Civil Society in Bangladesh: Vibrant but not Vigilant

A Dissertation Submitted to the University of Tsukuba In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science

Farhat TASNIM 2007

Dedicated to My FatherProfessor Muhammad Shahjahan and MotherMrs. Shirin Maqsuda With love and gratitude for raising me in the way I am

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Abstract
Grassroots development in Bangladesh gained world recognition with the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize being awarded to Professor Yunus and his Grameen Bank. On the other side of the coin, Transparency International rated Bangladesh as the Worlds most corrupt country for five successive years from 2001-2005. Why then, can civil society be so successful at the grassroots level, yet not have any strong role in producing good governance and consolidating democracy? The present study particularly addresses this problem and attempts to uncover the causes to such contradictory outcome of civil society in Bangladesh. In this connection, the present research also qualifies the normative assumption on the positive relation between civil society and democracy asserted by the main stream Neo-Tocquevillean School that has profound influence on donor policies on good governance and programs for strengthening civil society. For investigation into the civil society of Bangladesh the study first develops a simple analysis model where civil society is considered as a form of collective functions distinct from state, market and family. Civil society organizations are taken as the basic units of such civil society. Overall characteristics and functions of civil society are divided into two broad aspects vibrant and vigilant. Vibrant refers to density, collectiveness and activeness while vigilant refers to the interactions of civil society with the state and market, its participation in governance and strength to monitor state actions. Civil society must be both vibrant and vigilant to be able to contribute to democratic consolidation. The analysis model places civil society in constant interaction with the other actors in the political system and democratic consolidation is achieved together with a participatory civil society, political institutionalization, economic development and democratic culture. Dahls Polyarchy is the ideal goal for democratic consolidation. The thesis has made use of both survey data and secondary materials and iii

has combined comparative, quantitative and qualitative method for analysis. From a comparative discussion on contemporary India, The Philippines and Pakistan with that of Bangladesh, it is the political actors that have been found to be the determining factor to the strength of civil society and dimension of democracy. Further investigation into the factors that influence the nature and strength of civil society in Bangladesh has revealed that donor policy, economic situation and philanthropy culture and simple registration rules have contributed to its vibrant nature which is marked by density of collective functions, activeness in providing service and success so far in social development. Thus far, from the Neo-Tocquevillean assumption, there exists a reasonable condition for improving democratic institutions in the country. On the other hand, political structures, particularly political parties, along with historical background and vertical social relationshipclientelism, patronage, nepotism, corruption etc. have contributed to low performance of civil society in relation to politics and democracy. Empirical observation and survey on civil society organizations have supported the inference on high civil society involvement in social service and welfare. Such empirical data have also revealed a low rate of participation by civil society organizations in actions like advocacy, policy making, lobby, exchanging opinions with the government, sending representative to local councils etc. and their high tendency to keep contacts with political parties. This implies that the civil society is hardly involved in participatory actions concerning politics and democracy on the one hand, and on the other hand, has a partisan tendency. Naturally their prospect in contributing to democracy or emerging as a strong vigilant force is not encouraging. To understand the reasons for low participation and partisan tendency of the civil society, further analyses on their political relation in contemporary Bangladesh have been conducted. The research reveals that instead of influencing the government and iv

political actors, civil society itself has been penetrated, co-opted, politicized and divided by the political parties. As the civil society organizations are vertically organized and not democratic internally, they are easily prone to such politicization and polarization. This has reduced their ability to generate democratic norms, articulate interest or monitor state actions. So the civil society is yet to emerge as a vigilant force to uphold good governance and consolidate democracy. The study not only answers questions regarding the weak performance of civil society in relation to democratic consolidation but also indicates the impracticality of the donor policies for placing high targets for civil society in a political system that still lacks political institutionalization, democratic consensus and economic development. International and national policies on civil society should be formulated accepting the social and political reality. Though the civil society may not be able to completely overcome the influence of politicizations, lure of patronage, and vertical social relations it has the possibility to improve and gain a stronger position. In this way, whatever positive outcomes are produced may be considered as achievements.

Acknowledgement
I would like to take this opportunity to express my debt and thanks to a number of individuals and institutions, continued support and encouragement of whom helped me shape this thesis through its different stages. Academically, I am specifically indebted to my Academic Advisor Professor Yutaka TSUJINAKA for his continuous guidance and advice for the preparation of this thesis with keen interest, stimulation and patience. I am particularly indebted to his expert supervision in the field of civil society and survey-based analysis and for his confidence in me to do such research on civil society in Bangladesh. Moreover, he extended generous support from his special projectCivil Society, the State and Culture in Comparative Perspective (CSC), to conduct my survey on civil society organizations in Bangladesh. It is my great pleasure to acknowledge my gratitude to three other members of my Thesis Committee. Special thanks to Professor Shigeo OSONOI for his kind advices, generous support that helped me upgrade the standard of my research. I extend sincere thanks to Professor Motoko SHUTO for her scholastic comments which helped me improve my thesis to its present form. I am obliged to Professor Charles Covell, for his intellectual cooperation, constant encouragement and assurance that gave me the moral strength and academic confidence to continue my endeavor on civil society. I would also like to show appreciation to all the members of the project team of CSC under the leadership of Professor Tsujinaka. Particularly I am grateful to Dr. Jea Young CHOE and Mr. Hiroki MIWA who helped me at all stages from organizing the survey plan to analyzing the data in SPSS. I also thank the Japanese NGO Shapla Neer for extending their help to conduct the survey in Bangladesh and become the official partner of the project in connection to the survey. While conducting the survey at the vi

field, I received genuine support and cooperation from a good number of individuals, particularly from my twenty sincere and dedicated surveyorsall graduate students of University of Rajshahi. Among them I would like to mention the names of Momen Khan, Jahangir Alam, Mustafizur Rahman, A.S.M. Sarwar and Selimuzzaman. They also helped me in collecting newspaper reports on civil society from different libraries in Dhaka. Among other academicians who encouraged me greatly with my research project, I would like to particularly mention the name of Professor Robert Pekkhanon of Washington University, and Professor Nathan Gilbert Quimpo of Tsukuba University for their constructive comments and suggestion on my thesis and also to Professor Joseph Galaskiewicz of Arizona University and Professor Kazuko KOJIMA of Tsukuba University for their constant encouragement. I convey my heartfelt thanks to the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports Science and Technology of Japan for awarding me the Munbukagakusho Scholarship, which has supported my study and stay in Japan. I am grateful to my friends and fellow mates at the Public Policy Study Room and Tsujinaka Seminar for their encouragement, support, intellectual comments on my research and extended help in solving various difficulties I had to encounter being a foreign student in Japan. Here, I would like to mention the name of Dr. Leslie M. Tkach KAWASAKI, Dr. Lee JIYONG, Lee HYUNJU, Huang MEI, Pei Jung YANG, Hiromi NAKAMURAH, Isamu OAKADA, Shahidul Islam and Shakil Ahamed. I thank my teachers and colleagues of the Department of Political Science, Rajshahi University, Bangladesh, for their cordial support during the study period. Lastly, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my husband Dr. Tofael

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Ahamed without whose constant support, cooperation, understanding and motivation it would have been impossible for me to finish the journey. I also convey special thanks to our unborn child for being the source of all my inspiration during the process of writing and revising this thesis. I owe much gratitude to my parents Professor Muhammad Shahjahan and Mrs. Shirin Maqsuda and my elder sister Dr. Wardatul Akmam and her husband Dr. Fakrul Islam for being a constant source of help, support and inspiration throughout the entire research work. Besides, their dedication, contribution, advice and guidance towards building my life are simply incalculable. Above all, all praises to acknowledge immeasurable grace and profound kindness of the Almighty Allah, the supreme ruler of the Universe to complete this research work.

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List of Contents

Abstract Acknowledgement List of Contents Abbreviations List of Tables List of Figures Chapter 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1. 4.1 1.4.2 1.4.2.1 1.4.2.2 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.7.1 1.7.2 1.7.3 1.7.4 1.7.5 1.8 Chapter 2 2.1 2.1.1 2.1.1.1 2.1.1.2 Introduction Statement of the Problem Research Question and Objectives of the Study Critical Arguments Conceptual Framework Civil Society Discourse Analysis Framework Operationalizing a Vibrant and Vigilant Civil Society Steps of the Investigation Implication Brief Introduction to Civil Society in Bangladesh Definitions Participatory Civil Society Politicization of Civil Society Democracy Transition to Democracy Democratic Consolidations Chapter Arrangements Literature Review and Methodology Literature Review Theories on civil society leading to the study of Third World States Neo-Tocquevillean School Neo-Gramscian School ix

iii vi ix xiv xv xvii 1 1 4 6 8 9 14 14 18 19 22 26 26 27 27 29 31 34 38 38 38 38 40

2.1.2 2.1.3 2.1.3.1 2.1.3.2 2.1.3.3 2.1.4 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.2.3 2.2.3.1 2.2.3.2 2.2.4 2.2.4.1 2.2.4.2 2.3 Chapter 3 3.1 3.2 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.4 3.3 3.3.1 3.3.1.1 3.3.1.2 3.3.1.3 3.3.2

Relationship between Civil Society and Democracy and Development Policies Studies on Third World Civil Societies from different Perspectives John Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project CIVICUS Civil Society Index Project on Asian Civil Society Researches on Civil Society in Bangladesh Methodology Use of Survey Method in Studying Civil Society Description of the Survey Method Used Application of Data Quantitative Analysis Model Qualitative Analysis Model Description and Justification for Selecting the Study Area for Survey Rajshahi District Justification for Selecting Rajshahi District as the Study area Limitations of the Study Political Structural Influence on Civil Society Introduction

42 47 47 50 52 54 59 59 62 64 64 67 69 70 71 75 78 78

Influence of Political Structures upon Civil Society from 80 a Comparative Perspective 84 Stable but Partly Illiberal Democracy-India Elitist Democracy- The Philippines Failed Democracy- Pakistan 88 91

Position of Bangladesh Civil Society and Democracy in 95 Comparison to other Asian Countries Bangladesh Civil Society from Vibrant and Vigilant 99 Perspective Level of Vibrancy of Civil Society in Bangladesh Philanthropy Culture Donor Policy Registration System Level of Vigilance of Civil Society in Bangladesh x 99 100 101 105 107

3.3.2.1 3.3.2.2 3.3.2.2.1 3.3.2.3 3.3.2.4 3.3.2.4.1 3.3.4.2.2 3.3.4.2.3 3.3.2.5 3.4 Chapter 4 4.1 4.2 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.2.4 4.2.5 4.2.6 4.2.7 4.2.8 4.2.9 4.2.10 4.3 4.3.2 4.4 4.4. 1 4.4.2 4.4.3 4.4.4 4.5. 4.5.1 4.5.2

Confrontational Democracy in Bangladesh Elite Composition-Politics and Civil Society Civil Society Elites Internal Characteristics of Civil Society Organizations Political Party System in Bangladesh Nature of Party Rule in Contemporary Bangladesh Third Parties Nature of Building Social Support Political Parties Penetrating Civil Society Conclusion Rich Grass-roots Actions but Poor Participation Introduction Nature of Civil Society in Bangladesh as Revealed through the Survey Data Self Categorization by the Civil Society Organizations Policy Interest Objectives Geographic Level Member Resources Volunteer Employee Budget Cooperation with Other Actors Civil Society Involvement in Grass-roots Action Evaluation of CSOs and NGO Performance Civil Society Involvement in Participatory Functions Relation with government Advocacy Policy Making Lobby Summary and Conclusion Summary Concluding Remarks

108 110 111 113 116 119 121 122 123 130 134 134 137 137 139 140 141 142 144 146 148 150 152 155 159 161 161 164 169 173 178 178 181

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Chapter 5 5.1 5.2 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3 5.3 5.3.1 5.3.2 5.3.2.1 5.3.2.2 5.3.2.3 5.3.2.3.1 5.3.2.3.1.1 5.3.2.3.2 5.3.2.3.2.1 5.3.2.4 5.3.2.4.1 5.3.2.4.2 5.3.2.5 5.3.2.5.1 5.3.2.5.2 5.3.2.5.2.1 5.4 Chapter 6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6

Civil Society and Political Relation in Bangladesh Introduction Civil Society and Political Relation as Revealed in the Survey Data Most Influential Actors Personal Relation with Actors CSOs Relation with Political Parties Civil Society and Politics: Qualitative Analysis Civil Society and Politics from News Paper Analysis Sector Wise Analysis of Civil Society and Political Relation in Bangladesh NGO Sector Primary School Teachers Movement 2006 Labor Unions and Trade Organizations Labor Union Rajshahi Sugar Mill Labor Union Trade Organizations Rajshahi Chambers of Commerce Cooperatives and Small Welfare Groups Cooperatives Local Social Welfare Groups and Cultural Sports Club Intellectuals, Think Tanks and Citizens Group Intellectuals

184 184 188 188 190 194 197 198 205 205 210 215 215 217 218 220 221 221 226 229 230

Think Tanks and Citizen Groups 232 Rajshahi Rakkha Shangram Parishod-RRSP (Movement 233 to Protect Rajshahi) Summary and Conclusion 235 Conclusion Introduction Answer to the Research Question 242 242 243

Ability of Civil Society in Consolidating Democracy 248 The Neo-Tocquevillean Theory and Donor Policies: 252 Implication of the Case of Bangladesh Matters Remain Uninvestigated 255 Conclusion: Vibrant but not Vigilant 257

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Appendices Appendix -A Appendix -B Appendix -C Appendix -D Appendix E-I Appendix E-II

Map of Bangladesh Map of Rajshahi District (Survey Area) Survey Questionnaire Survey Report on Civil Society Organizations in Bangladesh, Rajshahi District List of Designation of Resource Persons Interviewed List of Observatory Notes used for the Describing and Analysis the Cooperatives and Small Welfare Groups in Chapter Five List of Libraries visited for Newspaper Searching Case Studies of Civil Society Organizations Profile of two Major Political Parties

263 263 264 265 279 286 287

Appendix E-III Appendix-F Appendix- G Bibliography

288 289 301 305

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Abbreviations
ADAB AL BNP BRDB BRAC Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh Bangladesh Awami League Bangladesh Nationalist Party Bangladesh Rural Development Board Bangladesh Rural Advancement Commission

BGMEA Bangladesh Garments Manufactures and Exporters Association CBA CSO CSI CPD FNB NGO PKSF PO RRSP RSS TNO TMSS Collective Bargaining Associations Civil Society Organization Civil Society Index Centre for Policy Dialogue Federation of NGOs in Bangladesh Non-governmental Organization Palli karma sahayak foundation (Foundation for Assisting Rural Activities) Peoples Organizations (a prominent form of civil society organization in the Philippines) Rajshahi Rakkha Shangram Parishod (Movement to Protect Rajshahi) Rastriya Swamsewak Sangh (National Volunteers Corps) Thana (Sub-district) Executive officer Thengamara Mahila Shobuj Shongho

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List of Tables
Table 1.1 Table 1.2 Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 3.3 Table 3.4 Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3 Table 4.4 Table 4.5 Statistics of Registered CSOs in Bangladesh Statistics of CSOs and Total Population of Selected Countries in Asia CSOs targeted and surveyed Indicators of basic nature, grass-roots action and participatory action of CSOs Methods used to sample newspaper reports Sector wise discussion on civil society and political relations Comparative table showing democracy and civil society level in four countries Freedom House rating for four countries in 2006 Professions of parliament members 1973 to 2001 Percentage of share of seats and votes secured by parties in general elections Objective of the Civil Society Organizations (CSO) Funds providing sources for CSOs other than membership fees Cooperation ranking with other social, political and market actors Nature of involvement in grass-roots actions Selected grass-roots action among foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national 24 24 63 65 68 69 96 97 110 117 140 145 153 156 158

Table 4.6 Table 4.7 Table 4.8

level Grass-roots performance evaluation 160 Nature of formal relation with government 162 Selected government relationship among foreign funds 163 receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level Nature of advocacy among different types of CSOs 166 Democracy related advocacy among foreign funds receiving 168 and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level Success in policy making and policy breaking among different CSOs Participation in PRSP Policy process by different CSOs.

Table 4.9 Table 4.10

Table 4.11a Table 4.11b

170 170

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Table 4.12a

Policy making and breaking among foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level Participation in PRSP policy process among foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level Nature of lobby by different CSOs. Selected lobby performed by foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level Influence ranking of different actors upon the political system Personal relation between different CSOs and important actors
Personal relation existing between important actors and CSOs of different sections

171

Table 4.12b

172

Table 4.13 Table 4.14 Table 5.1 Table 5. 2a

Table 5. 2b

174 176 189 192 193 194 195 199

Table 5.3a Table 5.3b Table 5.4 Table 5.5 Table 5.6 Table A-1 Table A-2 Table A-3 Table A-4 Table A-5

CSOs having contact with political parties Political party relations with CSOs belonging to different sections Sampled news papers

CSOs types and mention of different attributes in the news 202 reports Politicization, corruption and violence among labor unions as 215 revealed in news paper reports Sampled civil society organizations belonging to different categories Questionnaires filled in each day The statistics of all three steps-Population, sampling and interviewed CSOs The CSO under affiliated ministry of institutions CSOs classification 280 281 283 283 284

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List of Figures
Figure 1.1 Figure 1.2 Figure 1.3 Figure 3.1 Figure 3.2 Figure 3.3 Figure 3.4 Figure 3.5 Figure 3.6 Integrated model to study civil society in developing 17 countries Democratic transitional phases towards consolidating 30 democracy Simplified model of democratic consolidation taking 33 place through the combined forces Model for Comparison 97 Rise of NGOs receiving foreign funds since 1990s in 102 Bangladesh Flow foreign grant through NGO Affairs Bureau in 103 Bangladesh Year of establishment of Civil Society 104 Organizations(CSO) Vertical reciprocal relationship between civil society and 125 political parties (elaborated model) Simplified picture of the civil society and Political Party 127 Relation in Bangladesh Self categorization by the civil society organizations Policy Interests of Civil Society Organizations(CSO) CSOs acting at different geographic level The pattern of individual members of the CSOs surveyed Pattern of volunteer among local and national CSOs 138 139 142 143 147

Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6a Figure 4.6b. Figure 4.7a Figure 4.7b Figure 4.8a Figure 4.8b Figure 4.9 Figure 5.1

Pattern of volunteer among foreign assistance receiving 147 and non-receiving CSOs Pattern of employee among local and national CSOs 149 Pattern of employee among foreign assistance receiving 149 and non-receiving CS0s Amount of budget among local and national CSOs 150 Amount of budget among foreign funds receiving and 151 non-receiving CSOs Lobby through political parties and coalition formation 178 five country comparison Relationship with ruling party and opposition 196

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Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 Statement of the Problem Grassroots developments in Bangladesh gained world recognition with the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize having been awarded to Professor Yunus and his Grameen Bank1. On the other side of the coin, Transparency International rated Bangladesh as the Worlds most corrupt country for five successive years from 2001-20052. Why, then, can civil society be so successful at the grassroots level, yet not have any strong role in producing good governance and consolidating democracy? Not only Bangladesh, but also other developing countries that have embraced democracy during the 1980s and 1990s (e.g., in Thailand, The Philippines, Indonesia, Nepal and other parts of Central Asia, Latin America and Africa) are experiencing frustrating outcomes and political instability. However, international development organizations and donor countries influenced by the Neo-Tocquevillean school, regard civil society as the best instrument for good governance and democratic consolidation in third world countries. The policy of applying Western experiences and theories in non-Western societies while neglecting indigenous settings, local circumstances and histories has provoked controversy. Often civil societies with large number of associations, having good reputation in social development and staging mass protests for democratic change have been

The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 2006, divided into two equal parts, to Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank for their efforts to create economic and social development from below (source: http://muhammadyunus.org/NobelPrize/press_release.html internet access 10 February, 2007). Grameen Bank is the pioneer institution for the modern practice of micro-credit often used in development programs for poverty alleviation. The Grameen Model of Bangladesh is currently used to financially empower the poorest families in more than a hundred countries across the globe through savings and loans (Dowla and Barua, 2006). 2 Corruption Perception Index, 2006, Transparency International Bangladesh, available at http://www.tibangladesh.org/CPI2006.pdf (internet access on 12 June, 2007).

found to be ineffective in influencing government policies and consolidating democracy. High profile of NGOs and the large number of development projects may partially lead to a vibrant civil society but not necessarily guarantee a participatory vigilant civil society. Prominent scholars like Robert Putnam, Larry Diamond have emphasized on associational culture to make democracy work. They have argued for the strong relation between the autonomous, local based, citizen groups and democracy. Higher the number of associations in a country, the higher the likelihood that, democratic institutions will improve. So they pursue that efforts should be made to strengthen such groups to bring democratic transition where there is none and consolidate democracy where there is already an existing one. Efforts to produce democracy through civil society and civic engagement is believed to bring changes in three ways, (a) changes at the micro social level will produce macropolitical results, (b) in a society, disposition and practices shaped in one association will have spillover effects in other circumstance and (c) the same associational structures will operate in similar ways in different socio-historical contexts (Armony, 2004:7). The idea that strong civil society fosters democracy3, holds the state in check, and in turn contributes to development (Howell and Pearce 2001: 40), has influenced formation of donor policies on good governance4 and greater cooperation with NGOs in the third world.

After the failure of the policy of state reform during 1980s-commonly known as structural adjustment, donors became more interested in civil society to overcome the problems in the developing world. The neoTocquevillean school supplied the necessary arguments about how active associations and civic engagement contributed to democratic polities and how this facilitated economic progress and prosperity (Howell and Pearce, 2001,41). 4 Theoretically, good governance involves an efficient public service, an independent judicial system and legal framework to enforce contracts; the accountable administration of public funds; an independent public auditor, responsible to a representative legislature; respect for law and human rights at all levels of government; a pluralistic institutional structure, and a free press (Leftwitch 1994). Good governance marries the new public management to the advocacy of liberal democracy (Rhodes, 1997: 50). Through their good governance agenda, World Bank, ADB and other development agencies seek to encourage competition and markets; privatize public enterprise, reform the civil service, introduce budgetary discipline; decentralize administration, and greater use of non-government organizations in the third world. Good-governance agenda suggested that a virtuous circle could be built between state, economy and civil society which would balance growth, equity and stability. To

International aid policy embracing such liberal, organizational view of Neo-Tocquevillean school intend to promote an ambitious vicious circle between state, economy and civil society in developing countries. Civil society organizations have been highlighted both as service providers and as promoters of good governance and democratization. However, the notion of civil society that has been accepted by the donors is normative and based on Western experiences overlooking the political and social background of the developing countries. In most cases, third world states are weak, limited in their capacity and have social relations that are embedded in a vertical clientelistic manner.
Imposition of a new idea in a very different social-historical setting may lead to ramifications. Often third world political systems and societies have been found to be immature in institutional development, lacking necessary conditions for proper functioning of civil society. Despite the fact, Neo-Tocquevillean scholars, particularly Diamond (1989, 1996) have emphasized civil society for the development and maintenance of secure democracy in developing countries. Diamond has mentioned several functions of civil society in consolidating democracy and particularly for developing countriescheck and balance the power of the state, ensure

pluralism, increasing political participation, teach democratic norms, recruit and train new political leaders and resist authoritarian rules (Diamond, 1992: 6-12). For all these functions civil society requires necessary democratic atmosphere where the market needs to be stable as well as the other state institutions to be well institutionalized. Diamond has pointed out conditions for civil society groups they must have democratic goals as well as internal democracy, organizational institutionalization, pluralism with out fragmentation etc.

this end civil society has been considered as the best tool to balance the state and the market in political terms by reducing abuse of power, and in economic terms as by becoming a third source of social service provision (Lewis, 2004:302-303).

(Diamond, 1996:212, 1999). These conditions are also normative so as the democratic tasks that have been expected from civil society. No society, particularly in a developing country can conform to these conditions. In fact, where political institutions have emerged in a non-democratic atmosphere and social and
political relations are based on kinship and clientelism, civil society can hardly emerge as an autonomous, pluralistic force. On the other hand, they may be found to be weak, polarized and controlled by the more powerful political forces. If the civil society organizations (CSOs) act in a clientelistic manner, if they are dependent on and are placed under the powerful local elites and politicians in the social stratification, if their organizational strength is overpowered by the state and political forces and autonomy is compromised, vigilant civil society can never be achieved. Foreign donations and loans and supporting state policies can easily encourage and lead to large number of civil society organizations, this may bring development and vibrancy but not necessarily vigilance. Only when vibrancy and vigilance together is found in a civil society it may contribute to democracy. Practically combination of both the attributes is hardly found in civil societies in developing countries.

1.2 Research Question and Objective of the Study Bangladesh represents the most likely case to show the simplicity in the NeoTocquevillean assumption and impracticability in the donor policies to strengthen civil society to ensure democracy. Bangladesh society and state which is a formal democracy possess least the important caveats5 that Diamond has warned about (1996:213). At present there is free market

Diamond (1996: 213) has mentioned a good number of caveats that may impede the democratic role of civil society. They are history of authoritarian state corporatism, low level of economic development or the absence of a fully functioning market economy, lack of state autonomy; a hyperactive, confrontational and relentlessly rent seeking civil society; angry, anomic civil society; civil society trying to substitute coherent political parties.

system in Bangladesh. Formal parliamentary system of government has been reintroduced here in 1991. The state does not lack any autonomy in relation to other internal actors or institutions within the political system. Moreover the civil society here is not hyperactive and relentlessly rent seeking, trying to penetrate the state. Civil society organizations are also not alienated from the state and the interest groups do not have the power or objectives to substitute the political parties. Rather the state and political forces have emerged as the most powerful actors. In spite of a clientelistic, kinship-based social setting, there is a vibrancy of social organizations most of which may be considered as civil society organizations from a broad definition. These organizations are mainly local based and welfare oriented. However, contribution of civil society in democratic consolidation is hardly observed. Though they have strong presence in the service providing sector and social welfare, civil society organizations have been found to be rather weak and ineffective in relation to politics, policy making and democracy. The important role by civil society may not be denied in different movements for democracy before and after independence in 1971; however, in the day to day life, influence of civil society in government policy and protecting and representing peoples interest and rights can hardly be observed. The present research tries to find the answer to the core question despite its well recognized contribution in

social development why the civil society in Bangladesh can hardly contribute to democratic consolidation? With the aim to answer the research question, the present study is based on three broad objectives: The first objective is to explore factors that influence the nature, strength and actions of civil society, to identify the most influential factor that contributes in impeding civil societys vigilant role in contemporary Bangladesh.

The second objective of the study is to empirically investigate civil society organizationbasic units of civil society, to reveal types of their functions and nature of activities that are related to politics, participation and democracy. The third objective is to investigate the civil society and political relation to verify the inferred causes to the weak and less participatory role of civil society which is found to be hardly contributing to democratic consolidation in Bangladesh. The study starts its journey by taking the civil society in Bangladesh as the dependent variable and the factors that contribute to the development and participatory nature of civil society as the independent variable in their broad senses.

1.3 Critical Arguments Neo-Tocquevillean scholars and donors have emphasized organizational activities and group work through forming associations, particularly at the community level. Such policies have lead to proliferation of grass-roots organizations, i.e., NGOs in the third world societies. However, proliferation of civil society organizations generated through internal and external pressure and policies, just like in Bangladesh, may not always lead to democratic success. The present research attempts to argue with empirical observations that unless the civil society is autonomous, enjoying strong network and is participatory that is, involved in formal interaction with national and local governments, taking part in policy making, advocates on important issues and lobby to form pressure on the government, it can hardly contribute to democracy though it may have a high profile of success in social development. In case of Bangladesh, though social development activities of civil society are significant, its participatory rate is low.

Strengthening civil society may be a policy of the donors or international development agencies, parliament may also legislate laws to regulate CSOs. Such internal and external institutional matters do shape the nature of civil society to some extent, but may not be considered as the prime influencing factors. Present research through exploring most of the external and internal dynamics, shows that nature and function of civil society in developing countries, like Bangladesh is determined through combinations of factors like globalization, donor policies, as well as historical development, social culture, and political institutions. Though the influencing factors act in a combined way, they may differ in their intensity at different levels of political development and vary from country to country. In most cases political and vigilant strength of the civil society is highly influenced by the political actors. CSOs developed at the community level are mostly concerned with the local problems of the area. In developing countries poverty is one of the biggest problems; naturally most organizations are concerned on welfare and economic empowerment. Financial assurance from donors, lead to more civil society organization and better nongovernmental services which is ultimately thought to bring better citizenry and more participation in political decision making. Such participation related goals often remain unrealized. In case of Bangladesh too, large number of civil society organizations active at local and meso levels is mostly concerned with social welfare and poverty alleviation. Majority of CSOs are engaged in service related functions than advocacy and other participation related matters. In spite of its vibrant nature, civil society is mobilized at a very low rate towards political and democracy related matters.

From the political perspective, with the Bangladesh case, the study argues that, instead of influencing the government and political actors, the civil society itself has been influenced by the powerful social political factors that have weakened its potentials to generate democratic norms among the citizens, articulate interests and watch on government actions. Only a few civil society leaders, elites and a few factions have personally gained from such politicization.

1.4. Conceptual Framework The present study relies on two overlapping approaches Comparative Politics and New Institutional Approach, to study and explain the civil society in Bangladesh. Comparative politics explains different political systems and their institutions and norms, through identification of similarities and differences. It helps us develop explanations and test theories on the way in which political systems work and in which political processes occur. Political scientists cannot design experiments to control and manipulate political arrangements and observe the consequences. However, it is possible to describe and explain the different combinations of events and institutions found in the politics of different societies (Almond and Powell, 1966:26). One of the important questions to apply on political systems is the attitude of the principal organized groups toward each other and toward the system itself. The answer may be found in the studies under the broad heading Political Dynamics as termed by Brown and Macridis (1996:197). It basically includes the performance of political parties and other institutions that influence the public policies. Civil society has been brought under this broad heading. Naturally, studying civil society under such umbrella approach provides flexibility to understand the empirical fact in comparison to other countries as well as to other institutions within the same political system.

For a further understanding and explanation of the role of civil society in political system and influence of the state and other actors on civil society, this study also takes help of multi-faceted Institutional Approach. Contemporary Institutionalism in political science is concerned with the political collectivities. It studies reciprocal relations between politics and socio-economic environment, that is, both the options of politics shaping the society as much as society shaping politics. Institutions may be formal or informal structural features of society or polity. Institutions transcend individuals to involve with groups of individuals in some sort of patterned interactions that are predictable based on specified relationship among the actors. Such institutions are stable, based on some shared values and meanings, and affect individual behavior (Peters 1999:17-18). Institutional Approach provides the convenience to study the actions and interactions of formal structures like legislature, bureaucracy, legal framework as well as informal or popular structures like political parties, interest groups, or even a set of shared norms or cultural traditions under the same heading as institutions. This provides scope for explaining combined influences of structures on the other structures. So under the one institutional approach, international trends, state policies, laws, historical events as well as social norms and cultures may be explained in analyzing the reciprocal interaction civil society has with the political and social system in its own process of development. 1.4.1 Civil Society Discourse The roots of the idea of civil society are various and scattered and its history may be traced in different streams of Western political thought over the past two millenniafor example in classical liberalism, liberal egalitarianism, critical theory, pluralism, Marxism, and democracy. Again, civil society has found its place in the religious traditions of the East

and the West- Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Confucianism (Allagappa 2004, 27). In the thoughts of Aristotle (384-322 BC) as well as of Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43 BC), John Locke (1632-1704), Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) and Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), civil society was considered as synonymous with the state or political society. Civil society in this conception expressed the growth of civilization to the point where society is civilized. Nonetheless, there was always a connection between citizenship and society in the early thoughts (Kumar, 1993: 376-377). In the later half of the 18th century ideas, society has been distinguished from the state by thinkers including Adam Ferguson (1723-1790), Adam Smith (1737-1809), Thomas Paine (1805-1859) and Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859). While they continued to use the term civil society in its classical sense, their arguments in fact established the separation that brought radical transformation in the meaning of the concept. Among them, Adam Smith came closest to identifying civil society with the market while reserving an essential role for the state. Civil society was founded on self-interested economic activity and the division of labor with a separate minimal but active role for a sympathetic state (Davis and McGregor, 2000: 49). Ferguson argued for a commercial state to end feudal system and ensure liberty and personal freedom. He relied on moral sentiment of the society to defuse to the negative effects of the market (Allagappa, 2004: 26). Later on, G. W. F. Hegel (1770-1831) conceptualized civil society as a sphere of market relation, regulated by civil law, intervening between family and the state (Alagappa, 2004: 28, Hegel, 1991:220). It is more a market mechanism, where material interest is the center of associations of members as self-subsistent individuals. Moreover, it also includes classes and corporations concerned with social, religious, professional and recreational life 10

(Kumar, 1993:378). As opposed to Hegel, Marx saw civil society and the state not as counterbalancing forces but implicated together in promoting the interest of capital (Davis and McGregor, 2000:50). For Marx, therefore civil society was a problem that had to be overcome, not by the state, which was its captive, but through a revolution that would put the proletariat in the drivers seat. With the workers party in power, civil society would dissolve into state, which would represent the true public good (Alagappa, 2004:29). Contemporary civil society and democracy studies on Asia mainly comply with two civil society arguments Neo-Tocquevillean school (liberal democratic model) and NeoGramscian School (New left-model). Though they differ in diagnosis, purpose, and strategy, both new left and liberal democracy school share a positive take on civil society (Alagappa, 2004: 28). Alexis De Tocqueville (1805-1859) crafted his conception of civil society as a sphere of mediating organizations between the individuals and the state. He showed that associationalism and civil activity preserves individualism, act against despotism and foster democratic culture (Howell and Pearce 2002, 44). Mostly American scholars for example, Robert Putnam, Larry Diamond, Lester Salamon belong to Neo-Tocquivellean School. They advocate that coexistence of liberal market and civil society ensures and enhances democracy. The Gramscian (1891-1937) Model argues that civil society is the arena, separate from but enmeshed with the state and market, in which ideological hegemony is contested, implying that civil society contains a relatively wide range of organizations which both challenge and uphold the existing order (Lewis 2004, 303). Such civil society is capable of energizing resistance to a tyrannical regime. European scholars like Andrew Areto, Jean Cohens belong to this group. Bangladesh civil society may be discussed in a combination of these two models. Traditional civil society in Bangladesh is always honored for its glorious

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contribution for the social political movement for independence and democracy (Gramscian model). Again, new modern western modeled NGOs are contributing to generate social capital and bring empowerment and social development (Neo-Tocquevillean Model). Both arguments, lead to assume that, the combination of the traditional and modern civil society organizations in Bangladesh are to contribute enormously in democratic consolidation. However, recent studies on civil society in Asia, Africa and other non-western countries do not support such thesis and show that, nature of civil society is socio-politicospecific and the boundary between the civil society and political society is porous. Though it is a necessary condition, it is not sufficient for democratic development in these non-Western countries (Lele and Quadir, 2004; Allagappa, 2004: Armony, 2004). Every region and country has its indigenous political norms and social relations that influence the political institutions as well as the nature and performance of civil society. Donor policy to assist civil society programs ignoring such local circumstances may bring some social development but may not be able to ensure democracy in the developing nations. Nonetheless, researches done so far, have hardly addressed the problem in its full scale. Western scholars and development agencies are more interested to inquire the out come of their aid projects contracted to the NGOs. On the other hand, Asian researchers are more concerned with the indigenous nature of civil societies in Asia and the developing world. The case of, Bangladesh has attracted researchers from both sides. While a group of scholars are interested mainly with the NGOs and donor projects in Bangladesh (Stiles: 2002, Holloway:1998, Amin: 1997, Ahmed:2000, Blair: 2000, 2005, Davis and McGregor:2000, S. C. White: 1999, Lewis: 1998, 2001, 2004) others prefer to trace the development and role of the traditional civil society from the perspective of local movements and political

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developments excluding the modern trend of NGOs (Mamoon:1998, Siddiqui: 2001 ). In most cases researches are based on historical documents, secondary data, or empirical observation, case study surveys. Some are based on urban areas while others on rural society. There is hardly any research on labor unions (Azam and Salmon, 2003), cooperatives, small welfare groups (Ahmed and Jahan, 2002), business organizations or professional groups as parts of civil society. Lewis (2004:301, 318) admits that there has been little research on civil society in Bangladesh, either as an idea or as an empirical reality, through ethnographic work, theoretical analysis or historical study. This study attempts to contribute to minimize the existing gap and develops a more integrated model to study civil society empirically, focusing as far as possible on all relevant factors that contribute to a participatory civil society and analyzing different dimensions of civil society, including its different segments. The present study accepts a broad definition of civil society that has given the opportunity to target civil society organizations of different types both rural and urban, national and local, traditional as well as Western oriented, both service providing and advocacy groups. Small local clubs, cooperatives, as well labor unions; interest groups have been studied as part of the same civil society in Bangladesh. The investigation has been done empirically with the help of a large N scale survey on civil society organizations first of its type in civil society studies in Bangladesh. The survey data analysis is also complemented by interviews, case studies and news paper reports. These all make the study unique and new in comparison to civil society researches done so far on Bangladesh. However, ultimate goal of the study is to understand the participatory nature of civil society in relation to democratic consolidation.

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1.4.2 Analysis Framework With the aim to identify the important factors influencing civil society and its participatory nature and democratic potential, the present study develops a framework for analysis that tries to investigate civil society empirically identifying it in the interactive setting with other international, social, political and economic actors (figure1.1). The

analysis framework forms its simplified model of civil society to contribute to democratic consolidation, identifies its characteristics and the actions, and then fixes the strategy for investigation. 1.4.2.1 Operationalizing a Vibrant and Vigilant Civil Society Civil Society: Present research accepts the broad and contemporary definition of civil society by Susan Pharr (2004), referring to that section of the society consisting of sustained, organized social activity that occurs in groups that are formed outside the state, the market and the family. However, civil society is not confined within a non-political, non-market, non-family atmosphere; rather, a constant interaction between the state, market and civil society is taken for granted. That is a sort of function within the political system which is at the same time separate as well as interrelated with the different sectors of the system. Such civil society must be both vibrant and vigilant to be able to contribute to democratic consolidation. Civil Society Organizations: Civil Society Organizations are considered as the basic units of civil society. The definition used for the present research includes a variety of organizations as civil society organizations (CSOs), such as, clubs, local cooperatives, labor unions, sports associations, trade organizations, business groups, charity groups, social welfare groups, religious groups, citizens organizations, professional groups etc. Civil

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society organizations are considered active in both types of functionsservice providing and advocacy. This notion of civil society complements to Neo-Tocquevillean school and Gramscian School as well as the idea of civil society adopted by the International Development agencies and donors. Vibrant and Vigilant Nature: It is very rare for a civil society to possess all the democratic, vibrant 6 and strong characteristics that have been depicted by the NeoTocquevillean scholars such as density, autonomy, self regulation (Feinberg, 2006:22) as well as internal democracy, compromising attitude, institutionalization, pluralism (Diamond, 1999: 227) etc. Presence of a few expected characteristics like density, collectiveness, pluralism may also bring about some positive outcomes to some extent, for example in social development or empowerment of the citizens, but may not ultimately lead to democratic consolidation. The present study divides the overall nature of an ideal civil society in two broad attributesvibrancy and vigilancy. These two characteristics together are considered to give the civil society the ability to bring democratic consolidation with other necessary conditions being active. Vibrancy refers to rich associational or group activity. Here the number of different
types of CSOs at the periphery, meso and central levels, irrespective of their objectives shall be high. In their own arena, these CSOs shall try to play a dynamic role to achieve their goals and act for the interest of the people they represent and generate social capital. These few characteristics may bring positive results to society on particular matters.

That is in the commonly used meaning- strong, active, autonomous, horizontally networked, dense etc. by the civil society experts, particularly those belonging to the Neo-Tocquevillean school. The present study has its own operationlized meaning of vibrant nature of civil society from the context of developing countries in Asia, particularly for Bangladesh.

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Vigilant attribute refers to the political dimension of the civil society. CSOs in the process of civic engagements, network building and interaction with political and market actors are expected to contribute to democracy. A vibrant civil society in a developing country may contribute to democratic consolidation in mainly four ways, civic education, interest articulation, monitor state apparatus and market and ensure better participation and representation of all segments of society in decision making, besides the polls. These are more related to the participation related actions and advocacy functions of the civil society. Though civil society is the prime target, present study, considers it in a broader setting, as this sector has constant reciprocal interaction with the state, market, culture and society. The model also reveals the fact that civil society alone cannot lead to democratic consolidation (figure 1.1). What it can do is generate the process, influence other sectors towards such goal as well as involve in more participatory activities and ensure accountability of the state. Naturally in its process of interaction, the civil society itself is also influenced by the total socio-economic and political environment which may enhance its functions and influence towards democratic achievements or vice versa. To understand the situation of civil society in Bangladesh and in its relation to democratic consolidation the present study proceeds in three broad steps.

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Figure 1.1 Integrated model to study civil society in developing countries External Factors a. Globalization b. Donor Policy Internal Factors

Legal & Political Institutionalization

Participatory Civil Society

(c) Market

Low level of economic development but began economic reform accepting free market system

(c) Market
Civil Society
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Working through service & advocacy Active in both vibrant and vigilant dimension

(b) 1. History of Colonial Rule and autocratic regimes 2. Cultural Norms & Social Tradition
Democratic

Culture

Stable economic growth

Consolidated Democracy

(a) 1. State 2. Constitution & Law 3. Political Structures and Institutions

1.4.2.2 Steps of the Investigation At the first level the study identifies the most important group of factors that influence civil society in developing countries. With the aim to understand the situation in Bangladesh, it comparatively discusses the relation between civil society and politics in India (stable democracy), The Philippines (elite democracy) and Pakistan (failed democracy) with that of Bangladesh. The study argues that development and performance of civil society is determined by a combination of historical, international, cultural and institutional factors. In the case of Bangladesh, since 1990s, political parties have emerged as important institutions in determining the participation of civil society and their role in consolidating democracy. Personalized clientele and corrupt, nondemocratically behaved political parties have been found to be playing a negative role through penetrating the society and co-opting and dividing the civil society to achieve their own political ends.

After identifying the group of factors that influence the nature and development of civil society as well as the most important factor that contributes to the participatory function of civil society, at the second level, the study empirically investigates the nature of civil society organizationsthe basic units of civil society, their basic attributes, objectives and types of their functions, both service and advocacy and rate of their involvement in participatory activities, besides their endeavor for social welfare and service. Through such investigation directly at the field level in a wide scale, it is possible to infer more precisely how participatory the civil society is in relation to democratic consolidation.

Through the empirical investigation of civil society organizations it had been found that, participatory rate of civil society organizations are comparatively very low in

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contrast to their welfare and service providing actions as well as their network activities. Moreover, they have a tendency to seek help from the political parties directly on organizational matters. This is incongruent to democratic consolidation. So lastly, to understand the reason for such low participatory rate of civil society and tendency to have direct contact with the powerful political actors, the present study investigates further into the civil society and political relations. This time the analysis is based on interviews, observations, and newspaper reports on civil society. Consistent with the inferences made about the powerful role of the political parties upon civil society and survey output revealing low rate of civil society participation in politics and democracy related matters, at this stage of analysis it becomes evident that civil society in Bangladesh has become politicized, divided and co-opted by the political parties. This is impeding the civil society to play any effective role in interest articulation, state monitoring as well as ensuring the representation of all segments of the society in policy making. At all stages of analysis, tendencies of civil society revealed have been compared and contrasted to the Neo-Tocquevillean school as well as the Gramscian School.

