afternoon of the same day a ceremony was performed which had no special relation to the Engwura, but which referred to the doings of certain Kurdaitcha men. On the morning of the fourth day a very special examination of the Churingawas held. They were to be handed over to the keeping of a certain man, just reaching maturity, from the group to whom the Churingabelonged (the Lizardtotem). The Alatiunjas of the different totems first held a long whispered conversation, shared in by the other older men, about the holding of the lizard ceremony. When it was properlydecided, "the Churingawerelaid on shields and small boughs cut from the gum tree under which they sat; there were about sixty of them altogether, and as soon as they were unpacked, the man to whom they were being handed over was called up and took his seat along with the older men next to the Churinga. A long conversation, again carried on in whispers and with much -solemnity, then ensued between the recipient and the two old men, who told the former what the Churingameant and to whom they had belonged."2 Spencer and Gillen here make special mention of the prestige possessed by the old men, who knew the traditions so well. They say, " It may be noted here that the deference paid to the old men during these ceremonies of examining the Churingais most marked; no young man thinks of speaking unless he be first addressedby one of the elder men and then he listens solemnly to all that the latter tell him."3 " The old man just referredto (the one presiding in the last ceremony) was especially looked up to as or great instructor, a term which is only applied, an Okniyabata as in this case, to men who are not only old, but who are learned in all the customs and traditions of the tribe, and whose influenceis well seen at ceremonies such as the Engwura when the greatest deferenceis paid to them."4 Age in itself is important, but only
1

2 Op. cit., p. 302.

B. Spencer and F. J, Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, I899, 4 op. cit. P. 303. 3 Op. cit., P- 303.

p. 300.

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when it is accompaniedby deep knowledge of the traditions is the attained. rank of Oknirabata Next came the lizard ceremony. The old Oknirabata,whose body was well decorated, represented the lizard. At first, he went some distance from the other men and then came forth from his hiding-placeto the Parra ground, throwing up clouds of dust as he came in his zig-zag course. Two men went to meet him and the " lizard " pretended to turn back. Finally, however, the two brought him up to the group where the other men were and they circled about him in the usual way The tradition for this rite is, that " The two men who went to meet him represent little birds called Thippa-thippa, who are the descendants of Alcheringa men who came and watched and ran round and round some lizard men who were travelling along towards Simpson's Gap. The Thippa-thippa changed into birds of the same name, who ever afterwards became the mates of the lizard people "1 The night was spent as usual in singing on the ground. On the fifth day a rain ceremony was performed, the Quabara Quatchaof Jdracowra. Instead of the Nurtunja (pole), a Waninga, which is a framework of sticks, somewhat in the shape of a cross, to which are fixed lines of string, was used. The Waninga takes several hours to prepare and each part has its special meaning, which depends on what totem is using it. The one described by Spencer and Gillen was used by the water totem. The red string represented thunder; the white band, lightning; and the uncolouredstring was the falling rain; the white patches and bands of down were the clouds; the red of the feathers and the blood smeared on the parings of the wood worn on the men's heads represented brown froth which floats on the top of flood waters. The ceremony itself is not of special interest, but what is important in this connection is that through it Spencer and Gillen learned the following tradition regarding the wanderings of certain Kangaroo men in the Alcheringa. It also serves as a type of the instruction concerning the doings of the Alcheringa ancestors which is given by the old men to the younger ones during the performance of the Engwura. " Somewhere out from the far west there came two kangaroo men who carriedwith them a large Waninga. They stayed for some time, first of all at a spot close to Idracowra, at a water hole called Umbera-wartna, and they formed an Oknanikilla,that is, they deposited some of the Churinga which they carried in the ground, and so left behind spirit individuals of the kangaroo totem; then they walked on down
1 Op*cit.,

p. 305.

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the Finke river to a place called Urpunna,where they erected their Waninga and formed another Oknanikilla. Then, carrying the Waninga, they went undergroundand crossed beneath the Lilla creekwhichentersthe Finke fromthe west, and on the southernside they met a mob of kangaroosand euros who came to look at them. Travelling on they came out of the ground at a group of hills
called by the natives Amanda.
. .