1.5 Implication The nature of civil society has often been explained through mono dimensional factors. Putnam (1993) argues from a political cultural point of view to explain the contrasting political performance of Northern and Southern Italy, Pekkanen (2006) argues the prominent role of the state policies and laws in shaping the civil society in Japan, civil society of developing countries have been explained through donor polices and globalization (Stiles, 2002, Quadir and Lele, 2004 ) by a group of scholars, again, through history and political development by others (Alagappa, 2004). While not underestimating the value of such highly distinguished researches, my argument is that, in case of shaping the nature and strength of civil society in developing countries, multi dimensional factors

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like, donor policy, globalization, history, cultural norms as well as political institutions (not only the state and law but also political organizations and political elites) have a combined effect. Civil society and its nature is the reflection of all these factors. To concentrate on one factor in expense of the other may not properly answer to inquiries on civil society actions, strength and contribution to democracy. However, the proportional combination of these factors and their influence may be time and country specific. The present study clarifies Neo-Tocquivellean argument on the positive and direct connection between civil society and democracy. Putnams theory has already been contested and critically examined by scholars (Foley and Edwards, 1996; Putzel 1997, Levi 1996, Tarrow, 1996); however, very few with case studies (Berman, 1997; Mcilwaine,1998) and with empirical data (Armony, 2004) . Not only Putnam (1993) but Diamond (1989, 1996) also advocates introduction of such Western style civil society in the developing states. The present study points out the weakness in relating the theory to the policy of development practitioners and uses the case of a South Asian State Bangladesh. It is based on the most recent data (year 2006) that is, after a decade and half since such civil society strengthening policies have been adopted by the donors for the developing countries. Naturally, it provides the opportunity to observe if there is any effect of such policy on civil society and democracy along with other cultural and institutional factors in Bangladesh. The study does accept the advantages of horizontal associational relations through trust, cooperation, reciprocity, social network generating from organizational

memberships (Putnam 1993, 2000) as well as the possibility for civil society to contribute to democracy (Diamond, 1996) in the developing countries. However, it shows that, unless civil society organizations are participatory, that is more involved in matters related to politics, rights, state policies and democratic vigilance and act through

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advocacies, lobbies etc. in a horizontal and peaceful manner, they are unable to contribute to democratic consolidation in Bangladesh. If majority of the civil society organizations remain politicized and divided by political actors, civil society cannot act autonomously. Initiating and supporting only a few advocacy organizations overlooking the existing traditional civil society organizations and other political institutions like the political party may not ensure good governance and democracy as expected by the donors. At the level of Bangladesh, this study is first of its type to be based on a large N size survey on civil society organizations that targets a variety of CSOs under one study. The study empirically inquires the status of civil society at the local and meso level and their relation to state and politics. It inquires into the participatory nature of civil society, while most of the prominent surveys on civil society organizations focus on the social and economic welfare aspects. As the survey is also a part of the broad project named Civil Society, State and Culture in Comparative Perspective, surveying on eleven countries of different continents, the research has the potential to proceed into further comparative study with other civil societies of the developing world, such as The Philippines, Brazil, and Turkey etc. Moreover the present study for the first time has studied and surveyed cooperatives, small welfare groups, local clubs and labor unions as part of the civil society. Though such organizations exist in a large number at the local level and meso level in Bangladesh these traditional and indigenous CSOs have been kept outside the study of civil society and social development. Inclusion of these organizations gives a better picture of the nature and level of group activities in Bangladesh and brings the study nearer to reality. Study and observation on such CSOs also reveals the fact that only group activities are not enough to bring good citizenry. Economic solvency, education, democratic norms in dealing group activities, and autonomy from the political powers

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which often the local CSOs of Bangladesh lack, are also essential to generate civic engagement that may lead to participation and representation of interests.

1.6 Brief Introduction to Contemporary Civil Society in Bangladesh Bangladesh civil society is internationally recognized for its effort for poverty alleviation and social development (Amin 1997, Dowla 2006, Dowla Barua 2006, Ullah Routary 2003, Goon 2002). This is mostly due to the famous micro-credit system introduced by Grameen Bank and the education and other welfare programs of BRAC and other large NGOs. The success of Bangladesh in micro-credit and social development at the grass-root level is the outcome of combined effort of indigenous initiatives and donor assistance. The 1971 war marks the beginning of NGO activities in Bangladesh. Moreover, since its inception in 1971, Bangladesh economy and politics is very much dependent on donors aid and directions. She has gone through the donor prescribed structural adjustment process and is adjusting policies to new good governance agenda since the 1990s (Quadir, 1999). Bangladesh is often cited in description of large-scale Donor-NGO relations (Stiles, 2002:34). According to International Development agencies like UNDP, World Bank, now Bangladesh scores higher than India on several key barometers of social development, e.g., infant mortality (5.6% in Bangladesh while 6.2% in India), child vaccination (77% in Bangladesh 56% in India), employment of women, enrollment in primary school (108% in Bangladesh, 116% in India) 7 . Government policies and laws also provide necessary legal framework for NGOs and other social welfare groups to register and function easily. Bangladesh ranks among the top Asian countries in terms of intensity of NGO activities (Shigetomi, 2002:30).

Times, 3rd April, 2006, Websites of World Bank http://devdata.worldbank.org, access date 20 April, 2007 and UNDP, Micro-credit Summit, 2006.

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Group based credit activities and large size of social welfare organizations; clubs etc. in Bangladesh indicates the rich abundance of social capital generated through horizontal membership. A few statistics of registered or enlisted civil society organizations shown in Table 1.1 may give an idea of a large vibrant third sector in Bangladesh. Besides these statistics, there are a good number of professional groups registered with their respective institutions and ministries. Moreover, there are numerous registered and unregistered regional groups and clubs. The NGOs that are registered with the NGO Affairs Bureau are large and medium size NGOs that have national coverage or at least cover a particular region of the country. These NGOs in each union8 organize the formation of hundreds of groups made of 20 to 50 members among their beneficiaries for providing services. The number will proliferate if unregistered and informal organizations are included9. At all social levels and classes among different sections of the civil society the tendency to form a group or small organization is very common in Bangladesh. The relative vibrancy of Bangladesh civil society in relation to number becomes more distinct if we compare the statistics with that of other developing countries in Asia. Table 1.2 has been developed based on the statistics gathered from country profiles in the website of Philanthropy and Third Sector: In Asia and Pacific,10 though exact and total statistics of civil society organizations or non-profit groups in none of the countries were available. It must be mentioned that this table may not provide the reliable statistics of each country, but it does give us some idea of the facts. If we compare the situation of Bangladesh to other countries considering the number of civil society organizations and the total population of each country, then besides The Philippines,
Unions are the smallest administrative units ranging 10 to 12 natural villages run by an elected council. Bangladesh is divided into 4484 unions at present. (Statistical Pocket Book of Bangladesh 2004). 9 Unfortunately, statistics of unregistered organizations is not available in Bangladesh. No census has been conducted in the late nineties and afterwards on the social organizations. 10 http://www.asianphilanthropy.org/countries/index.html access date 28th November, 2007.
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Table 1.1 Statistics of registered CSOs in Bangladesh

Type of CSOs Number of registered CSOs (2004 or 2005) Foreign funds receiving 1997 NGO Affairs Bureau- Prime Ministers Office Affiliated Ministry or Institution

Development NGOs Voluntary welfare organizations Registered women groups Youth organizations Trade organizations Labor unions Registered cooperatives 8271 6607 465 6,780 189,847 Ministry of Women and Children Affairs Ministry of Youth and Sports Registrar of Joint Stock Companies and Firms Ministry of Labor and Employment Ministry of Local Government, Rural 45508 Ministry of Social Welfare

Development and Co-operatives Chambers of commerce and trade/ industrial associations Total 259774 Registered CSOs 299 Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of

Commerce and Industries

Source: The table is developed by the author, based on the Statistics on different types of civil society organizations that have been collected from the booklets of respective ministries and institutions and their websites.

Table 1.2 Statistics of CSOs and total population of selected countries in Asia
Country India Bangladesh The Philippines Pakistan Indonesia Number of registered Nonprofit Groups (Year) 604800 (2002)12 259774 (2004) 249000 (2002)
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Total Population 11 1094600000 145000000 84600000 155800000 223000000

12000 (2001)14 12000 (2000)

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Source: The table formed by the author based on the information from the websites of http://www.asianphilanthropy.org/countries/index.html access date 28th November, 2007 and World Bank Data base http://devdata.worldbank.org access date 28th November, 2007.

World Bank Data base http://devdata.worldbank.org. access date 28th November, 2007. The website based on PRIA 2002 mentions about 1.2 million non-profit organizations and also mentioned that 49.6% of them are unincorporated. So excluding the 49.6% from the 1.2 million the actual number comes to 604800. 13 In the website it is said that the non-profit groups of The Philippines ranges from 249000 to 497000, but it is not particularly mentioned whether these organizations are registered or not. So the lowest estimate has been accepted. 14 This is the statistics of CIVICUS (Sattar and Baig, 2001:6) the data of 45000 non-profit group as mentioned in the website includes unregistered organizations too. 15 Also supported by the statistics given by Shigetomi (2002: 164).
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Bangladeshs position seems to be in most vibrant position from the consideration of number of civil society organizations comparing to its population. So from the point of view of international acknowledgment of the performance of NGOs and statistics of large number of different social organizations as well as comparison with other countries indicate rather a vibrant image of the civil society in Bangladesh. Conversely, performance of the civil society from the aspects of politics and democracy is rather insignificant. The civil society has been termed weak fragmented (Westergaard 1990), poor (Holloway 1998) and partisan (Quadir 2003) in terms of ensuring pluralism, political participation and democracy. Organizations that are conventionally known as civil society in Bangladesh, like the labor unions, chambers of commerce, professional groups, bar associations, student groups and even small local clubs and recently development NGOs, have been accused of partisanship and being engaged in manufacturing and maintaining an elite dominating hegemony rather than advancing the genuine interests of the groups (Stiles 2002, Quadir 2003, White 1999, Jahan 2005). Some of these organizations are also scarred by corruption, clientelism and other misdeeds. The traditional civil society organizations may be superficially seen to be working in a democratic way following formal organizational structure and constitutions16; practically they are found to be run by the wish of the leader or group leaders who are again blessed and controlled by the political parties. Horizontal democratic norms may not always be found in the leader member relationship of such organizations. Again the development NGOs that is the CSOs who claim to be the voice of the poor in Bangladesh often dont follow democratic practice in their relation with
For example in most cases, the executive body of labor unions or professional groups is formed through regular elections and there are a lot of campaign and competition before each election. These groups do exert their demand to the authority and sometimes appear in the press with their opinions. All these are done using the formal rules of the organizations. However, in practice, the panel which support the governing party wins most of the elected posts and implement the ruling parties control within the CSOs.
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their poor beneficiaries. The relationship is more like a service provider or credit giver and receiver than horizontal members possessing the same power to exert and implement their opinions and wishes. The internal governance system of the NGOs are often accused to be corrupt, non-accountable and influenced by nepotism, patronage etc. Civil society seems to have reflecting the political and social situation of Bangladesh. Beginning from the top political executives, administration, political parties and down to the local government and informal social institutions in Bangladesh, it is clientelism, patronage, nepotism, corruption that appear as the operative practices. Formal democracy is yet to be institutionalized; rather it is facing interruptions and deadlocks from time to time due to non compromising attitude of the major political parties. While civil society is expected to fight against such negative forces within the society and politics, they are practically found to be entangled within the current trend of politics. The associational culture that exists in Bangladesh and the organizational strength that has shown success in poverty alleviation, have not yet reached the level so as to act as the watch-guard to state performance.

1.7 Definitions To avoid ambiguity, this section defines the key concepts used in the dissertation. 1.7.1 Participatory Civil Society Civil society becomes participatory only when it is able to enter the process of political interaction and influence policy decisions and implementation through the conventional, horizontal and formal ways. This study will consider four types of actions of the civil society as indicators of participatory civil society(1) Nature of formal relations with the government; (2) Advocacy on different issues; (3) Influencing policy making decisions and budgets; and (4) Lobby. Besides, information on nature of membership, financial strength, geographic level of activity, policy orientation, objectives, 26

autonomy of civil society organizations determine the ability of a CSO to become participatory and influence democratization process. Such participatory attribute of civil society is directly related to its vigilant nature.

1.7.2 Politicization of Civil Society Politicization is a common concept often used in a negative meaning to describe the political involvement or exertion to control an institution, organization or an administrative process, which is ideally thought to be neutral and free from political influences. When a civil society organization takes politically motivated decisions as directed by a party or government and is politically colored by the political affiliation of its members, withholding original objective and interest on which it was formed, we may term it as a politicized civil society organization. Partisanship of the members of the organizations has a role to play in the politicization process. Partisanship is the party identification of a citizen. Such identification has predictable relationships with their perceptions, evaluations and actions of the political process. Faced by a new issue or political controversy, the knowledge of what position is favored by ones own party is a valuable cue in developing ones own position (Dalton and Wattenberg 2000, 20). Moreover government dictates and strong party control upon the organization challenging its autonomy is another feature of politicization. Most often, politicization takes place through ideology, patronage, corruption and clientelism.

1.7.3 Democracy Dahls (1971, 1991) Polyarchy is regarded as the ideal type democracy for the present study. It is the target for the transitional or fledging democracies to achieve through institutionalizing their democratic institutions and practices. The donors

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concerned in democratic consolidation through the civil societies also recommend polyarchy as the goal for the developing world. The most important seven features of such democratic polyarchy are, 1. Control over government decisions on policy is constitutionally vested in elected officials; 2. Elected officials are chosen and peacefully removed in frequent, fair, and free elections in which coercion is absent or quite limited; 3. Virtually all adults have the right to vote; 4. Most adults also have the right to run for public offices in these elections; 5. Citizens possess a right, effectively enforced by judicial and administrative officials, to freedom of expression including criticism of and opposition to the leaders or party in office. 6. They have access and effectively enforced right to gain access to sources of information that are not monopolized by the government of the state, or by any other single group; 7. They possess an effectively enforced right to form and join political organizations, including political parties and interest groups (Dahl 1991, pp 73-74). These seven conditions imply three main dimensions of political democracy competition, participation and civil and political liberties (Srensen, 1993:13). In such a democracy institutional power holders are elected by the people and are responsible to the people (Vanhanen, 1997: 31). It ensures power sharing by all major groups where common people have some kind of control over decision making (Quadir, 2004: 88). Dahl (1971) emphasizes the responsiveness of government to the preferences of citizens considered as political equals. Democracy with such a high value may be achieved only through stages and transitions, particularly in a developing country. So, democracy is concerned with political rights as well as the preferences and interests of the people. Citizens preferences in a democratic state are not only the political rights and liberty but also the fulfillment of their varied interests that may include basic needs like food, clothes, shelter as well as a raise in salary, tax cut and other

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public services from the government. So a democracy with responsive state may have two broad aspects that can be termed as interests and rights. From the aspect of interest and public service in democracy, civil society organizations may be found in a positive position acting for group interests, community welfare and sharing in functions for public services. In this way, in the age of

privatization and liberal economy, civil society may be rather contributing to democracy by helping the transformation to a smaller state, where different types of public services are contracted out to different non-profit groups. This is also considered as a way of private participation in state actions, particularly in the Western world like USA, UK and other parts of Europe. Again in the developing countries, different welfare programs of civil society organizations, particularly NGOs and welfare groups are making constructive contribution by facing the immediate interest and need of the poor and rural people for their economic empowerment and social development. Interest and service may be crucial to citizen satisfaction and socio-economic development. However, without the insurance of wide scale civic education, participation, equality, political stability and accountability, a political system can hardly reach the goal of polyarchy. For this, civil society organizations need to be not only welfare and service providers but should actively participate in actions to protect, ensure and enhance the rights of citizens and their control over the decision making process as well as on governance. The present study in its focus on democracy and civil society relation is concerned with the aspect of rights which is more related to vigilant nature of civil society. 1.7.4 Transition to Democracy There are rich literatures on democratic transition and consolidation (Przewoeski, 1991, Hansen 1996, Srensen 1993, Gunther 1995, Power and Gasiorowski, Linz and

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Stepan, 1996). Accepting the views of Hansen (1996) and Srensen (1993), the stages for democratic transition turns out to be the following four with democratic consolidation as the last stage: 1. Background conditionAuthoritarian regime where national unity is strong among the political communities; 2. Early transition Political opening where the authoritarian regime gives concessions and a consensus has been developed among the citizens and leaders for democratic change; 3. Late transitionAt this stage the regime is more democratic than the pervious ones but not fully democratic. Political actors and governance institutions are yet to fully conform to the democratic rule and democratic consolidation. These changes in phases do not occur in a negotiated and linear manner. Often democracies in developing countries are found seesawing between authoritarianism and frail democracy (Sorensen 1993:41); 4. Democratic ConsolidationIt is the last and final phase of democracy. In the ideal or strict form, at this stage of democracy all the democratic institutions are formed and the new democracy has proved itself capable of transferring power to an opposition party (Srensen 1993:45).

Figure 1.2 Democratic transitional phases towards consolidating democracy

Back ground Condition Early Transition to Democracy

Late Transition to Democracy

Consolidated Democracy

Time

Source: Based on George Srensens (1993: 42) model on Transitions toward Democracy

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Bangladesh in 2006 may be identified as being located at the stage of late democratic transition. Bangladesh had gone through British colonial rule (1757-1947) and then had been under the dictatorial rules of the Pakistani Military (1947-1971). During these periods there have been movements for autonomy, democracy and independence where civil society had played a significant role (Mamoon and Roy, 1998). Though Bangladesh emerged as an independent democratic country in 1971, it soon went under authoritarian rule. From 1974 to 1990 Bangladesh was directly or indirectly ruled by military (Tasnim, 2002: 62). During the last half of the 1980s, movements for democratic rule, lead by political parties and supported by civil society gained voice and at the end of 1990 the authoritarian regime was ousted by a mass-movement. Quadir (2004:95) terms the process as a negotiated transition to democracy. Since 1990, Bangladesh began its first phase of democratic transition. The fledging democracy is experiencing ups and downs marked by political instability, confrontation and economic inflation. However, in the meantime three peaceful free and fair elections had been held that always led to ascendancy of the alternate political coalition to power. Now democratic rule of games are understood by all political actors; however, the culture to adhere to democratic norm and accept the uncertainty of the democratic institutions are yet to be reflected in the performance of both the ruling power and opposition block, which often leads to political deadlocks. So the democracy is still marked by instability and confrontation. 1.7.5 Democratic Consolidation The challenge for democratic consolidation is to ensure the seven characteristics of poliarchy not only through legislation and constitutional amendments but through practices ensuring political stability, equality and representation of all segments of the society in state governance. The idea is very broad and the process requires involvement and coordination of a good number of actors and factors.

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Gunther (1995: 7) is of the opinion that democratic consolidation is achieved when a consensus is reached among the key political actors to adhere to the democratic rules and accept political institutions as the only legitimate framework for political contestation. This means an agreement towards democracy from above. Preworski (1991:51) observes democratic consolidation in a situation where all political conflicts are solved through democratic institutions and all players accept the uncertainty of the democratic game. This means that not only decision by political elites, but also democratic practice among the political groups are essential. Ultimately democratic practices are to become an established part of the political culture (Srensen, 1993: 42). Democratic rules are to be transformed into democratic norms, that is, democracy becomes the only game in town (Linz and Stepan, 1996: 14). Linz and Stepan (1996) also discuss the five major arenas of a modern consolidated democracy that combinedly contribute to a consolidated democracy civil society, political society, rule of law, state apparatus and economic society. All the five arenas have their specific influence and type of interaction towards and within the democratic system. Such democratic consolidation takes place in a combined way and is not dependent on only one factor. The Linz and Stipan (1996) model is based on the experiences of democracies in Europe and Latin America. For the case of Bangladesh, I show that democratic consolidation may be achieved through the combination of four major factors that is political institutionalization, stable economic growth, development of a democratic culture and a participatory civil society.

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Figure 1.3 Simplified model of democratic consolidation taking place combindly

The State & Law and Political Institutions (Enabling legal and political institutionalization)

Economic liberalization (Leading to stable economic growth)

Civil Society (A better participatory civil society)

Consolidated Democracy

History, Tradition and Culture (Generating democratic culture)

None of these sections will work independently but together, where civil society interacts with all sections. The present thesis shall concentrate on civil society in its ability in consolidating democracy in Bangladesh. The four objectives or tasks for civil society in consolidating democracy in Bangladesh are the following: 1. Civic education on political and human rights; 2. Generating interest and values of the civil society groups to the political society interest aggregation; 3. Monitor the state apparatus and economic society and

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4. Ensure better participation and representation of all segments of society in political decision making besides the poll and ensure better partnership between government and civil society.

1.8 Chapter Arrangements Following this introductory chapter, the present dissertation develops its research base and reveals empirical findings, supplementary analysis and reaches to the conclusion through five more chapters. Chapter two covers literature review and methodology used in the research. The literatures that have been reviewed have been brought under four broad headlines. It begins with the liberal model of Neo-Tocquevillean theory and the new-left model of Gramsci both of which have influenced the study of civil society in Third World states. The second section critically examines research works and arguments for and against Neo-Tocquevillean and donor policy that embrace such civil society arguments. The third section focuses on research projects on civil society from different perspectives (John Hopkins Third Sector Project, CIVICUS civil society Index, Project on Civil Society in Asia) that included researches on civil society in Asia and developing countries. The fourth section particularly focuses on literatures on civil society on Bangladesh analyzed from different viewpoints by researchers from home and abroad and points out the necessity for further research and investigation on civil society in its broad meaning and in relation to mainstream politics and democracy and also taking into account the history, culture, tradition that may be unique to Bangladesh or South Asian region. Second part of the chapter discusses how this inductive empirical study has combined both qualitative and quantitative method to verify the assumptions and establish its arguments on the vibrant but not vigilant nature of civil society in Bangladesh. Detailed discussion is

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provided on the survey conducted and the other supplementary information and secondary data that were gathered. Third chapter identifies factors that influence civil society of Bangladesh. This chapter is mostly based on previous literatures, researches, reports, reviews and personal observation and interviews. With comparative discussion on the civil society and political relation in three other developing countries in AsiaIndia, The Philippines and Pakistan, who have experienced democracy with various level of success the powerful influence of the political actors on civil society and democracy has been identified. For Bangladeshparticularly the political party has been recognized as the prime influencing factor upon the vigilant nature of civil society in Bangladesh. The situation has been discussed in the last half of the chapter. Chapter four is based on the survey data, numerically discussing the basic attributes of civil society organizations, their grass-roots activities and nature of participation. First section focuses on the basic characteristics like classifications, organization objectives, policy interest, geographic level of activity, membership, resource sources, budget, volunteers, employees etc. of the CSOs. Besides, structural strength of the civil society has been compared between CSOs working at national and local levels and CSOs receiving and not receiving foreign funds. The second section is concerned with the grass-roots action of the civil society and reaffirms the prevalent assumption about high tendency of civil society involvement in grass-roots actions. The third section concentrates on the participatory role of the civil society by analyzing in detail the involvement of CSOs in having formal relations with the government, influencing policy making and budget, advocating for certain issues and lobbying for certain interests. The chapter reveals high participation of the CSOs grass-roots activities but a very low rate of involvement in functions that is termed participation related

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functions that are more related to politics and democracy. Moreover, high tendency among the CSOs to rely more on political party contacts than forming coalition among them has been pointed out in this chapter. Chapter five concentrates on the relationship between civil society and politics in Bangladesh. This chapter is a combination of both quantitative and qualitative analysis using survey data as well as newspaper reports, observation note of the surveyors, interviews with resource persons and other information gathered through annual reports and formal and informal conversation with the members of civil society and government officers. The first section of the chapter, using the survey data shows the powerful existence of political parties in perception of the CSOs and their high rate of contact with such parties as well as political leaders. The second section is based on a sample of newspaper reports during 2001, 2006 and 2007 that reveal the evidences of civil society penetration and politicization by the political party and party government through patronage, corruption, pressure, violence etc. Third section combining news paper reports, observations, interviews and other sources of information focuses on selected civil society events and discusses the most important civil society sectors narrating how government and politics have penetrated and divided civil society, weakening their horizontal strength and negotiating ability. The concluding chapter explains how each chapter has contributed to the conclusion that civil society in Bangladesh may be well recognized for its contribution in development and social welfare, but it can hardly contribute to democratic consolidation. It also points out the implication of the study findings in relation to democratic consolidation in Bangladesh and for the Neo-Tocquevillean assumption on civil society and donor policies based on such assumptions. The research identifies political actors as the decisive factor to democracy and emphasizes the need to have deep understanding of

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local circumstances, history, culture and political trends before adopting development policies that are related to civil society and democracy. Finally it argues for avoiding the high expectation of democratic consolidation from civil society activities and trying to formulate policies to improve its participatory functions accepting the social and political facts. The chapter ends indicating the further researches that may be conducted for better understanding and solving the problem.

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Chapter 2
Literature Review and Methodology
Among the two objectives of this chapter, one is to review the studies and literatures on civil society that have influenced the researches on civil societies in developing countries, beginning from the contemporary notions of Tocqueville and Gramsci up to the research trends on civil society in Bangladesh. The other objective is to discuss in details the methodology used and their relevance to the present study.

2.1 Literature Review Literatures in relation to the present research have been reviewed dividing them into four broad sections. The first section focuses on the two modern formulations-- the NeoTocquevillean School and the Neo-Gramscian School. The second section reflects on the contemporary literatures along the Neo-Tocquevillean school that have influenced development policies of international donor agencies. The third section reviews international research projects that have also focused on third world countries along with other developed countries in different continents. The fourth section particularly reviews the trends in the study of civil society in Bangladesh. 2.1.1 Theories on Civil Society Leading to the Study of Third World States 2.1.1.1 Neo-Tocquevillean School (Liberal Democratic Model) De Tocqueville crafted his conception of civil society as a sphere of mediating organizations between the individuals and the state (Tocqueville, 1873:190). His conception of civil society is based on the limited state that would confine itself to the political sphere and guarantee the legal framework and other conditions (such as socio-economic equality) 38

necessary for the effective functioning of civil society (Alagappa 2004, 30). Tocqueville, based on his observation of the 19th century American society established the importance of free human association to a society that claims to be democratic not only in theory, but also in practice. Though he did not mention the term civil society in his two volume book on Democracy in America, he argued that associational culture and civic activity preserve individualism, act against despotism and foster democracy (Howell and Pearce, 2001:44). He found the associations participated by different sections of the society as the check to supremacy of the majority, the direction towards mass society and end of political inequality. Mutual interest among the members of the associations led to less reliant on the government. This ultimately checked against despotism of the government and preserved individualism. Associational culture also taught the peaceful means and arts for demanding material equality, which ultimately nurtured democratic culture. Through such public civic engagement the citizens of America actually became self-ruled (Howell and Pearce, 2001:44). Moreover, Tocqueville had found the high potential in the right to association and practice of group networks in forming strong political parties that may represent the people at the central legislatures (Tocqueville, 1873:190). Mainly American scholars like Robert Putnam, Larry Diamond, and Lester Salamon espouse this doctrine. They advocate that coexistence of liberal markets and civil society ensures and enhances democracy. Putnam (1993) in his distinguished research on Italy, has reinforced the importance of social capital and its positive connection to democracy. Here he strongly supports Tocquevilles idea on associational life. Following Tocqueville he showed how associations and civic relations have direct contribution to stable and effective democracy. Internally, it is the cooperation, solidarity and public spiritedness that generate

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through group activities and externally it is the network, enhanced process of interest articulation and aggregation that contributes to democracy (Putnam, 1993: 11, 89-91). He ultimately goes to the extent of saying, Tocqueville was right: Democratic government is strengthened, not weakened, when it faces a vigorous civil society (Putnam 1993:182). Reflection of the same idea may be found in the writings and arguments of Larry Diamond (1989, 1992, 1996). These two Neo-Tocquivellan scholars not only argued for the positive link between civil society and democracy but also advocated for building civil society where it was absent and strengthening civil society where it is existent in order to bring about democracy and ensure good governance in third world countries. However, there also remain some differences in the idea of Tocqueville and that of the Neo-Tocquevillean school. While Tocqueville saw civil society as the key site for governance, decentralization for democratic governance, Neo- Tocquevilleans see the civil society as a supporting structure to democratize the state. Associational life is thought to provide social infrastructure for liberal demcoracy, supply the means to limit, resist, and curb the excesses of the state and market, present alternative when they fail, facilitate service delivery at the local level, assist in conflict management, deepen democracy, offer a voice to disadvantaged groups and promote economic development (Alagappa, 2004:41). 2.1.1.2 Neo-Gramscian School (Alternate model or New-left Model) The alternate model or the European model for civil society is another attempt within the civil society to retrieve the right of the people to reclaim how they should live. It includes search for ways to reconcile socialist solidarity and self-management (Howell and Pierce, 2001: 55). It was Gramsci who had strong influence on European scholars and activists like Jacek Kuron, Adam Michnik as well as Areto, Jean Cohen, Robert Cox and also in the

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literatures on the process of redemcratization in Latin America. The core idea of the NeoGramscian school is that civil society is a sphere of action that is independent of the state and is capable of energizing resistance to a tyrannical regime (Foley and Edwards, 1996:38). Drawing from but differing from Marx, Antoneo Gramsci (1891-1937) viewed civil society not in counter to socioeconomic base of the state, but placed it at the political superstructure. Gramscis hegemony means both the consensual basis of an existing political system within civil society and advancement to a class consciousness where class is understood not only from economic point of view but also in terms of a common intellectual and moral awareness, and a common culture (Adamson 1980, 170-171). Gramscis conception of civil society includes all social institutions that are non-production-related, non governmental, and non familial, ranging from recreational groups to trade unions, from churches to political parties. So there is both a separation and overlapping between the civil society and political spheres. However, the Neo-Gramcian scholars in their way of distinguishing between civil society, state and economy, see the civil society as an important site for counter hegemonic struggle and assign it key role in defending society against the state and market and in formulating the democratic will to influence the state (Alagappa, 2004: 2930). Researchers studying the development, functions, actions and outcomes of civil society in Asia have found relevance in explaining their studies from both the frameworks. Most development policies initiated by the international agencies are based on the NeoTocquevellian school. However, in assessing the applicability and outcome of such policies in the developing countries, Neo-Tocquevillean model often becomes inadequate. A combination of both the liberal democratic model and the new-left model provides a reasonable explanation.

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This is because, the liberal democratic model has been found to be very normative, over looking the local history, culture, norms and political circumstances while emphasizing civil society and connecting it directly to democracy.

2.1.2 Relationship between Civil Society and Democracy and Development Policies Putnam (1993) and Diamond (1989, 1992) are considered as the proponents of the mainstream Neo-Toquevillean school who argue that social capital and organized citizenry are the keys to make democracy work. Trust, cooperation, generalized reciprocity and networks generated through civic engagement and association are the core ingredients to economic and institutional success. These traits define civic community. Societies rich with such traits have shown affluences and democracy, while other societies that lack such attributes but marked by vertical networks, patron-client relation, force, kinship, patronage etc. have shown lower performance in development and good governance (Putnam, 1993). Diamond (1989) believed that developing countries require autonomous, local based citizenry for the development and maintenance of secure democracy. Harbeson (1994:1), another proponent of civil society in developing countries, went to the extent of identifying civil society as the missing key to political reform, legitimacy and governance in those political systems. These ideas have provided the theoretical basis to the development paradigm called good governance agenda where it is suggested that a virtuous circle could be built with the state, economy, and civil society which will balance growth, equity and stability (Lewis 2004, 303). Since the 1990s International Development Organizations (IDO) have taken big projects to foster development through civil society initiatives in the South. Researches show

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donor initiative to support civil society has lead to grass-roots development, social mobilization, and empowerment (World Bank reports, Fisher: 1998; Stiles: 2002, IOB: 1998, Amin: 1997, Tasnim: 2005, Dowla and Barua: 2006). But donor projects have hardly succeeded in pushing forward the issues like participation, democracy, and good governance through civil society effectively. The very idea of the Neo-Tocquevillean school as well as policy arguments of the donor agencies have been criticized and pointed out to be weak and expedient. Putnams idea to bring about macro-political outcome (democracy) through microsocial effect (civic engagement) (Foley and Edwards, 1996: 6) has been criticized mainly from three aspects its simplicity, overlooking the political gap between civil society and democracy and ignoring the other forces simultaneously active in the political system that influence both civil society and democracy. Levi (1996:51) directly term Putnams image of community generating social capital as romanticism. Historically it has been proved that close network blocks, innovations reinforce traditionalism and create distrust about those outside the social network. Another weak point of Putnums theory is down playing the political associations and movements (Foley and Edward 1996). Development practitioners have also been found to be ignoring the political institutions like political parties as well as the traditional CSOs and concentrating only in forming and supporting new social organization like development NGOs. Moreover, case studies have shown that often, political institutionalization turns out to be more important for democracy than civic engagement and political penetration may cause opposite effect through civic engagement (Berman, 1997). Arnomy (2004:3), based on his empirical and historical observation, argues that, sociohistorical context influences the nature, dispositions, orientations, and impact of civic

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engagement. Institutional and societal conditions establish the cost threshold and enabling conditions that determine the democratic potential of associations and movements. More the less, to avoid social cleavages, Putnams civic associations do not advance a cause, and rather pursues policy changes (Foley and Edward, 1996) that are more like choral clubs, bird watching groups, soccer clubs. Democratic roles that citizens are able to play from such non-political and often closed membership are under question. According to Max Weber, the quantitative spread of associational life does not always go hand in hand with its qualitative significance (Berman, 1997:407). Tarrow (1996:396) is concerned with Putnams work as it goes beyond Italy and advices the policy makers the Tocquevillean idea as a prescription to build social network and arrange cooperatives in the Third World states. Tarrow (1996:396) also warns that such top down policy of encouraging associations for social capital would be attacking symptoms but not the causes of problem. In fact, this is what has actually happened. Since 1990s, civil society organizations began to be highlighted both as service providers and in their role in promoting good governance and democratization (Davis and McGregor, 2000:53). Such interest of the international development agencies in social capital, civil society and participation may be interpreted as another way of building on the micro social foundation of market solutions (Angeles, 2004:187). With the end of the cold war, it had become necessary for the Western donors to democratize the South as soon as possible to make away for the new thrust of trade liberalization. They believed that a democratic and accountable state could foster economic growth and development and allow the market to operate freely. To make a way for accelerated entry of goods and services, financial services, protectionist or authoritarian regimes had to be removed or forced to democratize. For the same cause they have attempted

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to strengthen weak governments in the South emphasizing the policies for transparency, and decentralization but against corruptions. Often they have equated democracy with capitalism (Rocamora, 2004:199). Donors began with the assumption that civil society was an important check on the government; so civil society assistance could encourage external pressure on the states for reform. With the falling budget for development this strategy had also been considered the best way to achieve large-scale effect through low-cost projects. It is the Neo-Toquevillean scholars who provided the necessary theory to such strategy plan of the western donors particularly the USAID and World Bank in 1990s (Howell and Pearce, 2001:43). The influence of such civil society theory and democratic assumption was pervasive upon the development practitioners. However, questions arise about the applicability of such theories developed from the experiences of the Western societies, in very different socio-political and economic setting of the developing countries. Researchers agree that associational revolution in developing countries is significantly influenced by external factors including donor enthusiasm for NGOs as agents of economic and political change. Nevertheless, criticisms to introduce such Western notion of civil society in non-western settings have gained considerable attention in recent scholarly writings due to the ramifications observed in different countries. This may be discussed from two overlapping viewpoints, that is, imposition of a new idea in a very different socialhistorical setting and from the consideration of immature institutional development or lack of necessary conditions for proper functioning of civil society. Without careful and sensitive prior analysis of needs in the social and political contexts, donor intervention in local civil societies can end up distorting and weakening the

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local processes of association and problem solution (Howell and Pearce 2001, 121). Such projects based on preconceived notions of civil society and neglecting indigenous settings, local circumstances, and histories, provoke controversy. There is no guarantee that the liberal democratic model of civil society will necessarily bring positive outcomes across nations, cultures, history and political system. This may be considered as a similar endeavor of exporting modernization theory from the developed North to the developing South. Sardamove (2005, 391-394) is of the opinion that failed efforts of social modernization for decades, attempts to create Western-style nation-states, and inter-communal conflicts have paradoxically produced; in his words, a partial retraditionalization of social life in the developing world. In these societies, most individuals have remained embedded within face-to-face and quasi-kinship networks and have tended to pursue social goals through informal associations based on personal or factional loyalty. As a result, beneath the successive social and political changes, societies have remained dominated by tightly-knit mafias pursuing narrow agenda. Strong influences of such trends have caused clientelistic and parasitic characteristics among the modern NGOs. Civil society organizations have brought tangible benefits like social welfare, empowerment, education etc. but they have been generally unable to exercise the multiplying effects often expected of them like pluralism and democracy. The necessary institutional development and environment for a civil society to move for pluralism and democracy is in most cases absent in those societies. Often, high rate of violence, marketization of rule of law, privatization of law enforcement, and the wide gap between the poor and the privileged (Oxhorn: 2003), concentration of political power in the highest political office constrain civil societys democratic potential in Third World countries.

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These have caused periodic setbacks to the democratic development in countries like Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia that do have vibrant civil societies (Alagappa, 2004:493). These constraints to the performance of civil society and ultimately democracy, remind the strong presence and influence of indigenous vertical social forces such as clientelism, patronage, nepotism, corruption, and violence all working within political system as well as low level of political institutionalization. The challenge for development practitioners is to understand the meaning and role of civil society in specific cultural and political contexts.

2.1.3 Studies on Third World Civil Societies from different Perspectives At this stage of our discussion, I would like to focus on the style, dimension, methodology used by civil society researchers at the international level. Here I highlight three noted international projects on civil society that have focused on Asian as well as developing countries besides other developed countries. These projects differ in their objectives, methodology and theories. None of these three projects to be introduced and reviewed have targeted the civil society of Bangladesh for their research and analysis. 2.1.3.1 John Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project The most famous and oldest project on civil society in the third sector is the The John Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project that began during the early 1990s and continuing to date1. It is a systematic effort to analyze the scope, structure, financing, and role of the private nonprofit sector in a cross-section of countries around the world in order to enhance the contribution these organizations can make to democracy and the quality of

http://www.jhu.edu/~ccss/ website of the centre for civil society studies in John Hopkins University and http://www.jhu.edu/~cnp/ website of the comparative nonprofit sector project. Access date 16 August, 2007.

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human life. This project also finds its theoretical base in the Neo-Tocquevillean Stream and advocates liberalization and globalization considering civil society as the third sector that mediates between the extreme of profit making market and unresponsive state in matters of social, economic and environmental crises (Salamon and et.al., 2003:2). Up to 2003, the project had published data and analysis on over 40 countries. The third sector, according to this project includes not only NGOs, welfare groups, professional groups, pressure groups, advocacy groups and grass-roots organizations but also hospitals, clinics, universities, schools, day care centers, religious congregations. The project concentrated in gathering data mainly on structural and particularly economic side of the nonprofit organizations like their volunteers, paid employee, source of income, budget, contribution in the national economy, percentage in the economically active population etc. Though empirical, the data is mostly collected indirectly from different census and surveys, only in the case where data was not available from reliable sources, surveys were conducted. Among the 40 countries, 14 are from the developing world. In an overview analysis of the 40 countries, the project reports the third sector as a major economic force taking its social and political importance granted. Another finding is that the number of paid staff is higher than volunteers and the higher the number of paid staff, the higher is the number of volunteers. The study compared the situation with both developing and developed countries, showing that developing countries have fewer volunteers. In case of types of functions, it has been found that service providing actions are much higher in number than expressive functions 2 and it is same for both developing and developed countries. However, in developed countries the paid staff is engaged in providing services while the volunteers do

By expressive functions, the project not only means advocacy for rights and politics related matter but also expression of cultural, religious, professional values interests and beliefs.

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the expressing activities. In developing countries it is mostly service functions that claim a lot of volunteer workforce other than that of the paid staff. The fourth key finding of the research in 2003 was that private philanthropy accounts for a smaller share of finance while fees are the dominant source of revenue. And in the developing countries large share of the third sector revenues is spent for development in comparison to other developed countries. The study has also attempted to compare the third sectors of both the developing and developed countries using the same simplified structures and definition developed in the context of developed countries, particularly USA. Analysis in Western framework have lead to the inferences on less voluntary activity rate in developing states where the society structure and connections are very much different from the Western nations and are based on informal relations and networks. Volunteer participation also takes place in rather informal fashion than it happens in the Western countries. In its regional discussion on the third sector, from the same analytical framework, the socio-economic settings and historical development of the developed countries have been termed as infertile for the growth of civil society institutions. Though the data may have been gathered from the viewpoint of the local understanding of the civil society as it is explained in the project reports, the analyses have been done based on an American framework. This may give an over all idea on the Third Worlds civil societies and their comparative position in relation to the Western block but may not reveal genuine tendency existing in particular regions that may lead to further analysis. Moreover, the project is mostly concerned with gathering data on the economic and structural side of the civil society. Unless the civil society is studied in the context of other two sectors-state and market and focuses on the interaction that takes place between the civil

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society and state and market, democratic contribution of the third sector can hardly be assessed.

2.1.3.2 CIVICUS Civil Society Index A more advanced and recently finished project on world civil societies is the CIVICUS Civil Society Index on 44 countries. The first volume of CIVICUS Global Survey of the State of Civil Society: country profiles have been published at in May 2007, based on the project reports and findings revealed from 2003 to 2006. The project was conducted by CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation an international alliance of civil society organizations centered at South Africa. The organization is dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society throughout the world. Though CIVICUS has good relation with other Western, particularly American research organizations and development agencies, its approach may be considered as post-liberal democratic model. It has almost come out of the spell of Neo-Tocquevillean model of early 1990s where civil society has been considered as a myth to ensure democracy. With grave concern about the performance and effects of unchecked civil society in development and democracy and the growing call for accountability of civil society organizations and lack of agreement on the definition of civil society, the Civil Society Index (CSI) has aimed at self-critical assessment about civil society actors throughout the world. Directed towards exposing the real world of civil society, the CSI is the result of rigorous self-examination by civil society actors around the world. To assess the civil society it has utilized Anheiers (2004) civil society diamond tool that analyzes the state of civil society into four key dimensions: structure, environment,

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values, and impact3. The implementation of the project at country level had been conducted by local prominent civil society organization or research institutes focusing mainly on five types of primary and secondary datasecondary data review, consultation with regional stakeholders, population surveys, media reviews and desk studies. Specific themes, patterns and trends have been revealed through such comprehensive research. A wide diversity in civil society organizations that satisfy the broad definition of civil society an arena that exists outside of the family, the state, and the market where people associate to advance common interest, with community driven forms of civic life-has been found. The problems of legitimacy, accountability and transparency of the CSOs have been highlighted across nations. Contrary to the Neo-Toquevillean theory, the research has revealed that often volunteering, charitable giving or any non-partisan community participation are not coupled with a strong organized civil society in terms of levels of organizations, networks, infrastructure, and resources, and vice versa in many countries in the South (Heinrich, 2007:xxvi). Alike the findings of John Hopkins centre, CSI also found a global pattern in stronger civil society roles in service providing than advocacy which indicates that participatory governance was yet to become a reality at the national level. It mentioned the inability of civil societies in influencing policies. Ultimately the strong influence of the state has been reinstated. It had been found that a strong civil society coexists with a well-governed and strong state. A more comparative analysis based on the findings is yet to be published in the forthcoming second volume of the book.

The indicators for structure-were nature of citizen participation, diversity within civil society, level of organization, inter-relations, resources; environment- political context, basic freedoms and rights, socioeconomic context, socio-cultural context, legal environment, state civil society relations, private sector civil society relations; Values-democracy, transparency, tolerance, nonviolence, gender equity, poverty eradication, environmental sustainability; Impact-influencing public policy, holding state and private corporations accountable, responding to social interests empowering citizens, meeting societal needs.

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CIVICUS CSI project provides information on 44 countries belonging to the North and South, Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa as well as Latin America. So the tendencies of civil society noted here represent the whole non-western block. Civil society index measured through the civil society diamond model only provides an over view or summary of the real situation of the civil societies in those countries. However, unless there are further investigations into the state-civil society relation and democracy, the underlying causes to such tendencies revealed in the findings can hardly be understood. More in depth study into the civil society and political relation as well as on democracy has become essential if any effective way to ensure participatory democracy is to be ensured through civil society. 2.1.3.3 Project on Asian Civil Society Alagappas (2004) project on civil society focuses on civil societies particularly in Asia and its political and democratic dimensions. Due to the diversity of culture, religion and political ideals in Asia, often it had been argued that, civil society study has hardly any relevance in Asia. However, Alagappas project on civil societies in twelve Asian countries begins with the assumption that civil society, albeit weak and penetrated, does exists and does affect political development in those countries (Alagappa, 2004:15). Unlike, John Hopkins Centre or CIVICUS Project, Alagappa uses qualitative case studies for each country strongly grounded on conceptual framework with comparative perspective to develop inferences. Civil society is the independent variable while democracy is the dependent variable. The analysis is based on both Neo-Tocquevillean framework as well as the Gramcsian model. It has been found that, when the state goes through revolutionary periods and movements for democratization the Gramcsian model shows more relevance in explaining civil society. The more the state and democratic transformation finds peaceful

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means and proceeds in a stable way, the better the Neo-Tocquevillean framework finds relevancy in explaining civil society. Though this study also fails to lead to a general theory on civil society and democracy in Asia, it does develop a good number of overlapping propositions, which begin with arguing that there is no necessary connection between civil society and democracy. CSOs have both expanded and contracted democratic space. Civil society may be necessary but is not a sufficient condition for democraic development. The boundary separating the political and civil society is porous. On state-civil society relations, the findings reveal that the state had a strong impact on the development of civil society and state and civil society relation may not always be confrontational. Though the state continues to be placed in a dominant position in relation to society, civil society activities have been able to limit its power to some extent. A good number of conditions have been mentioned for civil society to emerge as a strong force and contribute to democracy. For example, the dominant discourse of civil society must be rooted to democratic ideals with pro-democratic CSOs. Political opportunity and constrain, stage of political development and strength, orientation, role of the state and political society influences the democratic potential of civil society. Deepening of democracy requires a strong and responsive state, strong issue based political parties and independent and effective judiciary as well. Nonetheless, the project is based on two or more in depth case studies for each country, which may not always reflect the total civil society of the respective countries. Wider database, formed on empirical observation may have lead to more concrete inferences and a strong conclusion. All the three international projects on civil society are concerned with the relation between civil society and democracy though with varying approach and methodology. Certain, trends and style in civil society and its influence on state and democracy have been

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revealed through the wide researches with some of the findings confirming each other, like low participation and performance of civil society in developing countries, higher service providing functions than advocacy, strong civil society goes with strong, democratic state etc. Moreover, Alagappa (2004) in his in depth case studies has shown that for Asia, civil society may not necessarily lead to democracy or enhance democratization; it is contingent to other internal and external conditions. Therefore, it has now become necessary to study why the civil society is often unable to contribute to democracy in Asia and particularly in developing countries, despite the strong reliance and huge effort of the international donors to strengthen the civil society in those countries. Simply studying civil society and its direct, indirect influence may not always guarantee a satisfactory answer. Civil society needs to be understood within the political system where it not only influences other sectors but is often influenced by the market, state, political institutions, history and culture. Further investigation into its nature of functions and political relations and dealings may provide a better answer to our query on civil society and democratic relations in developing countries in Asia. As I have mentioned before, none of the three large projects on civil society have focused on Bangladesh. Though the country receives, high international attention in development literatures and by international agencies, for certain policy reasons the country has been left out from these studies. However, from different perspectives, the civil society of Bangladesh has attracted researchers at home and abroad. 2.1.4 Researches on Civil Society in Bangladesh As pointed out in Chapter 1, a good number of research works on civil society have been carried out in Bangladesh. However, they have been conducted from different

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perspectives and with very different objectives and in most cases have addressed only a section of civil society. Very few researches on Bangladesh 'civil society' accept the term in its broadest meaning. This section shall focus on the findings and ideas revealed by four national and international scholars on civil society in Bangladesh that have relevance to the present study. Among them Kendal Stiles (2002) and David Lewis (2004) are Western scholars, specialists on South Asia, civil society and particularly NGOs. Though their researches are mostly on NGOs, they have interpreted the NGOs in relation to other civil society actors, the state and the traditional social structure and political culture based on their field visits, observation and qualitative analysis. Fahimul Quadir (1999, 2003) is a Bangladeshi scholar specialized in civil society and arguing against the positive relation between political democratization and economic liberalization. Professor Rehman Sobhan though an internationally reputed Bangladeshi economist, fighting against aid dependency and donor directions on national policy, is also a prominent figure in the arena of civil society. His writings, speeches and the programs of Centre for Policy Dialogue (CDP) he chairs are often considered as the voice of the civil society by the media. Though standing in against donor domination, CDP proceeds in the New Liberal ideology. Critical assessment of research finding and comments by these scholars on civil society in Bangladesh is the main concern of this part of literature review. For a good number of civil society researchers in Bangladesh, for a long time, NGOs were the synonym to civil society. The four scholars under review also have contributed to NGO research. They have exposed through their findings that the NGO sector in Bangladesh is large and powerful, though donor dependent. Most of these NGOs are actually indigenous though nurtured by foreign donations. Naturally, foreign donation is an important factor for

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Bangladesh civil society. But it also have been revealed that only handful of large NGOs enjoy the lion share of foreign donation (Stiles 2002, Lewis 2004). Moreover, though the NGO sector is active and often successful in bringing social development it has very little contribution in policy making as the state is very sensitive in advocacy and politics related participation of the NGOs. This is why NGOs are seen mostly as aid contractors and concerned only with micro-credit and welfare services (Sobhan 2004, 2006). Fahimul Quadir (1999) in his empirical study has termed the NGO activities and projects to be rigid, hierarchical and commercial. Moreover, it has been found that without economic assistance, NGO projects for peoples awareness and advocacies do not show any positive effect. Lewis (2004) has further commented that, modern NGOs have the potential to become new patrons to the poor beneficiaries. In fact literatures on NGO activities and projects are rich in Bangladesh. However, the researches on the participation and influence of NGOs in policy paradigm are rare and mostly based on observation and comments. Rigorous analysis and field observation or surveys on the participatory nature of NGOs as well as other CSOs are yet to be conducted. NGOs are only a part of the civil society, which may be termed in the words of Lewis (2004) as the 'new civil society' of Bangladesh. He terms the political social movements as the old civil society that emerged before independence and against the authoritarian regimes for autonomy and democracy. However, such movement led by the intellectuals, students groups, professional organizations, trade unions still exists in Bangladesh. Movement orientation of the civil society is often reflected in the activities of such civil society organizations (Sobhan 2006). This section of the civil society has been termed as politicized, co-opted by political power (Stiles 2002, Lewis 2004, Quadir 2003). So the boundary

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between the civil society and political society is always changing. Again though not based on hard evidences, Lewis (2004) thinks that patronage is a dominant force in Bangladeshi society and politics. However, there is hardly any analysis or discussion on what led the political actors to politicize the civil society in Bangladesh, in spite of adopting the ideologies of democracy and liberalism. CSOs have been just hinted in the previous researchers to be linked to the political actors through patronage, nepotism, corruption. Albeit, these matters are facts of the day, no research based on concrete data with hard evidences is yet to be conducted. Intra civil society relations and network among the CSOs have also been found to be weak by all of the observers of Bangladesh civil society. Moreover, a large portion of the civil society, remain outside of the researchers attention till date. Though Stiles (2002), Lewis (2004) have mentioned the high potential of local level community groups and philanthropy, such organizations have hardly been investigated as part of the civil society. Traditional voluntary and religious groups, village clubs, sports clubs, cooperatives etc. working at the local level attract civic engagement, are outlets to form public opinion and on the other hand are considered valuable units to control vote banks by the political parties. To sum up in a few sentences about civil society in Bangladesh, first it is to be said that though Bangladesh has a notable history what can be readily described as civil society, it can hardly fit in to the Neo-Toquevillean model of civil society powered by horizontal social capital and civic engagement contributing to democracy. This fact has also been observed by other researchers like Lewis (2004), Davice and Mcgregor (2001). Practically the civil society organizations, except a few large NGOs, are not well organized internally and lack

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institutionalization. Moreover, Bangladesh fails to provide the necessary conditions for proper functioning of the civil society, e.g., strong responsive state, independent judiciary, and widely represented issue based political parties etc. In the administrative system, there are very few regularized mechanisms for the CSOs to lobby or influence the politicians and administration. As a civil society leader, Sobhan (2006) has also commented that the citizens of Bangladesh at the grass-roots level are unaware of policy regime and have no participation in policy making. In reality, civil society is country specific. All the scholars have stressed the need to understand the civil society in Bangladesh from its local circumstances, history, political development, state society relations and composition from their real and practical aspect that has not been done in its full scale. Rather than using a presumed framework for analysis, it is necessary to find a new model to study civil society accepting the vertical social relations, blurring boundaries between civil society and family life as well as political life and on the on going conflict and contestation of these forces. It has been urged to study civil society not only as a system of structures and practices but also in relation of values and beliefs. In order to succeed in forming a new model, to analyze, the civil society in Bangladesh more perfectly and that of other developing countries in Asia and other parts of the world, first it is necessary to systematically answer why the civil society do not fit in to the presumed models and are unable to contribute to democracy. For this we need to focus not only on the civil society but the factors that influence the civil society and interaction of civil society with other actors and sectors in the political system. Moreover, comprehensive, methodical and authentic information on the actual state of the civil society organizations and their activities are essential to assess its potential in democracy and development.

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2.2 Methodology Present research on civil society in Bangladesh uses both primary and secondary data and makes use of both quantitative and qualitative methods for analysis. The factors that influence the nature, development and strength of civil society in Bangladesh have been based on previous literatures, researches, reports, reviews and personal observation and interviews. Moreover, comparative discussion on other civil societies has been added to develop and strengthen the arguments made on the influential factors of civil society. The basic characteristics of civil society organizations in Bangladesh and their nature of activities and relation with different political and social actors have been investigated empirically with the help of a large N-scale survey and analyzed quantitatively. Moreover, supplemented data gathered through interviews, field visits, observations, and from newspaper reports have been collected focusing on civil society and its political relations. These data have been processed and analyzed in a qualitative manner.

2.2.1. Use of Survey Method in Studying Civil Society Survey is a widely used tool for gathering primary data in empirical social science. Through a survey new data are created through surveying or inquiring directly at the field. A survey design provides a quantitative or numeric description of some fraction of populationthe sample-through the data collection process of asking questions to the people. This data collection, in turn, enables a researcher to generalize the findings from a sample of responses to a population (Creswell: 1994, 117). In most of the inductive studies, enough information and data may not be available at the data resource centers like statistical bureau, national archive etc. In such cases, it becomes necessary to create fresh data from a sample population. Moreover, to test a theory or to prove a new hypothesis survey on a sample population 59

becomes indispensable. Researchers usually ask about things at one time in surveys, measure many variables (often with multiple indicators), and test several hypotheses in a single survey (Neuman, 2004:162). Survey may be conducted using a structured questionnaire or openended questions. Again it may be conducted by personally approaching the respondents or through telephone conversation or by sending the questionnaire by postal mail service. In the recent days internet surveys have become popular in the developed countries. Survey in civil society research is a widely accepted method. Though civil society is a very old term, research on civil society, particularly on civil society organizations is relatively contemporary phenomenon. Often necessary information and data are not available from reliable data sources. Again, as civil society, its activity and influences are changing from time to time, to keep trace to such changes, periodic survey becomes essential. Moreover, in case of developing countries, feedback and success of different NGO projects are often inquired and assessed through surveying the NGO beneficiaries. So, different aspects of civil society and CSOs may be surveyed. Survey may be conducted upon the participants/beneficiaries of civil society organizations, the members or the CSOs themselves or their umbrella organizations. In the large worldwide projects of John Hopkins Centre on comparative nonprofit groups as well as CIVICUS civil society index, the survey method has been used extensively. The John Hopkins project is mostly based on gathered data from government and other private sources around the world. But when existing data sources could not be tapped to locate relevant information, special surveys were carried out. Those surveys became essential mostly in case of civil society sectors with less developed data system and with less formal organizations. In Africa and Southeast Asia, hyper network sampling and snowball sampling were used where surveyors visited from house to house and

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from organization to organization in a particular area to build a sample list and gather necessary data (Salamon, 2003:11). Again in case of CIVICUS CSI project, among the multilevel process of information gathering, a population survey was conducted in each country asking the respondents about their involvement in civil society and their experience with CSOs in their community. In case of Bangladesh survey on NGOs and particularly on NGO beneficiaries is a common phenomenon (Amin, 1997, Ullah and Routary 2003, Tasnim 2005 and so on); besides every NGO for their self-assessment conduct regular survey on the beneficiaries. The NGO beneficiaries have become used to respond to such structured questionnaire and interviews by researchers and consultants from time to time. However, such surveys on particular section of the civil society and their beneficiaries have not been able to contribute in developing any large data base on CSOs of all categories along with other necessary information that are often inquired and analyzed in academic civil society studies. Except NGOs, integrated or systematically organized information on the profile and activities of CSOs like community groups, cooperatives, social welfare groups at the rural level and labor unions, trade organizations, professional groups, citizens and cultural groups at the meso or urban level are not available in Bangladesh. The name and address of only those organizations that have registered themselves with a ministry or enlisted them with any umbrella organization do exists, though may not always be accessible by the researchers. Under this situation, for conducting any comprehensive study on civil society in its broadest meaning it becomes necessary to conduct direct survey on CSOs of different types, inquiring about their basic information, activities and relation with state and other actors.

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2.2.2 Description of the Survey Method Used The present research is first of its type covering a broad portion of civil society, new and traditional, urban and rural in Bangladesh. Naturally, the survey conducted for the present research has focused on a sample that represents civil society organizations both small and big, active at local and national levels, famous and infamous, representing different sections of society far from the capital. 504 civil society organizations (CSO) in Rajshahi district in Bangladesh were surveyed in September and October, 2006. Rajshahi district was selected as it best represents Bangladesh civil society at the periphery and local level, from urban rural distribution, social composition, education, economy, and administrative importance. All registered or enlisted CSOs of eight categories (cooperative, voluntary social organizations, NGOs, youth groups, labor unions, trade organizations, professional associations and Rajshahi University centered organizations) totaling 3,768 in the district were regarded as the total population. The sample size was selected through random sampling process; 1,227 organizations were selected randomly representing 30% of each category. Ultimately representatives of 504 CSOs were interviewed making the return rate 41%. The following table 2.1 precisely shows the statistics of the sample.

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Table 2.1 CSOs targeted and surveyed

Categories Total Population Sample Size Interviewed CSOs (% to the total population) 1 2 Different Types of Cooperatives Registered Voluntary Social Welfare Organizations 3 NGOs based on ADAB Directory 2003 and updated from the 129 35 22 (17%) 2540 793 838 260 193 (7.6%) 243 (31%)

government office 4 Organizations listed under Youth Department 5 Labor organizations listed under 99 32 9 (9%) 108 33 13 (12%)

Labor Directorate 6 Chambers of Commerce and trade organizations 7 8 Professional Groups Rajshahi University based cultural, educational and professional groups Total (Answer rate 41% ) 3768 1227 504 (13.5%) 21 33 11 12 6 (18%) 9 (20%) 45 6 6 (28%)

Moreover, informal interviews were conducted with resource persons scholars, experts, civil society leaders, NGO officials, politicians, government administrators concerning civil society in Bangladesh in April and September, 20064. It is to be mentioned that, this survey is a part of a multi-country survey on civil society organizations (known as JIGS Project) sponsored by a Special Project of University of Tsukuba named Civil Society, the State and Culture in Comparative Perspective, (20032008) directed by Professor Yutaka Tsujinaka and funded by the Japanese Ministry of
List of the persons interviewed with open ended questions (recorded and documented) have been given in the Appendix E.
4

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Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. The project has already completed survey on CSOs of eleven countries located in different continents of the world using almost similar type of questionnaire along with country specific special inquiries. The project had been instituted to face the challenges in the age of globalization. It aims to establish shared values and public policy frameworks adequate to bringing the different nations and societies together under globally applicable terms and conditions of co-existence, at the same time respecting the individual social and cultural tradition and history of each nation5. The collected data has been processed using descriptive statistics and applying SPSS program. The database now provides wide range of statistical information on civil society organizations-their strength, participation, and relation to government, politics and other actors. The next section describes a model that has been followed to analyze the data for the present dissertation.

2.2.3 Application of Data 2.2.3.1 Quantitative analysis model The data gathered from the survey have been numerically analyzed to identify the basic characteristics, and actions and functions of civil society as well as their political relations. The actions and functions of civil society had been divided into two typesgrassroots actions which is almost synonym to service providing actions and related to its vibrant nature and participatory actions that are more related to politics and democracy and its vigilant nature. Table 2.2. shows the indicators that have been used to identify the four basic aspects of CSOs surveyed.

For details about the project visit the project website http://csc.social.tsukuba.ac.jp/en/index.html.

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Table 2.2 Indicators of basic nature, grass-roots action and participatory action of CSOs
Indicators 1 Basic nature Self Categorization Grass-roots action Joint projects with government in grassroots project Developing group network Active in Women Empowerment Participatory Action Formal relations with the government Advocacy functions Influencing government decision, policy and budget Lobby the government through different means Political perception and contacts Rank different actors in relation to their power and influences Personal contact with different political actors Relation with particular political parties

Policy interest

Objective of CSOs

Geographic Level of Activity

5 6 7 8 9 10

Number of Members Source of Financial Resources Number of Volunteers Number of Employee Budget Rank the level of cooperation with other actors

Active in local representation and ventilation of grievances Active in education and literacy Health Education and health service Human, political and legal rights Economic empowerment Active in social and political awareness

The second objective of the present research is to empirically investigate the nature of CSOs, their types of actions and how participatory they are. Chapter four aims at fulfilling this objective and makes use of survey data to identify and examine basic nature, grass-roots actions and participatory nature of the CSOs. To understand the basic nature of the CSOs, 10 indicators have been used, such as, category, policy orientation, organizational objectives, geographic level of activity, membership, sources of financial resources, budget, volunteers, employees of CSOs. Such structural strength of civil society organizations has been 65

compared among CSOs working at the national and local level and among those receiving and not-receiving foreign assistance. As the present study considers the civil society within the political system, always interacting with other two sectors-- the market and the state, the cooperation that exists between the CSOs and other social, political and economic actors have been considered as an important attribute to understand the basic nature of CSOs. There have been a good number of researches on service providing functions of the civil society. Through the survey data, this study just verifies the prevalent assumption that CSOs are mostly engaged in grass-roots development and also aims to measure their engagement rate in civic education and citizenry training at the grass-roots level. The main target for this quantitative data analysis is to identify the tendency of CSOs on participatory actions. This is done using four broad indicatorsformal relation with the state, advocacy, policy making and lobby. In case of formal relations with the state, mainly the interactions, influence and participation of CSOs in government functions and decisions have been targeted. For advocacy, data on civil society organizations involvement on different important issues in Bangladesh have been inquired and analyzed. For policy functions, the participation of CSOs on a particular poverty reduction policy, and their success in pursuing or blocking any policy decision or budget they favored or were against, have been considered. For understanding the nature of lobby, data have been gathered and analyzed on participation rate of CSOs in lobby using means that are horizontal and vertical, as well as partisan and non-partisan. To avoid influences of different attributes of the civil society organizations, participation rate of civil society organizations in different activities has been cross-checked on the basis of three types of attributescategories, geographic level of activity and on the point of receiving and not-receiving foreign assistance. The political contact has been

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analyzed in chapter five along with other data and information gathered from other sources besides the survey.

2.2.3.2 Qualitative Analysis Model The third objective of civil society is to examine the political relation of civil society to verify causes to its weak and less participatory role in relation to democracy. This has been partially done through quantitative analysis by showing the perception of the CSOs about influence of different actors in the political system, the rate of personal contact the CSOs had with important actors in the society and the rate of direct contact the CSOs had with each political party in Bangladesh. However, such data are not enough to prove politicization of civil society and to identify the causes and nature of such politicization that contribute to a weak and less participatory civil society. At this stage, I enter into qualitative analysis using very different data gathered from newspaper reports and editorials and through interviews, field visits and observation notes written by the surveyors. The qualitative analysis is done in two particular ways. First is the systematic search and simplified content analysis on a sample of newspaper reports, the second is the sector wise discussion of different civil society groups based on both the newspaper reports and primary data collected through interviews, observations and field trips. First, newspaper analyses have been made only to reveal an overall view of the political relation of civil society. The three Bangladeshi news dailies had been selected for their neutrality, high circulation and longevity. Only issues of these three dailies from

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January to June of 2001, 2006 and 2007 had been separated for the present research. These newspaper issues then had been rigorously searched6 for news and analyses on NGOs, trade Table 2.3 Methods used to sample newspaper reports
Selected News paper Dailies The Daily Ittefaque (Bangla) [oldest daily as well as neutral] Sample Year (January to June) 20017 (last year of AL regime) Search key concepts NGOs, trade unions, professional

cooperatives,

groups, social and citizens The Daily Star [nationally and internationally acceptable English daily] 2006 (last year of BNP regime) groups, seminars and press conferences held by CSOs, international organizations,

government moves on CSOs, The Daily Jugantor (Bangla) [presently the most circulated daily] 2007 (State of emergency period when all the political corruptions have began to be investigated) corruption related to CSOs

unions, cooperatives, professional groups, social and citizens groups as well as seminars held by civil society organizations, international organizations, government moves on CSOs, corruption related to CSOs (Table 2.3). The news reports and editorials gathered in this fashion had been analyzed based on the information and discussion items in the text. The information that have been expressed and mentioned about civil society types, political links, bureaucratic links, vertical links, violence, interest articulation etc. have been coded one by one and had been brought under simplified numerical form for further interpretation. Detailed description of using this method has been discussed in the second section of chapter five. It is to be made clear that, though the newspaper reports had been coded, and systematically presented, it had not been done
With the help of four research assistants, searching and copying the reports at different public and private libraries in Dhaka, Bangladesh. 7 Only issues of Daily Ittefaque of 2001 was available for searching and for photocopy.
6

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following any quantitative content analysis method. Because it is not only the physical words and texts but the latent massage, information and concepts that have been described in the news reports that have also been considered for coding. Table 2.4 Sector wise discussion on civil society and political relations
Civil Society sector Development NGOs Primary School Teachers movement Trade Organization Trade Unions Cooperatives and Small Welfare Groups Nature of Data used Previous literatures, News paper reports, Interviews and Field visits 41 News reports and follow ups from May to August 2006 News paper reports, interview and case study of Rajshahi Sugar Mill and Rajshahi Chambers of Commerce Based on information gathered through recorded and unrecorded interviews and conversation with local government executives, BRDB official and head of the cooperative directorate of Rajshahi Division, survey reports and observation notes of the surveyors. News paper reports, personal observation, interview and case study upon a citizen group

Intellectuals, Think Tanks and Citizen Groups

Table 2.4 shows the sectors of the civil society in Bangladesh that have been highlighted and nature of data and information used for discussion on those civil society organizations and their relation with politics, nature of interaction with the state and society. Combining the different types of information gathered in multiple ways, a modified but complete description has been made about these sectors, particularly their relation to government and politics. The aim of this section was the samerevealing the weakness of the CSOs and their causes and nature of politicization.

2.2.4 Description and Justification for Selecting the Study Area for the Survey Rajshahi District, the centre of the Northern Zone of Bangladesh has been selected for carrying out the survey as it is considered to be the best in representing civil society from periphery and meso levels in Bangladesh. As the present study qualifies the Neo69

Toquevillean school where emphasis has been given on civic engagement and associational functions at the community level, the survey also collected data from the civil society organizations active at the local level of Bangladesh. First we shall focus on some basic information on the district.

2.2.4.1 Rajshahi District Rajshahi district is the central district of Rajshahi division located at the Northern side of Bangladesh. With an area of 2407.01 square kilometers it has a city corporation, four thana, seven municipalities, nine Sub-districts, 70 unions and 1,858 natural villages. Names of the nine sub-districts are, Bagha, Bagmara, Charghat, Durgapur, Godagari, Mohonpur, Paba, Puthia, and Tanore. Population of the district is 2,274,340; male 51.20%, female 48.807%; Muslim 93%; Hindu 5%, Christian 1.5% and others 0.5%; indigenous nationals Santalswho constituted 2.34% of the total population and had their own language. The main occupation among the people of the district is agriculture (farmers 38.73%, agricultural laborer 23.64%). Rajshahi district is rich in educational institutionsit has a public university, private universities, a government medical college, an engineering university, 110 colleges, 2 teacher's training colleges, a good number of technical colleges and research institutes. A good number of newspapers and dailies are locally published here (Banglapedia, Internet Edition: 2003). Rajshahi is well connected with the capital and other parts of Bangladesh by road and railway. After the opening of the Jamuna Multi purpose bridge-that has connected the northern region with the rest of country by road in 1998, there has been a boost in the economic activities in the district. The district sends 5 parliament members to the national parliament. In 2006 one of them was also a member of the Cabinet. The elected mayor of 70

Rajshahi City Corporation who enjoyed the status of a state-minister was also a parliament member. Rajshahi district is rich in various kinds of civil society organizations-- there are 2,540 registered cooperatives, 788 registered voluntary social welfare organizations, 100 youth organizations, 107 NGOs, 99 labor organizations, 50 professional groups, a district chamber of commerce and hundreds of trade organizations, 45 cultural and educational organizations exist with the affiliation of University of Rajshahi. Besides, there exist numerous unregistered and informal local clubs, neighborhood associations and other groups. Rajshahi City the divisional town, stands on the bank of the river Padma-last part of the international river ganga. The metropolitan area is 96.69 sq km. It consists of 39 wards. Population of the city is 383,655; male 52.91%, female 47.09%. Density of population is 3,968 per sq km (Population Census 2001, Preliminary Report). Rajshahi, which is both a district and a divisional city, flourished in the seventeenth century (Banglapedia, Internet Edition: 2003). Rajshahi is famous for its silk industry.

2.2.4.2 Justification for Selecting Rajshahi District as the Study Area Among six divisions, Rajshahi division is the second largest in respect of population. The divisional district- Rajshahi, occupies 1.63% of the total area and 1.8% of the population of Bangladesh. It has been found to represent best the society and civil society at the periphery and meso level in Bangladesh. As Dhaka is the capital, concentration of civil society organizations as well as business, industry and political activities is the highest there. So it does not represent the situation of the periphery, sub-urban and rural societies of Bangladesh. So is the case with the port cityChittagong. Economic development of

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Chittagong district does not represent the national economy. Again, the second port city Khulna, another divisional town is rich in economic activity but seems to be in the periphery due to underdeveloped communication system with Dhaka. Moreover Khulnas balance of urban and rural area does not represent the national ratio. Rajshahi district has been selected on the following considerations:

1.

Rajshahi is a blend of rural and urban characteristics. It is a divisional city with all

urban facilities but not as developed and busy as the capital city-Dhaka and the port cityChittagong. Besides the metropolitan area, most areas of the district are rural. More than two thirds of the population lives in rural areas. In Rajshahi district 33% of the households were non-farm while 67% were farm households 8 . Moreover, among 87,319 villages of Bangladesh, Rajshahi district covers 1,858 villages; it is 2.1% of the total villages while Dhaka and Chittagong and Khulna districts cover 1863, 1319 and 1106 villages respectively though being geographically and demographically much larger than Rajshahi. On the other hand, among 223 municipalities and city corporations in the country 8 are in Rajshahi district while Dhaka, Chittagong and Khulna covers 4, 8, 3 respectively (2002, SYB). 2. As Rajshahi is a divisional city, divisional head quarters of all government

department and ministries are found here as well as those of private companies. District branches of many national and international NGOs and institutes are present here. Local chapters of nationwide federations of labor unions, chambers, cooperatives, professional groups, womens groups are also found here, in addition to local civil society organizations. However, such condition is common for the other three districts too. Moreover, among the economically active population of Bangladesh 22% live in the urban areas while the
8

2002 Statistical Year Book of Bangladesh, 23rd edition, Dhaka: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Government Peoples Republic of Bangladesh, 2004, from now on (2002 SYB).

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remaining 77% live in rural areas. But in capital Dhaka 82% of the economically active persons work in urban area, so is the case in Khulan with 81% urban economically active population. In Chittagong too 65% people work in the urban area. On the other hand though Rajshahi is a divisional district only 55% economically active people work in Urban area while 44% worked in the rural areas. So, rural segments are highest in the economy and employment in Rajshahi. 3. The economy of Rajshahi is more agrarian and less industrial, representing the over

all economy through out Bangladesh. In the year 1999-2000, Agriculture and Forestry contributed most (19.51%) to Bangladeshs national production followed by industry (15.59%), Transportation and communication (9.42%). Financial intermediation (like banks, insurance) contributed only 1.57%. In the year 1999-2000 the gross product of Rajshahi district in agriculture and fishing was 9,359 Million Taka that is about US $137 million 63 thousand 9 which is 15% of the total production income of the district. In industry 6,780 million taka that was a bit less than US $99 million, 706 thousand (8.33% of the total production). Highest was in services including business, 24009 million taka that is about US $353 Million, 074 thousand (58% of the total income). So service providing activities are highest in Rajshahi district. But the GDP was US $343, very near to the national GDP rate (361 US $) (2002 SYB) while the per-capita GDP in the more busy districts of Dhaka, Chittagong and Khulna is 872 US $, 559 US 460 US$ respectively. All are much higher than the national GDP rate and dont represent the actual economic situation of Bangladesh. 4. Education or literacy of the citizens is considered as an important factor for civil

society development. Rajshahi city is known for its large number of higher educational

1 US $ = 68Taka, and 1 Taka = 1.7 Yen (According to Yahoo currency converter http://finance.yahoo.com/currency? On 15 May, 2007.

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institutions. Though Rajshahi district covers 1.8% of the national population, 5.8% of the total primary schools in Bangladesh, overall literacy rate of Rajshahi (47.4%) are rather low in comparison to Dhaka (64.3%), Chittagong (54.9%) and Khulna (57.4%). But this literacy rate of Rajshahi district represents the national literacy rate which is 45.3% (2002, SYB). 5. As mentioned earlier in the introduction to the Rajshahi district and city, it is the

centre for education, mainly higher education for the people of north zone as well as other parts of the country. Citizens from all walks of life and region (even Chakma, Murma tribals from far Chittagong)10, send their children for education purposes. Besides, people belonging to different social strata and professions, live in Rajshahi for occupational purposes. Rajshahi is also land of migrated people who came and settled here from India after 1947 that marked the end of British rule and the division of British India. So people with different background and locality dwell here together that leads to both horizontal and as well as vertical social relationships. Naturally, presence of different formal and informal associations, organizations and institutions representing different sections or levels of civil society of Bangladesh can be observed in Rajshahi district.

So from the point of view of demographic and social composition, education, economy, urbanization and administrative importance, Rajshahi district has been selected as the study area for conducting the present survey that analyzes the national civil society from a local perspective.

10

Among the tribal population that constitutes only 1.13% of the national population, 2.34% lives in Rajshahi District.

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2.3 Limitations of the Study 1. The present research tries to form a better understanding of civil societies in

developing countries in relation to consolidating democracy using the case of Bangladesh. However, a single study in civil society in Bangladesh cannot make a generalization about civil societies in developing countries or the prime reason behind their weak democratic performance. The lessons from Bangladesh civil society can only show directions and hints about studying other developing countries experiencing associational boom but fledging democracy. Hence much research is to be done on civil societies and their relation to

democracy for forming a general theory of on civil society and democracy nexus in the developing world. 2. The present research focuses only on contemporary civil society of Bangladesh

(Mainly from 1991 to 2006) using contemporary theories on civil society and democracy. A broad historical analysis on the civil society based on classical political theories would have had given better understanding and strong basis to the arguments. However it was not possible in the limited time and resources. 3. In the survey on civil society organizations, the numerous unregistered CSOs have

not been considered as target groups because of the unavailability of the reliable lists of such organizations. These unregistered local organizations also have important role in the functioning of civil society and democracy which this survey is unable to measure. As religious organizations, specially madrasas, are registered under the Ministry of Education, they have also not been included in the population list. However, religious organizations that were registered with the Ministry of Social Welfare have been counted for the survey.

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4.

Due to the confrontational socio-political situation, the respondents were very careful

in answering questions related to politics and state as well their financial resources. Often, they tried to confine their political identity and links. However, the surveyors in their observation notebooks had noted such matters.

5.

The large N size survey method is very effective in revealing the tendency and

dimensions of the civil society representing broad range of civil society actors and policies. However, through such survey it is hard to reveal the state and civil society relation in details. This requires complimentary case studies. But such case studies are limited to particular area or policy. So several in depth observation based case studies representing different sections of the civil society would have become essential to give complementary support to the arguments established through survey. Such complementary case studies have not been possible at this phase of the research due to limited time and resources. However, supplementary in depth interviews have been taken with stakeholders, scholars, politicians and activists and administrators concerning civil society and filed visits have been made to few civil society organizations for better understanding their activities and collecting detailed information. Moreover, newspaper reports and editorials on civil society news have been systematically collected and analyzed to supplement the findings of the survey results. Nevertheless, such newspaper reports and editorials had to be sampled for restraint of time and resources and some old issues were not available with the facility to photocopy at the libraries in Bangladesh.

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6.

Using the case of Bangladesh, the present study has shown the simplicity of the Neo-

Tocquevillean assumption on civil society and democracy which have provided a weak theoretical base to donor policy to strengthen civil society. Main focus of the thesis has been on civil society organizations while politics and other socio-economic situation came in connection to analyzing those basic units of civil society. However, it has not been possible to satisfactorily prove the simplicity of the theory from all its aspects such as from the consideration of politics, society, political actors, citizens etc. one by one using the data on Bangladesh, through this single research.

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Chapter 3
Political Structural Influence on Civil Society
3.1 Introduction In the traditional literatures and researches on democracy, political actors have been considered the primary or most important force in making, shaping and consolidating democracy. Importance of the public voice, the non-elite substance came in the afterward literatures in the 1990s. Civil society is considered to represent voice of the society and public and influence the process of achieving and maintaining democracy acting at the roots level of the society. Most literatures on civil society are occupied with the nature and influence of the civil society towards the state and society. Moreover, the Neo-Tocquevillean literatures are always considering civil society in an ideal term autonomous, democratic and rich in social capital and civic engagement, always enhancing democracy. It is rare to find civil societies in the practical world to posses all the qualities as expected from them to contribute to democracy. Moreover, in practice, the performance and influence of civil society particularly for democratic consolidation, is very much influenced by the environment in which it functions. The history, culture, economic situation, political structures all in a combined way contribute to the nature and performance of civil society in a particular country or nation. However, dimension and magnitude of influence may differ from factor to factor. In fact, having all the factors active, in most cases, it is political structures consisting the powerful elites who ultimately exert the highest influence in determining nature of civil society and also as it had been discussed in the previous literatures the level of democracy. These political structures may be the state, political party, bureaucracy, even military as long as political decisions and strategies are concerned. The political 78

institutional actions may be consciously directed towards civil society organizations or taken for other political purpose that ultimately affects the civil society. Such influence of the political institutions upon civil society, also determine the participatory and democratic role of civil society in developing countries. The influence from such political structures and institutions upon civil society may be profound and multi-dimensional. Pekkanon (2006:15) in his study on Japanese Civil Society, divides the influence of political structures into three basic sectionsa. regulatory framework like, law, regulations etc. b. political opportunity structurebureaucratic dominance, influence of the political actors etc. and c. Other indirect influences. His model does not claim that civil society is a product of what state agencies or politicians want to happen, but institutions have effect through structuring actions. Among the three parts, the firstregulatory framework has immediate and clear impact on civil society organizations viability such as legal status, direct financial flow and tax benefits etc. The second part of institutional influence-political opportunity structure, is the consistentbut not necessarily formal, permanent, or national-dimension to the political environment which either encourage or discourage people from using collective action. The term was first coined by Sidney Tarrow (1994:85) to the study of collective action and social movement. Pekkanons model broadens it to include the study of the institutions and the opportunity political actors provide for collective action. The third part of Pekkanons model-other indirect influence has been developed particularly in the context of Japanese civil society, pointing out important state actions that indirectly have contribution in shaping civil society. Present study is concerned mainly with the second section of Pekkanon (2006) model political opportunity structure that functions along with influences of the external and internal factors upon the civil society of Bangladesh. Through the political 79

opportunity structure present study shall investigate the influences of political structures upon the style and strength of collective actions of the civil society in Bangladesh. By structures, I dont mean just the formal machines like cabinet, legislature or administration but also political parties, political leaders and elites and other political practices, inconformity to the Institutional Approach as discussed in the Introductory Chapter. From the consideration of contemporary
1

civil society and democratic

consolidation this chapter argues that political structures particularly political parties and their leaders in Bangladesh have the most influence on civil society, however, not excluding the other external and internal factors like donor policy, history, cultures, social norms, state institutions that have also a profound influence in shaping the vibrant and vigilant nature of the civil society. The chapter first enters a comparative comparison of the civil society and democracy in other developing countries in Asia to understand the most common factors that determine civil society strength in relation to democracy. After identifying the political actors to be common in all cases, the chapter proceeds in a more detail investigation upon civil society in Bangladesh and the factors that have influenced its vibrant and vigilant nature.

3.2 Influence of Political Structures upon Civil Society from a Comparative Perspective To establish the arguments that political structures and powerful political actors do matter in Bangladesh for civil society and democracy, the chapter first takes a comparative approach. It focuses on the situation of other developing democracies in Asia.

Up to the year 2006

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The influence of political structures upon the society and civil society is not a new phenomena but rather a hard fact that can hardly be avoided. It is not only formal rules and registration laws with which the state and administration may regulate the development and strength of civil society but through different informal means, pressures, favoritism and even corruption, civil society is often controlled by the political forces. The problem is very common and a big one in developing countries where the economy is poor, state is weak and citizens lack the necessary political education. However, it may not be a setback particularly of the developing countries. Even in the Tocquevilles nineteenth century USA the problem was evident which is known as machine politics found in the big cities. In the presence of political democracy and voting rights and poverty as well as the absence of well organized state programs for citizens welfare and employment security, hierarchically organized party machine had become the all controlling social organization having strong influence in every sector of the local government and society. The machine provided the favors, jobs, necessary welfare to citizens in exchange of political support and votes from them. However, the interaction took place in a vertical way through patronage and corruption (Greenstein, 1965). Though it is said that with the introduction of welfare state and civil service reform that reduced patronage available to the political parties, urban party machine declined, they still endure in different forms in USA. Democratic clubs based on the support of politicians scattered through out cities like New York in the last 20th century functioned in the classic machine style. In return for helping with problems like threatening landlords, broken street lights, finding a lawyer etc. the club asked the people to circulate nominating petitions and distribute campaign literatures, which most did willingly. So the clubs gained workers and voters by providing legal assistance and using 81

their political connections (Tager, 1988: 31). Vertical machine politics still remain as a valuable resource for the politicians as well as citizens. In contemporary age, it is the non-profit community organizations that are found in the core center for distribution of public services to the needy in USA. Such non-profit groups form an important section of the American civil society. These organizations have been found involved in reciprocal service with their clients and government executives. Through exchange of basic services to the community they engage in producing reliable voting constituencies. Naturally, government officials (Mayor, Governor) are interested to allocate public service funds to particular community organizations that can ensure their necessary votes. It is a three way indirect exchange among the community organizations, their clients who are also voters and the elected officials (Marwell, 2004: 178). In this way the non-political, non-profit groups in America also serve as the fulcrum through which patronage resources are distributed and voters are organized. Besides, particular political partys control over specific types of civil society organizations is evident in USA politics. For example, religion and religious groups have always played an important role on politics and elections. In the 2004 Presidential elections, it has been seen that the Churches though officially non-profit, non-political organizations, have been used as an important mean to raise voters support for the Republican candidates (The New York Times, June 13, 2004, October 26, 2004). In the election, President Bush and Republican campaign officials cultivated conservative leaders belonging to Evangelicals and other religious traditionalist from Mainland Protestant and Catholics and sought to link their communities with the electoral machine (Guth and others, 2006: 224). Despite of their non-partisan and tax-exempt status churches in America are found actively involved in registering their members as voters,

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driving them to the polls, distributing bumper stickers and campaign materials and inviting Republican speakers (New York Times, 9 August, 2004). On the other hand, for long it was taken for granted that major votes from the labor unions will go to the Democrats (Prewitt and other, 1991). Labor unions in USA have completely subordinated themselves to the Democratic Party. In the same 2004 Presidential election when churches campaigned for the Republican candidate, the labor unions contributed sixty five million dollars to the Democratic campaign (Arnowitz, 2005: 276-277). Naturally, the labors and their unions can hardly execute their different demands for labor reform or minimum wage raise etc. under a Republican regime. Not only in USA but in Great Britain the labor union members are found to be bound to pay the Labor Party in the name of political levy. Political levy means the contribution the labor union members pay to the unions political fund separately or as part of the normal union subscription 2 . Though each union member has the right to personally contract out from paying such political levy, due to collective interest and his personal interest from the union and its leader, can hardly come out from such obligation to pay a political party. So through rules and norms, union members in Britain have been found to be compelled to pay a part of their hard earned wages to the Labor Party, besides their vote. In an old estimate, ninety percent income of the national headquarters of the Labor Party comes from the trade union affiliation fees (Delury, 1983:1095). Under the contemporary situation after Labor Party ran into debt in 2006, the contribution of the trade unions have become vital. However, there is no guarantee that the labor party will always go for policies that assure the interest of labors in the age of liberalization and privatization.

Website of the Department for Business Enterprise & Regulatory Reform, http://www.dti.gov.uk/employment/employment-legistlation/emplyment-gudance/pa. access date 24 December, 2007.
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So the socio-political democratic environment that is considered to be the ideal for the emergence of autonomous, vigorous CSOs face the same type of vertical political controls directly or indirectly. The situation becomes severe and distinct in developing countries where the political institutionalization is in a low level, so is the capacity of the state. This chapter compares the situation of that in -India, Philippines and Pakistan, and tries to relate with the case of Bangladesh. All the four countries have colonial legacies; experience the presence of strong kinship and clientelism, corruption in the social and political life and they have multiplicity of registration and regulation laws (specially in South Asia). In all four cases, donor policy to strengthen civil society has shown both success and failure with ramifications. But they vary in their performance in achieving democracy, with India often termed as worlds largest democracy while Pakistan as a failed democracy and Philippines position is in the middle but more relevant to the situation in Bangladesh. Political institutions have played different role in shaping the civil society and influencing the nature of democracy. The comparative focus on other three developing democracies demonstrates how political actors in different guise or form hold the actual control of the civil society and democracy. This helps to proceed further with the analysis of political structural influence that civil society of Bangladesh faces with in combination with other factors. 3.2.1 Stable but Partly Illiberal Democracy-India In comparison with the experience with other South Asian countries, democracy in India has proved resilient (Hasan, 2002: 1). Since independence, there is a stable parliamentary system of government. So far, 14 general elections for the lower house followed by peaceful hand over of power, have been conducted. Though India lacks a

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homogenous population, an advanced industrial economy, high level of education, shared civic culturegenerally expected preconditions for democracy, democracy had been endured and grown in the country since 1950s. The most important political institutions, state and political parties are well institutionalized so are the Indian citizens politically cultured. Such combination is said to have brought democratic stability in India (Hasan 2002). Though democratic, India remains a developing country with a poor human development index and low literacy rate. Again the gap between the rich and poor, social stratification, communalism, ethnic and religious violence all reflect the existence of uncivil elements in the society. Zakaria (2003: 110-114) also mentions corruption,

control of the judiciary and taking opportunity of social divisions and went to extent to term it an illiberal democracy. A common prediction is that the Indian National Congress Party3 has been able to bond and bring unity among heterogeneity existing in the different provinces that ultimately brought stability and democracy in India. Among the prominent researchers on political parties in India, Chibber (1999), terms the Indian democracy as a democracy without associations. His way of analysis follows the Neo-Tocquevillean model. Naturally, he terms the associational life in India as weak. The traditional associations like trade unions and student groups are often directly linked to political parties. To him rural organizations are few and are outcome of state policies and have no influence on rural or agricultural policy of the state. Though the business organizations are large in number they are not the outgrowth of interest group activity. There are strong informal caste organizations but Chibber (1999) do not consider those as associations and have mentioned that other religious sects and associations have stayed out of the electoral politics. He considers most of the civil society organizations in India as adhoclacking bureaucratic organizations, with a tendency of excessive

Present ruling party of India. Congress at the beginning of 20th century pioneered the movement against the British that brought independence to India in 1947.