. Here they rested for some

time and formed an Oknanikilla.Then they turned to the southeast, and travelling underground crossed beneath the Wichinga (now called the Hamilton) creek and then on under the Alberga, until once more they emerged at Marpinna,where they formed an Oknanikillaand where also they opened veins in their arms and allowed the blood to stream out over the ground, and so made a great level clay plain which has remained to the present time. Then, after going still further south and passing out of what is now the country of the Arunta, they turned to the west and made a big circuit through the sand hills country now occupied by a part of the Luritcha tribe, until finally turning north they came to the George Hill Range, and crossed this so as to reach a spot now called Temple Downs, where they formed an Oknanikilla. Then, following this to its junction with the Palmer, they went a little way up the latter and together with their Waninga, they ceased from wandering, and went down into a well-known waterhole called Illara, where they stayed forming an important Oknanikilla of the Kangaroo totem."' The myth just related will give some idea of the great detail of knowledge which must be known by the elders and imparted to the young men. There is not a single part of the ceremony which has not got its corresponding myth. On the sixth day there was a ceremonyrelating to the Ulpmerka men of the grass seed totem. The usual Nurtunja (uncircumcised) (pole)was made. There were two main performerswho " squatted down close to one another, each carrying on his hand a small twig of gum tree, the Nnrtunja being fixed in the head of the hinder of the two men, who simply swayed their bodies about from side to side, while the other men ran round and round them, except the two old men who squatted down to one side singing about the 2 Here men in the Alcheringa." walking about of the Ulnpmerka again is another example of the old men reciting the myth as the rite is being performed. of Quiurnpa On the following day, a Quabara of the Ulpimerka was performed. There were seven performers,all very elaborately
1 Op. Cit., p. 310.
2 Op, Cii.,

p. 3I2.

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decorated, with head-dresses, etc. The ceremony represented, as usual, a certain happening in the Alcheringa time and concerns some Ulpmerkamen of the plum tree totem who lived in the south. The first part of the performance represents them as dancing around their own Kukaitcha, an individual who was the head of their local group. Then an individual with the same name came from the north and told them to leave their own country and follow him. They did, and the second part of the ceremony consists of the men dancing around the performerwho represents the Kukaitcha from the north, signifying that they now regard him as their leader. In this ceremony the dancing is quite elaborate, and is supposed to be an exact imitation of the Alcheringaevent. On the afternoon of the same day, the Quabara of a fish totem was performed and the actors imitated a fish. Just before midnight another Quabara of the Ulpmerkaof Quiurnpa was acted. It represented three men eating plums. On the eighth and final day of this phase of the ceremonies,the Quabara of the Irriakura totem of a place called Oknirchumpatana, was performed. The Irriakurais the name of a favourite food of the natives. The performer is elaborately decorated to represent the flowering Irriakura. He seats himself in front of a dozen bunches of cockatoo tail feathers, which represent the growingplant. Then he moves slightly from side to side and scoops up the feathers to represent the gathering of the Irriakura. He pauses now and then and puts himself into ridiculous attitudes and appears to be very frightened. The other men sit on one side and sing about Unatunpika, the name of the man, whom the ceremony represented.When the last feather was pulled up, the rite was ended. The myth is that in the Alcheringa,Unatunpikawas sitting eating Irriakura,when he suddenly heard the ring-neckedparrots, his mates, cry out, warning him that a mob of strange men were coming up. He moved across to Oknirchumpatna; the group came up, left two individuals there and moved to another spot, forming a local totem centre. The close relation between the myth and the rite is seen very clearly in this ceremony. At midnight another ceremony was performed, which represented the Alcheringa ancestors eating plums. During the evening the men sat closely packed together in a group, singing. The heads of the young men were decorated with twigs and the leaves of a shrub called wetta, which is worn until the end of the ceremonies. The presiding old man then alloted four or five young to the men to an old man and these young men were then ab-moara old men who had charge of them and vice versa. They could not