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multiplication and fragmentation. As the associations were weak, the Congress Partys links to social cleavages were constructed via the distribution of state resources rather than by establishing links to associations of social groups. As Congress Party was not tied with any association, it easily turned in to a catchall party (Chibber, 1999:58-62). Weak associational life made room for patronage politics and provided the parties larger role in Indian politics. So from a democratic liberal model the civil society situation in India is not satisfactory and to some extent resembles with that of Bangladesh which is rather an unstable democracy. However, it also must be admitted that, Indian has associational culture long before the Indian state came into being. The modern organizational forms began to emerge around 1870s in form of social movements (such as Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj), naturally they had political and social contents. Gandhism generated peaceful political protest and independence movement. The Congress Party itself was a civil society organization during the last half of the 19th century. It is only in 1980s and 1990s; India saw the predominance of the non-political NGOs (Sen, 1993:11). And contemporary researchers consider Indian civil society to be robust, occupying significant space in the dynamic of political landscape of the country (Behar and Prakash: 2004). It is not only religious philanthropy or charity organizations and development NGOs, but, Indian civil society is rich in indigenous welfare organizations, cooperatives and they are supported by research organizations formed and nurtured through local initiatives. Nonparty social movements like Narmada Bachao Andolon, Chipko Movement, are also found at local level of the society in different parts of the country. The identity movements, which often turn violent and enter the political realm, in most cases originate in civil society arena. Vibrancy in associational tradition was present in India before. The vibrancy is also found today in different forms. 86

Opposite of the coin, the same democratic India, posses very uncivil elements in the civil society that had the strength to penetrate the society and control the state and political power. A hierarchically ordered communal social organization named Rastriya Swamsewak Sangh or National Volunteers Corps (RSS) through their social, cultural, religious, military and political programs gathered massive support from the majority Hindus in Northern India, resulting in electoral victories in several states for its political wingBaratiya Janata Party (BJP) which formed the national government in 1998. RSS have formed its mass support and mobilized public opinion to their chauvinist aim, mainly through building bonding capitals through holding religious mass procession, working through affiliated welfare groups in the guise of NGOs, consolidating Hindu block vis a vis the minorities and developing a non-Indian identity for the Muslims, and ultimately mobilizing their supporters to vote for BJP (Behar and Prakash, 2004: 211218). RSS can hardly be termed a civil society organization from its modern definition nor just a political organization. Rather such uncivil force is termed as dark side of civil society. However, through a fully democratic process in the 2004 general election BJP lost to Congress Party and Congress lead coalition formed the new government. In spite of it communal and uncivil character the RSS respected the national consensus on democratic and peaceful way of changing power and accepted the democratic rule of the political game. A democratic culture has developed among the political actors that have brought stability. In a strong and stable democracy, the civil society is expected to be strong, vigilant. However, the fact reveals that partially the civil society is politically controlled as shown by Chibber, moreover, it contains uncivil forces. But at the same time, there are the

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presence of associational culture among the society and presence of autonomous nonpartisan civil society movements and NGOs working for social development. Such civil society can hardly be given the major credit to the democratic stability in India. Rather the political consensus that exists among the political actors may be considered the main reason. On the other hand, civil society, in spite of historical tradition of associations have turned weak, politicized and even communal due to the political forces. 3.2.2 Elitist Democracy- The Philippines The Philippines is well known for its vibrant civil society as well as for mass democratic movements. However, democracy is yet to be institutionalized in the country. Rather it is often termed as Elitist Democracy (Franco, 2004) or Undemocratic Democracy (Rocamora, 2004: 1996) by the scholars. Elite domination in politics has contributed to weak state and low level of effective political participation. Strong landed capitalist and financial interests and other political rent-seekers have penetrated the Philippine state and influenced the national and local government policies (Angeles, 2004:196). They enjoy monopolistic control over both coercive and economic resources within given territorial jurisdictions. Corruption is rampant among the public officials that have ranked the country 11th most corrupt nation by Transparency International (Quimpo, 2004: 2). In contrast to India and even Bangladesh, the major political parties of The Philippines are not well organized rather found under oligarchic control. Political parties have been rather considered as vast national coalitions of local political organizations, bound together by the vertical hierarchy of public offices and their rewards and social hierarchy of wealth. Many parties in fact are just vehicles for presidential ambitions and 88

turncoatism (Rocmora, 2004:207, 211). It is only the left that constitutes significant organized political force resisting the rule of the oligarchic elite (Quimpo, 2004). However, they are also divided, some times co-opted and have often reentered into politics in the form of civil society to confront the state, mobilize the public and also assist development. In the absence of well organized, programmatic and national based political parties in The Philippines and with the opportunity of the 1991 Local Government Code4 and the Party List act 1995 (RA 7941) 5 , it is naturally expected that the civil society in The Philippines shall come out in the front line as an important political actor (Kawanaka, 2002). The Philippines is reputed to have the worlds densest NGO network. Not only in numbers but the vigor and scale of activities is also vast. Moreover, large group of NGO coalitions do have actually entered electoral politics in here. However, the civil society can hardly be termed successful in consolidating democracy or bringing political stability in the country. Mostly two broad formation of civil society are observed in The Philippines indigenous left based movement and foreign funded associations. Left based peoples organization have been actively involved in the struggles for peasants issues, agrarian reform, land grabbing, recognition of land titles, and land conversion besides their direct moves for democracy. But in the process they have been found to be factionalized and some sections became co-opted by the political elites. Foreign funded NGOs were meant

1991 Local Governmental Code (LGC) operationalized the provision for strengthening local autonomy through decentralization. It devolved power and resources to local government units at the provincial, city, municipal and barangay level and allowed for peoples participation in local government and development. Civil society groups saw the law as a real opportunity to influence the local political process. (Franco, 2004:115). 5 It is a complicated law that introduced proportional representation (Franco, 2004: 116). The law attracted or rather provided a legal opportunity for the civil society groups to enter electoral politics. The most glaring instances is the Akbayan political block formed by like minded civil society groups including the progressive development NGOs and also some factions of the left politicians.
4

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for advocacy work and were considered as non-partisan, which was opposite of the fact. The two different formations of civil society groups have moved on simultaneously but not in parallel way but through alignment and contestation. A distinct section of the foreign funds receiving PO/NGOs were aligned to the left. Since 1990s, the PO/NGOs have become increasingly assertive not only in development effort but also in the democratization process acting as powerful interest groups. Along with different left parties, the progressive NGO coalitions formed themselves into Akabayan, as a loose non-party formation but acting as a precursor of a party. Based on the party list law 1995, Akbayan began electoral politics (Rocamora, 2004:218; Quimpo, 2004: 7-8). A project for electoral movement of NGO community was launched in 2001, where it was proposed that the NGO alliances and block shall intervene in four waysraising political awareness, lobbying for electoral reform, developing peoples platform and giving actual support to specific candidates. However, Quimpo (2004) consider such electoral movement of civil society as faulty as it became divided and factious and has not been able to emerge as an important political force against the corrupt politics and elite democracy. Fact is multi layered, fractious civil society has been both bane and boon to democratization in Philippine. Civil society interactions have helped to extend the reach of democratic rights and freedoms to previously excluded populations and have expanded political competition. But unintentionally they have also served to revive or reinforce anti-reform elite interest. (Franco, 2004:127). Moreover, though the civil society has entered electoral politics in The Philippines, the capacity building and strengthening organizations at the grass-roots level are still in their infancy. Their intervention are limited with low sustainability and marred by petty politics (Angeles, 2004: 199). 90

From the brief discussion, it becomes clear that, The Philippines is very rich in different types of civil society organizations and enjoys strong network. Though such civil society is successful in staging movements to topple down corrupt regimes it fails to influence the state policies in day to day politics. In the absence of well organized and competitive parties and with the introduction of new laws for widening peoples presentation, civil society coalitions have entered the electoral politics and earned a significant position in the political society. However such process is also not free from the strong elite influence that have divided and factionalized the civil society. Moreover the state is weak and also controlled by political elites and society is marred by nepotism, patron-client relations, violence etc. So the relatively free, well networked and politically advanced civil society in The Philippines, have a long way to go to contribute effectively to change the brandfrom elite democracy to liberal or participatory democracy. And again, though not in the form of political party or national leaders but as oligarchs, the elite community controls the nature and level of democracy and also the strength and success of civil society in The Philippines. The civil society strength, network and political environment of The Philippines in contrast to Bangladesh is in a much better position however, from the consideration of democratic stability, both the countries face all most similar types of unrest, upheavals and instability. Again the from the consideration of the political actors, Philippine state, bureaucracy and society under the Presidential system of government is controlled by the political elites while in case of Bangladeshi parliamentary system, it is the political parties who control the prime power of the state. 3.2.3 Failed Democracy- Pakistan Pakistan is an instance of failed democracy among the modern nation states in the developing world. All attempts for democratization since its independence in 1947 have 91

failed and always the state power went back in the hands of the autocratic rulers. The country had been under long spell of military rule with only a short period of democratically elected governments (1988-1999) which were again scarred by instability, corruption, misrule, political confrontation and regional violence. The political system poorly differentiates between political democracy and autocratic rule. It is the feudal lords, military generals and bureaucrats that form the political elite structure in Pakistan. They may have apparent modernist outlook but too often have resisted measures such as decentralization, accountability, media freedom, land reform and independence of the judiciary (Malik, 1996: 681). Anti-pluralism and rigid administrative machinery have contributed to the undemocratic development in Pakistan. Political parties in Pakistan are ideologically and organizationally weak (Malik 1996) and never had been well-integrated to be able to mediate between the state and society (Adeney, 2004:11). These parties remain desperate to maintain their traditional bases of support, always under the domination of the old feudal and big business interests (Shah, 2004:378). Alike the political parties of Bangladesh, political parties in Pakistan prefer to engage in conflict, making use of populist political appeals for street agitation tress passing the parliamentary norms. They are vulnerable to official manipulation and are always accused of impotence and corruption by the central state authorities. Lack of democracy and constitutionalism have also kept the various regional and ethnic forces outside of the main stream politico-economic institution while often coopted and used by the state for political gains. The state policy is of imposing and establishing one Pakistani identity than ensuring autonomy and pluralism. Naturally under such centralized autocratic rule where political process is often suspended and opposition is suppressed, civil society can hardly gain strength to influence political change and democracy. 92

Civil Society in Pakistan from consideration of the number of NGOs, associations and voluntary groups, do not fall behind other developing countries, how ever, they are mostly urban-based and are not spread across the country in a balanced way (Sattar and Baig, 2001:6-7; Shah, 2004:367). Low levels of institutional development, weak organizational skills, and poor internal transparency characterize most of the prominent NGOs which are often foreign funded (Shah, 2004:367-68; Satter and Baig, 2001). Membership is low for all types of organizations. Just like Bangladesh and India, there exists multiplicity of registration laws. The nature of application of the law by the authorities is more important than the nature of rigidness or flexibility in the rules themselves. Unlike The Philippines, NGOs in Pakistan lack strong network and coalition among themselves. While considering the case of Pakistan, local religious organizations like madrasas, shrine, seminaries, jirgas need to be included in the mapping of civil society, as these organizations are pretty large in number and have profound influence in the society and politics in both positive (voluntarism) and negative (violence) ways. Such civil society has failed to play any important role in promoting harmony among multiplicity of religions, castes, ethnicities and cultures (Sattar and Baig, 2001). Overall civil society participation and impact on state policies are insignificant. However, it has been observed that the faith based organization have higher influence on government policies than the NGOs and advocacy groups. Along with their alliance with national security elites, religious groups, continue to restrict the socio-political space available to weaker civil organization and often try to replace and subvert opponents in civil society. Bangladesh is also a Muslim majority country like Pakistan and numbers of religious groups- like Madrasa or charity groups are also not less. In the beginning of 2000s it has experienced some religious militancy, however, they have not reached the strength or position to win in their clashes with the secular and modern form of CSOs.

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Necessary political institutionalization and social flexibility for the development of both vibrant and vigilant nature of civil society is absent in Pakistan. It is only the bar association and the press who often unite, gain strength to protest violation of constitutional norms. Moreover, in contrast to Bangladesh, civil society in Pakistan is non-partisan (Shah, 2001:378, 386). In fear of losing autonomy, civil society groups hardly collaborate with political parties. This has been further reinforced by the depoliticization of the society by the military rulers. Moreover, these civil society organizations both NGOs and advocacy groups partly depend on the state for their economic survival. Far from resisting autocratic rule or altering the political system, large section of this depoliticized civil society has taken the policy to derive privilege and benefit from the authoritarian state. The civil society that avoids political parties to avoid loosing autonomy, give up their independence and economic freedom to the state apparatus. Civil society is rather embedded in the state via both cooptation and coercion. During the short lived democratic regimes under the party rules in Pakistan(19881999) civil society organizations did have some opportunity or space to act freely and even protest against the party regimes (Shah,2004: 363, 371). Nevertheless, Shah (2004) also have mentioned about the state-civil society friction during this period for example, NGO Bill 1996 to control their activity, harassing the press etc. Relatively, the case of Bangladesh shows a far better environment for civil society to function in. From 1990 to 2006 Bangladesh was free from Military interference in politics and political parties ruled the state and politics through formal democratic rules, though not through genuine democratic competition. However, here also, civil society has been found to be rather politicized and co-opted. What is different is that, civil society is not co-opted by the state apparatus but by the political parties who often use their governmental powers. From the

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instance of Bangladesh, the possibility of Pakistani civil society to emerge as a strong political force under Democratic Party rule also remains under question. 3.2.4 Position of Bangladesh civil society and democracy in comparison to other Asian countries From the discussion above it may be observed that in all cases, civil society to some extent has been directly or indirectly controlled and co-opted by the political powers, whether it may be the political parties, or political elites or the state (in case of Pakistan) itself. But the nature of civil society and democracy has been found functioning at different stages and level in these countries. Further discussion on Bangladesh in the present chapter shall also point out the strong influence of the political parties in determining the nature and strength of civil society as well as the type of democracy that may be termed confrontational. Table 3.1 gives a simplified idea of the nature of democracy and the strength of civil societies of four Asian courtiers having political actors as the prime influencing factor. In case of India, civil society has been used by the parties in both ways for democracy and communalism. Congress Party emerged powerful in the absence of strong civil society organizations pushing for important strategic policies while BJP came to political power by using the civil society for motivating the voters with their communal sentiments. Only a few environment movements have been able to show their independent strength and confronted the state and political power. On the other hand, in The Philippines, a strong network may be observed among civil society groups which has reached the extent to form political blocks, joined by left politicians and has entered electoral politics.

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Table 3.1 Comparative table showing democracy and civil society level in four countries
Countries India The Philippines Bangladesh Pakistan Nature of Democracy Stable but partly illiberal Elite dominated Confrontational Failed Vigilant Nature of Civil Society Partially vigilant, partially politicized, partially uncivil Politically active with strong network but divided Less participatory, politicized and polarized Weak and fragile Prime Influencing Factors Political Party and uncivil forces Political elites-land owners, business class Political parties and political leaders Military rulers using state apparatus

However, they have also been found to be factious and influenced by political oligarchs, thus yet to overcome the elite democracy. In case of Pakistan it is the military state that has controlled the development and nature of action of the civil society which never gained the strength to fight for democracy. Bangladesh also shows the strong influences of political parties upon the society where the citizens and civil society groups have become co-opted and divided and acting for the political end of these parties. Though apparently, the country has a parliamentary system of democracy with numerous civil society organizations active at both local and national level. Based on the discussion on the nature of civil society, democracy of the four countries it may be possible to draw to a simplified two dimensional figure, where the political actors determine the level of democracy and the strength of civil society in influencing the state and national policy.

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Figure 3.1 Model for Comparison (Political actors ultimately defines the level of democracy and the strength of civil society
Stable D e m o cr a c y Unstable Weak Civil Society Vigilant India

Philippine Bangladesh

Pakistan

The simplified figure gives us an idea of the position of Bangladesh in comparison to other countries. It is in a much better condition than Pakistan in contrast to democracy and civil society but after India and Philippines. Though the vigilant nature of Philippino civil society is in a better position than India, from consideration of its democratic aspect it is placed under the India. It is the political actors who have ultimately defined the position of each country. If we consult the situation with the rating of Freedom House6 then we may find the same type of variation among the four countries (table 3.2). Table 3.2 Freedom House rating for four countries in 2006
Score indicator Political Rights Score Civil Liberties Right Status India 2 3 Free The Philippines 3 3 Partly free Bangladesh 4 4 Partly Free Pakistan 6 5 Not Free

**The rating is done on a scale from 1 to 7 where, 1 means highest degree of freedom and civil liberties and 7 means least degree of freedom and civil liberties. Source: Freedom house website http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=1, internet access 25th November, 2007.7

Freedom house website http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=1, internet access 25th November, 2007.

The methodology of the freedom house survey is grounded in basic standards of political rights and civil liberties, derived in large measure from relevant portions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

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The rating is based on the interplay of both governmental and nongovernmental actors upon the political rights and civil liberties of the citizens of each country. Democracy and civil society is concerned with both these political rights and civil liberties and the rating do support the position of each country made in the comparative figure. India has been termed free and its political rights as 2 that reflects the stable democracy, the country posses, on the other hand, the civil liberties of India and that of partly free Philippine is same (3), this refers to the almost same status of the citizens and CSOs in performing their actions. The weak state and powerful political elites have caused political rights of The Philippines to come down to 3. The rating for Pakistan reflects the failed democracy and weak civil society as shown in table 3.1. and figure 3.1. Bangladeshs position from the point of political rights and also civil liberties is lower than both India and Philippines. This naturally refer that the space for the civil society to act independently and participate in government actions and influence policies is limited. Despite the fact, Bangladesh is formally a democratic country with a constitution that provides all the necessary civil freedom and political rights to its citizens. A better idea of the nature and strength of civil society in Bangladesh, in relation to democracy, may be understood, through a detailed analysis of its vibrant and vigilant nature tracing the most important influencing factors to such attributes. The following section focuses on the contemporary civil society and political situation in Bangladesh to reach to a better

These standards apply to all countries and territories, irrespective of geographical location, ethnic or religious composition, or level of economic development. The survey operates from the assumption that freedom for all peoples is best achieved in liberal democratic societies. The survey does not rate governments or government performance per se, but rather the real-world rights and social freedoms enjoyed by individuals. Freedoms can be affected by state actions, as well as by non state actors, including insurgents and other armed groups. Thus, the survey ratings generally reflect the interplay of a variety of actors, both governmental and nongovernmental (http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=351&ana_page=298&year=2006).

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understanding of the critical arguments made for the present research in the introduction chapter. 3.3 Bangladesh Civil Society from Vibrant and Vigilant Perspective The focus of the thesis is the civil society of Bangladesh, particularly in relation to politics. The present section shall focus on the civil society both from its vibrant and vigilant nature and in the perspective of the contemporary political situation in Bangladesh. 3.3.1 Level of Vibrancy of Civil Society in Bangladesh As discussed in the introduction chapter, Bangladesh civil society have been termed relatively vibrant in contrast to other developing Asian countries from consideration of density, activeness and its success so far in poverty alleviation and social development. As mentioned before, in 2004 a rough estimate of registered civil society organizations in Bangladesh was 259774 excluding the professional organizations, religious groups and all informal, unregistered groups and associations. According to another survey on non-profit groups in Bangladesh in 1997 the total number of such organizations was 206142 8 excluding cooperatives but including religious groups. Though these numbers are not comparable, this gives an idea of how the number of civil society organizations in Bangladesh has increased (about 50,000 CSOs) in only five years period. The number of such organizations and their nature of increase refer to an associational culture in Bangladesh9. However, all these organizations may not be found

Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Survey of Non-profit Organization in Bangladesh, 1996-97, Dhaka 1999 If the statistics of informal or unregistered organizations were available then the number would increase in a higher rate. This is because the culture or trend of forming groups in Bangladesh is not only common among the urban middle class, but also among the people living in lower social stratification and among villagers. There may not be well organized neighborhood associations like Japan (chyonaikai), but in Bangladesh, in every village there are small societies formed by all the dwellers of the village, or a section of the village and led by the village head or local elite (elected member of the council or school teacher,
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active in the same pace. In a poverty ridden and disaster prone country like Bangladesh, where the state have failed to provide the necessary social security to all its citizens, naturally most of the CSOs are social welfare based, trying to solve the social and materialistic needs in a private way or in cooperation with the state agencies. Such trend of the civil society inspired the way for well organized NGOs and cooperatives, welfare groups and so on. Density of such CSOs and success of the NGO sector gives Bangladesh civil society a vibrant outlook. With the help of such initiatives of domestic and international NGOs, the poor, uneducated, unaware rural inhabitants of Bangladesh have gained economic empowerment to some extent, have learned to read and right and have become aware about sanitation, health and social rights. Naturally this must be considered as a progress for rural citizens of Bangladesh. It may be stated that, where there was nothing, at least now there is something. Such welfare base success of the civil society in Bangladesh attracts publicity and world recognition. It must be remembered that this is just one side of the civil society function that have shown success which is termed as vibrancy of civil society. Such vibrant nature of civil society organizations can be explained mainly from three perspectivesPhilanthropy culture, Donor Policy, Simple registration process. 3.3.1.1 Philanthropy Culture The existence of voluntary action, deepened through natural disaster and war have contributed to the large size of welfare NGOs in Bangladesh and their service providing character. The tradition of charity and voluntarism is deep rooted in the religious and social culture of Bangladesh. Even today the family holds the primary responsibility for kin in need (Robinson 1989: 391). Such trend is common in both the two prominent

Imam [prayer leader] of the Mosque etc.). These informal Societies (shomaj) have full control over the social life of the dwellers living within their domain and often perform small arbitrations. Besides in the new urban areas neighborhood associations are also growing, however, they are often not registered.

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religionsIslam and Hinduism, in Bangladesh. Poverty and natural disaster also have played a big role in encouraging voluntarism and proliferation of service based private organizations. In Bangladesh 40% people live under poverty line and among them 25% have been identified as extreme poor by DFID (Daily Star, June27, 2006). Naturally the state alone cannot do for them. As Bangladesh is a delta, every year a good portion of the country is inundated by flood. Besides, cyclone and hurricane often blow over the costal belt. The modern NGO sector can trace its origins to two key events-the 1970 devastating cyclone that left over half a million people dead and 1971 war of Independence (Goon, 2002: 142). Not only foreign aided NGOs but formal and informal community based groups show their strength during emergency floods and disasters, as often the government and NGO assistance are delayed (Stiles, 2002: 55)10. 3.3.1.2 Donor Policy Developing countries rely on donor aid and loan for economic mobilization and development. Donor policy and directions have profound impact on the economy, politics and also civil society in a third world country. Since 1980s, International donors have begun to cooperate with NGOs, by passing the government on issues like, social development, health, educations etc. During 1990s, such civil societies have been targeted by Western International development agencies with the aim to generate development and consolidate democracy. This had an impact on their aid distribution and instructions to the state and NGOs (Lewis 2004, Stiles 2002, White 1999). A substantial portion of International aid money has been air marked for development of civil society (Alagappa, 2004:4; Hulme and Edward 1997: 7; Stiles, 2002:1).

The culture of Bangladesh, specially the vertical trend in social relationship has also deep negative effect on the strength of civil society. Discussion on such aspect will come later in relation to the vigilant nature of the civil society.
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Figure 3.2 Rise of NGOs receiving foreign funds since 1990s in Bangladesh

(Based on the statistics provided by the NGO Affairs Bureau Website http://www.ngoab.gov.bd/, on 3rd December, 2007)11

Since the 1990s with change in donor policy to assist NGOs, Bangladesh has seen a mushrooming growth in its NGO sector. If we consider the statistics of only those NGOs receiving foreign funds and registered with the NGO Affairs Bureau in Bangladesh, then we may observe a constant high rise in the number of NGOs both local and foreign since the 1990s. It has become more than 5 times higher than it was in 1990 (Figure 3.2). The number of NGOs who enter into subcontract with big NGOs for implementing the large development projects has also proliferated. Such indirect foreign funding is sometimes considered as a lucrative opportunity to collect resources for these NGOs. In the fiscal 2004-05, foreign assistant covered 15% of the national budget (113.3 Billion Taka). Among this 113.3 Billion Taka, 13.7% (15.6 Billion Taka 12 ) was disbursed through the NGO Affairs Bureau.

In Bangladesh the financial year begins on July and ends at June (the next year). 1 UD $ = 68 BD Taka (According to Yahoo Currency converter http;//finance.yahoo.com/currency? On May 15 2007.
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Figure 3.3 Flow of foreign grant through NGO Affairs Bureau in Bangladesh

(Based on the statistics provided by the NGO Affairs Bureau Website http://www.ngoab.gov.bd/, on 3rd December, 2007) 13

If we consider the flow of money, again, dramatic development may be observed, while in 1990-91 the amount was only 106 million US $, it proliferated up to 323 Million US $ in 2005 (Figure3.3). Such flow of foreign funds also had indirect influence in the rise of other CSOs related to social welfare who do not directly receive foreign funds. In the present research, a steady rise since 1990s has been found among the sample of CSOs surveyed. Figure 3.4 shows the year of establishment of the CSOs.

13

In Bangladesh the financial year begins on July and ends at June (the next year).

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Figure 3.4 Y ear of establishment of civil society organizations

N= 504, No Answer rate=1 (0.2%)

According to Governance Report 2006 (BRAC, 2006: 94), between 1995 to 2000 the proportion of rural communities with at least one NGO program doubled. There is now an average of 15 NGOs or NGO branch offices in each sub-district across the country. Such NGO activities are overwhelmingly micro-credit programs with education and family planning14.

Drawbacks: Foreign donors have prioritized social welfare, economic development and other service providing objectives for the NGO projects they finance. Naturally, most organizations grew here with such purposes of social welfare rather than for asserting citizen and human rights and for advocacy. Recently, few organizations have adopted right based advocacy projects as instructed by good governance agenda (Lewis, 2004:310), but are facing pressure from other actors in the political system. Critiques on foreign aid have pointed out that aid dependency and gradual privatization have enhanced political patronage and corruption (Sobhan, 1996:16). Sobhan (2004: 15) have also termed the foreign funded NGOs as aid contractors. Heavy dependence on external aid is compromising NGOs role as social mobilizers and advocate of the poor. Moreover, researchers have revealed different drawbacks and immature development through the welfare projects of such NGOs. They have mentioned the problems of commercialization of micro-credit, low level of education, inadequate leadership training, lack of independence among the credit groups from the NGOs etc. (Tasnim, 2005b: 92, 175, 177; Quadir 1999: 213; Ullah and Routery, 2003: 118; IOB, 1998: 251). Though there has been a good affluence of NGOs due to donor policies it has been found that they have not been able to provide further teachings, group networks and better autonomy to civil society that are necessary to contribute effectively to good citizenry, politics and democracy. Four basic impediments have been identified in this connection. First is the donor policy based on Western theory and experience, the second is the influence of the local elites and vertical norms upon the NGOs, the third is the
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3.3.1.3 Registration System Constitutional rights and State Law for association formation and regulation has been considered as an important determinate in the nature and shape of civil society in any country. The constitution of Bangladesh guarantees the fundamental freedom to

assemble, participate in public meetings and processions (article 37), freedom to form associations (article 38) and also the freedom of thought and conscience and freedom of speech (article 39). Therefore, constitutionally, the basic rights for forming and functioning of civil society organizations are well established in Bangladesh. The legal framework for civil society organizations (CSO) in Bangladesh is based on a set of old and new laws for incorporation, management structure, responsibilities and liabilities, and regulations. There are diverse registration options and no harmonized non-profit legislation procedure. Two distinct sets of laws in Bangladesh pertain to nonprofit organizations. One set of laws concerns the formation of nonprofit organizations, among them the most important are Societies Registration Act 1860, the Trusts Act 1882, Voluntary Social Welfare Agencies (Registration) Ordinance 1961, and the Companies Act 1994. The other set of laws regulates these organizations such as the Volunteer Social Welfare Agencies (control) Ordinance 1961, the Foreign Donations (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Ordinance 1978, the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Ordinance 1982 (Khair and Khan, 2004:53-55). The NGO Affairs Bureau has also been established in 1989 to facilitate the process of bringing foreign funds in a simpler way. In addition to these laws, there are particular laws for certain category of civil society organizations under the authority of concerned ministries. For example, all the cooperatives are established according to the rules of Cooperative Act 1984 and 2001 and

politicization and bureaucratization of NGOs, and lastly, the neglect towards the local collectivity and voluntarism in the development policy (Tasnim 2007:176).

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registered under the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives15. Trade Unions are formed, under the Industrial Relations Ordinance of 1969, registered with the Ministry of Labor in Bangladesh 16 . Most of the registered professional organizations are officially formed under the rules of the concerned institutions and ministries. Though it seems that there are a web of laws and regulations upon the civil society in Bangladesh, practically, they are not unified and harmonized, this variety of law rather ensure less government control and provides better independence to the non-profit and philanthropy organizations. This has inspired a good number of social groups to register. The conditions for forming groups and register in Bangladesh seem to be much easier than that in Japan or other developed countries. It is the application of the law that is more important to consider in the case of Bangladesh. The loopholes and archaic nature of the laws often provide the opportunity to misuse those by both the government administrators as well as the NGOs17.

Cooperative Law 2001 and Cooperative Rules 2004, collected from the office of the Joint Registrar Directorate of Rural Development and Cooperatives, Rajshahi Division. 16 Bangladesh Institute of Labor Studies website http://www.bils-bd.org/labour_law.html access date 23 June, 2007. 17 Although, existing laws and procedures seek to protect the public from abuse, registration officials exploit their positions to take advantage from those rules (Kair and Khan, 2005: 66). Moreover, with some controversial provision and rules prepared through circular for NGOs registered with NGO Affairs Bureau, the government can often impose its control on NGO activities and in sanctioning their foreign funds. For example, a circulation mentions that, no such project would be approved if it offends the feelings of the people of any religion, had adverse effects in the culture and values of the country or if the project is based on a political programme (Ahmed, 2000: 389). The interpretation of such rule may be made in different ways. Often, social welfare and civic education programs of certain NGOs are identified as political or anticultural and accordingly prosecuted by the government when it thinks that NGO programs are serving against the political interest of the ruling party. After the 2001, general election, certain NGOs had been black listed by the government. These NGOs had experienced administrative harassment, even arrests of employee and executives and also blockade of foreign funds (Hossain 2006: 242-245). On the other hand, NGOs have also been accused of misusing the provisions (Ahmed, 2000) of the laws and taking opportunity of the weak man power of the NGO Affairs Bureau (Nobusue, 2002:46) and their strong backing from the donor agencies. For example according to Foreign Donations Regulations Law 1978, section 3(1), NGOs must receive state approval before accepting and spending foreign grants. Yet, another law named Exchange Control Regulation Act 1947, allows any person or organization to bring any amount of foreign currency into Bangladesh. Such dual, system has provided NGOs the opportunity to bring foreign money with out the knowledge of the government. Moreover, while 1860 Registration Act restricts societies to engage in business functions, the 1961 Ordinance allows organizations to gain profit in-order to create jobs. At present, both the Laws apply to same types of civil society organizations. As a consequence some large
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Rules and regulations are not strict but often used and selectively applied for the interest of powerful sides whether it is the government or the big NGOs. Besides, civil society does not consists only of big NGOs; there are other professional groups, small NGOs, welfare groups, clubs, labor unions and cooperatives. Over all performance of the civil society in Bangladesh has been found to be weak in relation to politics and democracy. In this context, the present study identifies more powerful institutional influence upon the civil society in Bangladesh, from political parties through their vertical relation with the CSOs and their leaders. The following section of the chapter shall explore the relation between civil society and politics from this aspect.

3.3.2 Level of Vigilance of Civil Society in Bangladesh Civil society from its vigilant aspect is to be more concerned with interest articulation, influencing policies, making demands, advocating for certain interest and brining accountability to the government. These require civil society to come in more interaction with the government upholding their autonomy, engage in more advocacy, political educational activities and form strong network among themselves. From these aspects, the CSOs in Bangladesh may be considered weak. As it has been mentioned in introduction and literature review that network among the civil society organizations are not strong, they hardly are able to influence policies and often work for the status-quo than the people they represent18. From different perspective performance of civil society

NGOs in Bangladesh have flourished simultaneously as service providing and profit oriented organizations. Due to the loopholes in the regulations, the state is also deprived of large amount of tax (Ahmed, 2000: 385-386). Besides, researchers have found that NGO Affairs Bureau is far from strong enough to keep full control over all the NGOs. Even, after audit and inspection, if a complaint is lodged against an NGO virtually no appropriate actions are taken. Owing to the strong support for NGOs by their donors, the state has had to refrain from its desire to cancel the registration of a number of NGOs and had to even change the head of the NGO Affairs Bureau, who had appeared tough with those that had indulged in regulation at the beginning of 1990s (Hashemi, 1995). On the other hand, the officials of the NGO Affairs Bureau have been accused of corruption. 18 However, such comments of the about the civil society organizations are only based on few observation and reports, not based on any empirical investigation or intensive survey. The present thesis in its chapter 4

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in Bangladesh from vigilant aspect is not satisfactory. Answer to the weakness may be found in the discussion on the contemporary political situation of Bangladesh, the party rule and also to some extent in the history and vertical culture of Bangladesh. 3.3.2.1 Confrontational Democracy in Bangladesh After a successful mass movement against the autocratic military regime in 1990, parliamentary system of government had been reintroduced in Bangladesh. However, in 2006 that is after 15 years, democracy is yet to be consolidated in Bangladesh. Rather behind the faade of democracy, exists, instability, weak political institutions, patrimonial politics, personalized political parties, patron-client relation and absence of political consensus (Kochanek, 2000: 530). Researchers and scholars have termed such democracy rather partial or quasi-liberal or illiberal democracy (Kochanek, 2000; Hossian,2000; Zafarullah, 2003). They have pointed out the personalistic rule of the political leaders of two major parties and the existing confrontation among them, as well as the mentality of playing zero-sum game in politics. During this democratic era (1990-2006), political legitimacy rested on free and fair elections. However, democratic rule in Bangladesh had been subverted by the majoritarianism of the winning party (or the coalition) and as well as by the pique of the losing party (Zafarullah, 2003:288). During the 1990s the major political blocks had become divided over conflicting definitions of Bangladeshi identity, national heroes and liberation war symbols (Kochanek, 2000:531). Such division did not remain confined within the political elites but have influenced all social groups willingly or unwillingly. This division had become compounded when dynastic political leaders of the two major parties engaged in bitter, personal struggle to restore their patrimonial right to control over the state and polarized the whole nation. Ultimately such polarization has been used for political expedience that

and 5 investigate with mostly primary and secondary data into the matter and try to point out the causes for such weak nature of vigilance of the civil society organizations.

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affected the democratic growth of civil society. This was just the opposite to democratic culture that was expected to develop through the reintroduction of democracy in 1990. At the administration level, during this period, political factors often determined the choice of people for key position in the governmental hierarchy, while personnel were shuffled within the civil service and statuary bodies according to partisan agendas. Public Policy domain has always been bureaucratized or maneuvered by the ruling party dictates to serve vested political and economic interest. There is very little scope for the policy networks integrating state and advocacy coalition (Zafarullah, 2003:285). Intrusion of civil society into policy arena is looked on suspiciously. Civil society organizations were discriminated based on their links to ruling party or the opponents, and educational institutions, especially universities and colleges, had been used by the major political parties to further their political objective. The press and private electronic media were relatively free but each news paper had tilt to either side of the political coalitions and often the private television channels were owned by the political business magnets. Though democratic, practically no regime have provided the enough space and showed responsiveness to the participation of civil society organizations in Bangladesh. The law, society, donor initiative, social tradition has led to the proliferation of civil society organizations. However, confrontational politics played by the two major political parties through the instruments of clientelism, patronage, nepotism corruption, violence have co-opted, politicized, weakened and polarized the civil society groups and undermined their ability to participate in political process, contribute to governance and democracy.

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In a nutshell it may be agreed that, with the retreat of the army and subordination of the bureaucracy, Bangladesh had entered Partyarchy19 (Governance Report 2006:20). The winning party enjoys monopoly of power for the duration of their electoral term, political decision making power centers around the Prime Ministers office (the Prime Minister herself and her closest political advisors). The society and civil society are politicized according to political line. And such party-society relation is based on clientelistic incorporation. The features are common in rule of either of two major political parties and their coalitions who are constantly confronting each other. 3.3.2.2 Elite Composition-Politics and Civil Society A brief introduction to the socio-political status of the political elites as well as civil society elites may provide a clear picture of the democracy, politics and civil society in Bangladesh. The four main actors in Bangladesh politics are the Political leaders, bureaucrats, military and rural land owners.
Table 3.3 Professions of parliament members 1973 to 2001 Business Lawyers Landowners Politicians Year 1973 1991 1996 2001 24 61 49 60 27 18 19 12 15 6 10 7 13 10 7 3 Other 23 5 15 18 Total 102* 100 100 100

Source : State and Governance in Bangladesh. 2006. Dhaka: BRAC, page 14. *Due to round figure percentage, total did not add up to 100%.

Table 3.3. shows the percentage of parliament members belonging to different occupations in the year 1973 that is just after independence of Bangladesh and 1991 beginning of the democratic age and also of 1996, 2001. The table shows a clear entrance of the rich business class in politics and decline of the politics of the landholders and

A democratic political system in which political parties monopolize the formal political process and politicize society along party line (Coppedge: 1994:18), discussed in details in chapter five.
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lawyers. So the recent development among the political elites is the entrance of the business class besides the politicians. Retired civil servants and high ranking army officials have also entered the electoral politics, who also consider themselves as businessmen (Maniruzzaman, 1994:151). 3.3.2.2.1 Civil Society Elites Civil society in Bangladesh is rich in associations and group working both at the local and national level. However, all civil society organizations, working at different geographic level dont have same power, influence, connection, or network, nor do they receive same type of attention from the other actors in society and political system. Civil society consists of elite and non-elite civil society groups. Naturally, intellectuals, large development NGOs, apex organizations and their leaders form the elite section of civil society. At national level, active civil society elites are group of intellectuals related to the think tanks and citizens groups like, Centre for Policy Dialogue or shujon (good citizens), democracy watch, FEMA; different advocacy organizations like human rights groups, environment groups formed mainly by lawyers practicing at the capital and divisional towns; leaders or chairman of the Large NGOs like Grameen Bank (Muhammad Yunus), BRAC (Fazle Hasan Abed), Proshika (Kazi Faruque Ahmed). As, mentioned before business men are important force in Bangladesh politics and naturally their national apex associations like Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce and Industries (FBCCI) receive important attention from the government and political parties. Moreover, the leaders of the apex organizations of trade unions and other professional groups also emerge as powerful actors influencing the state and being influenced by the political elites. Both tension and cooperation exists among the different groups of civil society actors active at the national level. However, the network among these actors is rather 111

weak and factious. Apex body of each group is divided along party line albeit having strong links to higher ups within the government, bureaucracy and political parties. In case of large development NGOs powerful connection are also maintained with the foreign donors. Nevertheless, in all cases, the relation is not as equal partners or honorable stake holders or interest groups but in a vertical manner, where the civil society leaders are considered as the less powerful and placed in a lower position and the politicians, administrators and donors as the powerful, located in a higher position. Furthermore, though the development NGOs are considered as apolitical and pro-market and horizontally organized, the relationship between larger and smaller NGOs is more like particularistic patron-client ties. Smaller local NGOs may receive funding through, or on the recommendation of, or as a result of advice from, larger NGOs; and this relationship may continue with broader ties of reciprocal but unequal exchange (White 1999: 314). Elite presence may also be observed, among the civil society organization working at the local level where their number is vast. Local civil society elite group is rather a combination of NGOs active in the local area and rural elites who often are landlords or businessmen. The local elites may also have membership in the local council. While the NGOs at present are very much aligned with the local status-quo, the local elites are again entangled in a reciprocal but vertical relation with political elites and administration. They are the brokers between the urban political leaders and poor villagers. NGOs specially those having development projects with foreign funds enjoys an important position among the community and also administrators as they bring resources to the area. On the other hand, local clubs and cooperatives are either dominated by the political elites or their supporter and musclemen. Thus they become

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powerless and have no effect on the local administration, even if they may have upon the community. 3.3.2.3 Internal Characteristics of Civil Society Organizations After understanding identity of civil society elites, it is important to understand how is the internal situation of CSOs in Bangladesh. Civil society organizations are here of different types, so this sections will try to give general idea about the leader member relationship of the most common types of civil society organizations. Well known CSOs are the development NGOs working at the rural level of Bangladesh having their head quarters at Dhaka or a metropolitan city. These NGOs act as the service provider and micro-credit giver and collector to their beneficiaries. The beneficiary groups and their members formed by these NGO are not regarded as member of the NGOs but as beneficiaries or service receivers and NGO field worker acts in most cases as office representative or banker to them. In a report on the internal governance of the NGOs conducted by the Transparency International Bangladesh20 a few hard facts about the internal situation of the NGOs have been revealed. The governing bodies are formed by relatives of the executive officer, such members just attend meetings but never visit NGOs, and beneficiaries are hardly included in the governing board. In case of governance, the executive head often takes decisions unilaterally. NGO has no accountability to the other officers and workers as well as the beneficiaries on matters of financial management. Often NGOs are very rigid in providing information about their

Problems of Governance in the NGO Sector : The Way Out, Transparency International Bangladesh, October , 2007, on http://www.ti-bangladesh.org/research/NGO_Study_Report_Full_Draft.pdf, internet access, 13th November, 2007.
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organization to the public 21 . Besides, NGOs are involved in bribing the government officers and they themselves are also corrupt22. It is not only NGOs but at the rural level there are cooperative and small local clubs. Here in the case of cooperatives, they are organized and often controlled by the BRDB officials. Elections are regularly held for the central cooperative committee; however, the BRDB officers conduct the process. This happens mostly in the case of cooperatives formed by very poor farmers or destitute women who hardly understand the whole system and are more interested in receiving the loans. In case of cooperatives for landed farmers and small businessmen, members are more concerned about the system. In this case, the leaders of the cooperatives with the help of the cooperative officer or a local political leader try to keep his own control over the loan and savings of the cooperatives and distribution of the loan. Cooperative members have not yet gained independency of managing their groups by themselves. This is partly due to their ignorance and partly due to the all controlling attitude of the leader. The same comments may be made about the beneficiary group or micro-credit groups formed by the NGOs. In case of local clubs and welfare groups, the situation differs from group to group. There may be a few well organized clubs holding elections regularly and taking decisions unanimously. However, more common is that these organizations run by a permanent committee where there is hardly any rotation in the posts of chairman and members. So internal environment of the group, solely depends on the organizing skill or wish of the leader. Often leaders of such clubs are the local elites or their sons. In most cases the

The present researcher herself and other surveyors also had faced such problems while trying to interview the NGOs and collect more information from those organizations. 22 Corruption is (i) a hidden violation of a contract that, implicitly, states a delegation of responsibility and the exercise of some discretionary power, (ii) by a public agent (the bribee) who, against the interests or preferences of the principal (its public organization) (iii) acts in favor of a third part (the briber) from which he receives a reward (the bribe). The resources exchanged can be various: the gain can be a direct or indirect one, it can involve money but also other utilities and services, the exchange of commodities may be simultaneous or delayed, the value of goods may also differ (della Porta and Vannucci 1999, 16).
21

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rural local elites belong to either of the two national political coalitions. Reflection of such political support is found in the clubs activities. In case of professional groups, interest groups and citizens association as well as labor unions at the urban and meso level, elections are held regularly and the process takes place so far in a democratic way. But often it becomes political. During elections different panels of candidates contest and each panel represent each major political party. This means that organization members are all divided into different blocks supporting a political party or coalition. Naturally the panel that are elected to the executive committee works for only those who voted for them and acts as the representative of the political party it supports and introduce party ideology and agenda within the organization. In case of, labor unions the circumstances are more complicated as the union leaders often act as the muscle man for the political leaders and use violent means to negotiate with the authorities and some times even misappropriate wages of the regular labors in name of membership dues. From our discussion on the internal relationship of CSOs there are hints of corruption, nepotism, non-democratic mentality, clientelistic attitude23 and politicizations. As the organizational structure and performance style of the CSOs are not horizontal or democratic it has a high possibility to be influenced by the vertical social relations and confrontational political atmosphere. Question arises how participatory can these civil society be to earn a vigilant role in strengthening democracy. Further investigation into

Patron-client relationships are based on direct, face-to-face encounters between individual elites and poor people and are characterized by little or no formal structure. They may be explained as an exchange of relations between roles; a special case of two persons' ties involving a large instrumental friendship in which an individual of higher socio-economic status (patron) uses his own influence and resources to provide protection and/or benefits to a person of lower status (client) who, for his part, reciprocates by offering general support and assistance, including personal services, to the patrons (Scott 1972, 178). Through out this thesis, patron-client relation and clientelism has been alternatively used implicating same meaning.
23

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their nature of civil society activities has become essential to understand their democratic potentiality. Moreover, better understanding about the nature of political party and civil society relation is essential as national politics has often direct contribution in forming factions within the organizations and their nature of functioning. Before entering into such discussion, an introduction to the contemporary party system of Bangladesh is necessary to understand the circumstances.

3.3.2.4 Political Party System in Bangladesh Since last half of the twentieth century we may observe a steady growth of rich literatures on Political Parties-their types, system, organization (Duverger, 1978, Kirchheimer, 1966, Lapalombara 1966, Sartori 1976, Panebianco, 1988, Gunther and Diamond, 2003,). The nature and performance of political parties in Bangladesh are transforming and often partially fit in and sometimes differ from established classifications developed by experts on political party. From the consideration of political opportunity structure, nature and performance of civil society and level of democracy has been mostly influenced by the character and activities of political parties in contemporary Bangladesh. Along with strong influence of culture, autocratic rule and of course donor policies, and formal institutions of laws, it is the political parties that have played an important role in shaping participatory nature of civil society and style of its political involvement. Bangladesh politics in the first 18 years of its independence have faced government turnovers and military coups detats with no party competition. So there was a monopoly of a section of politicians, bureaucrats, military and their parties. Insecure political and economic institutions led the political parties to use patronage and 116

clientelism to build and maintain organizational base. After the end of the autocratic rule in 1990 and reintroduction of parliamentary system of government, a competitive but confrontational party system may be observed in Bangladesh. Results of the parliamentary election of 1991, 1996 and 2001 indicated that the party system has moved towards a de facto two party system (Table 3.3.). Table 3.4 Percentage of share of seats and votes secured by parties in general elections
Political Parties 1973 1979 1986 1988 1991 1996 2001

AL

97.7 73.2

13.0 24.5 69 41.2 6.7 10.1 6 14 5.3 10.2

25.3 26.2 51 42.3 3.3 4.6 9.7 10.6 10.7 16.3

83.7 68.4 8 18 8.3 13.6

29.3 30.1 46.7 30.8 11.7 11.9 6 12.1 5.3 10.7 1 4.4

48.7 37.4 38.7 33.6 10.7 16.4 1 8.6 0.6 2.9 0.3 1.1

19 40.1 65 41 1.3 1.1 5.6 4.3 6.3 9.4 2.3 4.1

Seat (%) Vote (%) Seat (%) Vote (%) Seat (%) Vote (%) Seat (%) Vote (%) Seat (%) Vote (%) Seat (%) Vote (%)

BNP

Jatiya Party

Jamat Islami Bangladesh

Other Parties

0.6 21.5

Independents

1.7 5.3

Source: N. Ahmed, 2003:56 and statistical report on 8th general election 2001 from the website of the Secretariat of the election Commission of Bangladesh at http://www.ecs.gov.bd/report.php3 access date 6th August, 2007.

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Political parties in Bangladesh are divided in two major blocks -right centric and left centric. The Major two party are Awami League (AL) the left centric party aligned with other left minded small political parties and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) aligned with other Islamic minded parties (Hossain 2000:520, N. Ahmed 2003:60). Both the parties have the same probability to win general election and form the cabinet with their coalition partners. Since 1991, BNP has served the government twice (1991-1996; 2001-2006) and AL once (1996-2001) with their coalition or supporting partners. As both the major political parties are centrist, apparently they have converged into catch-all parties 24 (Katz and Mair, 1995; Kirchheimer 1966) with no radical or identifying ideology from each other concerning national and foreign policy. Both the parties now attract supporters from all segments of the society showing allegiance to their policies. The principle of market economy and democracy has been embraced by both the parties. However, they differ fundamentally in their interpretation of the emergence of Bangladesh and the identity of the nation. Awami League and the left block Communist Parties believe in the national identity of Bangali for the citizens of Bangladesh and show their faith to the fundamental principles of the 1972 constitution- Nationalism, democracy, secularism and socialism, and also accepts capitalistic economy. On the other hand, BNP and its other Islami religious based political party (Jamate-Islami- Bangladesh) and also General Ershads Jatiya Party, believe in the national identity of Bangladeshi which accepts the four fundamental principles of the present constitution- trust and faith in all
24 Kirchheimer (1966:185) argued that class line parties and integrating mass parties (Duverger, 1978) have
gone through transformation and become more effective in electoral terms. These parties have turned into catch-all parties embracing nationwide clientele. They began to make broader appeals, trying to catchsupports from all classes (Katz and Mair, 1995:12). Only major-parties can become successful catch-all parties. The catch-all party finds its permanent clientele among the interest groups though they also represent citizens beyond group activities (Kirchheimer, 1966:194). In the Third World countries, often nationalistic mass parties have transformed into catch-all party as they gained victory over the colonial powers and became elected to the state power and engaged in state and nation building.

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mighty Allah (God), nationalism, democracy and socialism meaning economic and social justice, and accepts capitalistic economy. Therefore, the ideological difference is not on liberalism or socialism but based on history and on the debate on including the religion in to politics or not25. However, such use of national identity, and Islam in politics in most cases have only rhetoric and strategic value to influence the society, penetrate social institutions and groups and win elections and establish party dominance in all walks of social, economic and political life. 3.3.2.4.1 Nature of Party Rule in Contemporary Bangladesh During their rule and as opposition, both the parties constantly infringed the rule of the democratic game as partisan interests got priority over national concerns and personalities were favored over principles. The ruling party had always persecuted the opponent parties unjustly and arbitrarily. The ruling and opposition, irrespective of which party was in position, were always confronting each other. Instead of resolving problems and ventilating their grievances at the floors of the parliament, opposition parties have
25 Historical fact to identity crisis: In Bangladesh, history instead of creating a common purpose and
identity has created mutual antagonism and distrust among the various political groups (Huq, 1985:18). The role of different groups for and against the causes of Independent Bangladesh during the Liberation War in 1971 and their activities afterwards have provoked ideological division within the nation. Bangladeshi citizens are still in confusion and debate whether they should identify themselves as Bengalis or Bangladeshi. These two identities polarize the nation into two brand of groups. In the 1972 constitution, the citizenship of Bangladesh was defined as Bengali (article-6) and the Bengali nationalism was defined as the unity and solidarity of Bengali nation which deriving its identity from its language and culture, attained sovereign and independent Bangladesh through a united and determined struggle in the war of independence(article-9). Here language and culture which formed the nucleus of an identity separate from Pakistan was chosen the way religion was picked up by the same community from the Indian Hindus during the forties as at that time, religious differences was perceived to be crucial variables (Iftekharuzzaman and Rahman, 1986:18). In course of events Bengali identity based on only culture and language appeared inadequate at both elite and mass level perception. Doubts were raised as to the criterion of a separate identity as distinct from the millions of Bengali speaking people living across the border in West Bengal of India with undistinguishable culture. Obviously the choice was again religious factor. Thus secularism which formed one of the four state principles was replaced under the fifth constitutional amendment of 1979 by "Absolute Trust and Faith in Almighty Allah to be the basis of all actions". 25 The national identity was changed from Bengali to Bangladeshi to project the image of Bangladesh as a distinctive Muslim nation. The controversy whether we should call ourselves Bengali or Bangladeshi is still on fire as both the groups are equally strong and proceeding in a parallel way. It is the recede of historical conflicts tempered by ideological belief that appears to be a key variable affecting consensus building on such a fundamental issue. Besides, as, the beneficiaries in lingering this identity crisis which has polarized the nation, are political elites on both sides, it is observed that there is little possibility of resolving the problem and reaching a consensus in near future (Tasnim, 2002: 60-61).

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always gone to the streets and created disorder that had wide social and economic ramifications. Both parties sheltered and nurtured law breakers to use them to realize their political ends. Political culture or practice has yet to reach the level where the parties are ready to engage in political games played within democratic rules and norms. Therefore, these parties always underestimate each others political strength and urge to establish their monopolistic rule by simply knocking out the other believing that the losing party will simply fade away (Hossain, 2000:521). A participatory democratic practice were absent in either AL or BNP since their inception and always the policy of co-optation, patronage and charisma has been the force of integration within these parties. Same policy has been used to build political support. Dominant tendency of both the supreme leaders of AL and BNP is to define politics in zero-sum manner. Historically, they have been each others rival; moreover they fail to cooperate as they underestimate each others strength and urge to establish a monopolistic rule by knocking out the other (Hossain, 2000:521). The political upheavals during 2006 and early 2007 26 , indicates, that there is hardly any scope for growing cooperation, understanding and accommodative norms in their interaction in near future. Moreover, internal organizations of each party and their decision making process is neither democratic nor decentralized. Parties have official units at division, district and sub-district and also at the union/ward level (Governance Report, 2006: 17). Their

On January 10, 2007 a state of emergency had been declared in Bangladesh and the 9th general election to the parliament had been called off. A non-political, non-elected, technocrat government, strongly backed by the army, is in charge of the state affairs in Bangladesh. Such outcome is the direct consequence of the politics of confrontation, politicization, corruption and nepotism. The incumbent party-BNP, had been accused by the opposition AL, for forming false voter list and politicizing the election commission and the interim government that were given the responsibility to conduct the due election an allegation though partly true was always denied by the BNP government. The stubborn opposition during the deadlock situation has refused to compromise with any of their demands and took the fight to the streets that left 45 dead and hundred injured. They also decided to boycott the election. The good faith from both the sides, to solve the problem was questioned. This has lead to a halt to the democratic process in Bangladesh (Times, 25th January, 2007, The New York Times, 12 January, 2007, The Economist 10 February, 2007, The Daily Star from October to December, 2006).
26

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informal link and control goes down to the grass-roots level. The local branches are just extended agencies of the parties. Practically parties are organized centering the symbolic leader using the charisma of her predecessor. Chairman of most of the parties enjoys widespread powers, including the power to take unilateral actions (Ahmed, 2003:61). The constitution of the each party provides huge control of power to the party chairman that ultimately leads to concentration of power in one hand. Party councils are hardly held in case of either BNP or AL and always the same leader is elected without any contestation. Other members of the steering committee are often selected by the personal choice of the chairman and her associates. 3.3.4.2.2 Third Parties As both parties popular support among the citizens is equally strong neither AL nor BNP has been able to form government on its own. They required alliance and support from other political parties and blocks. The most important kingmakers that emerged during the democratic age are Jatiay Party and Jamat Islami Bangladesh. Jatiya Party is a personalistic party27 formed by General Ershad to give legitimacy and civilian face to his military rule and did not differ with BNP in ideology or policy. Despite the loss of power and imprisonment of General Ershad, the party managed to win significant number of seats in the 1991, 1996 and 2001 election that gave it the power to negotiate with the majority parties and gain strategic favors in turn of giving them support. Up to, 2006, Jatiya Party had continued its tactics of changing its support to either AL or BNP based on negotiation that were based not only on favors and promises to government posts but also hard cash money. Using the same strategy of playing the role of the kingmaker, Jamat Islami Bangladesh,- different from other secular political parties,

27 Personalistic party provides the vehicle for the leader to win an election and exercise power. Such party is constructed or converted by an incumbent or aspiring national leader exclusively to advance his or her national political ambition (Gunther and Diamond, 2003:187).

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aiming to establish an Islamic state, have emerged as a major political broker and since 2001, became a coalition partner to the BNP Governement. It is the continuation of the Jamat Islami party of former East Pakistan, which finds it origin in the Jamat Islami Party formed in 1941 under British India. Though the party have substantial support strength at the grass-roots level and its student wing is quite strong in comparison to other parties, Jamat Islami Bangladesh do not have acceptability to a large section, mainly centre-left block for their controversial role during the independence movement. However,

accommodation, co-optation and integration of Islamist elements and forces in politics have always been a strategy of expediency by the political leaders in Bangladesh to gain legitimacy and popular support (BRAC, 2006). 3.3.4.2.3 Nature of Building Social Support Jahan (2005:200) comments that political parties do not emphasize in building party platform on the basis of specific socio-economic programs nor do they address their party platform to specific socio-economic group. They never concentrate in developing group of supporters genuinely dedicated to the partys goal. This happens because of the presence of patron-client network, factions, charismatic leadership in party organization. The political leadership of the country irrespective of ideology and party belong to the intermediate class that has links both at the urban and rural level28. They imply patron client network in ensuring their political support at the grass-roots level. Political parties co-opt patrons in various localities, who in- turn divert their clients votes or support to

28 Historically, Roots to the modern political actors in Bangladesh may be found in feudal kinship based society. Agrarian society of Bengal was always a hierarchical society. The agriculture based vertical patronclient and kinship network that developed in the rural area was extended to the urban area. The same rural elites who had influence upon the social and economic life of the peasants also became the urban political leaders. During the British colonial period and after wards, the Bangladesh society has been penetrated by the formal political institutions headed by these politicians who had used their vertical networks to maintain their reign upon the society. So the mobilization that has been taken place among the local and rural level has been for the causes of status-quo and urban politicians, not in favor of the rural poor (Broomfield, 1976).

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the particular political parties. Since, clients owe allegiance to the patron and not to the party; various parties compete with each other to increase their support group of patrons (Jahan, 2005:200). Who are these, patrons? In most cases local elite, local council chairman or member and recently the civil society organizations and development NGOs. They are the clients to the political parties, the brokers between the government and people through the parties. In this manner every segment of the society is politicized both at the rural and urban level. Civil society organizations are of no exception to the process. 3.3.2.5 Political Parties Penetrating Civil Society Like India, civil society has always existed and often became strongly active in Bengal long before the Bangladesh state came into effect. Since then, there has been strong aligning relationship between the civil society and political parties. From historical context it is often difficult to evaluate the role of the civil society totally separating it from political parties. However, it has to be admitted that during British Colonial period and Pakistani period the relationship between these two sectors was of alliance but not cooptation29. On the contrary, contemporary situation is of penetration by the politically powerful parties upon the weak and divided civil society.

During the British colonial period the relation between the state and the emerging civil groups rising against the colonial power was naturally confrontational. Western educated local elite in Bengal both Hindu and Muslims started the education and social reform movements which subsequently became associated with anti-colonial resistance. Ultimately, these movements led to the formation of Indian National Congress-an official platform for expressing growing national consciousness in 1885 and Muslim League in 1906 in Dhaka to lobby for Muslim political rights. It is these two organizations sometimes in parallel ways, some time through alliance and some times competitively lead the anti-British movement for independent India and Pakistan (Baxter, 1984: 17-28; Robinson, 1989:116-146). In course of Pakistani rule (1947-1971), the secondary political actors (civil society leaders) of East Pakistan launched numerous protests and movements against what they termed as attempts by the ruling circle of Pakistan, consisting mainly of Punjabs, to impose cultural-economic-political domination upon Bengalis (Mamoon and Ray, 1998: 16). There was always a coalition between the civil society and politicians, for instance, the language movement of 1952, 6-point movement for autonomy in 1966, Mass movement against the General Ayubs autocratic rule in 1969 and finally the War of Independence 1971. The language movement was first initiated by the student groups and intellectuals backed by the political leaders and afterwards gained support from all sections of the Bengali society in East Pakistan (Jahan, 1972:44). On the other hand, the 6-point movement was initiated by the political party Awami Leageue with necessary theoretical and technical assistance provided by economists and support from different sections of the civil society like businessmen, labor, bureaucrats, even the rural poor (Jahan, 1972: 87-89).
29

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In contemporary Bangladesh that is after the 1990s very few civil society organizations in Bangladesh may be termed neutral. Political party loyalty, communalism and class distinction tend to split most of the civil society organizations. A vast majority of social organizations operating within the private space are simply front organizations of various political parties. Instead of representing the collective interest of the people, these civil society organizations are mainly engaged in the practice and promotion of the ideas and interests of a given brand of politics (Quadir 2003, 432). No institution in the country seems to be able to stay above the partisan conflict and confrontational politics (Jahan, 2005:262). In the present research survey, CSOs were asked to rate the influence of 15 types of actors in politics on a scale from 1 to 7. Among the 15 types of actors, political parties were rated the highest with a mean of 6.48 (Standard Deviation=1.189). But when they were asked to rate the cooperation that existed between them and political parties on the same scale from 1 to 7, they rated very low with a mean of 2.61, but a standard deviation of 1.74. Moreover, the survey data reveals that the percentage of civil society organizations contacting the ruling party and opposition party is 64% and 51% respectively. So there is relatively high percentage of contact with powerful parties though low rate of formal cooperation. This implies a lack of formal or horizontal relationship between civil society and political parties which may lead us to infer a vertical (powerful and weak) relationship existing between them. This has become evident through the informations gathered from interviews with resource individuals and from personal observation of Bangladesh society and politics.

The war of Independence was a full-fledged movement that gained support from the whole nation and affected almost all citizen of Independent Bangladesh in 1971.

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Figure 3.5 Vertical Links between civil society and Political Parties in Bangladesh (elaborated model)
Protect Supporters from unwanted politicaland police harassment, rentseeking, and miscreants Ensure necessary personal patronage likejob, promotion, winning tender, contracts, license, moregovt. advertisem entsinthe media, govt.loans Providin gshelter to outlaws, criminals ,rent seekers, corrupt officials etc.as they have shown political support Distributing political patronage like recruiting thecivil society leadersto highgovt.or constitutiona lposts Affiliationto govt.party, ensureseasy accessto administration andbetter dealingwith lessbribery Ensuring party loyaltyat thegrass rootslevel strata Providing necessary organizational baseforstreet politicslike stagingmass meeting, demonstration, violentprotest, strikeetc. Protecting party interest executing partypolicy atdifferent institutes like education, industry, business, welfare, govt. institutes andeventhe media Cabinet

Government&Parliament

Rulingpartycontrol Bureaucracy
Court

Opposition

PoliticalParty

Providi ng Financi al suppos etothe parties

Ensuring voters bankfor the political party

Providin g different typesof support during election

typesofcivil
society groups

Different

NGOs

Interest Groups

Local voluntary groupsand cooperatives

LaborUnion andTrade Organizations

andother typesof organizati ons

Source: Drawn by the author based on information gathered through personal observation and interviews

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The vertical give and take relationship existing between the political parties and different civil society organizations understood from such interviews has been expressed through a simple diagram (Figure 3.5). At the top of the figure are the major Bangladeshi political parties. They have the same possibility to win a general election and form coalition cabinet as well as enjoy full control over the state, administration, and judiciary or become the opposition in parliament and engage in violent street politics. In the lower portion of the figure are the civil society organizations of different categories. At the midsection of the diagram, two contrasting paradigms may be observed. The arrows going up and down show vertical give and take process constantly taking place among the civil society organizations and political parties. The political parties from above, with their available state resources, distribute legal and in most cases illegal favors to CSOs or their leaders. The political parties and in most cases the ruling party with its access to all state facilities and resources, try to buy the civil society leaders and a section of their followers by providing easy access to the administration, offering high government and constitutional posts, special official favors, personal patronage like job, promotion, winning tender, license and to the extent of giving shelter to the criminals and corrupt officials. The civil society leaders and members who provide support to the political party are often protected from police harassment, rent seeking or miscreants. With receiving such favors and patronage, civil society organizations and leaders from their lower position are sending all the necessary rational and irrational as well as monetary support up toward political parties. With such support the political parties ensure their control upon different institutions and economic sectors, loyalty at the grass-root level, ensure vote banks, and also gain the necessary organizational base for staging protests, strikes etc when they are in opposition. In the process, the CSOs lose their independent status and become divided, determined by their members' party affiliation. The background

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texture for the civil society organizations in the diagram symbolizes the divided or polarized situation of civil society. It is to be mentioned that all these vertical dealing among the civil society and political parties take place in an informal manner and behind the formal structure as there is no rule or provision by which neither CSOs can receive money or any favor from a political party though it can from the state or foreign donors and from rich persons or enterprise as donations, nor can CSOs contribute to political parties. We may simplify the complex picture by drawing another figure that may give a quick idea of the present civil society and political party relations (figure 3.6). Figure 3.6 Simplified model of the civil society and political party relation in Bangladesh

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Naturally, the cooptation and division of the civil society that had been developed through history and controversy over national identity before, turns out to be intensified by patronage, clientelism, corruption etc30. This vertical link based on patron-client relation, patronage etc., existing in the political system of Bangladesh reaches up to highest post of the government machine the Prime Minister and may go down to a poor farmer or a laborer. The local leaders and civil society organizations, NGOs are clients to the state and patrons to the citizens and villagers (Islam 2001, 213). It has been revealed through discussion with the resource individuals that, interests of the clients cover group favors such as project sanctions, financial grants, and creating job options as well as personal favors including government loans, employment, promotion, business grants and licenses, government contracts, legal matters, and simple favors such as medical help. In return, the government and political parties receive loyalty and support from different sections of the social strata, financial and logistic support during elections, gain party control over different institutions and
30 Vertical norms like patron-client relation, patronage, nepotism, corruption are powerful indigenous
factors deep rooted in Bangladesh society (Tasnim, 2006). Factionalism and patron-client network have formed the base of social organization (Jahan, 2005, 1999). These cultures have developed through centuries in the rural society and afterwards generated into the urban area with migration of the rural elites and their entrance into politics (Broomfield, 1976). While the present ruling elites of Bangladesh have a moral commitment to Western political philosophies such as democracy or socialism, in practice they rely on the patron-client relationship to run the state and political parties (Islam 2001, 429). As kinship linkages are influential in Bangladeshi social culture, nepotism is extended not only to direct family members but to lineage, relatives (including those linked through marriage ties), and neighbors and friends. In connection to corruption, Nobel Laureate Professor Yunus comments, [N]othing gets done unless you bribe, it's part of life. It's not the law or rule any more, its how you are paying (The Daily Star, 18 January 2007). In the report on Bangladesh in 2004 by Transparency International, the sectors of political parties and NGOs were identified as moderately corrupt; that is, considered as corrupt actors in 1.1 to 3 percent of the total media reports on corruption. Among the individuals involved in corruption, 2.6 percent were from NGOs and 2.6 percent were political leaders and workers. The most corrupt individuals were officers/employers of the government sector (71.9%). In such informal system civil society organizations entangles in a vertical relation with political parties, local governments and bureaucracy undermining their autonomy and ability to articulate their independent interests and demands. Violence and violent expression of demands are another weak point for Bangladeshi civil society. As the government and political leaders hardly pay attention to peaceful protests of the opposition or petitions and advice from CSOs, often demands are expressed through violent strikes and demonstrations. Such violent civil society mobilizations are then utilized by the opposition to their political ends. (Scott: 1976, Alagappa 2004, Zafarullah 2003, Tasnim 2006, Davis and Mcgreor 2002)

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even the media and ensure necessary organizational base for staging mass protests. Such politicization rather political penetration is observed among all types of civil society organizations, both urban and rural base, traditional and modern. Traditional organizations like, labor unions, professional associations, university groupings, chambers of commerce and even, news papers are identified primarily for their political affiliations. Ruling parties whether Awami league or BNP, have directly shown through their decisions and actions that they give special support and rewards to those CSOs that positively helped them in winning elections and act directly against those selected CSOs that have collaborated with their opposition party. Labor union leaders, rather than promoting workers interest, are motivated to take undue advantage from their position or links with political parties or higher government functionaries (Zafarullah, 2003:295). Not only in traditional or urban based organizations, political penetration is also observed in the rural society. In the last 10 years, there has been change in the rural social structure, power relation as well as social interaction which have been very much influenced by the changes and policies of political actors at the capital. In their study on the change in the contemporary rural power structure in Bangladesh, Faruque et.al. (2007) have revealed interesting changes where links with the political parties have turned out to be the most important factor in rural power sources while before it was the possession of landed property, family heritage, wealth etc. Another significant change in the rural society is the new type of grouping and rivalry within the rural society reflecting the polarization and confrontation found in national politics.

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Modern development NGOs and their apex organization named Association for Development Agencies for Bangladesh (ADAB) were considered neutral or apolitical so far. However, since 1990, ADAB entered into political conflict which became severe in 2000. This has ultimately led to the division among the NGO community31. While the NGOs at the national level are politically divided, at the local level they have been identified as the new patrons to the poor, both in relation to providing them with microcredit and mediating with other power structures on their behalf. These matters however fact they are yet to be well investigated with more concrete data and real evidences than just observation and realization. To understand why the civil society in Bangladesh is unable to contribute in democratic consolidation despite its recognized success in social development, it has become necessary to understand what are the actions civil society organizations are involved in, whether they are concerned with participatory functions like policy making, lobby, advocacy. Moreover, in the process of such participatory actions, what is the nature of their relation with the political authorities, that is the political parties.

3.4 Conclusion Civil society and its potential to contribute to democracy is determined not by any single factor. However, in combination of different factors like history, culture, external influence, regulatory framework, it is the Political structures that influence the civil society most and simultaneously the nature of democracy. This fact is evident not only in Bangladesh but other developing democracies in Asia. Stable democracy may not necessarily facilitate strong civil society (as it may have been observed in the case of

31

The conflict has been discussed in details based on news paper reports in chapter five.

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India), so as strong civil society may not always lead to consolidated democracy (evident from the Philippine case). Rather, it is the political structures and actors, whether they are political parties, or the elites or even the military dictator, who determine the strength of civil society to act in relation to society, politics, and democracy. So the ultimate power to change the society, bring democracy and strengthen civil society is in the hands of the political decision makers from above not in the people from below. This has become clear in the comparative discussion on the civil society in India, Philippines and Pakistan.

With such understanding the present chapter has further investigated the civil society in Bangladesh, from both aspects of vibrancy and vigilancy to point out the prime factor that determines the nature and strength of civil society in relation to democracy. It have been found that philanthropy culture, donor policy and web of laws for registration have furthered the development of civil society organizations in Bangladesh and led towards service and welfare functions rather than advocacy. The civil society, vibrant from such consideration, have brought a silent revolution at the rural level of Bangladesh and brought better economic life, empowerment and social awareness among the poor and uneducated citizens.

However, besides such vibrancy, a civil society has to be involved in participatory activities, form networks, gain strength to contribute to its ultimate aim democracy as decided by the Neo-Tocquevillean school of arguments and the international donors. This means it also needs to become vigilant. Review of previous researches, observation of present political and democratic situation of Bangladesh shows that civil society is yet to reach such vigilant nature. The present chapter has pointed out the most 131

important factor that has led to such weak position of the civil society in contemporary Bangladesh. It is the political parties and their all powerful penetrative control. This has receded the participatory strength and strong voice of the vibrant civil society to contribute to democracy. Historical developments have helped the political parties to emerge as such powerful and penetrative position as well answers the reason why they have been able to succeed in their endeavor to divide and control the social groups. Cultural traditions of vertical social relationship, explain the nature of political cooptation that has taken place. Foreign donation has been accused of providing the necessary resources for corruption and patronage. Political parties have control over different traditional, professional groups, labor unions, chambers of commence and so on at the central and meso level. Parties have also divided and politicized the rural society according to partisan line. Link with the political parties has become the main source of power for the rural elites. Local civil society organization groups both indigenous ones and small NGOs had to develop good relation with such political local elites. The NGOs have also turned into the new patrons to the poor. Moreover, such NGOs with development projects nationwide have lost their unity influenced by partisan politics.

The present chapter based on comparative discussions, general observation and previous literature reviews on Bangladesh society and politics have developed the main three propositions on Bangladesh civil society, that is, a. it is vibrant from the consideration of number, activeness and success so far in social development; b. the civil society is mostly concerned with social welfare and service functions than participatory functions that are more related to vigilant character and may give it the better strength to contribute to democracy; c. instead of influencing government and 132

political actors, the civil society itself has been co-opted by the powerful political parties that has weakened its potential to contribute to democracy. In its next two steps of investigation the present thesis shall first empirically focus on the basic nature and functions of civil society concerning both grass-roots development and participation and then delve more inside the relation between the civil society and politics in Bangladesh, with the objective to establish the newly formed inferences from chapter three.

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Chapter 4
Rich Grass-roots Actions but Poor Participation
4.1 Introduction Chapter Three, focused on the main factors that have contributed to the development of civil society in Bangladesh which is mostly service and welfare based and weak from political context. The chapter also pointed out the strong influence of political parties that have emerged as powerful institutions through historical and political development and have penetrated and politicized the civil society through vertical relations based on traditional norms of clientelism, nepotism etc. The present chapter based on empirical survey data, investigates, the nature and trends of civil society focusing on their resources, behaviors, relations, nature of activities etc. The survey data reveals rich involvement of civil society in grass-roots actions while indicating their low participation in politics and state related affairs. The data also points out to a partisan and vertical trend in CSOs interaction with the political actors. Chapter five concentrates more on civil society and political party relations. The present study have tried to understand the civil society functions through a largeN scale survey as it provides empirical data directly gathered from the CSOs and the sample data randomly selected that includes all types of CSOs-rural, urban, modern traditional, elite as well as infamous organizations. For understanding the actual situation at the periphery and meso level, this method of gathering data directly from the field is considered better than only focusing on leading national coalitions of CSOs or elite organizations working near the state authority (Tsujinaka, 2002: 34). The broad range of CSOs involved in various types of functions and issues, helps to make a better prediction about the tendency observed in the civil society organization and their inclination in interacting with other political actors. 134

Moreover, the survey is based on a model that provides the opportunity to enter into further comparative study on civil society with other countries (Tsujinaka 2006: 4) to understand uniqueness of civil society in Bangladesh and the common structures or tendency among CSOs in developing countries. Details about the sampling methodology and survey process have been described in the methodology section of chapter two and appendix C and D. Present chapter is broadly divided into three sections; the first section is concerned with the basic characteristics of the CSOs surveyed, second sections is concerned with the involvement of civil society in grass-roots action, while the last section gives a more detailed emphasis on the participatory role of the civil society. First section focuses on the basic attributes like classifications, objectives, policy interest, geographic level of activity, membership, resource sources, budget, volunteers, employees etc. of the CSOs. Moreover, structural strength of the civil society has been compared between CSOs working at national and local level and CSOs receiving and not receiving foreign funds. Their cooperation with other social, political and economic actors have also been inquired. This section provides an over all idea of civil society originations which are found to be mostly welfare and service oriented working at the local and meso level. Besides, membership fee and nominal government grants they receive funds from various non-government organizations and donors and they may have direct or indirect foreign connections. CSOs receiving foreign assistance are better equipped with handsome budget and skilled manpower but with few volunteers. About cooperation among civil society organization and other social political and market actors, it is revealed that the cooperation is mostly common with local government and other civil society actors than the market and political & bureaucratic actors.

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Bangladeshi civil society is service and welfare oriented. Most researches on civil society and NGOs focus mainly on this section of civil society. The present survey also reveals the high involvement of CSOs in grass-roots actions. Civil society organizations have mentioned their activity mainly in the field of economic empowerment, women empowerment, education, health, joint projects with government; network building, legal and political training, social awareness, local representation etc. It has been found that, CSOs participation is high in service providing functions and relatively low in the functions that relate to advocacy training. Participatory actions-to which so far little concentration has been paid by the researchers, occupies most attention of the present research aiming to understand civil societys inability to contribute to democratic consolidation. This is understood in mainly four ways-formal relations with governments, policy making, advocacy and lobby. On focusing on the formal relation between CSOs and government (both national and local) it has been found that though the rate of government guidance and exchanging opinion with the government is high participatory functions like cooperating in policy and budget or sending representative to council or advisory bodies is relatively low. In case of advocacy, the involvement of CSOs on democracy related issues has been found to be extremely low than other welfare or social issues. In case of policy making it has been found that only 13% have been successful in pursuing the government to pass a budget or policy in favor of the interest of the CSO. In case of lobby, the data reveals that it is common among the CSOs to contact directly the authority or powerful political actors in a vertical way rather than organizing horizontally. The method of gaining strength through forming coalition and create pressure on the government in a better organized way or following formal non-political methods of

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lobby have been found to be not popular among the CSOs at the local and periphery level. The tendency to rely more on vertical or inside lobby by the CSOs also indicate to the partisan relation that may be existing between them and the political parties.

4.2 Nature of Civil Society in Bangladesh as Revealed through the Survey Data Through the survey on civil society organizations, 504 CSOs of different categories were interviewed with the aim to understand the structure, value of the CSOs and their relation with state, politics and other actors of the political system. They were also asked about and to evaluate the role of civil society as a whole in Bangladesh 1 . This section provides a few facts from the survey that reveals civil societys basic characteristics and tendencies of CSOs. 4.2.1 Self Categorization by the Civil Society Organizations The present survey was based on eight types of organizations cooperative, voluntary social organizations, NGOs, youth groups, labor unions, trade organizations, professional associations and university-centric organizations. After indicating their status on the meta level, the 504 responding CSOs were again asked to categorize themselves in terms of 13 subcategories that best illustrates the nature of their organizations. 43% had identified themselves as social welfare organizations. Besides NGOs, different professional groups, university based clubs, local clubs, cooperatives also consider them as social welfare organizations. Only 2 (0.4%) CSOs identified them as citizen groups. Figure 4.1 shows the nature of self-classification by the civil society organizations. Another noticing feature is that though Bangladesh is a Muslim majority country where religion plays an important role in the social life of the citizens, only 3(0.6%) organizations have identified themselves as
1

For details see the questionnaire in Appendix C.

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religious group2. CSOs prefer to be identified as social welfare organizations than their other identity3. Figure 4.1 The nature of self-classification by the civil society organizations
45% 40% 35% 30% 25%
CSOs

20% 15% 10% 5% 0%

Sports Economic Professional Labor Education Culture Administration SocialWelfare Citizen NGOs Religious Other Agricultutre

CategoryofCSOs

Answer Rate= 100%, N=504 Madrasas which are popularly known as the religious institutions in South Asia by the Western media, are actually, religious educational institutions and are registered under the ministry of Education in Bangladesh. These, Maradasas have not been targeted in the survey. Only those religious institutions that are registered with the social welfare ministry and are in most cases orphanage cum madarasa (for primary education) have been included in the target population. 3 In further analysis of the activities and nature of participation of civil society, these 13 categories shall be compressed into four broad categories-Economic, Education and Culture, Pressure Group and Welfare & development. Under Economic heading, all CSOs that have identified themselves as economic organization, agriculture organization and labor unions and also CSOs in the other categories. This is because economic and labor groups are related to industry and business and micro-credit, the farmers organization are also cooperatives concerned with loan and micro-credit, again the 5 CSOs that have selected the other options mentioned them selves as either micro-credit groups or business and income related groups. Under the heading of Education and Culture all the CSOs that have identified them as education and research groups, cultural organizations, religious organization and recreational and sports organizations shall be brought together. All CSOs that think they are government or administration related organization, professional groups and citizens group have been combinedly named Pressure group. Lastly, all the social welfare groups and NGOs have been brought under the heading Welfare and Development group.
2

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4.2.2 Policy Interest The CSOs were asked to select the government policies that relates to their objective and functions from a long list of 25 policies. Figure 4.2 shows the list of top 14 policies selected by CSOs. CSOs concentrate their policy interest mainly on a set of overlapping policies like poverty alleviation (72%), social welfare (59%), rural development (59%), health care (25%), and education (47%) that is mostly related to their service providing projects. But other important policies that also relates to development but require advocacies and more negotiation with the authorities, attract the CSOs relatively in a low scale like, environment (8%), Human rights (19%), Law and order (6%), Labor policy (6% ), consumer protection (5%) etc. Figure 4.2 Policy interests of civil society organizations (CSO)

80% 70% 60% 50%

CSOs

40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

Consumer Protection

Education and Sports

Justice and Human Rights

Culture and Religion Local Governement and Administration Environment Policy

Healthcare

Answer Rate 100%, N= 504

Financial Policy

Agriculture Policy

Labor Policy

Law and Order

Poverty Alleviation

Policy Interest

Rural Development

Social Welfare

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Unless, CSOs in a large scale do not come forward on matters like human rights, law and order, labor policy etc. they hardly can contribute to equal society, demand for justice and security. 4.2.3 Objectives If we see the table 4.1.where CSOs have mentioned about the objectives of their organization4, it becomes, clear that, purpose of most of the CSOs is to provide service and Table 4.1 Objective of the civil society organizations
Objectives of CSOs Providing information to members Pursuing economic profit for members Protecting the standard of living and rights of the members/clients Providing education and training opportunities for members/clients Advocating on behalf of the members in order to gain subsidies from government Assisting members in licensing and registration procedures Providing policy recommendations based on technical knowledge for public policy making Providing education and information for the good of the general public Providing service to the general public Providing funds to other organization Number of CSOs in Percentage (%) 251 (50%) 303 (60%) 355 (70%) 259 (51%) 119 (24%) 28 (6%) 33 (7%)

182 (36%) 376 (75%) 34 (7%)

N= 504, Answer rate 100% information to their members, beneficiaries and also the public in general than advocating and interacting with the government for the interest of the members like making policy recommendation (7%), or assisting in licensing & registration (6%) or even advocating for

The CSOs were free to choose as many answers that comply with their organizations objective.

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gaining government subsidy (24%). The civil society organizations have the tendency to work for the society beyond their members or beneficiaries, 75% have mentioned about their purpose to provide service to the general public, moreover, 36% are also interested in educating and informing people for the good of general public. So the data so far, reveals a civil society overwhelmingly social welfare based and eager to serve the society. This implies that the CSOs are mostly involved at local levels of the society which is in need of welfare assistance due to the socio-economic situation. 4.2.4 Geographic Level Geographic level within which the civil society organization limits its activities also reflects to some extent the nature of its participatory role. Naturally CSOs working in larger geographic area has better network and deal with the administration and politics more frequently and have broader social goals than those working at the local level. They are also assumed to have larger budget and better organizing skill. On the other hand, locally based CSOs are mostly concerned with the well-being of the inhabitants of the limited area and lack network and other logistic facilities. Figure 4.3 shows that, majority (82%) of the CSOs surveyed are concentrated at the periphery (union and sub-district) level5. Only 10% function at district level, 6% through out the nation and 2% globally. The local based CSOs are considered to be highly localized, non-political and primarily concerned with poverty alleviation (Kochanek, 1996: 704).

For further analysis on the structural strength, grass-roots action and participatory functions of the CSOs, CSOs working at 5 geographic level shall be brought under two headings-local and national. Those CSOs working at union/ward section and sub-district level shall be termed as Local CSOs while those working at district, national and global level shall be termed as National CSOs.

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Figure 4.3 CSOs active at different geographic level

70% 60% 50% 40%

CSOs

30% 20% 10% 0%

Global National Union/Ward District Sub-Disrtict /Municipality

Geographic Levels

Answer Rate= 100%, N= 504

4.2.5 Member The most important characteristics and strength of civil society from the view point of Neo-Tocquevillean School is its membership. Figure 4.5 shows the pattern of individual members of the CSOs surveyed. It may be observed that most common among the CSOs is to have members within 1 to 1000, where, 26% have members within 20 to 40 persons and 21% have members within 100 to 1000. This reveals that, in most cases the CSOs of Bangladesh are small in respect of numbers. This is natural, for CSOs whos more than 80% are local based. Only few district or nation wide professional groups have been found to have members more than 1000 persons. Again, few well established NGOs that are working 142

through out Rajshahi district as well as the whole nation, have included their beneficiary group members as their organization member. With such large membership these NGOs have entered the last two bars of the figure representing CSOs with members from 1000 to more than 5000 persons. However, in case of large NGOs, observation and previous literatures do not confirm that these large number of NGO beneficiaries are considered or treated as equal members of the NGOs. Rather the relation between NGO officials and beneficiaries may be termed as a relation of powerful, resourceful toward dependents, obliged (Tasnim 2005b, 92,
175, 177; Quadir 1999, 213).

Figure 4.5 The pattern of individual members of the CSOs surveyed

30 25
Pe rce ntage of CS O s

20 15 10 5 0
0.00 1-19 20-39 40-59 60-99 100-999 1000-4999 5000-~

Number of Members

N=504, Answer rate=100%

However, in case of Bangladesh as well as other developing countries, membership alone can neither provide any real picture of the civil society, nor the strength of the civil society organizations. For this we also need to know about their source of income well as their budget, number of volunteers, employees etc.

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4.2.6 Resources Bangladesh is a developing country, naturally membership fee, in most cases do not provide the necessary financial need for the CSOs. They have to look for other resources. As mentioned in Chapter three, donor policy and funds have direct influence on the vibrant nature of the civil society. The world reputed large development-NGOs are very much dependent on foreign funds. Besides, all registered social welfare organizations, youth groups and womens groups are supposed to receive a certain amount of yearly government funds. Though nominal that is about US $30 to US$1506, the government grant inspires the local people to form organizations. Moreover, different government ministries and related semigovernment and autonomous institutions provide loan to Cooperatives and small NGOs. Loan and relief providing organizations like Local Government, PKSF (Palli Karma Shohayak Funds meaning funds to help rural works), BRDB (Bangladesh Rural Development Board) mainly distribute parts from governments development budgets. However, big projects of these institutions often receive foreign funds too. For example, BRDB loan project for the Women Destitute Cooperatives is financed by Asian Development Bank 7 . PKSF that provides loan to small micro-credit NGOs, also receives funds from different international development agencies like World Bank, USAID, IFAD etc8. Besides direct financing from international donor and agencies and foreign NGOs, domestic NGOs provides fund to small NGOs. These funds are basically foreign funds received by large NGO distributing to the small NGOs against the sub-contracted projects. Among the CSOs surveyed, 310 (61%) [Question 1.7] CSOs receives funds from government or non-government sources and 96 (19%) [Question 4.4.b] CSOs admitted of
Booklets published from respective ministries on the rules for providing financial grant and loan to the social welfare organizations and cooperatives. 7 Annual Report of BRDB, 2005. 8 PKSF Website http://www.pksf-bd.org/about_pksf.html access date 21 August, 2007.
6

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receiving foreign assistance through money or service, directly or indirectly. However, a large portion 194, (39%) have mentioned that they do not receive any types of funds. These, are small local groups and cooperatives at the local level and pressure groups at the national level9. Table 4.2 summarizes the sources that the CSOs have mentioned as their resources and the percentage of CSOs benefiting from those sources. Same CSOs may be receiving funds from multiple sources. Table 4.2 Funds providing sources for CSOs other than membership fees
Funds Providing Sources *Number of receiving CSOs (%) 1 2 3 4 5 Government Ministries Local Government PKSF BRDB International Agencies and Donor Countries 6 7 8 9 10 International NGOs Domestic NGOs Domestic Foundations Personal Benevolence No funds receiving CSOs 23(4.6%) 13(2.6%) 1(0.2%) 6(1.2%) 194(38.5%) 256(50.8%) 7(1.4%) 14(2.8%) 15(3%) 36(7%)

N=504, No Answer= 3 (0.6%) * Same CSOs may be receiving funds from multiple sources.

More than 50% CSOs do receive government funds though it may be nominal. From the table it is also revealed that, personal benevolence and philanthropy of domestic

However, there is a possibility that few CSOs simply did not want to mention their sources of income and avoided the question by saying they do not receive any funds outside membership fees. Again, few cooperatives, who may receive loans from BRDB or cooperatives office, do not consider those loans as financial assistance, as they are loans not donations. Moreover, few CSOs had said that, though before they did receive government funds, they no more apply for such funds because of the bureaucratic complicacy and bribing that is involved for the process which makes the nominal amount of money non-worthy to them. [All these information has been gathered from the observation note books written by the surveyors and from the conversations with them during the survey period].

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foundations are not directed to CSOs that are registered or enlisted. In another survey on personal giving by Ahmed and Jahan (2002) it has been found that, more than 80% of philanthropists belonging to the middle class, give away their alms to religious charities orphanages or individual needy persons than to any civil society organization. Moreover, corporate giving is not yet a common practice in Bangladesh, though they may consider it as an implicit responsibility. In another study it has been claimed that big business houses gives more to political organizations than to social organizations and small houses give more to community organizations as protection money10. Objectives and policy interest of the CSOs show a strong tendency toward social welfare and service providing than advocacy or policy recommendation and majority of CSOs rely on outside financial sources-mainly government and foreign funds besides their membership fees. The data also indicates that whether the organization acts at local or national level and whether it receives foreign assistance or not, are the most important factors that determine its nature and membership, besides its category. To get a better view about the structural strength and nature of civil society organizations (CSO), the following three important characteristics of CSOs-volunteer, employee and budget are analyzed by considering the differences found among CSOs on point of acting at local or national level and receiving or not receiving foreign assistance. 4.2.7 Volunteer If we consider volunteer as manpower strength and employee as skill strength, then, we may find the civil society organizations working at the local level (figure 4.6a) and with no-foreign assistance (figure 4.7b) are rich in manpower. In case of CSOs acting at local and

10

Website for Philanthropy and the Third Sector in the Asia and the Pacific on Bangladesh section, http://www.asianphilanthropy.org/countries/bangladesh/index.html access date 14 January, 2007.

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national level, 37% national CSOs dont have any volunteers while only 16% local CSOs work without volunteers. Relatively, trend is high among national CSOs to have volunteers more than 100 persons. Nevertheless, stable volunteer force is possessed by local CSOs. 77% of latter type of CSOs has volunteers ranging from 1 to 50 but only 42% of national CSOs have such pattern of volunteers.
Figure 4.6a Pattern of Volunteer among local and national CSOs
70% 60% 50%
Percentage of CSO

40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Local N a tio na l 0 .0 0 1 5 .9 % 3 8 .6 % 1-19 6 3 .0 % 3 0 .7 % 20-49 1 3 .5 % 1 1 .4 % 50-99 4 .8 % 3 .4 % 100-499 2 .6 % 8 .0 % 500-~ 0 .2 % 8 .0 %

N um be r o f V lunte e rs

N=504, Answer rate= 100%

Figure 4.6b Pattern of Volunteer among foreign assistance receiving and non-receiving CSOs
70% 60% Percentage of CSOs 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 0.00 No Foreign Assistance Receives Foreign Assistance 12.3% 52.1% 1-19 64.6% 26.0% 20-49 14.5% 7.3% 50-99 4.7% 4.2% 100-499 2.7% 7.3% 500-~ 1.2% 3.1%

Number of Volunteers

N=504, No answer=1 (0.2%)

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Figure 4.6b. shows the richness of volunteers among the small CSOs that do not receive any type of foreign assistance. In most cases their number of volunteers ranges from 1 to 50 persons, and the most common among such CSOs (65%) is to have 1 to 19 volunteers. Only 12% of such CSOs have mentioned that they do not have any volunteers, while such absence of volunteers is very common among CSOs receiving foreign assistance (52%). As the number of volunteer rises higher than 100, we may observe rather steady presence of CSOs receiving foreign assistance. This is because large NGOs belong to this group and some of them have identified their large number of beneficiaries as their volunteers too.