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speak to or in the presence of the old men without his permission. From now on until the end of the ceremoniesthe young men are called collectively Illpongwurra. The third phase lasts eight days and the details of this period do not differvery much from those of the previous one. The Churinga continue to be examined and the sacred cerenioniesto be enacted day after day. An interesting ceremony of this period was the QuabaraAmbaquerka of Erathipa. " The performeris supposed to be a womanwith a newly born child, the latter being represented by an oval mass of twigs and grass stalks. . . . The performer held the supposed child in his hands while he sat down swaying about and quivering, the other men dancing and singing as they ran around him. When it was over, the oval mass was pressed against the stomach of the Alatunja, who then took and pressed it against that of the old Purula man who presided over the Engwura." The tradition supporting this ceremony is that in the Alcheringa, a man of the plum tree totem, named Inta-tir-kaka, after some travelling came to a place where he found a Nurtunja it belonged, and so he erected. He could see no people to whonm appropriatedit. However, he could not pull it out of the ground and so he broke it off, whereuponit tumbled down to the ground with a loud crash. This noise was heard by Unkara, a plum tree woman, whose property the N'rtunja was, and who with her little baby boys was out picking plums. She hurriedquickly back when she heard the crash and was very grieved when she saw what had happened. She put her baby and a large number of Churinga into the hollow where the Nurtrnja was broken off. The boy and the Churingawent into the ground and a specially rounded stone called Erathipa rose to mark the spot, which forms a centre of the plum tree totem; the stone is the home of many spirit individuals. The woman went up to the sky, looking for her N7rtunja. She did not find it, and in her grief she died.1 With the performance of similar ceremonies and singing at night the eight days of the third period came to an end. The fourth phase is a series of fire ordeals lasting for two weeks, at the end of which the initiated men rank as Urliara (a full member of the tribe). At sunrise of the first day of this period, the young men amidst much shouting from the old men and the noise of the bull roarer, were driven away from the camp and into the bush to hunt game for the benefit of the old men. On their return in the evening they decorated themselves with fresh twigs and leaves, and formed themselves into a dense square. All this time
1 op. cit., p. 334-335.

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the bull roarerswere going full force. Up to this point of the ceremonies, the women had remained apart in their own camp. But on this day just beforethe return of the men, they left their camp and assembledon the bank of the river, at a spot which they knew the men would pass on their way back. Here they collected grass and sticks with which to make a fire. Then, as the men came by, the women set fire to the dry grass and boughs and threw them on to the heads of the men, who shielded themselves with their boughs. The old men kept on whirling the bull roarers. The same performancewas gone through with a second group of women. Then suddenly amidst all the running and shouting, the young men suddenly lay down and were perfectly quiet. About midnight a ceremony was acted in which the performer representedan Alcheringaman of the frog totem. At three o'clock in the morning,there was another ceremony of the wildcat totem, an ordinary dancing festival of Alcheringa times. At daybreak, a ceremony was performed, where the actor represented a particular tree, which had appeared fully grown at a certain spot where an Alcheringa man of the frog totem went into the ground. The second day was a repetition of the first, with different ceremonies. All through this period there was a combination of ceremonies and fire ordeals. One interesting ceremony is the Quabara Ungamillia (evening star) of Ulkni-Wukulla,the name of the spot, where, according to the legend, the sun goes down every evening into a big white stone, which marks the spot where a certain Alcheringawoman, Auadaua, sat. There was a continuation of the fire ceremonies, the final ones being held in the women's camp. This period was now over and the men were Urliara. In the fifth phase, the Urliara men remained in the bush, until a ceremony was performedwhich removed the ban of silence bemen. The old men returnedto their tween them and their ab-moara camp and the ordinary dancing festivals were held. A special one was a woman's dance which went on every night for two or three weeks, and then another dance started. The final ceremony was now held. The Urliara men came in from the bush, each one bringing his offering of food to his ab-moaramen. Then the old men were sprinkledwith blood drawnfrom the arms of the younger touched the mouth men. Singing followed and the eldest ab-moara of those present with a bunch of feathers and the ban of silence was removed. This was the end of the Engwura.'
1 The above description refers to only one tribe, the Arunta, and to just one part of a particular group of ceremonies. But in any of the tribes of this area, there will be found these totemic Alcheringa beliefs. Details may vary, as in the Urabunna tribe, the ancestors are fewer in number and did not carry Churinga with

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CONCLUSION.