4.2.8 Employee Employees are mostly found among CSOs that are well organized and affluent with financial resources. Reasonably, CSOs working at the national level are well organized and run with more professionals. Figure 4.7a shows that 63%, national CSOs have employees while only 25% of local CSOs have employees. Among the national as well as local CSOs, it is most common to have employees within 30 persons. However, large NGOs working nation wide may have several hundred employees working in a district. Figure 4.7b shows that 78% of CSOs not receiving foreign assistance have mentioned that they do not have any employees, while 77% of the foreign-assistance-receiving CSOs have mentioned specifically the number of their employee. Among these types of organizations 68%, have full-time employees ranging from 1 to 30 persons. Remaining 9% have much larger employee force.

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Figure 4.7a Pattern of employee among local and national CSOs

80% 70%

Percentage of CS

60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Lo c a l N a t io n a l

0.00 74.5% 36.4%

1-9 19.7% 36.4%

10-29 5.0% 20.5%

30-~ 0.7% 6.8%

N um be r o f E m plo y e e s

N=504, Answer rate = 100% Figure 4.7b Pattern of employee among foreign assistance receiving and non-receiving CS0s
90% 80% 70%

Percentage of CS

60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

0 .0 0 N o F o re ig n A s s is t a n c e R e c e iv e s F o re ig n A s s is t a n c e 7 8 .4 % 2 2 .9 %

1 -9 1 8 .4 % 4 0 .6 %

1 0 -2 9 3 .2 % 2 7 .1 %

3 0 -~ 0 .0 % 9 .4 %

N u m b e r o f E m p lo y e e s

N=504, No answer=1 (0.2%)

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4.2.9 Budget Figure 4.9a and 4.9b comparatively show the budget in 2005 of the CSOs both from their geographical level and on the point of receiving foreign assistance. A significant portion
of the sample CSOs refrained from providing their budget. However, with the available data, it is clear that, CSOs with various ranges of budgets are working at the local level (Figure 4.8a). The most common among the local level NGOs to have budget within 100 thousand to 1 million BDT (35%). However, 34% of national NGOs also have budget within the same amount while another 34% have budget exceeding 1 million BDT and in case of large NGOs it may even exceed 100 millions.

Figure 4.8a Amount of budget among local and national CSOs

40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1000-24999 BDT Local National 18.0% 11.4% 25000-49999 BDT 18.9% 11.4% 50000-99999 BDT 20.1% 8.6% Amount of Budget in BDT 100000-999999 1000000-~ BDT BDT 34.8% 34.3% 8.2% 34.3%

* 106 (21%) of CSOs did not provide their budget statistics. ** The budget is provided in Bangladeshi currency BD Taka. 1 US $= 69 BD Taka and 1 Taka = 1.7 JP Yen (According to Yahoo currency converter http://finance.yahoo.com/currency? On 15 May 2007

Figure 4. 8b shows the annual budget of CSOs not receiving foreign assistance (56%) ranges between BDT 1000 to only BDT 100 thousand. On the other hand, 33% of the

%of CSOs

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Figure 4.8b Amount of budget among foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs

45% 40% 35% % of CSO 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% 1000-24999 BDT No Foreign Assistance Receives Foreign Assistance 19.2% 7.5% 25000-49999 BDT 18.6% 12.5% 50000-99999 BDT 21.1% 6.3% Amount of Budget in BDT 100000-999999 1000000 BDT-~ BDT 35.3% 32.5% 5.7% 41.3%

* 17% of CSOs receiving foreign assistance and 22% of those not receiving foreign assistance did not provide their budget statistics. CSOs in total 106 (21%) have not been considered in this graph. So the valid N here is 398 n1=80 and n2 =317. ** The budget is provided in Bangladeshi currency BD Taka. 1 US $= 69 BD Taka and 1 Taka = 1.7 JP Yen (According to Yahoo currency converter http://finance.yahoo.com/currency? On 15 May 2007.

foreign-assistance-receiving CSOs budgets range from BDT 100,000 to BDT 1 million, 41% of such CSOs have budgets exceeds BDT 1 Million. Highest budget among these 41% is 120 million BDT. With the six comparative figures on volunteers, employee and budget, distinct gaps between the financial and human resources of the local and national as well as, foreignassistance-receiving-CSOs and the non-receiving-CSOs has been revealed. CSOs working at the national level and NGOs receiving foreign-assistance may be well equipped with handsome budgets and skilled employees; but it is the small local groups, not receiving foreign assistance that are rich in spirited volunteers. 151

4.2.10 Cooperation with Other Actors As discussed in the introduction and in chapter three, civil society cannot be analyzed in isolation as it is located within the political system and engaged in reciprocal interaction with other political, economic and social sectors of the system. Through the survey, CSOs were asked about the cooperation they have with different types of actors in the political system. Based on their response, a cooperation index has been formed and the 15 actors have been ranked based on level of cooperation with civil society organizations surveyed. Cooperation Index CSOs were requested to rate the level of their cooperation with 15 types of social, political and market actors on a scale from 1 to 7 where, 1 means no cooperation, 4 means medium cooperation and 7 means highest Cooperation. Likert scale was used to rank the 15 actors based on the level of cooperation existing between them and CSOs based on the data. Score for each actor could range from 0 to 1600. The score for seven kinds of cooperation namely; 1. no cooperation, 2. lowest cooperation, 3. some cooperation, 4. medium cooperation, 5. good cooperation, 6. better cooperation, 7. highest cooperation were assigned with weights 0, 1, 2 3, 4, 5, and 6 respectively. The cooperation index (C.I) was measured by using the equation (1).

C.I = Pnc 0 + Plc 1 + Psc 2 + Pmc 3 + Pgc 4 + Pbc 5 + Phc 6 Where Pnc = number of respondents who rate no cooperation Plc = number of respondents who rate lowest level of cooperation Psc= number of respondents who rate some type of cooperation Pmc= number of respondents who rate medium level of cooperation Pgc = number of respondents who rate good level of cooperation Pbc= number of respondents who rate better level of cooperation
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(1)

Phc=number of respondents who rate highest level of cooperation Cooperation Index (C.I) for any selected statement could range from 0 to 1600; where 0 indicating no cooperation and 1600 highest cooperation of the unit by the CSOs. Accordingly, Table 4.3. was formed.
Table 4.3 Cooperation ranking with other social, political and market actors
Rank How to Cooperate with Organizations Type of actor CI Mean*

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Local governments Welfare Organizations, NGO Agricultural Organization Consumer Organization Political Parties Scholars and academicians Religious organizations The mass media Women movement organizations Professional organizations Government bureaucrats Foreign government and International donor agencies

Political actor Social actor Social actor Social actor Political sector Social actor Social actor Social actor Social actor Social actor Political actor Political actor

1509 1142 1100 879 811 710 705 703 528 490 471 410

3.99 3.27 3.18 2.74 2.61 2.41 2.40 2.39 2.05 1.97 1.93 1.81

13 14

Trade (labor) unions and federations Economic, business, and employers organization

Market actor Market actor

325 228

1.64 1.45

15

Large business /corporations

Market actor

211

1.42

N=504, Answer rate=100% * mean based on the rating of the CSOs where 1=no cooperation, 4= medium cooperation and 7= highest cooperation. The Table 4.3. illustrates that highest cooperation between civil society organizations is with the local government, as most of the CSOs surveyed are active at the local level, they have high interaction with local governments which is in charge of the administrative affairs 153

of these small groups and cooperatives. However, 2nd (Welfare Organizations, NGO) 3rd (Agricultural Organization), 4th (Consumer Organization ) are all social actors. The most influential political actorpolitical party, has been ranked at the 5th place in relation to formal cooperation, based on the rating of CSOs. Another noteworthy feature is that the market actors have hardly any cooperation with the CSOs which goes with the low contribution from private enterprises to civil society groups. Consequently, most of the social actors have ranked in the first half of the list except the local government and political parties. Again, if we observe the mean of the level of cooperation, then we may find it not so optimistic. In a range from 1 to 7, the highest cooperation average/mean (with local government) is less than 4, which indicate that the cooperation is hardly medium type. From the ranking and means column it may be said that the over-all level of cooperation with 15 actors of civil society is less than medium. Particularly, with market actors the cooperation is lowest and most cooperation exists with the social actors, among political actors the cooperation is significant with local government and political parties however, not aweinspiring. After revealing the basic characteristics and tendencies of CSOs, it is now important to investigate what type of activities these organizations are involved in. Are they only welfare based as the policy interest and objectives indicates? do they engage in other activities that are more related to politics, state action and democratic consolidation? And we also need to understand which sections of the CSOs are involved in participatory activities. The next section explores the welfare based grass-roots actions of the civil society organizations followed by the third section that broadly focus on the participatory nature of the CSOs.

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4.3 Civil Society Involvement in Grass-roots Action

Grass-roots actions, refers to CSO programs such as micro-credit, literacy, skill training, relief, health, women empowerment, group network building, as well as social mass-awareness, humanitarian and legal aid carried out at the rural level and within poor communities. In most cases these programs are service based targeting the poor villagers.
76% of the organizations indicated that they were somehow involved in grass-roots development. Table 4.4 shows the involvement of CSOs in different categories of grass-roots activities. Respondents were free to choose multiple answers if they were involved in more than one ways in grass-roots development. Among them, the most popular activities were found to be health (46%), education (44%) and economic empowerment (44%), or micro-credit. Progress took place mainly through development NGOs. Table 4.4 also shows the high involvement of social welfare groups and NGOs in those service based programs, besides these three functions of welfare and NGO groups have been found to be highly involved in social and political awareness (43%). In different studies also, it has been evident that villagers who receive micro-credits for income-generating activities from the NGOs or who participate in NGO programs are more likely to undertake new income-generating activities, raise their income and productivity, empower themselves, adopt family planning, reduce infant and child mortality, prevent childhood diseases, and attain self-reliance in meeting their socio-economic and other welfare needs than those of their comparable non-beneficiaries (Amin 1997, 116). Besides material development, the poor have heightened their self-confidence over time (IOB 1998, 3 and Scheyvens 2002). NGOs have also been successful in inspiring these poor, uneducated people to learn, become socially and politically aware, and even to participate and win in local council elections. In the 1996 general parliamentary election, the turnout of women voters was 77%11. Civil society efforts for

11

USAID Fact sheet, http://usinfo.state.gov/usa/womrts/intwmday.htm, [ Access date, 21st August, 2006]

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Table 4.4 Nature of involvement in grass-roots actions12

Number of involved CSOs

SelfClassificatio n of CSOs

Frequenc y

Active in GO-NGO cooperation for rural developmen t *** 24 20.7% 3 6.1% 0 0.0% 54

Active in developing group network** *

Active in women Empowermen t***

Active in local representation and ventilation of grievances to the authorities*** 24 20.7% 3 6.1% 2 25.0% 61

Active in education and literacy** *

Economic Education and Culture Pressure Group Welfare and Developmen t Total

116 49

35 30.2% 5 10.2% 1 12.5% 81

29 25.0% 6 12.2% 1 12.5% 122

38 32.8% 40 81.6% 4 50.0% 140

Active in health education and health service *** 54 46.6% 28 57.1% 4 50.0% 149

Active in legal, political and human rights** * 14 12.1% 10 20.4% 2 25.0% 64

Active in economic Empowermen t***

Active in social and political awareness and participation* * 31 26.7% 18 36.7% 4 50.0% 96

76 65.5% 14 28.6% 3 37.5% 129

224

397

24.1% 81 16%

36.2% 122 24%

54.5% 158 31%

27.2% 90 18%

62.5% 222 44%

66.5% 235 46%

28.6% 90 17%

57.6% 222 44%

42.9% 149 30%

*** Sig. P<0.01, **Sig P<0.05 N=504 No Answer =1 (0.2%), Not Applicable =106 (21%)

12

Though 76% that is 384 CSOs said they are involved in grass-roots action, 79% that is 397 CSOs have mentioned about their involvement in particular grass-roots programs. This means 13 CSOs though do not think they are involved in over-all grass-roots action, have mentioned their involvement in particular programs. This difference may be because of their way of thinking about grass-roots action or their misunderstanding of the question 4.3. Are you involved in any grass-roots actions?. However, when they found the name of particular actions they are involved in they have mentioned about their participation, in the questionnaire. As involvement of these 13 CSOs in different grass-roots action is fact, they have been included in the counting of the particular actions and counted in the tables.

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education have ensured 82% primary school enrolment in Bangladesh

13

. No doubt these are

important achievement in strengthening civil society in rural Bangladesh. Thus, it may be stated that where there was nothing, now there is at least something. However, if we again go back to the table 4.4 it may be observed that the involvement of CSOs in building group networks (24%), local representation and ventilation of grievances (18%), and educating and helping in social and political rights (17%) is relatively less than in other areas of involvement, though we may consider these programs to be more important in citizen building and advocacy training. Previous studies have also revealed that often rural micro-credit debtors do not have full control over their money. NGO workers place priority on the commercial value of micro-credits vis--vis its welfare potential. In most cases, the education level as well as the management and leadership qualities of NGO beneficiaries is below the standard to gain independence (Ullah and Routary 2003, 118). Village organizations or groups formed by the beneficiaries of NGOs seem to act like sub-branches of the particular NGO instead of articulating members needs and preferences (Hulme and Edwards 1997, 276 and IOB 1998, 251). Now we can infer that while they have achieved something, it may not be enough for the overall development of the grass-roots sector.

So it becomes evident that except political social awareness (30%) CSOs involvement, (that includes both the NGOs, welfare groups, traditional pressure groups and economic groups) at the grass roots level are mostly concerned with service providing development and welfare activities than politics and democracy related actions. To have a closer look on the tendency of the CSOs on grass-roots action, two service related and two advocacy training related actions have been selected and civil society involvement has been analyzed considering both the geographic level of activity of CSOs and
13

UNICEF Website http://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/child_development_education_389.htm [Access date, 8th November, 2006]

157

their condition of receiving and not-receiving foreign assistance. Table 4.5 is a three dimensional cross table showing the involvement of foreign assistance receiving and nonreceiving CSOs working at the local and national level in four types of grass-roots actions. The first two are service providing while the last two are advocacy training. In all 4 cases we may observe overwhelming participation rate of CSOs that receive foreign funds, specially working at national base. Because these CSOs or NGOs are large, well skilled and financed and have multi-dimensional grass-roots programs than the small foreign assistance receiving CSOs who may have limited projects in a certain locality. However, participation rate of latter CSOs on health, economic empowerment and network building is also very high.
Table 4.5 Selected grass-roots action among foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level
Number of involved CSOs Active at Local Level Active National Level Do not Receives Do not Receives Foreign Receives Receives Foreign funds Foreign Funds Foreign funds Funds 145 52% Active in economic Empowerment Active in developing group network *** Active in legal, political and human rights ** Total* 150 54% 76 27% 42 15% 279 36 78% 29 63% 23 50% 17 37% 46 17 59% 15 52% 3 10% 9 31% 29 37 88% 27 64% 20 48% 22 52% 42

Selected GrassRoots Activities

Total N=504)

Active in health education and health service**

235 46% 221 44% 122 24% 90 17% 396

***P<0.01, P<0.05, N=504, No Answer= 2 (0.4%), Not Applicable= 106 (21%). * The total includes only those CSOs that have mentioned their involvement in particular grass-roots programs.

The participation rate for CSOs that do not receive any foreign assistance is high too. In case of the first two service providing activities more than 50% of these CSOs are active 158

both at the local and national level. For network building, it is the CSOs working at the local level (both foreign assistance receiving and not receiving CSOs) that are comparatively active than the national level CSOs. While in the case of legal aid, and political human rights education, it is the national CSOs that are more involved as they are equipped with specialized manpower. As the foreign assistance receiving CSOs are mostly NGOs and they receive foreign funds mainly for grass-roots projects-development and poverty alleviation, their high rate of involvement in these activities is obvious. But what is more striking is the high rate of involvement of local CSOs that do not receive any foreign assistance for social welfare. From the consideration of grass-roots actions, the data shows that all most all types of CSOs active at both local and national level, with varying amount of resources are engaged and active. This indicates to a vibrant nature of civil society in terms of Neo-Tocquevillean model.

4.3.2 Evaluation of CSOs and NGO performance

Concerning performance and effectiveness of the grass-roots action, the CSOs were asked to evaluate (1) their own performance, (2) over all NGO performance nation wide and (3) the success of international NGOs, development agencies and donor separately on a scale from 1 to 7, where 1 is very little success, 4 is medium success and 7 is highest success. The three type of rating results is illustrated in table 4.6.

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Table 4.6 Grass-roots performance evaluation

Types of Evaluation Self Performance Performance of all NGOs Performance of International NGOs and Agencies Mean 4.3 4.1 4.1. Standard Deviation 1.278 1.159 1.59 Percentage of CSOs (rated within 4 to 7) 68% 61% 74%

N= 504, Not applicable =99 (20%) and Invalid Answer =7 (1%) *The evaluation was made on a scale from 1 to 7, where 1 is very little success, 4 is medium success and 7 is highest success. CSOs engaged in grass-roots activities evaluated their performance as 4.3 (Standard Deviation=1.28), while the average of overall national performance of NGOs was just 4.1 (Standard Deviation=1.16). Average rating 4 refers that evaluation positive but they are not claiming high performance. Similarly to the NGO efficiency evaluation, incase of international
NGOs, agencies and donors, the evaluation mean is only 4.1 (Standard Deviation 1.599), indicating that CSOs accept the reality of constructive contributions by foreign actors but they do not highly appreciate their role. However, if we calculate the number of CSOs that have rated performance from scale 4 to 7 which means, they think such CSOs are encouragingly successful, we find, in all three cases, strong majority of CSOs have rated positively (column 3 of table 4.6). From our analysis and discussion so far on civil society actions at the grass-roots level, we find that, high percentage of CSOs are involved in grass-roots level, though their involvement in service providing than advocacy training (accept social and political awareness) is higher. Again, it has been found that, involvement of local based, domestically financed CSOs is also significant and the performance of CSOstraditional, modern and international, are also positive. This confirms again, well accepted supposition that, civil society in Bangladesh has contributed significantly in social development, poverty alleviation. Moreover, through the survey, it is revealed that not only well recognized NGOs, but local CSOs are also active in such endeavor.

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Civil society is involved in solving the local problems of poverty, literacy, sanitation, also to some extent for good citizenry. This picture rather provides a healthy, vibrant picture of civil society that may form the basis for further involvement and success in political and democracy related matters according to the Diamond model. However, the fact is not so simple and straight. Next section, in details analyzes the participatory nature of civil society based on the survey data.

4.4 Civil Society Involvement in Participatory Functions

Service providing is only one section of civil society function. For civil society to contribute to politics and democracy, it has to engage more in civic education, interest articulation, monitor the state apparatus, ensure better participation and representation of all segments of the society in political decision making. This requires civil society to be more involved in advocacy, policy participation, lobby etc. and come into more interaction with the government balancing its own autonomy and independence. For this the civil society has to be participatory. The present section shall investigate the participatory nature of the CSOs surveyed under four broad headings-formal relations with the government, advocacy, policy making and lobby.
4.4.1 Relation with Government

To understand the participatory nature, first I concentrate on the formal relations (besides registration, licensing) CSOs have with the government and local government. These relations require civil society to have interaction with governments. Table 4.7 shows rate of government relations with four types of civil society originations. If we focus on the relation that comes down from the government towards the civil society like guidance from the government (57%) then it is clear that majority or a good proportion of

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Table 4.7 Nature of formal relation with government

Number of Involved CSOs
Self Classification of CSOs Frequency Administrative guidance provided by the government *** 108 63.9% 19 27.9% 6 54.5% 153 Cooperating with and Supporting policies and budget activities of the government*** 7 4.1% 2 2.9% 4 36.4% 29 Exchanging opinions with the government* ** Sending Representative to council and /or advisory bodies of the government*** 28 16.6% 5 7.4% 6 54.5% 61 23.8% 100 19.8% Positions Offering to government officials after retirement** 3 1.8% 2 2.9% 1 9.1% 18 7.0% 24 4.8%

Economic Education and Culture Pressure Group Welfare and Development Total

169 68

66 39.1% 19 27.9% 9 81.8% 92 35.9% 186 36.9%

11

256

59.8% 11.3% 286 42 56.7% 8.3% ***Sig, P<0.01 **Sig. P<0.05 N=504 Answer rate= 100% 504

CSOs of all categories, receives such guidance. In case of exchanging opinion with the government, CSOs are considered as important stakeholder, to government policies and decisions, the rate of involvement is 38% which is a bit less than government guidance. But when the relationship direction, turns opposite, that is, it draws from the civil society opinion towards government policy and action, in other words, when such relation leads to Civil society participation, the rate of involvement is rather low. The tendency of supporting government policy and budget (8%) and sending representative to government advisory bodies and councils (20%) is rather low in all categories (except the pressure groups which only counts 2% of the total CSOs surveyed). Three formal relations belonging to each direction in civil society and government interaction have been further analyzed to understand the tendency of participation

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Table 4.8 Selected government relationship among foreign funds receiving and nonreceiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level
Number of involved CSOs Active in National Active in Local Level Level Receive Do not Receives s Do not Receives Receives Foreign Foreign Foreign funds Foreign Funds Funds funds 208 57% Relation with government/ Exchanging opinions with the government Relation with government/ Sending representative to council and /or advisory bodies of the national government ** Total ** sig P<0.05 No Answer=1 (0.2%) 116 32% 52 14% 363 N=504 35 67% 22 42% 15 29% 52 21 48% 22 50% 14 32% 44 21 48% 26 59% 19 43% 44

Selected formal Relation with Government Relation with government/ Administrative guidance provided by the government

Total

285 57% 186 37% 100 20% 503

of civil society. They have been placed in a three-dimension table, showing the involvement of the CSOs receiving and not-receiving foreign funds at both local and national level, in connection to those government relations. In case of receiving government directions it seems that all types of CSOs receive government direction at a high rate. However, more local CSOs (both foreign assistance receiving and not-receiving) get directions than the national CSOs (Table 4.8, 2nd row). Again, in case of exchanging opinions and sending representatives to the government councils where the total involvement rate is rather low (37% and 20% respectively), participation rate of national level CSOs (both foreign funds receiving and non-receiving) are significantly high than local level CSOs. On the other, hand, while governance guidance is 163

highest for (57%) local CSOs that do not receive foreign funds their participating rate is lowest in supporting policy or budget (32%) and sending representatives (14%). From the analysis of the data on formal relation between government and CSOs it becomes clear that more the interaction with government becomes participation related the lower is the involvement rate. Moreover, it also indicates the tendency that, indigenous (nonforeign funds receiving) and local CSOs are less participatory than other categories of CSOs that may be in better position in relation to finances, skill, organizational base and education.

4.4.2 Advocacy

Present research by advocacy refers to negotiating and pressurizing the government in different ways on different political and social issues and problems as well as for particular interest of the CSO itself. Moreover, it also considers public education on political and human rights and mass awareness as advocacy action from consideration of socio-political condition of Bangladesh. Such advocacy functions lead to interest articulations and bring the civil society nearer to the authorities. Some times they may find themselves in a position of cooperation with the authorities, other time in an opposite situation. It may be considered as the most important barometer to understand the participatory nature of the civil society organizations. Table 4.9 shows the rate of advocacy participation of CSOs belonging to four broad categories on various issues. First five issues here are directly related to the social welfare and their service programs while last five are more related to democracy and political stability. All are burning issues from consideration of contemporary Bangladesh (in 2006). Overall rate of advocacy participation is low; none of the issues attract 50% of the CSOs unlike the high rate of involvement in grass-roots action. Among CSOs categories, pressure

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groups have been found to be highly involved in the advocacy functions but they represent only 2% of the CSOs. Highest rate of interest for advocacy has been found for education (39%) and health (38%). Naturally, welfare & NGOs and also pressure groups are mostly involved on those issues. However, the rate of involvement of economic groups and educational groups are also not too low.

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Table 4.9 Nature of advocacy among different types of CSOs

Number of involved CSOs in Advocacy Involvement in Selfclassification of CSOs Women's right issue*** 42 25.1% Education and Culture Pressure Group Welfare and Development Total 68 13 19.1% 11 6 54.5% 255 99 38.8% 501 160 31.9% Involvement in Involvement in Involvement in Involvement in Labor right and Unemployment issue*** 28 16.8% 12 17.6% 7 63.6% 51 20.0% 98 19.6% Involvement in Political and human rights*** 21 12.6% 12 17.6% 5 45.5% 64 25.1% 102 20.4% Campaign for better Law and order*** 23 13.8% 10 14.7% 6 54.5% 46 18.0% 85 17.0% Involvement against Campaign against Street Politics and Hartal (strike) Culture*** 1 0.6% 1 1.5% 4 36.4% 8 3.1% 14 2.8% Campaign for Separation of the Judiciary from the executive branch of the Government*** 4 2.4% 2 2.9% 4 36.4% 11 4.3% 21 4.2%

Total Frequency

Education

Public health**

Environment issue***

Corruption issue***

Economic

167

57 34.1% 27 39.7% 7 63.6% 109 42.7% 200 39.9%

55 32.9% 20 29.4% 6 54.5% 112 43.9% 193 38.5%

34 20.4% 18 26.5% 6 54.5% 91 35.7% 149 29.7%

14 8.4% 10 14.7% 5 45.5% 29 11.4% 58 11.6%

**Sig. P<0.05, ***Sig. P<0.01

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But when we come to the democracy and politics related issues, like political human rights (20%), law and order (17%), corruption (12%), street politics14 (3%), independent judiciary (4%)15, except the small number of pressure groups, the participation rate on these issues are low for all categories of civil society organizations. When CSOs are not concerned and active about the most crucial political and social problems of a country, then their potential to contribute to democracy can hardly be estimated. Such non-involvement of civil society let us to infer that either the civil society organizations are indifferent to political problems of the country or they are avoiding any confrontation with powerful political actors. Moreover, it may also be assumed that for some reason, the vibrant civil society organizations are barred from meddling into such sensitive issues. We shall discuss more on this problem in chapter five. Table 4.10 tries to perceive the nature of CSOs participation by dividing them on the basis their local, national character and on condition of receiving and not-receiving foreign assistance. Total rate of participation in the five politics related issues are very low. Among 20% CSOs advocating for political and human rights, and 17% CSOs for law and order, 12% for corruption, national level CSOs are more active than local level and a significant section is occupied by the foreign- assistance- receiving CSOs ( row 3, 4, 5 of Table 4.10). However, in case of campaign against street politics and for separation of the judiciary, contribution of these types of CSOs is negligent. In the latter two issues mostly national and a very few

14

As discussed in chapter three, the political parties in Bangladesh are engaged in confrontational politics and prefer to come to streets instead of ventilating their grievances at the parliament. Often the street politics, mass protests etc. are accompanied by day long nation wide strikes which are instigated by the means of violence. 15 In Bangladesh, though the Supreme Court is independent from the government, lower divisions of the court are still controlled by government recruited magistrates. The matter is an old issue and citizens are always promised by the political parties to separate the judiciary from the government before election. However, in either regime such separation has actually taken place though at different stages initiatives have been taken for such separation and Supreme Court has given ruling on such issue. In 2007, under the emergency rule the process for separation has begun.

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Table 4.10 Democracy related advocacy among foreign funds receiving and nonreceiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level
Number of Involved CSOs Active at Local Level Democracy Related Advocacy Participation Do not Receives Foreign funds Involvement in Political and human rights by advocacy *** Campaign for better Law and order by advocacy Involvement against Corruption issue by advocacy Campaign against Street Politics and Hartal (strike) Culture by advocacy Campaign for Separation of the Judiciary from the executive branch of the Government by advocacy Total ***Sig. P<0.01 Receives Foreign Funds 14 27% 9 17% 9 17% 1 2% 2 4% 52 N=504 Active National Level Do not Receive Receives s Foreign Total Foreign Funds funds 10 24% 12 29% 9 21% 6 14% 9 21% 42 21 48% 11 25% 8 18% 2 2% 2 5% 44 102 20% 85 17% 58 16% 14 3% 21 4% 500

57 16% 53 15% 32 9% 5 1% 8 2% 362 No Answer =4 (1%)

local based traditional CSOs (not receiving foreign assistance) have mentioned about their involvement. Human rights, law and order and corruption affects the whole society-urban & rural and the activities of both local and national life. Moreover, donors policy on good governance has also begun to put emphasis on those issues. This is why advocacy for these issues attracted more CSOs of different sections than have street politics or independent judiciary. Donor instructions do not emphasize that NGOs should advocate for independent judiciary or against street politics. Again, poor CSOs at the local level may not be well aware of the judicial system of Bangladesh and street politics (Hartal)- may not directly affect a farmer in the 168

village as it does to an urban dweller. However, considering the social consciousness and political awareness that has been generated through out Bangladesh with the help of NGO projects and penetration of political parties in the rural societies, and the high turn outs at the polls since 1990s, the over all advocacy interest of the civil society as revealed through the data is not satisfactory.

4.4.3 Policy Making

Another more direct involvement of civil society in influencing the governance is participation in policy making. The survey data on policy making reveals a more frustrating picture about the participatory nature of CSOs in Bangladesh active at the periphery and meso level. The respondents were asked whether they have ever been successful in influencing the government/ local government in any decision, policy or budget to their favor (policy making) and prevent such decision, policy or budget that go against their interest (policy breaking). Table 4.11a shows the rate of success among the surveyed CSOs (of different catagories) in policy making and breaking. Only 13% CSOs has admitted about their success in influencing government decisions, policy or budget and only 6% in blocking such decisions or policies that went against their interests. From the table it also becomes clear that in case of policy making, the success rate is almost same for all categories CSOs.

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Table 4.11a Success in policy making and policy breaking among different CSOs
Number of Involved CSOs

Self-classification by CSOs Economic Education and Culture Pressure Group Welfare and Development Total ***Sig. P<0.01

Total Frequency 169 68 11 256

Success in policy making 25 14.8% 9 13.2% 2 18.2% 31 12.1% 67 13.3% Answer rate =100%

Success in policy breaking*** 12 7.1% 3 4.4% 3 27.3% 12 4.7% 30 6.0%

504

Table 4.11b Participation in PRSP policy process by different CSOs

Number of Involved CSOs

Self-classification by CSOs Total Frequency Economic 169 Eduaction and Culture 60 Pressure Group 11 Welfare and Development 246 Total 486 Participation in Poverty Reduction or Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)*** 8 4.7% 7 11.7% 3 27.3% 37 15.0% 55 11.3%

***Sig. P<0.05 No answer =18 (4%)

Table 4.11b shows the percentage of CSOs that participated in a nationally and internationally16 well-publicized government policy on poverty reduction, the Poverty Reduction

16

By the websites of international development agencies like, World Bank, Asian Development Bank etc.

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Strategy Paper (PRSP). The PRSP was formed in phases between 2000 and 2005 and it is claimed that all types of stakeholders at all levels had been consulted in its formation17. However, the survey results show that only 11% of CSOs took part in PRSP opinion exchange meetings. Level is also low for welfare and development CSOs (15%) too. Though the rate of policy success of the CSOs organizations is very poor, it is important to see which section of the civil society enjoys better success record. Here again it becomes clear that though more than 80 % CSOs are local based and majority of them do not receive any foreign funds, it is the national based and in most cases foreign assistance receiving CSOs, that are most active among the very small community of CSOs influencing national and local politics. This

indicates that large NGOs mostly enjoy the limited scope of policy making (table 4.12a, 4.12b).
Table 4.12a Policy making and breaking among foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level

Number of Involved CSOs

Active at Local Level Policy participation Success in policy making Success in policy breaking Total No Answer rate=1 (0.2%) Do not Receives Foreign funds 38 10% 10 3% 363 N=504 Receives Foreign Funds 8 15% 2 4% 52 Active at National Level Do not Receives Receives Foreign Foreign Funds funds 6 15 14% 34% 9 9 20% 20% 44 44

Total 67 13% 30 6% 503

Unlocking the Potential: National Strategy for Accelerated Poverty Reduction. 2005. Planning Commission, Peoples Republic of Bangladesh. Available at IMF website https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2005/cr05410.pdf (Access date: 15 May, 2007).

17

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4.12b Participation in PRSP policy process among foreign funds receiving and nonreceiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level
Number of Involved CSOs Active at Active at Local Level National Level Do not Receives Receives Do not Receives Receive Foreign Foreign Foreign funds Foreign Funds Funds funds Participation in Poverty Reduction or Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)** Total **Sig P<0.05 No Answer= 19 (4%) 22 6% 351 10 20% 50 8 18% 44 15 38% 40

Total

55 11% 485

In case of in the PRSP process, again it is the foreign assistance receiving CSOs that claims more participation than other non-receiving CSOs both at the national (38%) and local level (20%). From the survey data on formal relations with government, advocacy and policy making, it becomes, clear that participation level of the civil society is rather low and though there are lots of small and big civil society organizations active at the local level that gives a vibrant look to the landscape of the civil society, they are hardly participatory, even if they may contribute to social service. It is the foreign-assistance-receiving CSOs that are highly active at the grass-roots level and also are involved though in low rate in other participatory activities. But all types CSOs are very careful not to intervene in issues that are politically sensitive but crucial for the democratic health of the country. It is now important to know in which way the CSOs approach the government for realizing their interests and ends. Next section, analyzes the methods used by the CSOs to lobby the authorities. This also provides an interesting pattern of civil society and politics relations.

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4.4.4 Lobby

Civil society organizations were asked to rate the frequency of different activities that they do when they try to draw the attention of the government on certain issue or appeal the authorities for their interest or demands. In other words, through this question [question no. 2.5] the nature of lobby of the organizations had been inquired. Through the structured questionnaire CSOs were asked about both vertical18 and horizontal 19 ways of lobbying as well as some very formal methods. Table 4.13 shows the percentage of CSOs of four broad categories engaged in such acts. The over all frequency of lobby is rather low. Among the low rates, most common is to contact with the parties both in power (54%) and opposition (29%) as well as the government administration (77%) directly, rather than sending a petition or letter (6.3%), arrange press conference (14%) or form a coalition of CSOs to press their demands. Only 12% involvement in forming coalition also indicates the weak network among civil society organizations in Bangladesh. If we further analyze the data category wise, then we may observe that almost same proportion of CSOs in each category contact the ruling party, opposition party and administration. The vertical lobby is very popular among all types of CSOs in almost same rate, so as holding round table meetings and conferences (58%) with the pressure groups and welfare groups involved in a higher rate then the other two catagories. Among the formal and horizontal lobby this is the only popular means.

18

By vertical lobby I mean mainly the inside lobby (Tsujinaka, 2002:167), where the CSOs directly contact the powerful or authorities individually for their interest or demand. In this case the interaction may take place in formal or informal way but the relationship is structured in a more powerful and less powerful position. Negotiation may end up in a give and take understanding. Here, vertical lobby takes place through interaction with the ruling and opposition party and the administration directly. 19 By horizontal lobby, I mean the methods to attract government attention or make demand in a combined way like forming coalitions, or arranging meetings, press conference. In this way the CSO articulates its interest to the public and gain social and moral support from other like minded stakeholders. After building strength horizontally, together they push forward their demand towards the higher authorities.

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Table 4.13 Nature of lobby by different CSOs.

Number of Involved CSOs Engaging in mass Presenting Asking protests or research members of demonstrations*** results or the technical organization information to write letters to political or make parties phone calls to and/or political government parties or ministries*** government administration 2 1.2% 0 0.0% 2 18.2% 10 10 5..9% 5 7.4% 2 18.2% 15 32 18.9% 13 19.1% 8 72.7% 39

Selfclassification of CSOs

Total Frequency

Lobby / Contacting the parties in the cabinet

Contacting the opposition parties

Contacting governmental department and agencies

Helping to draft legislative bills for political parties or governmental organization ***

Organizing seminars, round table meeting, rally etc

Economic Education and Culture Pressure Group Welfare and Development Total

169 68

91 53.8% 40 58.8% 6 54.5% 134

47 27.8% 23 33.8% 5 45.5% 72

132 78.1% 45 66.2% 8 72.7% 202

0 0.0% 1 1.5% 3 27.3% 4

88 52.1% 40 58.8% 8 72.7% 158

Holding press conferences in order to publicize ideas and let know organizations position on different issues and incidents*** 15 8.9% 5 7.4% 7 63.6% 44

Forming coalition with other organizations or NGOs

16 9.5% 5 7.4% 0 0.0% 39

11

256

504

52.3% 271 53.8%

28.1% 147 29.2%

78.9% 387 76.8%

1.6% 8 1.6%

3.9% 14 2.8%

5..9% 32 6.3%

15.2% 92 18.3%

61.7% 294 58.3%

17.2% 71 14.1%

15.2% 60 11.9%

**Sig. P<0.05, *** Sig. P<0.01

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The most recognized formal means to seek government attraction is petition (writing letter), here the rate of using such method is very low (6%) among all types of CSOs. The most vital horizontal mean for lobby in a democratic setting is forming coalition with like minded CSOs for a certain cause or issue. Tendency to form such coalitions is strikingly low among all the categories including the welfare CSOs (15%) that homes the large NGOs too. More interesting is that, though the pressure groups have a better profile for participation in advocacy, and interacting with the government and their rate of vertical lobby is very high (55%, 46% and 73%), non of the 11 pressure groups surveyed admitted of forming coalitions. Such tendency is found in only 15% of the most prominent section of the civil societythe welfare and development CSOs. Table 4.14 further analyzes the lobby tendency among the surveyed CSOs by dividing them according to their activities at different geographic level and their characteristics of receiving civil society foreign assistance or not. Here again, the high tendency of vertical lobby is present in all sections of the CSOs. However, in the case of foreign assistance receiving CSOs acting at the national level, the tendency to contact opposition party is half to other CSOs (16%). This is because these CSOs are organizationally already strong and backed by the donors. Good relation with ruling party is more important for them to proceed with their functions. But for small NGOs at the local level, they seem to have contact with both the opposition and position to maintain their programs. The practice of giving petitions (writing letters) is low in almost same rate among the CSOs active at all sections.

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Table 4.14 Selected lobby performed by foreign funds receiving and non-receiving CSOs engaged at the local and national level
Number of involved CSOs Active at Active at Local Level National Level Do not Do not Receives Receives Receives Receives Foreign Foreign Foreign Foreign funds Funds funds Funds 212 24 19 16 58% 46% 43% 36% 111 16 13 7 31% 31% 30% 16% 277 76% Asking members of the organization to write letters or make phone calls to political parties or government administration Organizing seminars, round table meeting, rally etc Holding press conferences in order to publicize ideas and let know organizations position on different issues and incidents** Forming coalition with other organizations or NGOs** Total ** Sig P<0.05 No Answer= 1(0.2%) for foreign assistance N=504 19 5% 206 57% 23 6% 24 7% 363 45 87% 4 8% 35 67% 15 29% 11 21% 52 34 77% 5 11% 32 73% 18 41% 7 16% 44 30 68% 4 9% 21 48% 15 34% 18 41% 44 71 14% 60 12% 503 32 6% 294 58%

Different types of Vertical and Horizontal Lobby Contacting the parties in the cabinet Contacting the opposition parties Contacting governmental department and agencies

Total 271 54% 147 29% 386 77%

Though, arranging meeting is very popular among all sections of the CSOs, it is national level CSOs having no foreign assistance that has the highest rate (73%) to get involved in those actions. Holding press conference is common among national CSOs than local CSOs. This is because local CSOs officials may have to come to town, to contact journalist and hold such conferences. Among the few CSOs that do form coalitions (60 that is 12%), tendency is high among CSOs acting nation wide and receiving foreign assistance (41%). 176

From the data on lobby it becomes clear that there is an over all tendency to lobby the government vertically rather than horizontally or formally among all types and sections of the civil society organization. Among the horizontal lobby, holding public meeting and rally are most popular among CSOs. This may have been a positive fact for a healthy civil society if simultaneously they formed coalition and showed unity among themselves. Rather in case of forming coalition that ultimately leads to strong network among the civil society organizations and provide the necessary strength to push for demands and tackle the pressure from the state, CSOs involvement is very low. Again in case of vertical lobby, highest is having direct contact with the government. It is an obvious fact as for registration, permission, license and other official matters all CSOs have to contact the local or national government. But the tendency of having direct contact with the political parties to pursue the government for civil society interest is pretty high in Bangladesh. This indicates a partisan tendency among the civil society organizations. CSOs that have a low profile in getting involved in participatory matters have high rate of contacting the political parties directly for their interests and demands. Our inference about the partisan or politicized nature of civil society and low rate of network becomes stronger if we compare the situation in Bangladesh with other Asian countries both developing and developed, enjoying multi party democracy. Figure 4.9 comparatively shows the nature of lobby through ruling party, opposition party and through forming coalition of Japan, Korea, Philippines, Turkey and that of Bangladesh. The same question about lobby was asked to the civil society organizations of those countries20.

20

Figure 4.9 has been constructed based on the data borrowed from the Special Project on Civil Society, State and Culture in Comparative Perspective, University of Tsukuba

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Figure 4.9 Lobby through political parties and coalition formationfive country comparison
60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

Japan (Ibaraki) N=197

Korea (Kyengi) N=110

Philippines (Cebu) N=159 Turkey (Istanbul) N=507

Forming Lobby Lobby Coalition for through through Lobby Ruling Party Opposition

Bangladesh (Rajshahi) N=504

Figure 4.9 clearly distinguishes the high tendency of CSOs of Bangladesh that prefer to partisan method of lobby than other countries and also the low rate on forming coalition among themselves to make demands. In case of elite democracy- Philippines that we have focused on in chapter three, we see that CSOs have double or more the tendency to form coalition than contacting the political parties, just opposite to the situation in Bangladesh. Civil society organizations can hardly contribute to democracy and better governance when it prefer to contact parties individually than forming network and strong platform among themselves. Such tendency leads them to division and a weak position in relation to the state.

4.5 Summary and Conclusion 4.5.1 Summary

Chapter four, using the survey data collected directly from the civil society organizations at the periphery and meso level investigates the participatory nature of civil society. In the first section, basic characteristics of the civil society have been revealed 178

focusing on the attributes like, classifications, objectives, policy interest, geographic level of activity, membership, resource sources, budget, volunteers, employees etc. of the CSOs. Objectives and policy interest of the CSOs show a strong tendency toward social welfare and service than advocacy or policy recommendation and majority of CSOs rely on outer financial sources-mainly government and foreign funds besides their membership fees. The data also indicates that, whether the organization acts at local or national level and whether it receives foreign assistance or not, are the most important factors that determine its nature. It has been found that, CSOs working at the national level and NGOs receiving foreign-assistance may be well equipped with handsome budgets and skilled employees; but it is the small local groups (that do not receive foreign assistance) that are rich in spirited volunteers. In case of

cooperation existing between the CSOs and other political, social and market actors, the data indicate that most cooperation exists between local government and social actors, then with political parties. Lowest cooperation and relation exists with the market actors. In Bangladesh, the civil society and market are yet to emerge as cooperating or rather interacting actors at the periphery and meso level. Second section of the chapter reveals the high tendency of involvement in grass-roots actions. The data show the high involvement of foreign funded CSOs with national base programs, but more interesting finding is that, all most all types of CSOs active at local and national level, with contrasting financial and organizational base are engaged overwhelmingly in grass-roots development. This rather, confirms the existence of a vibrant civil society organization from Diamond model. The endeavor of the CSOs, NGOs and international development agencies has also been evaluated positively though not profoundly. However, it has also been found that, CSOs participation is high in service providing functions and relatively low in the functions that relate to advocacy training and building good citizenry. But 179

for civil society to contribute to democracy, such conscious citizenry and advocacy functions are essential. However, the rate of involvement in advocacy training is not too low. It may be hoped that, a steady growth in such activities in the future may lead to positive development. Participatory nature of civil society has been understood in mainly four ways-formal relations with governments, policy making, advocacy and lobby. First attention has been given on formal relation between CSOs and government (both national and local). It has been found that more the relation requires association of the civil society into government decisions and actions like giving advices, supporting policies and budget, the rate of involved CSOs comes down. Again, the percentage rate of involvement by local CSOs not- receiving-foreign assistance on those participatory issues, have been found to be lowest than other CSOs receiving foreign assistances or acting nation wide with better budget and organizational resources. In case of advocacy, it has been revealed that civil society is mostly involved in issues that are related to development and social welfare than, issues that are related to accountability and governance. However, these issues are more important in consolidating democracy and receive less attention by the CSOs of all types. Only a slim section of large NGOs concentrate on issues like human rights or corruption as they have been directed so by the donors, but issues like, street politics or independent judiciary are hardly attended by any type or section of civil society. The advocacy performance as revealed in the data is very low and insignificant in contrast to the political consciousness of Bangladeshi citizens and as expected in a parliamentary democracy. More direct involvement of civil society is determined in its capacity and success in influencing government decisions, budget and policies. But the data reveals same frustrating picture where only 13% have been successful in pursuing the government to pass a budget or 180

policy supporting the interest of the CSO. It may be observed that, the minor portion of the CSOs who are involved in participatory actions, are mostly organized, skilled, and well financed enjoying national base support, from the remaining majority. Local small CSOs are hardly involved in such actions. The data on lobby, reveals interesting participatory nature and pattern of interaction of the civil society with the authorities and political actors. It is common among the CSOs to contact directly the authority or powerful political actors in a vertical way rather than organizing horizontally. The method of gaining strength through forming coalition and or contacting the press and create pressure on the government have been found to be not yet popular among the CSOs, specially at the local and periphery level. The tendency to rely more on vertical or inside lobby by the CSOs indicate to the partisan relation that may be existing between them and the political parties. A comparative table on Japan, Korea, Turkey and Philippine display that such tendency is very high in Bangladesh in comparison to other countries.
4.5.2 Concluding Remarks

Logically, when civil society has a low profile in participating in advocacy, policy making and forming coalitions, it can hardly bring pluralism or aggregate interests of the communities and represent all sections of society. It may also fail to gain the strength to monitor the state functions. Voice of the civil society in national policies shall hardly be counted. Bangladesh do have local groups and associations engaged in social development, that may comply with Diamond model or be considered as the basic structure for the generating Putnams social capital. But survey data also shows that most of these local groups are not engaged in networks and in functions that generate civic engagements leading towards 181

stronger civil society and working democracy. Moreover, these organizations are run by mainly members and volunteers and most of them do not receive foreign assistance. This also means that they have been left out from the international initiative for development and governance. Only selected NGOs have been blessed with foreign assistance to be engaged in social development as well as good governance and they enjoy the skilled manpower, resources and organizational strength to engage in different social and to some extent political endeavors. Such sprinkled initiative of the donors to strengthen civil society can hardly bring good governance neither at the local level, nor at the national level. More interesting is that, through the survey it has also been exposed that though the rate of participation of such donor assisted CSOs and also CSOs with national or district wide organizational base, is higher than the small indigenous CSOs at the local level, overall participatory rate is much low in contrast to their activities on grass-roots actions. We have to admit that participatory nature of the civil society (including all types and sections) at the periphery and meso levels are low. Naturally their prospect for contributing to democracy or emerging as a strong vigilant force is not so encouraging. Through the survey questionnaire, the civil society organizations were asked if they thought the civil society in Bangladesh was successful in influencing the government on national policies. Only 32% responded positively and the majority 68% answered negatively. So about 70% CSOs themselves think that they have no influence on the government. What causes such poor participation? It is not political apathy, which may serve as an explanation in the case of developed democracies (Putnam 2000, 35, 46-47). While investigating the reason for such failure, 52% of the CSOs mentioned the problem of lack of unity among the CSOs themselves and 43% pointed out to the problem of politicization of the civil society organizations. The primary data on the opinion of individual CSOs lead us to dig more to 182

understand the reason for a less participatory civil society and its inability to contribute to democracy in spite of its vibrancy. And we may assume it is not political disinterest but over politicization. In chapter three, I have discussed about the powerful role of the political parties in democratic age in Bangladesh and based on previous literatures, observations and interviews have mentioned how the civil society is also penetrated by the political parties. Such politicization polarizes the civil society, seizes its autonomy, and refrain it from its participatory role in national policies and decisions. When the civil society is controlled by government and political forces, it can hardly act as a vigilant force. Next chapter shall focus on reasons behind the non-participatory attitude of the civil society with special focus on civil society and political party relations.

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Chapter 5
Civil Society and Political Relation in Bangladesh
5.1 Introduction Chapter four based on survey data revealed the basic trends of the civil society in Bangladesh, particularly at the periphery and meso level. It have been understood that, majority of civil society are service and welfare oriented and there are differences between civil society organizations working only at local level and those through out the country and also among those who receives foreign assistance and those who do not from the point of view of financial and human recourses and organizational strength. Through the data analysis it has also been clearly comprehended that over-all rate of participatory activities, that is, those actions of civil society that are more related to democracy and politics is low. Moreover, a partisan tendency has been found among all types and sections of civil society that seem to have a logical connection to the low rate of civil society participation. The present chapter shall investigate dipper into the political relation of civil society using both quantitative and qualitative analysis. The focus shall be mainly on civil society interaction with state and society. Present chapter looks into both national and local civil society in Bangladesh. Before entering to the main part of the analysis, I shall discuss the necessity for such further analysis from theoretical point of view. According to Diamond (1996: 209), the basic two functions of the civil society are to monitor and retain the exercise of power by democratic state and to democratize authoritarian state. The present study is concerned with civil society actions under a democratic (at least formally) state, particularly a new democracy. For a new democracy, Diamond gives emphasis on the necessity of vibrant civil society to bring institutional reform and fight

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against corruption. In case of Bangladesh, among large number of CSOs, we have seen that very thin section of civil society organizations (12%) are engaged in such campaign against corruption, rather CSOs are often accused of corruption1. Another important role of civil society is to supplement political parties by stimulating political participation, building better citizenry, providing leadership training. Moreover, experience with associational life may enrich other democratic values like tolerance, moderation, compromise and respect opposite views. These ideal theories give the impression that such democratic norms and practice are driven from civil society and directed towards society and political parties and their leaders. However, practically, directions of such flow of political norms and practice are present in two ways traffic. In Bangladesh, it is found that conflict and intolerance within and among the political parties are often generated to civil society that often may become polarized, corrupt and ineffective in democratic terms. Civil society have also been stated to be a necessary condition for transition from clientelism (Diamond, 1996:210), but practically, civil society organizations including the development NGOs in Bangladesh have been found to have entered the long patron-client chains running from top government leader down to the periphery level of Bangladesh and often NGOs have been accused of becoming new patrons to poor (Tasnim 2007, Lewis 2004 and White 1999). Moreover, issue oriented pluralistic civil society is considered to cut-cross social cleavages and divisions and bring unity among the nation. Berman (1997) have already shown how rich civic engagement in pre-world war Germany led to rather dictatorship than democracy. In case of the ethnically homogenous and mostly casteless society in Bangladesh, the society still have been found to
1

According to Corruption Data Base Report 2004 of Transparency International- individuals from NGO personnel occupied 2.6% of the corruption reports in the media. In a recently published report by transparency international on NGOs, presence of nepotism, weak governance and lack of internal democracy and accountability have been revealed within the NGO administrations (Problems of Governance in NGO Sector: 2007).

185

be vertically constructed and politically polarized. Civil society here instead of forming bonding and bridging social capital among different groups are rather helping in sharpening political division, which had originated in historical circumstances and strategically used and generated by political parties2. In all four crucial points, the civil society in Bangladesh has been found to be behaving in the opposite dimension to democracy than what is ideally expected from it. Moreover, in each point, Bangladeshi civil society shows the links or the presence of strong influence of political forces and deterring it from playing its democratic role. Bangladeshi political situation as discussed in chapter three, resembles much of the patriarchy as depicted by Coppedge (1994) based on the experience of Venezuela. Partiarchy as termed by Coppedge (1994:18) is a democracy in which political parties monopolize the formal political process and politicize the society along party line. It is the degree to which political parties interfere with the fulfillment of the requirements of Robert Dhals polyarchy (the synonym of democracy for present study). In an extreme ideal type of Partyarchy, the political parties control the government recruitments, elections, parliaments, social organizations, and media. In Coppedges words,
Citizens are free to form and join organizations but most existing organizations are deeply penetrated by political parties. Politically relevant organizations besides parties are either affiliated with a single party or are split into party factions that compete for control. New organizations that seek to be independent become targets for party takeover, by co-optation or infiltration, or by the creation of competing party-affiliated organizations. One way or another political parties dominate organizational life (Coppedge, 1994:19).

Though the statement is for an extreme type and used to describe the politics of Venezuela in the beginning of 1990s, it resembles with the situation of Bangladesh in the 1990s up to 2006. The two powerful political parties and their allies have controlled the Bangladesh politics.
2

Discussed in chapter three.

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Who ever came to power winning elections have monopolized the state apparatus and using the government power have tried to control all sections of the society, market and political life. And they have used vertical means like corruption, patronage, nepotism, violence to strengthen their support and control upon all the institutions than their political ideologies3. In the process, civil society have been violated, penetrated, polarized, controlled and weakened by political parties. However, for developing such comments on civil society, political party and democracy into concrete argument or inference; we require hard and strong evidences or proof. The survey data alone do not provide the necessary proof that explain low rate of the civil society participation and indicate their vertical link with the political parties. With the aim to bring to light the reasons behind the low participation of the civil society and its inability to contribute positively to democratic consolidation, the present chapter systematically uses, survey data, news paper reports and analysis, information revealed through interviews and discussion with resource persons, observation notes of the surveyors during the main Survey on CSOs and personally collected information on selected CSOs. First section of the chapter uses direct survey data to understand the perception of the civil society organizations about the influential actors of the political system, nature of their relation with important actors in society and tendency to have contact with political parties. Second section of the chapter, using sample newspaper reports and editorials on civil society tries to understand the nature of political links, vertical links, bureaucratic links, violent connections to civil society as well as the rate of interest articulations by civil society on those issues. Third section focuses on some selected but important sections and actions of

Though historical developments centering these political parties also have played a significant role in the political polarization of the society and civil society.

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civil society. Using both newspaper reports and interviews, observations and personally gathered information this section tries to reveal the actual picture of the civil society and political relation to identify the reasons behind the weak contribution of civil society to democracy.

5.2 Civil Society and Political Relation as Revealed in the Survey Data This section tries to understand most influential actors in Bangladesh from the perception of CSOs. Moreover the civil society relation with political actors and political parties are also analyzed in this section based on the data gathered through a questionnaire survey upon 504 CSOs of Rajshahi District. 5.2.1 Most Influential Actors CSOs were requested to rate the influence of 15 types of social, political and market actors in the political system of Bangladesh from a scale from 1 to 7 where, 1 means least influence, 4 means medium influence and 7 means highest influence. Likert scale was used to rank the 15 actors based on the level of influence as rated by the CSOs. Score for each actor could range from 1015 to 3261. The score for seven kinds of influences namely; 1. least influence, 2. low influence, 3. some influence, 4. medium influence, 5. more influence, 6. higher influence, 7. highest influence were assigned with weights 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 respectively. The Influential Index (II) was measured by using the equation (2). (2) Where Influential Index (II)= P1*1+P2*2+ P3*3+P4*4+ P5*5+P6*6+P7*7

P1 = number of respondents who rate least influence P2 = number of respondents who rate low influence P3= number of respondents who rate some influence

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P4= number of respondents who rate medium influence P5 = number of respondents who rate more influence P6= number of respondents who rate higher influence P7=number of respondents who rate highest influence Influential Index (II) for any selected statement could range from 1015 to 3261; where 1015 indicating least influence and 3261 highest influence of the actor by CSOs. Accordingly, Table 5.1 was formed. Table 5.1 Influence ranking of different actors upon the political system
Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Actors Political Parties The mass media Government Bureaucrats Foreign government and International donor agencies Local governments Large business /corporations Trade (labor) unions and federations Economic, business, and employers organization Scholars and academicians Welfare Organizations, NGO Women movement organizations Professional Organizations Religious organizations Agricultural Organization Consumer Organization Type of Actor Political Actor Social Actor Political Actor Political Actor Political Actor Market Actor Market Actor Market Actor Social Actor Social Actor Social Actor Social Actor Social Actor Social Actor Social Actor Influential Index 3261 2455 2342 2239 2154 2112 2006 1737 1539 1531 1440 1431 1361 1135 1015 Mean* 6.48 4.88 4.66 4.45 4.28 4.20 3.99 3.45 3.06 3.04 2.86 2.84 2.71 2.26 2.02

N=504, No Answer= 1 (0.2%) * mean based on the rating of the CSOs where 1=least influence, 4= medium influence and 7= highest influence.

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From the ranking table (table 5.1), political parties emerge as significantly influential actors with distinctly high points than other actors. It scores higher than government bureaucrats and also foreign donors with more than 1000 point distance. Mass media has been ranked 2nd in relation to influence. Since 1990s, the press, though not the electric media has become relatively free, but not 100% independent from political influence. Though the civil society had highest cooperation with local government (chapter 4) they ranked its influence as 5th. Again though they had very little cooperation with market actors, large business organizations, labor unions and employers organizations, these actors have been ranked as 6th, 7th 8th in order of influence. On the other hand the social and civil society actors like scholars and intellectuals, welfare NGOs, womens movement, professional organizations those who are considered the most important section of the civil society in relation to development and democracy have been rated 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th respectively. Though the table raking is based on the perception of only 504 CSOs, it do reflect the influence pattern of different social, political and market actors and indicates the low position of the civil society actors and high influential position of the political parties. Next we shall try to understand which type of actors (political or social), CSOs prefer to keep personal relation with.

5.2.2 Personal Relation with Actors Civil Society organizations surveyed have already mentioned the political parties as the most influential actors in the political system. However, for a civil society organization to function and interact with the state, it also needs to come in contact with other political and social actors. Table 5.2a shows the nature of CSOs or their leaders/members having personal relation with the different important actors [Question 2.6]. It is note worthy that 78 CSOs that

190

is, 15.5% of the total sample refrained from answering such question. This means that these CSOs were nervous in revealing such information of personal relation. This attitude in refraining from answering such questions reflects rather lack of freedom and presence of some type fear among CSOs and citizens. This is rather inconsistent to liberty and democracy that the constitution of Bangladesh provides to its citizens. As the society is politically polarized and the political parties are always fighting against each other, the CSOs did not want to expose their personal relation with important persons and political leaders in fear of persecution by the followers and members of the opposite party. However, with the data available, it becomes clear that CSOs keep personal relation more with political actors like, leaders of political parties (ruling party 54%, Opposition party 36%), elected Mayor or chairman (44%) etc. than a journalist (32%), or magistrate (4%). As the CSOs are mostly working at local level, they hardly have chance to meet the parliament members (33%) who prefer to be in the capital than spending more time in their constituency. If we analyze the data, category wise then we may observe that, the tendency is high in all categories to have personal relation with the local political leaders and elected persons among the respondents, especially the leaders of the ruling party.

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Table 5.2a Personal Relation between different CSOs and Important Actors

Number of Involved CSOs

Selfclassification by CSOs Total Frequency An elected parliament member*** A leader of the ruling party A leader of the opposition parties A mayor / Union Chairman *** A journalist *** A chief or a section chief from a department of government/local administration ** A chief or a staff of an international organization international NGO *** A judge or a magistrate of the national or local court ***

Economic Education and Culture Pressure Group Welfare and Development Total

141 56

46 32.6% 27 48.2% 6 66.7% 61 28.1% 140 33.1%

81 57.4% 30 53.6% 8 88.9% 110 50.7% 229 54.1%

52 36.9% 22 39.3% 5 55.6% 73 33.6% 152 35.9%

63 44.7% 36 64.3% 9 100.0% 79 36.4% 187 44.2%

28 19.9% 21 37.5% 6 66.7% 81 37.3% 136 32.2%

50 35.5% 14 25.0% 7 77.8% 77 35.5% 148 35.0%

18 12.8% 4 7.1% 5 55.6% 51 23.5% 78 18.4%

5 3.5% 0 0.0% 4 44.4% 8 3.7% 17 4.0%

217

423 84%

***Sig . P<0.01, ** Sig. P<0.05, N= 504, No Answer=78 (15.5%), Not Applicable =3

If we use the same data, to analyze the responding style of CSOs working at the local and national level and those receiving and not receiving foreign funds, then again same type of political tendency is revealed (5.2b).

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Table 5. 2b Personal relation existing between important actors and CSOs of different sections Number of Involved CSOs Local National No Foreign Receives No Receives Assistance Foreign Foreign Foreign Assistance Assistance Assistance 98 11 17 14 32.3% 25.6% 45.9% 35.0% 180 23 14 12 59.4% 53.5% 37.8% 30.0% 113 19 11 9 37.3% 44.2% 29.7% 22.5% 118 15 30 24 38.9% 34.9% 81.1% 60.0% 71 16 17 32 23.4% 37.2% 45.9% 80.0% 92 17 21 18

CSOs or its members having personal relation with important actors An elected parliament member A leader of the ruling party A leader of the opposition parties mayor / Union Chairman A journalist** A chief or a section chief from a department of government/local administration A chief or a staff of an international organization, international NGO*** A judge or a magistrate of the national or local court Total

Total

140 33% 229 54% 152 36% 187 44% 136 32% 148

30.4% 29 9.6% 2 0.7% 303

39.5% 17 39.5% 2 4.7% 43

56.8% 8 21.6% 6 16.2% 37

45.0% 24 60.0% 7 17.5% 40

35% 78 18% 17 4% 423

***Sig . P<0.01, ** Sig. P<0.05, N= 504, No Answer=78 (15.5%), Not Applicable =3

However, it is clear that, the rate of having relation with party leaders is high among local CSOs than national CSOs, while the rate of having personal relation with Mayor or local council chairman is higher among national CSOs. Relatively, CSOs receiving no foreign assistance has a higher tendency to have political connection than those CSOs receiving foreign funds with the exception of having relation with opposition party at the local level (44%). This means that small NGO receiving foreign resources try to keep good relation with all types of political forces to continue their projects in the local area. Next we shall try to reveal the relationship that CSOs have directly with political parties.

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5.2.3 CSOs relation with Political Parties CSOs were directly asked about what type of relations they had with specific political parties and how often they contacted them. CSOs were very careful to answer such direct political answer that exposes their relation to political parties. A good number of CSOs responded that they had no relation with political parties. But those who genuinely did have relation have mentioned their relation. Table 5.3a shows the rate of CSOs of different categories that have contact with five type of political parties-Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)4, Bangladesh Awami League (AL)5, Jamate Islami Party (Jamat)6, Jatiya Party (JP), Communist Party (any faction). Each CSOs have the possibility to contact more than one Table 5.3a CSOs having contact with political parties
Number of CSOs having contact with Political Parties Total BNP Awami Jamate Jatiya Communist frequency League New Islami Party* Party** New 169 115 86 53 34 11 68.0% 50.9% 31.4% 20.1% 6.5% 67 43 35 20 13 5 64.2% 8 72.7% 160 63.0% 326 65.1% 52.2% 7 63.6% 128 50.4% 256 51.1% 29.9% 6 54.5% 89 35.0% 168 33.5% 19.4% 4 36.4% 78 30.7% 129 25.7% 9.8%
N= 504, No Answer =3 ** Sig P<0.05

SelfClassification Economic Education and Culture Pressure Group Welfare and Development Total

11 254

7.5% 3 27.3% 30 11.8% 49

501

4 5

Ruling party in 2006 Opposition party in 2006 6 Part of the ruling coalition government with two Ministers in the cabinet in 2006

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Party7. Naturally, the highest rate of contact is with the ruling party BNP (65%) and such high rate is constant among all types of CSOs. So is the case of contact with the powerful opposition AL (51%) which is also contacted by different categories of CSOs with almost same average. The rate of contact with other coalition partner Jamat though less but significant (36%). Such high contact with political parties is rather abnormal for CSOs whos 76% are mostly engaged in grass-roots action, only 15% of the them have admitted that, they are some how related to politics [question 2.9]. To have a more precise look, we have divided the data section wise, just like the case of personal relations. Table 5.3b Political party relations with CSOs belonging to different sections
Number of CSOs having contact with Political Parties Local CSOs Relation with Political Parties BNP Awami League Jamate Islami Jatiya Party Communist Party Total No foreign assistance 245 68.1% 186 51.7% 113 31.4% 89 24.7% 22 6.1% 360 Receives Foreign Assistance 32 61.5% 28 53.8% 20 38.5% 13 25.0% 5 9.6% 52 National No foreign assistance 25 56.8% 23 52.3% 18 40.9% 13 29.5% 10 22.7% 44 Receives Foreign Assistance 24 54.5% 19 43.2% 17 38.6% 14 31.8% 12 27.3% 44 Total 326 65% 256 51% 168 34% 129 26% 49 10% 500

N=504, No Answer=4

CSOs were actually asked [question 2.3] to rate their nature of contact with political parties on scale from 1 to 5 where 1 is no contact at all, 2 is medium contact and 5 is highest contact. For simplification, in the table 5.2.3a CSOs that rated their contact with political parties from 2 to 5 have summed up and has been regarded at the numbers that have contact with a particular party.

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Table 5.3b shows tendency8 of high rate of political party contact (ruling and opposition party) among all of the civil society organizations working at local and national level and receiving or not receiving foreign assistance. However, it may be argued that, CSOs organizations for many possible reasons and genuine causes may contact the political parties. So these numbers are not enough to prove partisan tendency among civil society organization. However, if we try to understand the data from a comparative perspective, using survey results of other Asian countries, then the following figure (figure 5.1) can be formed. Figure 5.1 Relationship with ruling party and opposition
70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Link w ith Ruling Party Link w ith Op p osition Party
Bangladesh (Rajshahi) N=504 T urkey (Istanbul) N=507 K orea (K yengi) N=110 Japan (Ibraraki) N=197

Phillippine (Cebu) N=159

Data Source: Special Project on Civil Society, State and Culture in Comparative Perspective, University of Tsukuba9.

Table 5.2.3a and 5.2.3b are actually combination of a number of cross tables formed through SPSS program. However, in most cases the cross tables have been found to be statistically insignificant with chi-square scores having significance more than 0.05. Nonetheless, from a qualitative mindset, these numbers and tables do show a political tendency among the CSOs that has relevance to the practical situation in Bangladesh and that can be easily supported or complimented through other direct and indirect data like news paper cutting, interview, observation notes etc. 9 CSOs of Japan, Korea, Turkey and Philippines were separately asked about their relation and contact with certain political parties and were given the 1 to 5 scale to rank such relation and contact. This figure sums up percentage of CSOs that have ranked from 2 to 5 on both questions and show the average percentage as the political link for those countries. In case of Bangladesh the relation and contact, that is link with political parties, was inquired through one question.

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Japan and Korea also show a higher tendency of CSOs and political party relationship than other two developing countries-Philippine and Turkey, however, it is less by at least 10% than that of the case of Bangladesh. CSOs of Philippine that maintain strong network among themselves (49%) have low rate of relationship with political parties. The comparative figure let us at least infer that political party relations of civil society in Bangladesh are unusually high than other developed and developing countries in Asia. Comparative data on high tendency of CSOs in Bangladesh to contact the ruling party and oppositions lead us to engage in further investigation on the political relation of the civil society to reveal the actual partisan situation in Bangladesh and identify the most important factor that impedes civil society from contributing to democracy. Next section tries to understand civil society and political relation through other data besides survey results.

5.3 Civil Society and Politics: Qualitative Analysis From the survey data it has been evident that political parties are important influential actors in the society and civil society has the tendency to keep personal relation with political leaders than government officials or NGOs staff etc. It has further been found that, CSOs have a very high tendency to contact both the ruling and opposition party while they try to term themselves at apolitical. Such data, facilitates the inference on partisan tendency among civil society organizations and vertical political relation. But we need more hard evidences to verify the inference. During the survey, CSOs were very careful to answer or avoid politics and policy related questions that may reveal their political identity. Besides, politics related information is often pretty hard to divulge directly through survey questionnaire. Thus, further analysis on civil society and political relation in this chapter shall be done qualitatively with the help of some other source of information and materials.

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The first section shall focus on news paper reports on civil society of specific three years and specific months to reveal the relation of civil society and state and politics as well as their nature of interaction with political institutions. However, though sample news paper reports may give hints to the actual situation that had been going in the recent years of Bangladesh but may not provide a full picture of civil society participation, political relation and democracy. With the aim to reach a better comprehensive picture, last section of the chapter focuses separately on prominent sectors of civil society like development NGOs, cooperatives, labor union, citizen groups and intellectuals, professional groups. Discussions are based on information gathered directly through interviews, observation, conversations, and surveyors field notes and as well as from news paper reports and investigations.

5.3.1 Civil Society and Politics from News Paper Analysis Among the large number of dailies in Bangladesh, three dailies (one English and two Bangla10 news paper) have been selected for analysis in the present study. As Bangladeshi media and press are also politicized, special care has been given to select comparatively neutral newspapers. Among the very few so far neutral dailies, The Daily Star have been selected as it is nationally and internationally well recognized English Daily in Bangladesh. Daily Ittefaque has been selected as it is the oldest news paper in Bangladesh since 1953 and considered as neutral bangla daily. Daily Jugantor has been selected as it is said to be the mostly circulated paper in 2006 and 2007. Newspaper issues from January to June of 2001, 2006 and 2007 have been targeted for searching reports on civil society. The year 2001 has been selected as it was the last year of rule of Awami Leauge Regime, and 2006 (same year for conducting the survey on CSOs) was the last year of the rule of the BNP Regime. The last
10

Bangla is the national language spoken and written in Bangladesh.

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years of the two regimes have been selected as at the last stage, the political corruption, nepotism etc. reaches to the highest and different stake holders begin to press the government for fulfilling the unrealized promises that the party made in their election menifestos. Again, at the same time, with the election ahead, new interests are generated and articulated towards the political parties to include those in party manifesto. The year 2007 have been selected, because since January, an army backed interim government is ruling Bangladesh under the state of emergency. This interim government though non-elected have been trying to be a responsive government and providing media freedom. During this regime, political corruption occurred during previous regimes have began to be investigated and related reports came out in the dailies. During this period CSOs working at the national level, mainly economic groups and thinks tanks have also become active in articulating different national interests. Table 5.4 Sampled news papers
200111 15 100.0% 15 Year of reporting 2006 17 35.4% 12 25.0% 19 39.6% 48

Name of the Newspapers The daily Ittefaque The Daily Star The Daily Jugantor Total

2007 14 23.7% 24 40.7% 21 35.6% 59

Total 46 37.7% 36 29.5% 40 32.8% 122

The targeted issues were searched for reports on news on NGOs, trade unions, cooperatives, professional associations, social and citizen groups, seminars held by civil society groups and international organizations, government moves on CSOs, corruption related to CSOs. With

11

For the year 2001, only newspaper for Ittefaque was available for analysis. Issues of Daily Jugantor and Daily Star of 2001 were not available for photocopy at the libraries of Bangladesh.

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manual search12 in total 122 new reports have been selected for analysis. When all three news paper reported the same news, only one newspaper story that reports in details have been considered for analysis. Table 5.4 shows the number of reports found in each year and from each daily. These reports based on their texts mentioning13 the types of CSOs and links to administration, party, corruption, violence14 etc. have been coded with SPSS with the aim to get a simplified picture of the reports and verify whether they do support our inference about politicization of the civil society, their vertical relation with powerful actors. Before entering into analysis of the news reports, it must be mentioned that politicization is a phenomenon that is present in all sections of the society and market. This is something taken to be granted by the media and citizens in Bangladesh. Only such facts become media news when they are really serious and affect the social and political life or the issues are brought to attention to the government by elite civil society groups and large NGOs. News about CSOs that we have surveyed may not become media report just through their actions and projects. However, the news reports do provide evidences of politicization, division among CSOs along party line, dominance of ruling party supporters among all institutions, offices and associations. Table 5.5 shows the presence of different attributes found with varying rates among six types of civil society organizations. The term economic group refers to all types of business organizations, trade organization corporation and their apex organizations, education and cultural groups also include think tanks, intellectuals and
12

Manual search refers to searching the reports one by one from the hard copy of the news paper issues and not through any search machine going through websites on newspaper data base. 13 By mentioning these links and CSOs I do not mean the use of these specific words but mention of these attributes through the reportslatent content analysis.
14

By violence I mean unruly function of the public, pressure or force created by CSOs and parties through hooligan-extortion, shrikes that are also accompanied by violence. However, armed violence or bombing carried out by criminals as well as by the islamist or fundamentalist groups in the recent years in Bangladesh have not been brought under consideration as they do not confirm the civil society definition used for the research and also the Neo-Tocquevillean model.

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citizens groups arranging meetings and articulating interest in a formal way, pressure group refers to professional groups and also anomic groups formed instantly for support of a particular demand. NGOs include all types of small, large and apex NGO organizations, in the same way cooperative and labor unions also include all sorts of such organizations.

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Table 5.5 CSOs types and mention of different attributes in the news reports

Number of News Paper Reports CSOs types Total Frequencies Vertical link Links through corruption, nepotism, patronage *** Party Link** Bureaucratic link Violence, strike, extortion*** CSOs or leader identified as corrupt *** Donor backing, report, seminar, instructions*** News on interest articulation for particular and public interest*** 10 55.6% 20 95% 28 82% 7 35.0% 1 16.7% 4 17.4% 70 57%

Economic Education and Culture groups Pressure Group NGOs Cooperatives Labor Union Total Sig. **P<0.05, ***P<0.01

18 21

7 38.9% 15 71% 11 32% 10 50.0% 6 100.0% 20 87.0% 69 57%

11 61.0% 13 76% 24 71% 9 45.0% 2 33.0% 17 74.0% 72 59%

11 61.1% 8 43% 18 53% 11 55.0% 5 83.3% 15 65.2% 69 57%

7 39.0% 1 5.0% 20 59% 5 25.0% 3 50.0% 21 91.0% 57 47%

6 33.3% 1 5.3% 8 24% 10 50.0% 3 50.0% 19 82.6% 47 39%

0 0.0% 2 10.5% 1 3% 7 35.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 10 8%

34 20 6 23 122 N=122

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From table 5.5 it becomes evident that in majority of cases or reports there are mention about vertical links (57%), party links (59%), bureaucratic links (57%), violence (47%). The newspaper reports have either mentioned about such attributes found in certain events or as such matters have been protested by different social organizations. Along with these links there are 39% news where CSOs or their leaders have been accused of being corrupt, violent and working for self or party than the interest of the organization and the citizens. Mention of donors is found mostly in the case of NGOs. However, the percentage of interest articulation by the civil society organizations (57%) is also not less. The high rate of interest articulation may be explained through two different dimensions where both are verity. High rate of interest articulation is a positive sign for a nation and its health of democracy. However, such tendency looses its attraction when it lacks pluralism. Among the 70 reports on interest articulation, 20 that is 33% are on roundtable meeting where two particular civil society group Centre for Policy Dialogue, the think tank chaired by Professor Rehman Sobhan and Shujon the citizen group lead by Professor Muzzaffar Ahmed have articulated their interest. Moreover these two organizations are like minded CSOs and working for same type of policy matters and political issues. They are considered as the elite section of civil society and often termed by the media and press as the civil society. Other formal articulations have been made by few NGOs and business groups. This may be considered rather monopolization of the civil society advocacy space by a few CSOs. In spite of their honest objectives and strong articulations, pluralism may not be observed unless the ideas of other Citizens groups, intellectuals also get proper attention of the media.

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Again, in Bangladesh another way of articulation is through violence, strike that naturally attract the media and press. Among the 70 cases of mentioning articulation 20% are done through violence, 19% are done through strikes. In most cases, trade unions and desperate anomic groups and professional groups take resort to such techniques to express their demands and force the government to listen to their problems. States weakness and incapacity to meet all the needs and party governments negligence to rightful demands often lead to such violent expression of the civil society. Violent street politics among the political parties also have influenced such agitating attitude. During the first half of 2006 there was big movement of all primary school teachers associations for their salary and other rights that continued for few months. 10 of the reports concern this school teachers movement where they had taken the means of strike, agitation, procession and even hunger strike to get governments attention. This movement shall be discussed in details in the next section. Another noticing feature is that 39% of the news reports have mentioned allegation against CSOs or their leaders. Corrupt CSOs have been found in all types of civil society groups with labor union being the highest. Some NGOs have been reported to be fake and cooperatives or related officers as corrupt. In case of labor unions, the reports were published in 2007, when the corrupt leaders had been arrested for their rampant corruption, extortion and illegal properties which they have made with the power they received from the political parties, mainly the ruling party. If we try to have a closer look then we see that among those 39% report against CSOs, 55% also mention about bureaucratic link, 64% mention about link with political parties and 56% about vertical link that is corruption, nepotism, patronage etc and 66% also about violence.

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The simplified presentation of the 122 news report of civil society shows clear relations with corruption, patronage, party link, bureaucratic contact in a rather high scale as the percentage of such issues are all over 50%. It has also been revealed that through political co-optation process civil society organization themselves have also become corrupt. The news reports have revealed how civil society leader with the backing and blessing of the political power have become corrupt and violent working against the interest of their member and also the nation15 . Moreover, it has been found that there is a high tendency among the pressure groups and other CSOs to articulate through strike and violence. Civil society actions during normal time and under the democratic age in Bangladesh shows link to Gramscian civil society than the liberal model opposite to the expectation of the NeoToquevillean school. Among the formal healthy way of interest articulation as prescribed by the Tocquevillean school and expected by the donors for consolidating democracy is practiced by only a section of CSOs and few elite CSOs enjoy the facility to publicize their idea through the press. The news paper report analysis provides an over all idea about the civil society and political relation that have been observed at the beginning of 21st century in Bangladesh. In the next section I shall focus specifically on the important sections of the civil society to understand their inability to play a positive role in democratic consolidation as ideally expected from them.

5.3.2 Sector Wise analysis of Civil Society and Political Relation in Bangladesh 5.3.2.1 NGO Sector Organization formation through the NGO approach began in Bangladesh mainly after its independence in 1971 and proliferated during the 1990s.
15

The NGO community of

Corruption, extortion, violence at the different industries, government financial institutions like Banks and sea port area by union leaders are also acts against the national interest.

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Bangladesh has been classified into three sections (Stiles, 2002:50)-Major NGOs, Intermediary NGOs and mid size and small NGOs. The Major NGOs are big well organized NGOs having nationwide network. They receive the lion share of the foreign funds granted for NGOs in Bangladesh every year. The world class NGOs like BRAC, Grameen Bank, Proshika, TMSS 16belong to this group. Mid sized and small NGOs provide either a wide range of services in one region or a narrow range of services nationwide. Intermediary NGOs are like umbrella agencies to direct and coordinate NGOs, such as Association of Development Agencies of Bangladesh (ADAB), Federation of NGOs in Bangladesh (FNB), NGO Forum, and Campaign for Popular Education. Though before NGOs were regarded as comparatively neutral, after 1990s such NGOs have become politically colored and lost their non-political character which is fact for all types of NGOs. The survey data have shown NGOs active at the local level have high rate of keeping personal relation with political actors and contacting political parties. This subsection shall focus on the polarization and political affinity that have divided the NGO community in Bangladesh. Besides development, economically NGOs have brought foreign resources to the country and politically through their social awareness program and micro-credit gained the ability to control the decision of large section of voters at the grass-roots level. These two economic and political facts are important cause for political parties and ruling regimes to become interested in co-opting this sector. ADAB from 1974 to 2003 was the only apex organization of development NGOs in Bangladesh with a membership reaching 1388 NGO17 members through out Bangladesh. Up to late 1980s it functioned neutrally with few contradictions among the leaders at the

16 17

TMSS-tengamara mohila shobuj shongho (a Bengali name meaning green womens group). Directory of NGOs 2003-2004, Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh.

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executive committee. In late 1980s the incumbent chairperson of ADAB, Zafarullah Chowdhury of the NGO Gono Shashto Kendro, was accused of cooperating with the Military dictator as an informal policy advisor. As soon as the regime changed after a mass movement and new elected government came to power, the ADAB chairman was forced to step down by a small faction of the ADAB leadership lead by Kazi Faruque Ahmed, Chairman of Proshika (Hossain, 2006:242) but not with any informal instruction from the government or ruling party at that time. However, it is in 2001, when the clear political division and conflict emerged in ADAB leadership with one group led by Kazi Faruque Ahmed alleged to be an ally of the Bangladesh Awami League and other group led by Kushi Kabir, chairperson of a leading Human Rights NGO named Nijera Kori ( we do by ourselves) thought to have a special link with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Though none of the NGO leaders are formally members of any political party, the NGO community since 2001 has become divided into these two groups maintaining political link with BNP or AL. The polarization became distinct when a large section of ADAB members with the leadership of Kushi Kabir18 and Fazle Hasan Abed of BRAC came out of the apex organization and formed a new umbrella organization named Federation of NGOs in Bangladesh (FNB) which claims to represent about a 1000 NGOs (944 members). The website of FNB (http://www.ngofederation.net/) clearly mentions that they have broke away from ADAB accusing the Kazi Faruque leader of broken ADAB and his followers to be political. However, news paper reports on the events of internal clash among ADAB during 2001, 2002 and 2003, clearly show the political link or affiliation of both the sections.

18

Personally, Kushi Kabir is sister-in-law of ex- parliament member and ex-minister of BNP Nazmul Huda who was a powerful and influential leader of the political party ( The Daily Star, 5th August 2007)

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Kazi Faruque and his NGO Proshika have been alleged to have good connection with the Awami League both when the party was in power and also when sat in the opposition bench. It is also blamed that the Proshika have provided the AL party (while it was out of power) the necessary grass-roots support for lunching movements -street agitation, blockades, against the BNP government in 1996 and in 2004. Besides, in the name of election awareness campaign, the NGO Proshika and also ADAB under the leadership of Kazi Faruque have influenced the voters to vote for AL and reject the Islami forces or fundamentalists forces as they are anti-progressive and acted against the independence war in 1971. It is often said that this block of NGO have helped AL both in 1996 and 2001 general elections. Naturally, NGOs with such political allegation was not acceptable to the BNP government that came to power in October 2001 with the help of another right wing party Jamate Islami (Jugantor June 6 2002, Hossian 2006:242, Stiles, 2002:120). Proshika and its leader charged with political activities, fund embezzlement and conspiracy against the state faced severe government repression, arrests and blockade of foreign funds in 2004 (Daily Star , 3 May 23 May, July 27, 2004) However, latter happened after the break of ADAB. The other powerful section of ADAB leadership was the Kushi Kabir and Fazle Hasan Abed Group. This section of the leadership particularly Kushi Kabir (while she was the chairperson of ADAB) had been in contact by the other party-BNP in 2001, just before election and two months after ADAB had began its voters education campaign that goes against the interest of the BNP and its allies. In July 2001 controversy and conflict among the ADAB executive committee on the issue of Kushi Kabir meeting BNP leader Kahilda Zia led to events like filing case with the police and calling a mid-term election for ADAB executive, where the Kazi Faruque group won the election (11, 12, 13, 16 July 2001 Daily Star,

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Jugantor, Prothom Alo, Bhorer Kagoz). However, in two months time through the October 2001 national election, BNP and its allies came to government power. After coming to power BNP government refused to accept or negotiate with ADAB due to its politicized leadership that has always acted against its regime. Using such stagnant relation between the new BNP-Jamat government and elected leadership of ADAB, the Kushi Kabir and Abed block began initiatives to form a new coalition of NGOs that would act as the voice of the entire development NGOs nation wide. With the unspoken sponsorship of the government and support from small non-ADAB local NGOs through out the country in two years initiative FNB was formed on the based on national NGO conventions called twice. National local NGOs that have benefited from ADAB and Kazi Faruqe block have also joined such convention realizing the benefit of joining forums that are blessed by the regime (Bhorer Kagoz July11, 2001, Jugantor August 6, 2006 and Daily Star February 18, 2003, Hossain, 2006:245). It becomes clear that it is the political links of the NGO leaders and exploiting attitude of the political parties and regimes that had actually brought final division or polarization among the national NGO leaders19. Since then, NGOs have become careful not to act against the interest of the ruling regime and be tactful in dealing with political matters. In 2006, during the survey (September and October), which was the last month of the BNPJamat regime; the NGOs have tried to avoid responding to survey questions that may reveal their political link or identity. In an unrecorded interview a high official of micro-credit NGO (TMSS) 20 admitted that things have become critical day by day. Even if an NGO try to remain neutral but engages in projects with the government or attract governments attention
19

It needs to be mentioned that though Grameen Bank is considered as an NGO in research papers and new reports, it is by law a private bank. So it remains outside the events and conflicts of ADAB and FNB. 20 Interview with Officer in charge of TMSS NGO-Rajshahi Zonal Office 12th October, 2006.

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through its work or in some other way, then opposition becomes suspicious about the NGO. This creates great trouble for the NGO when the regime changes and the opposition come to power. The official feared that in the coming days, it might be impossible for NGOs to run without the shelter of a big party if the situation continues. So after 2001, donor backing was not enough for NGOs to perform their projects uninterruptedly. Moreover, at the local level, political divisions have created a panic among the small NGOs at the local level. Under such situation the NGOs have to please their patron-donors, as well as the ruling and opposition parties and avoid all actions that may go against the interest of either of the parties. Naturally this limits the freedom of the NGOs and their actions-specially that are related to participation and democracy. Next I shall focus on professional pressure group.

5.3.2.2 Primary School Teachers Movement 2006 Bangladesh history is the history of movements. Movements, where people and groups come down on streets agitating for their demands in an antagonistic mood, have always been considered as a democratic and an important way to establish right and bring change. Such Gramscian tradition has often been observed during the democratic age when civil society and politics was expected to move in a liberal democratic model. The government and administration in Bangladesh have failed to develop into responsive institutions. This is partly because they never came out of the influence of the colonial and Pakistani bureaucratic system and partly for the corrupt political leaders who were always concerned about their party and supporters interest than the interest of the nation. Among political and social movements that have taken place from 1990 to 2006, this section shall focus on a civil society movement of a particular sector of professional organization fighting

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for their specific interests or demands The primary school teachers movement of 200621. School teachers group as a CSO satisfy all types of definition of civil society. Interest articulation and pressing home demands by such groups is an acceptable, rather expected function from the consideration of both liberal democratic model and also New Gramscian model of civil society formations. However, the uniqueness of such movement lies in its nature, polarized character and the way government has handled such movement. The primary school teachers association is considered as a highly organized and well networked group in Bangladesh. Such primary school teachers associations are found in every sub-district, district and division level that hierarchically reaches to the national level. They also have rank of leadership based on geographic level. However, there are categories teachers of government school, non-government school, community school, madrasa etc. Elections are held regularly among these organizations and each group consists of factions along party line. Since independence, the school teachers community have engaged in movements with varying scale on different issues, mostly for their salary rise and other facilities to be granted by the government. It is to be mentioned that in Bangladesh generally, the school teachers of both government and non-government primary school are poorly paid with very little or no allowances for house, medical treatment etc. However, as such school teachers groups are vibrant and have network through out the country down to the periphery level and school teachers are considered as the traditional opinion leaders at the rural areas, they have attracted the attention of local elites and also national political parties. Now we shall directly focus on the matters of the 2006 which was mainly for realizing the long

21

By searching the news paper of Ittefaque, Daily Star and Jugantor from May to August of 2006, 69 reports and editorials have been found on the Primary School teachers movement. Among them 41 reports have been sorted deducting 28 reports that provide the same information. So the present discussion is mainly based on the information gathered through these 41 news reports.

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demands for better salary, other facilities and nationalization of the non-government primary schools. After the reintroduction of democracy in 1990s, the school teachers first went to the then BNP government with their demands in 1994. During that time leader of the oppositionchairperson of Awami League, promised association leaders to fulfill their demands if her party is elected to power. The when AL came to power in 1996, no initiatives were taken to solve their problem, and then teachers began agitation in 2000 at the end of the government tenure. That time the regime entered into negotiation which ultimately went in favor of the authorities not the teachers. So the teachers again they went to a movement aiming to carry out their demands through big gatherings, hunger strikes etc. (Ittefaque 6 June, 2001). At that time the then opposition leader-Chairperson of BNP promised to fulfill all the demands of the school teachers if they were elected to form the government in the next coming election22 and in September 2001 BNP came to power. In 2006, the last year of the BNP-Jamat government, the teachers groups were still going through discussions with government for providing higher salary and other facilities for them, but found that the draft national budget (which the last budget for that government), had not allocated the necessary funds for meeting their demands. It seems that these poor teachers have become instruments for the parties to win the election else nothing (Jugantor 18, 2006). This time the teachers were prepared for an all out movement. About eight hundred thousands (800,000) teachers directly or indirectly became involved in the movement organized by 41 apex association of school teachers. They arranged big gatherings at the capital, went on sitting in front of the secretariat, hunger-strike at important squares of the city and lastly, went on full-fledged strike, keeping 25 thousand
22

Again in 2006, at the critical stage of the Primary teachers movement the opposition-AL and its left allies in the same way, showed support to the leaders and promised to realize all their demand if they are elected to power.

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schools closed through out the country for 30 days and depriving 15 million children from education during this time. Moreover, they have tried to block roadways and water ways of every district, a natural practice by violent labor groups, university students groups and anomic groups. The main demands from the primary teachers who were joined by high school teachers and also madarasa teachers were, 1. Nationalize non-government primary teachers jobs, 2. 100 percent government salary for teachers of non-government high schools and colleges, 3. elimination of wage discrimination of the government primary school teachers, 4. nationalize the community primary school, 4. incorporate the ebtedayee (a kind of small private madarasa) teachers into national pay scale (Daily State 5 July, 2006). However, different groups had their specific demands too. This combined movement of school teachers included both BNP aligned groups a well as AL linked groups. From the news briefings of every day event during the movement from May to September, it becomes evident that every category and section of the teachers associations that participated had factions and these factions had tilt towards either the ruling party or the opposition. These factions though fighting for the same cause, had announced programs separately and carried out the events in different public squares in the capital. For example, when the community school teachers declared program for till death hunger strike, pro-BNP faction among these teachers observed it in Muktangon (free square) while the proAwami League faction started their strike in central Shaheed Minar (Monument square) (Daily Star 20 June, 2007). Such all out protest and movements of the teachers took place due to the long neglect of the party governments both BNP and AL. Always the teachers demands gained strength with the support of the opposition who gave them electoral promises which they never kept.