In the description of the Engwura ceremony (and, in fact, of any other similar ceremony we might have chosen) certain important points stand out. First, each part of the ceremony consists in reproducingthe exact actions of the Alcheringa ancestors. Secondly, there is not a single instance in which the initiative is taken by any but the old men. Over and over again it is specifically stated that it is the old men who are leading in the performance of the ceremonies. The answer to the question of why it is the old men who are leaders is found in this point. The old men are the only ones who have a full knowledge of the tribal traditions, without which the ceremonies cannot be performed. The number, extent and variety of these myths can be comprehended when it is realised that the condensed description of the Engwura ceremony given above is just a part of one ceremony. The details are infinite and are naturally learned slowly. One would by necessity be old by the time they are all learned. Even if someone were specially gifted in intelligence and memory, he would not be allowed to obtain a full knowledge until he was an elder. For in the Alcheringa tradition itself it is always the old men who take the lead, and there are rules or rather customs which would not permit the teaching of certain myths until a mature age had been reached. The importance of this knowledge is seen in its role in the performance of the ceremonies. The myths not only substantiate the rites, but contain the directions for their performance. The old men of this area fulfil our concept of Leadership. They possess initiative, for without them no ceremony, no council meeting, etc., could ever be started. They have the organising power,
them. But the general outline of the myths is the same. " These old semihuman ancestors wandered about all over the country now occupied by the Urabunna tribe, performing sacred ceremonies, and where they did this, they deposited in the ground, or in some natural feature such as a rock or water pool which rose to mark the spot, a number of spirit individuals called mai-aurli. After a time these became men and women, who became the first series of totem groups. Thus some of the mai-aurli left behind by the carpet snake ancestor changed into carpet snake men and women; some of those left behind by the lizards changed into lizard men and women, and so on through the various totemic groups. Since that early time, when the totem groups were thus instituted, the mai-aurli have been continually undergoing reincarnation." B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, 1904, p. I46. Cf. also the myths of the ancestral hero Pulyallana, of the Port Lincoln Tribe and of Nurundere, a mythical being who instituted the rites and ceremonies now practised by the Narrinyeri. G. W. Schurman, " The Port Lincoln Tribe," G. Taplin, " The Narrinyeri," S. 'W. Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, I879. See also the myths of the Witchetty Grub Totem, of the Snake Totem, and the Rain Intichiuma of the Katish Tribes. All are concerned with the wanderings of the Alcheringa ancestors and the rites reproduce these wanderings. B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes etc., and Northern Tribes etc.

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for it is they who perform and control the ceremonies, direct the council meetings and all the other activities of the tribe. Such frequent mention has been made of the deference and esteem paid to these old men, that it is not necessary to go into it again here. It can certainly be said that the old men are the leaders and the governing power in the Australian tribes. They may possess other qualities besides age, but these are secondary. Why is age the dominating factor here ? Why is the warrior or the man of property or someone else not the leader. It has already been noted how the warrior is ruled out as a very influential person, because the Australians were not a war-like race. As for property-because of the climatic and geographical conditions,it barely comes into the picture. In a country with a sparse rainfall, a scanty food supply, wherethe people wander around for food in small groups, having no permanent headquarters,it would be impossible to accumulate property. What we do find in this area, is that tradition plays the leading part in determiningthe nature of the social organisation. For the life of the tribe depends so largely on the ceremonialperformances, which are in turn based on the Alcheringa traditions. Without the knowledge of these myths, the ceremonies could not be performed. The old men are the only ones who know these myths, and they are in positions of authority not only in regard to the ceremonial procedures, but in all the other tribal activities. In other words, the old men are the primitive government or the rulers of these Australian aborigines. They are so because they fulfil a function which is indispensableto their society. This correlation of the old men as leaders with the intensely totemic structure of the society is an example of the method of study suggested in the introductory part of this article. Leadership takes its peculiar form because of the specific role it plays in the social organisation. The general role is to initiate and organise tribal activities. What type of activity is most important for the tribe will depend on its general configuration or social structure. In Australia it is the ceremonialactivities. The old men, because of their exclusive knowledge of the traditions, are the only ones who can perform these ceremonies. It is because of this function that they possess authority which is carried over to other tribal activities.