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During this particular movement in 2006, the opposition AL and its aligned left block backed the teachers that gave more force to the movement. The BNP-Jamat government did let such violent movement go on for months hampering the national education through out the country. It did not take strong suppressive actions like arrests of activists; banning processions etc. with only some incidents of clashes with police during the blockades and sit in. This is because 2006 was the last year of government for its five years term. Nonetheless, government could not meet all the demands of the teachers that would cost it 1 billion 500 million BDT which the state exchequer was not ready to provide. The government took the policy of delaying in dialogues with the agitating groups. Moreover the Education Minister took a political strategy to not to talk with all groups together, rather discussing with different factions separately. The minister agreed to a number of demands but on conditions.

Naturally, BNP linked factions accepted governments half hearted response to negotiations while others did not. Some sections of the teachers group went back to school empty handed after long strike and agitation; others lost the strength to remain in the streets. The unity of the movement was broken. Still a few AL linked factions of the non-government primary school teachers remained in the street up to September but the movement lost its force. The media attention went towards more violent protests by other anomic groups on different issues and the street politic that the opposition had just began when the 8th Parliament had only a few remaining days. Next I shall focus on the politicization, corruption and violence observed among labor unions.

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5.3.2.3 Labor Unions and Trade Organizations 5.3.2.3.1 Labor Union If we go back to table 5.1 then we may observe that labor unions have been rated 7 in order of influence upon the political system, though it has very little cooperation with other CSOs (ranked 13 in order of cooperation-chapter 4). The influence of such union is healthy and positive to democracy or not is the aim of discussion for this sub-section. Among the 122 news reports analyzed in section 5.3, 23 are on labor unions. 15 of the news reports have been published in 2007, that is, reporting the corruption and arrest of big union and CBA (Collective Bargaining Association) leader and stories of how such leaders have controlled and manipulated the industrial or economic sectors with the blessings of political leaders using extortion, violence, corruption and other illegal means. Table 5.6 Politicization, corruption and violence among labor unions as revealed in news paper reports
Politicization, corruption and violence among labor unions Administrative link Political Party link Vertical links-corruption, patronage, Violence, strike, extortion Labor union leader considered as corrupt Frequency 15 17 20 21 19 Percentage 65% 73% 87% 91% 83%

Table 5.6 provides a precise idea about what is in those reports on labor unions, actually the leaders. CBA leaders who have been reported here in most cases have been found to be guilty of corruption (87%), violence and extortions (91%) powered by the political parties (73%) and administration (65%). They with their links with successive ruling parties have had created reign of terror in the working zones where they controlled all financial decisions. They even decided about personnel and day to day management of the public enterprises.

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Not only union leaders have misappropriated government funds, manipulated tenders and forced to take decisions that went against the interest of the industry or market but also have extorted money from the poor workers wage pay slips. They often forced the workers to pay certain percent of their wages to the CBA leader as Tips (The daily star, 16 February and 6 May, 2007). Power and corruption of the trade union leaders have been found most and in worst form in the important areas that are directly related to national economy such as the Chittagong Sea Port and Dock area, public enterprises including the corporate banks, the transport section and even the tea fields (Bangladesh until recently used to export tea) (Ittefaque 3 March, 2007, Jugantor 4 April 2006, 28 February, 2007). However the most important export sector in Bangladesh is ready made garments that contribute to the countries GDP. This sector is also not free from internal politics factions and violence which are some times politically colored. In May and June of 2006 there had been labor unrest in this sector of industries that led to violence where the workers acted like mobs. This unwanted and unexpected incident had caused immense loss to the national economy. Ruling party blamed the opposition as the collaborator to the destructive acts while opposition pointed out to the ruling party to be responsible for the event. In three months time, negotiations had been reached among the garment owners and labor union leaders on matters of least amount of wages and other facilities through the mediation of the government (Ittefaque23, 24May, 3, 6 June 2007). Besides, these important sectors of the economy, labor unions and CBA leaders are found in all nationalized industries per rules of the labor law. Politicization, factionalism, extortion, corruption and powerful influence of the CBA leaders are present in almost all cases.

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5.3.2.3.1.1 Rajshahi Sugar Mill Labor Union During the survey, the labor union of Rajshahi Sugar Mill was selected for field study and its labor leaders and mill workers and officers were interviewed and observed. The trade union represents 1234 members who are all labor and office workers of the mill. Its main objective is to protect interest of workers and bargain with the authorities. Major financial source is the membership fee23. They have liaison with other labor unions of sugar mill under a federation and labor unions of other sectors. It has been found that this particular union is not totally controlled by the political parties but also not independent of the political power. Union members also engaged in internal politics. The executive committee is elected by the members in every two years. During elections, the panels of candidates are formed according to party line that reflects the national politics. However, though a panel is marked as BNP panel and another as AL panel, candidates supporting other political parties (like some communist factions) may also be found inside these panels. In most cases, influence of ruling party panel is huge among, the members and the administration. Even if ruling party supporters do not hold any elected post in the union, their influence and power are observed every where. However, there is no permanent voters bank for each panel. The voters decision changes with the change in national politics and performance of the union president24. After going through the list of elected members and their political affiliation, for 2001, 2003, 200525, we see that election results reflected national politics, in 2001 when AL was in power 10 of the elected members were from AL while 6 from BNP. On the other hand when BNP was on power in 2003 and 2005 the distribution was just opposite with 9 BNP and 7 AL candidates elected in 2003 and 13 BNP and 4 AL candidates elected in 2005.
23 24

More introductory information about the labor union is provided in the case study section in Appendix F Group discussion with the Mill workers and Mill Engineer during field visit on 26th September, 2006. 25 As provided by the office of the labor union.

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Within the sugar mill area influence of the labor union is immense. The management recruits mill labors and workers with consultation of the union. Each department of the mill administration has to move according to the wish of the labor union. Central political leaders of Rajshahi district like parliament members, Mayor have direct influence on the recruitment process and sugar selling decisions26. While surveying other labor unions related to transport in Rajshahi city, it had been revealed that when the normal labors enter into movements for their rights and facilities, the government try to buy the labor leaders with money and suppress such movements27. So politicization of and extortion by labor union leaders is a fact in all sections of the industry and market. However, the level of politics and corruption is high at the centre and most important sector than in the periphery. 5.3.2.3.2 Trade Organizations Besides the labor unions, there are the trade organizations of businessmen, chambers of commerce formed by industrialists, business magnets, garments mill owners etc. These organizations that represent the market are also not free from politics, division and competition. Just like other organizations, there are particular laws for registration and regulations of trade organizations (trade organizations ordinance of 1961). The two largest chambers are the Dhaka and Chittagong Chambers of Commerce and Industry both of which are highly politicized, poorly organized and dominated by petty traders (Kochanek, 1996: 715). Representing the Graments owners, the BGMEA (Bangladesh Garments Manufactures and Exporters Association) have emerged as an important interest group in Bangladesh.

26

The case study description is based on interview with President of the Labor Union of Rajshahi Sugar Mill also information gathered through conversation with normal workers, labor officers, and engineer and lastly on the documents provided by the sugar mill office on 26th September , 2006. 27 Observation note by surveyor A. S. M. Sarwar, submitted on 25th September, 2006.

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However, the officially recognized apex organization of Bangladeshi business is the FBCCI (Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce and Industry). It is to be mentioned that FBCCI is the only section of the civil society that out of their interest to protect their market, have always protested again the street politics, particularly the all out general strikes named hartal often called by political parties. However, because of its capital and financial resources, there also exists a special, informal and often corrupted relation between the private sector and political parties. In most cases, following the tradition of other conventional CSOs, the election results within each chamber and trade organization reflect the composition found in central and local governments. Among the sample news paper reports and editorials, 18 news were on economic organizations. Among these reports 56% expressed news on interest articulation by the trade organizations, again 39% about the vertical links like corruption, nepotism, patronage and 39% on violence, strikes and extortions. Again these same sample of news reports mentioned about political parties, 39% about the ruling party and 22% about both the ruling and opposition parties. Particularly, these reports covered news on internal corruption of the chambers of Commences and also personal corruption and political links of the elected Chamber Presidents of two districts, internal conflict among the trade organizations backed by political leaders and also genuine interest articulation by the business groups. Among these reports, one report was on

Rajshahi Chambers of Commerce and it was on the arrest of the President for corruption and extortion case. News paper reports also pointed out the strong political and business link the arrested president had with the ruling party and its leaders.

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5.3.2.3.2.1 Rajshahi Chambers of Commerce The incident of arrest took place in 2007. The particular Chamber of Commerce office in Rajshahi District had been visited during the survey in 2006 and besides the questionnaire; some more detailed information about the organization had been collected. The Chamber have been found to be an old one established in 1951 and active and well organized with defined rules and a constitution. It had been regularly holding elections and publishing annual reports. The chamber is also a member of FBCCI, representing all trade organizations active in Rajshahi district. Though the election of the board of directors takes place for every two years with the participation of all member trade organizations in town and periphery, in most cases it is the wealthy and powerful businessmen at central Rajshahi, enjoying strong links with the ruling party, who ultimately become elected28. The elected president and the working committee members in most cases are found to be directly or indirectly linked to the party in power. The report books for 2000 and 2002, that is during AL regime and BNP regime show the clear differences. However, there are a few members who are locally popular and are elected to the committees during both the regimes. In most cases, it have been accused that the leaders and elected persons are wealthy and powerful and often used their position in the Chamber to gain benefit and enjoy undue favors for their personal business and benefit. The Chamber members have admitted that, as business interest group, they have not been much successful in contributing to the development of economy and industry in the Rajshahi region 29 . On political matters, they have shown reservation in revealing information to the interviewers. So it has not been possible to investigate more on

28 29

As found in the designation and profile of the elected members in the Annual reports. Field visit to the Rajshahi Chambers of Commerce Office 24th September, 2006.

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the relation between the business leaders and their political links. However the arrest of the Chamber President in 2001 reveals it corrupt and vertical links with political power.

5.3.2.4 Cooperatives and Small Welfare Groups30 5.3.2.4.1 Cooperatives Besides the NGOs, most of the CSOs that are found at the local level of Bangladesh are cooperatives and small welfare groups and clubs. They may be registered or unregistered. However, CSOs that are receiving funds and loans from the government has to be registered as cooperatives or as voluntary welfare organizations with the respective ministry and their local offices. Cooperatives have a long tradition in Bangladesh since 1804 when the British Rulers first introduced it in Bengal. The present cooperative system finds its roots in the Comilla Cooperative Model introduced in the Pakistani Period during 1960s. There are varieties of cooperative with different status and monetary power at different levels of the rural and as well as the urban society, mainly for providing loans. At present the cooperative system in Bangladesh is under the control of the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperative. Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB) is in charge of the management of most of the cooperatives in Bangladesh. At the rural level it is organized mainly in two steps-Village Cooperatives at the periphery and Central Cooperative located at each Sub-District. The central cooperatives committee is elected by the periphery cooperatives. Again 4 BRDB officers become member of the central committee as per rules. Such cooperatives are mostly formed by farmers but also by poor laborers, workers, fishers,
30

This section has been written based on information gathered through recorded and unrecorded interviews and conversation with Local government executives, BRDB official and Joint Registrar of the cooperative directorate of Rajshahi Division, survey reports and observation notes of the surveyors.

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small business man and people belonging to different livelihood in the villages. There are separate cooperatives for men and women. Periphery or primary unit of cooperatives are formed of 20 to 40 members at the villages, these groups again elect one member to the college of electorate who ultimately elect the members to the central committee at the union level amongst themselves31. At the rural area prime objective of cooperatives is providing small-loans (5 to 20 thousand BDT)32 to farmers and fishers and small businessmen. The loan is also distributed for various purposes, like agriculture, live stock, beginning small business, group irrigation, supply of drinking water and so on. Some of the cooperatives are termed as multipurpose cooperatives concerned with more than one type of development activity. There are also special cooperative projects for landless destitute men and women funded by Asian Development Bank. Another project named participatory link model for rural development is financed by Japan while the project for Advocacy on Reproductive Health and Gender issues through rural cooperatives is helped by UNFPA. All these projects work through particular cooperatives. Besides loans, capitalization and mobilization, cooperative members under the management of BRDB, are also given training for self employment, environmental education, sanitation, gardening, tree plantation, family planning etc 33 . However, during the survey, the cooperatives have been found to be mostly concerned with loan and financial matter than other development activities. The foreign development partners provide financial assistance for particular projects, however, normally the cooperatives are run by the capital, collection of loan and service charges by the members. The government provides money occasionally as it did for five
31 32

Interview with the BRDB Officer, Poba Sub-district, 9th October, 2006. Which means about US $ 70 to US $ 300. 33 BRDB Annual Report 2004-2005.

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consecutive years after 1971 just after independence and again distributed two billion Bangladeshi Taka in 200334. Other small projects are also financed from the governments development budget 35 . This means a fresh and big amount of government capital have begun to cycle among the cooperatives as loans in the last three years. However, in comparison to the development NGOs the success of such cooperatives in economic empowerment and social development may not be considered as remarkable36. Such cooperatives have hardly been targeted in social science; especially political science research and the press are also not interested in publishing news on them. The only six news reports on cooperatives that have been found in the sample news paper reports (section 5.3.1) are related to corruption. 5 cases are reports not on the cooperatives but the corruption of government cooperative officers and how they manipulated the cooperatives. The other remaining news describes the suffering of the cooperative members due to encroachment of its designated land by local political leaders. During field survey, all types of the cooperatives have been addressed with same questionnaire, how ever difference had been observed in their way of replying, in their social status and political relations. It has been found that, primary cooperative formed by poor farmers or destitute women are hardly aware of their rights and are apolitical and consider themselves as powerless. They were rather afraid of answering politics and political party related questions in fear of repression from the political elites and hooligans. According to a recent statistics of the wage rate in Bangladesh 37 such cooperative members who are engaged in agriculture labor earns

Interview with the BRDB Officer, Poba Sub-district, 9th October, 2006. BRDB Annual Report, 2004-2005. 36 Interview with the BRDB Officer, Poba Sub-district, 9th October, 2006. And also Joint Registrar of the cooperative directorate of Rajshahi Division, 19th April, 2006. 37 Survey on Wage rate in Bangladesh 2006-07, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, http:www.bbs.gov.bd/dataindex access date 27th November, 2007.
35

34

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annually 22,680 BDT which means only US$ 330. Education level of the rural people in Bangladesh is 41.7% while the national rate is 60.5% 38 . Members of such cooperatives more concerned with the materialistic matter for their existence than their concern for the society and politics. Moreover, their complaints are often not heard by the local council

members at the union level and officials at the sub-district level39. But the members and chairman of the central cooperative committee have been found to be well aware of politics and often involved in party politics directly or indirectly. In most cases they have been found to be related to BNP-ruling party40. Central cooperatives deal with large amount of money, so there is some power and as well as status. Naturally they have been influenced by the political parties. During the survey, some of the respondents were brave enough to directly admit that political and wealthy elites intervene in the loan distribution process and often the real poor become deprived of their right to due loan. During interview, the divisional head of the Rajshahi Directorate for Registrations of Cooperatives have also admitted that in good number of cases it has been found that cooperative leaders are actually local touts41 who miss use the loans through conspiring with the government officials42. Few respondents during the survey have also admitted that cooperative officials were corrupt who demanded bribes to register their cooperatives. Misappropriation of funds, internal conflict of the members as well as lack of proper guidance and inspection from the cooperative officers and BRDB offices have often led

Bangladesh Population Census 2001(2003). Observation note of Jannatul Ferdous, submitted 25th September, 2006, page 20. 40 Observation notes of Jahangir Alam submitted 27th September, 2006 page 5, 18; Ahmed Murad Chowdhury, submitted 27th September, 2006, page 10-11. 41 The English word is used here in negative meaning often used in Bangla conversation to mean cheat and dishonest persons who earns leaving through improper monetary dealings and with the blessing of the local political leaders or local elites. 42 Joint Registrar of Cooperatives, Rajshahi Division, 6th May, 2006.
39

38

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cooperatives become inactive or dissolved though their names still hang on lists at the cooperative office43. Farmers who contribute most to the agrarian economy of Bangladesh have been observed to be silent in the democratic age and also before. There have been only a few scattered farmer protest and clashes with security forces on the crisis of fertilizers during the season. Such non-participation of the cooperatives is partly due to the cooperative law that does not allow cooperatives to make any demand to the government in the initial two years from its registration44 and partly for the ignorance of members at periphery units and for political influence upon central cooperatives. Through conversation with BRDB officials it became evident that on official matters, though the central cooperative members are the formal decision makers and loans to periphery groups are sanctioned through their signatures, practically the power is in the hand of these government officers45. This is true especially for destitute women. So the participation and power formally given to the elected members of the central cooperative committees, it is rather a farce and there is no initiative to empower these women to the level to be able to understand their responsibility and power to decide on their own. Cooperatives that constitute 38% of the total CSOs surveyed in the present research have hardly been found articulating their demands or participating in rallies or policy making etc. though the vertical influence of politics are profound among them, specially among the central cooperatives at the sub-district level. This tendency have lead the level of

Observation report of Mahmud Hasan, submitted on 25th September, 2006 Page 1; Ahmed Murad Chowdhury, submitted 27th September, 2006, page 3. Md Jannatul Ferdous submitted 25th September 2006, page 16,17, 33. 44 Cooperative rule 2004. 45 Interview with the BRDB officer, Poba Sub-district, 9th October, 2006.

43

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CSOs involvement in participatory activities at the local level very low, however, the rate of contacting political parties and leaders have remained high. 5.3.2.4.2 Local Social Welfare Groups and Cultural Sports Club Another neglected section in the civil society studies and donor policies, is the local social welfare groups and cultural sports clubs. These CSOs are mostly engaged albeit in a small scale in campaign against dowry 46 , child marriage, and family planning; providing community library; raising social and political awareness through entertainment like drama and songs or just playing football. These are all registered under the Voluntary Social Welfare Act 196147. The rural society have been mostly studied from the context of NGO projects and their beneficiaries but from the associational culture that have emerged among the local residence on their own or through the influences of the activities of the large NGOs. Often researchers have termed such local small welfare groups and clubs as inactive (Siddique 2002:412). Observation from survey reveals that such inactiveness may be true to some extent but cannot be accepted as a generalized trend. Surveyors did found some CSOs to be inactive or dissolved like the cooperatives but they have also found good number of dynamic CSOs belonging to this category also 48 . Such community organizations have relevance for research from different point of views-welfare and relief, political awareness, opinion formation and citizen mobilization. Naturally for the same reasons they may be target of the political parties too. The number of such CSOs at local level has increased rapidly since 1990 but most of them may not receive foreign assistance though a nominal

46

Money and/or property that a wife of her family must pay to her husband when they get married in South Asia. 47 Development NGOs as well as medium and small NGOs also have to primarily register themselves under the same act, or the Societies Registration Act 1860, then again register with the NGO Affairs Bureau if they want to receive foreign funds. 48 Observation note of Jahurul Islam submitted 21st September, 2006, page 5, 31.

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government fund. While a few of such CSOs have been found to be registered only for enjoying the government grant, another group of social welfare organizations have been found working for the people for the last 50 or more years in the area. These groups have been noted to be the first relief provider and worker during natural disasters. The welfare groups and clubs have been found to be politically conscious, though not participatory or enjoying a cooperative relationship with local council and TNO offices. It had been observed that in spite the clubs and local welfare groups termed their organizations as non-political the active members and chairman personally did have political affiliation with either the ruling party or the opposition. Reflection of such party politics becomes evident when other members supporting the same party get the most benefits and facilities from the club 49 . When a club becomes tilt to a certain faction then its normal activities become affected due to favoritism and politicization. Before, such CSOs have played significant role in education, entertainment. CSOs leaders were also acceptable enterprises for local arbitration known as Shalish. Now they have lost such acceptance because of their political links and internal conflicts. Sometimes, local elites who have political identity, are often related to such clubs and welfare groups and try to carry out their political objectives through CSOs activities50. If the group members belong to the opposition party then they are deprived from government grants and their registration is often threatened to be withheld. These groups are also victim of government corruption. Often the officials ask for 30% commission for processing the government grants they receive. Local council members affiliated with ruling party also claim percentage to such grant otherwise threaten to blockade

49

Observation note, Momen Khan submitted 27th September, page 11; Ahmed Murad Chowdhury, submitted 27th September, 2006, page 15, 20; Md Selimuzzaman submitted 21st September, 2006 page 9. 50 Observation report of Mahmud Hasan, submitted on 25th September, 2006 Page 5, 7.

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funds51. Naturally CSOs have no other way but to keep good relation with political parties, particularly the ruling party for their existence. Moreover, internal conflict and corruption52 are also found among such small groups which may be considered as another impediment against emergence of local CSOs as a strong social force to participate at policy level. Though in average the CSOs have termed local government to be the most cooperative actor (chapter 4) particularly the women groups have complained about the non-cooperation of the local government53. Such cooperatives and social welfare clubs have hardly been considered as civil society force by researcher or donors but have been successfully targeted by the political party for penetrating the rural society. These local CSOs have the potential to develop collective unity, social and political consciousness among citizens but they lack necessary resources and guidance. Hardly any initiative has been taken to include these CSOs in the mainstream development projects of the donors. Among the respondent only one club admitted that BRAC have provided them 150 books to enlarge their library. BRACs such initiative after breaking away from ADAB may be considered as its policy of alluring local groups to strengthen its newly formed federation FNB. Whatever, may be the objective, this is a good but small initiative of BRAC to strengthen the local community. However, political extortion and penetrations remains a big setback to vigilant civil society at the periphery level.

51

Observation note of Md Jannatul Ferdous submitted 25th September 2006, page 16; Mahmud Hasan, submitted on 25th September, 2006 Page 1. 52 Observation note of Jahurul Islam submitted 21st September, 2006, page 5. 53 Observation note of Md Jannatul Ferdous submitted 25th September 2006, page 20.

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5.3.2.5 Intellectuals, Think Tanks and Citizens Group Generally intellectuals are considered as the driving force for a civil society in bringing democratic change and consolidation. In Bangladesh, university teachers, students, lawyers have played glorious role in movements for autonomy, independence and democracy during British, Pakistani and Bangladesh period as mentioned in chapter three. During the democratic period intellectuals, thinks tanks and citizens groups have been found to be vocal but already marked by their political color. This section of the civil society as mentioned before is considered as the elites of civil society attracting media attention in the recent years. Often only this section is identified as the civil society in its traditional meaning in Bangladesh. However, such core of the civil society though respected and noted by the nation is very much politicized. Probably it is the university teachers associations and student organizations of the national universities in Bangladesh that has the longest history of political division. Such ideological and political division originated long before the independence in 1971 as this section had important contribution to the independence movement. However, since 1990s their political practice has deteriorated to its worst and often is considered unacceptable. They have used party slogans and have engaged in party sponsored activities. Students associations have turned into direct student wing of the political parties, have never acted independently from the party directions and became involved in arms politics. Their present performance has blurred their glorious role during movements. Their present activities are hardly possible to explain or discuss in the NeoTocquevillean model. Often such student and teacher politics is found to be the biggest obstacle to higher educational environment in Bangladesh. This sub-section, shall focus

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mainly on the university teachers groups and their political divide and then thinks tanks and citizens groups. 5.3.2.5.1 Intellectuals It is said that now-a-days professors are becoming familiar for political identity than research work or academic excellence 54 . At all national universities in Bangladesh, the teachers are found to be broadly divided into two factions. On section are identified with the AL and left political block and another to the BNP and Jamat political block. There may be further factions among these two sections and the professors may not be directly member of each party. During the election of the university teachers association, panels for candidates are formed along these two political lines. Which government is in power determine which panel wins most of the posts in the association. All other elected posts like faculty dean and syndicate members as well as administrative posts like vice-chancellor, treasurer in most cases are filled in by professors who support the ruling party or its coalition. The university teachers associations and other associations representing each block of the teachers like Zia Association (BNP), Bangbondhu Parishod (AL), Progressive Teachers Block (AL & Left) articulate their views and opinions on most political events that are of national interest through sending statements to the press, arranging processions or even going into strike. However, during articulating such views, they dont represent the entire teachers community but their affiliated political block. Their statements always go in favor of the political party that they support. Political appointments in national universities have become a regular practice for several years with the growing involvement of teachers with political parties. The university authorities give appointment to like minded candidates to increase their vote bank

54

Professor and elected member of the syndicate, Rajshahi University, 8th October, 2006.

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to win in the teachers associations elections and please the higher-ups in the government55. The party government also pushes for such political appointments to ensure their strong hold and control upon the universities-intellectuals and students during their period of rule and also when they are out of power. Though they are professors, it is not only ideology but other personal interests like appointment, promotion, administrative posts and other facilities that indulge them to join a political block. The university professors interviewed (who themselves are also involved in such university politics) have admitted such trend to be negative. In this way teachers serving the highest educational institutions are bought by political actors. They loose the strength to criticize university administration or the government actions even if it is wrong and unjust. They have lost the ability for free thinking. Alarming is that the polarization and division has become more distinct after 2001 56 . Interviewed professors admitted the necessity of conscience and consciousness among the professors to accept the right and wrong than blindly follow the parties. They also acknowledged that educational atmosphere of the universities would have been much better and productive had such type of teachers politics did not exist57. Another powerful intellectual cum pressure groups in Bangladesh are the lawyers and courts. The bar associations and the Supreme Court Lawyers Association have high influence upon the state and government. It is said that in election years the election result of the Supreme Court Lawyers Association forecast the outcome of the national election. This

55 56

The Daily Star 13th August, 2006, Daily Star 9th April 2005, The Daily Star 18th September, 2005. Professor, ex-vice Chancellor, Dhaka University interviewed on 21st October, 2006. Professor ex-vice Chancellor, Rajshahi University interviewed on 8th October 2006. 57 The discussion on university teachers politics have been based on personal observation, interviews with two ex-vice chancellors of Rajshahi University and Dhaka University, a syndicate member and ex-secretary of Rajshahi University Teachers Association and a Dean of University of Rajshahi. Information has also been gathered through news papers reports particularly those published in The Daily Star on April 4, July 27, 2007; February 13, August 13, 27, December 27 2006; April 09, May 17 September 18 2005; August 25, December 26 2004.

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means the lawyers are also divided along party line just as the university teachers or other trade union or professional group in Bangladesh. Moreover, the lawyers have also been found in acts like agitation, processions, and even unruly activities to articulate their interests and press home their demands (Ittefaque 12 January 2001, 29 March 2006, Jugantor 1 April 2006, The daily Star 16, 25 June, 2005). Bar association at every 64 districts are divided in the same party line. 5.3.2.5.2 Think Tanks and Citizen Groups A new trend since 1990s is the emergence and the voices of think tanks and citizens groups in Bangladesh. Professor Rehman Sobhan and his Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) have already been high lighted in chapter two at the literature review section. The centre has alliance with BRAC, Grameen Bank, Shujon (another like minded citizen group) in Bangladesh and also with other Bangladeshi intellectual groups in USA. It may be considered as another supporter of the new liberal model. The organization is well reputed among the educated society and has a monopoly upon media coverage as it also have alliance with the two dailies Prothom Alo and The Daily Star and a private TV channel Channel-i. Though the think tank has acceptability among educated citizens and have wide media coverage it may not represent the opinion of the all the researchers, policy specialists and intellectuals. The CPD along with Professor Yunus of Grameen Bank and 11 leading economist and business personalities had lunched a movement for fair candidates that have attracted a lots of criticism and controversy among different sections of the intellectuals (mainly among fully left minded and centric-Islami tilt minded) in the early 2006. A series of criticism and counter writing were published in news papers other than Daily Star and Prothom Alo (Ittefaque 27 March , 10, 29 April 2006, 20 Jugantor April 2006). During

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interview with the University Professors on the civil society in Bangladesh, it had been found that CPD actions had full support of the intellectuals belonging to the AL block while half hearted support from those belonging to the BNP block. Though CPD tries to arrange round table meetings that include different sections of professionals and often leaders of both BNP and AL, it actually represents the idea of a section of intellectuals. Unless new think tanks emerge with the same strength, influence and financial ability and network, pluralism may not be achieved among the elite civil society. A loose alliance may be observed among eminent citizens with liberalist, secular mentality and those who are donor supported. But they cannot be considered as the conscience of the entire civil society rather a slice of the citizenry. Shujon- a new citizens group lead by another eminent economist and former executive director of Transparency of Bangladesh (TIB) belong to the same intellectual circle.

5.3.2.5.2.1 Rajshahi Rakkha Shangram Parishod-RRSP (Movement to Protect Rajshahi) During the field survey, a citizen group of Rajshahi city that had attracted media attraction both among the local and national press Rajshahi Rakkha Shangram ParishodRRSP (Movement to Protect Rajshahi) had been observed and its leader had been interviewed58. The citizen group voice for the basic needs- like medical treatment, drinking water supply, power supply, and gas supply for the people of the area, environmental degradation in the area and against government decisions to move important offices and building from Rajshahi and point out irregularities, corruption, and administrative failures found in Rajshahi. They articulate their interest through petition, press conferences, round tables, seminar and also public meetings arranged at open grounds, rallies and processions protesting certain events, sit in, hunger strike, giving ultimatums and up to calling all out
58

A more detailed case study of the CSOs have been included in Appendix F

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strike (Hartal)59. Though the citizen group is working for the interest of the Rajshahi, it had been found to be placed in an antagonistic position in relation to the Rajshahi city corporation. It has good relation with press and media and cooperation with other nonpolitical groups like professional groups, economic groups etc. Originally RRSP was formed by a few merchants in the town, but later have attracted membership from all types of professions-teachers, intellectuals, journalists, lawyers and other educated citizens. The executive committee is elected in every two years. Besides membership fee, other sources of finance are the local eminent businessmen and other sponsor organizations like banks, enterprises, and national dailies. The organization claims that they have neither any relation with the political parties nor with any political blocks. Rather they have come forward for the interest of the citizens of Rajshahi as the political parties have failed to do so. The organization have gained reputation and media attraction for its movement for natural gas supply in the city and it came in direct conflict with the administration protesting maltreatment of the patients in private clinics. The secretary had even been arrested and tortured by law enforcement forces60. However, if we go through the lists of advisory committee membership lists of the RRSP, we may see presence of well reputed citizens of Rajshahi city that represents both the BNP (but not Jamat) block and the AL and left block. However, the majority of members belong to the left and AL block61. The convener of RRSP though claim to be non-political, have been found to be a former elected member of the Board of Directorate of Rajshahi

59 60

Interview with the Convener, Rajshahi Shohor Rokkah Shongram Porishad, Rajshahi, 28th September, 2006. As admitted by the convener of Rajshahi Rakkha Shongram Parishod, Interviewed on 28th September. 61 Proceeding of a Round Table Meeting on Development of Rajshahi, Published by Rajshahi Rokkah Shongram Parishad. Rajshahi: May, 2006.

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Chambers of Commerce during the AL regime62 and had links with the left groups in his young age and found presently in a confronting position with the present administration. During conversation with other citizens about RRSP, it had been found that, the organization and its moves have been praised by all but the over presence of members of the latter block have discouraged the BNP and right minded citizens to engage in the movement directly. Besides, the elites and civil society leaders that support the ruling coalition are already favored by the government and administration. Naturally, for the loyalty they have sold for personal and group benefits prevent them from joining any movements that protests the government policy. The polarization that have divided the whole society and civil society have refrained the citizens from organizing in systematic movements in a united manner for a common local cause. So it may be observed that among think tanks and citizens groups both at the centre and local areas in Bangladesh, it is the left and AL tilted groups than the BNP aligned groups that are more active. Unless there is a balance among both the blocks and truly non-political citizens groups are established, there might be big difference in the manner of articulation by the CSOs and nature of government responses with the change of regimes.

5.4 Summary and Conclusion The present chapter is a complementary chapter to the data analysis done in chapter four with the aim to dig out the reasons for low participatory civil society in Bangladesh and its insufficient contribution in consolidating democracy. The researcher assumed that powerful influence of political structures particularly political party upon the civil society impedes its democratic performance. Historical and political development and vertical
62

Annual Report Book 2002, Rajshahi Chambers of Commerce.

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cultural background have led the political parties to the position to co-opt and polarize the civil society since 1990s. In chapter four, from survey data analysis it has become clear that rate of participatory activities like policy making, advocacy, lobby is low and there is a tendency among the CSOs to adopt vertical means to lobby the authorities than horizontal ones and they often contact political parties for perusing their problems or demands. The present chapter with same set of survey data has shown that CSOs perceive the political parties to be the most influential actor in the political system. CSOs themselves have rated market actors as medium powerful. Except the press and media, all other social actors had been ranked at the lower positions. The survey data also showed their high tendency of keeping personal relation with political leaders and contacting both the ruling and opposition parties. Such tendencies have been found high in case of all categories and sections of CSOs. However, CSOs working at the local level with out foreign assistance have found to be more inclined to political contacts. Such high rate of political contact in Bangladesh is comparatively distinct in contrast to other developed and developing countries in Asia (figure 5.1). Nevertheless, such high rate of contacting political parties is not enough to establish our inference on the politicization and co-optation of the CSOs by political parties. There are limitations in gathering information on political relation through direct questions and formal surveys on CSOs. For overcoming such limitation other sources of data had been used and qualitative analyses have been applied. The second section of this chapter using different datanewspaper reports, interviews, informal discussion, survey observation notes etc. have qualitatively analyzed the tendencies of civil society having political links, vertical links, bureaucratic links and the nature of using violent means by CSOs and style of their interest articulation. Moreover,

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some selected but important sections and actions of civil society in relation to politics have been given special focus and been discussed on the basis of information gathered from different direct and indirect sources. Through such discussions, politicization of the CSOs, ruling party influence, faction or division within the civil society as well as the society along party line have been pointed out as to be real fact. First, a sample of news paper reports on civil society published from January to June in 2001, 2006 and 2007 in three dailies selected on the basis of their neutrality, acceptability and circulation had been coded and simplified using SPSS program. The simplified analysis revealed high rate of political links, corruption, and violence in CSO related reports. In 39% of the reports, CSOs or their leaders had been termed corrupt having links with the bureaucracy, party, violence, extortion and patronage, nepotism. Though 29% of the reports were on interest articulation of CSOs, among those reports 20% also mentioned about violence and 19% about strike and 33% articulation was by the same group of think tanks and citizen groups. Such numbers imply the strong influence of Gramcian model for pressing demands in antagonistic way rather than through negotiation and bargain and lack of pluralism among the advocacy groups. The harmony expected from a vibrant civil society group in Neo-Toquevillean model is absent here. This is due to the influence of movement based historical development of Bangladesh and violent street politics practiced by the political parties as well as the irresponsive governments during the democratic age. These facts support the hypothesis of the political influence upon the civil society and presence of corruption, patronage and other illegal means in civil society and state interaction. It has also been found that means for articulating demands are more violent and acute than expected in a democratic setting. Gramcian elements or outlook are still present in

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liberal democratic framework in Bangladesh. Interest articulations through violence and strikes do not imply to high civil society participation or a vigilant civil society, but lack of proper harmony among the state and civil society relation and presence of deprivation, extremism and emergency in the political system. Normal or formal means of pressing demands or interest articulations can hardly make head-a-way in Bangladesh. Survey data also shows that such formal means have been found to be unpopular among the civil society organizations. Not all organizations have the ability to protest violently, it takes place mostly at the meso and central level. Besides, such violent protest does not always bring satisfactory results. Again the number of CSOs with the capacity of arranging round table meetings or forming policy papers and attract attention of the media and government is also very few. Lastly, important five sections of the civil society and their political relation have been focused on using information gathered from newspaper reports, interviews, field visits and observation notes. Through such discussions, our augments on strong political influence, patronage, corruption, political polarization existing in different sections of the civil society and at both local and national level have become more evident. The development NGO community has been found divided and polarized among party line. They may not be directly involved with a party but need to maintain indirect link with them to carry on their projects. Due to polarization, NGOs now seek the shelter or patron of one party when it fears persecution from the other. In case of professional groups like the school teachers association, it has been exposed that political parties have exploited the nation based network of such CSOs as an instrument for winning elections. As these professional groups are already penetrated and polarized, their united movements often fail to reach their goal as the government uses such

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division to weaken their strength and arrive at negotiations in favor of the state not the civil society groups. Political link and violence have given rise to corrupt and criminal labor union leaders. The collective bargaining associations instead of articulating the financial, social demands and rights of the poor workers and labors, have turned out to the be the magic lamp for labor leaders for accumulating wealth, seizing not only the basic wages of the labors but sacrificing interest of the public industries and enterprises. Trade organizations also have strong link with the political actors. At the rural periphery level, large numbers of cooperatives and small welfare associations and clubs have been found to be the source of opinion formation, collective unity, with the potential to generate social and political consciousness among the citizens. Though such local indigenous civil society organizations resembles with Putnums soccer clubs, bird watching groups, they have been neglected by the development practitioners. However, organizational strength and ability to form collective and individual opinions have attracted local elites and political parties towards CSOs. They have used the patron-client social structure to penetrate the local clubs and welfare organizations. Political affiliation and politically motivated function of the members and internal conflict have eroded the quality, image of such CSOs and their strength. The central cooperative leaders have been targeted by local elites and political parties because of the large amount of loan they control and distribute to other primary unit cooperatives. At the meso and national level there are the intellectuals, think tanks and citizen groups which are considered the conscience of civil society as well as its driving force. Discussions have revealed the university professors to be politically colored and their political affiliation is connected to not only ideology but personal interests like appointments,

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administrative posts, promotion etc. Student association reached to such political and violent level that it may be no more be considered as civil society organization. In case of think tanks and citizens groups, lack of pluralism and unity have been revealed. Pattern of membership and participation in such non-political citizens groups also reflects the political divide in the society. From our discussion it becomes clear that civil society both at the local and national level are under political pressure or politically linked by vertical forces. The political penetration is evident both at the periphery and at the core of the civil society. Where ever financial resources and votes (opinion formation) are in some way in control of civil society organizations, they have become target for political penetration. This may explain the division among NGO community as well the teachers associations and also labor unions and cooperatives. When the civil society is co-opted controlled, the leaders and members are working not for the interest of the groups they represent but for personal gain, status-quo and the political parties, they can hardly perform their vigilant role. Instead of monitoring the state apparatus, they are contributing to the misdeeds of the government and political parties. If they continue to be under political pressure and remain divided among themselves along party line, civil society organizations can hardly gain the necessary independence and strong character to emerge as vigilant forces. Lacking such vigilant power, a civil society, no mater how it is vibrant, may not contribute to democratic consolidation. In case of Bangladesh, democratic consolidation by civil society is to take place mainly in four ways. CSOs, particularly the NGOs are in headway for civic education but that have led them to become target of political parties. In case of interest aggregation, it has been seen that the civil society at the local level are hardly engaged in such acts. Those at the

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centre and meso level engage in such activities through formal and horizontal means are very few and follow same type of liberal secular ideology. The other way of interest articulation is rather violent and very much entangled to politics and political parties. When the core of the civil society and as well as the periphery are co-opted by the political party, they cannot play in any significant role to monitor the state and market. As often the civil society leaders are corrupt and political and vertically linked to the government, they hardly can ensure any honest participation and representation of different segments of society in political decision making.

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Chapter 6
Conclusion
6.1 Introduction Political actors do play a powerful role in shaping civil societies vigilant nature. The previous chapters show how civil society in Bangladesh has been less involved in actions that are related to politics and democracy. These chapters also identified the powerful influence of the political actors in deterring the ability of civil society in contributing democratic consolidation. This chapter first answers the research question, 'why the civil society in Bangladesh can hardly contribute in democratic consolidation' based on the findings in each chapter, then moves on to the discussion on implication of the study on Bangladesh democracy, liberal democratic theory and donor policies. The present chapter argues that, civil society in Bangladesh may be termed vibrant from its activities and success in social development, but it can hardly be termed vigilant because of its low participatory nature and politicized and divided attributes. This also qualifies the prevalent assumption of the liberal democratic model often incorporated in donor policies, which emphasizes the positive and direct relation between civil society and democracy. The study points out the impracticality in the donors policy and expectation from the civil society organizations in Bangladesh. The present study concludes that donors should not take ambitious policies to strengthen civil society with high expectations like democratic consolidation in developing countries like Bangladesh. Unless political consensus grows among the political actors to accept the political game democratic consolidation is hardly possible with the efforts made by a few selected civil society organizations. This also requires concomitant institutionalization of political structures and economic development.

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6.2 Answer to the Research Question In this study, civil society in Bangladesh, its nature, action and political relation has been investigated through three different attempts that ultimately support the inferences on its vibrant nature considering social development; its high rate of involvement in social welfare and low performance in participatory activities; and its weak, divided and politicized nature in respect to democracy. The third chapter, at first, based on comparative discussion argues that it is the political actors who determine the nature of democracy and level of civil society strength in developing countries. In case of Bangladesh, political parties and leaders have been pointed out to be the prime reason for a weak civil society. However, donor policy, social circumstances, historical development, culture and law also have combined effect in the development and nature of civil society here. Donor policy, natural disaster, poor economy and culture of philanthropy and charity, web of registration laws have led to vibrant civil society consisting of both world class development NGOs working with nationwide organizational base as well as small welfare groups and cooperatives, active at the local level. Such vibrant civil society does show evidences of civic engagement and collective activity and a high orientation towards service provision and social welfare rather than participating in local governance or exerting peoples right. Moreover, though the culture of group formations and collective activities is very common in Bangladesh society, the internal nature of the CSOs have been found to be reflecting the vertical social relations like kinship, clientelism etc. Democratic and horizontal relationship between civil society leaders and members are hardly found in those organizations, whether it is a cooperative, NGO, labor union or a professional group, while

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most of the CSOs may possess very much democratically organized written constitutions and rules. Vigilant nature of the civil society, that is more related to politics and democracy has been inferred to be highly influenced by political history, by political structures and particularly by political parties in the 1990s. If we recall the figure 3.5 in chapter three, it becomes clear how political parties and their governments have maintained their control over the civil society organizations vertically through corruption, patronage, nepotism, special legal and illegal favors, extortion etc., for attaining control on different institutional domains, ensuring organizational base at the rural level and confirm their vote banks at all levels of society. Moreover, the historical legacy of civil society and political party coalition on different movements, and the ideological divide among the citizens due to historical roles of different sections of the society have provided the necessary background and logic to divide the society and civil society along partly line. Previous literatures and interviews have identified such penetration of political parties at all stages of civil society both at the core level and the periphery level. This has receded the participatory nature and strong voice of the vibrant civil society. Based on such inferences on civil society in Bangladesh, in chapter four and five, its participatory activities and political relations have been investigated empirically using hard evidences and direct information that supports our inferences on a less participatory civil society and its politicization. Literatures on Bangladesh civil society is rich in analyzing and evaluating the social welfare functions, however, the present research for the first time has investigated its participatory functions and political relations based on wide range of primary and secondary data.

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Chapter four partially answers the question regarding inability of civil society in consolidating democracy by distinctly showing the low rate of involvement in participatory actions by civil society organizations. Besides the low rate of participatory activities, the primary data also reveal a tendency among the CSOs to avoid issues that are more related to politics and democracy that may lead them to a confrontational situation with the government and political parties. If we recall tables 4.9 and 4.10 on the participation rate of civil societies on democratic issues, it becomes evident that on sensitive issues like campaign against corruption (12%), against street politics (3%), for independent judiciary (4%), etc., the involvement rate was very low in contrast to the advocacy rates on education (40%), public health (39%) or environment (30%). The data have also shown partisan tendency among the CSOs, as they have a high rate in contacting directly the political parties to lobby the government and on other matters too. The high contact with the political parties by CSOs in Bangladesh, have been verified comparatively with other Asian countries, the Bangladeshi case shows abnormally high rate (recall figure 4.9 and 5.1). The data have also shown the low rate in coalition formation among civil society organizations. Logically, when civil society has a low profile in participating in democracy related advocacy, policy-making and forming coalition, but has high vertical contact with political parties, it can hardly bring pluralism or aggregate interests of the communities and represent all sections of the society. Among the 504 CSOs surveyed, 80% are active at the local level. Among them most organizations are cooperatives, local social welfare groups and small NGOs working in a limited area. These organizations are formed mainly for welfare and economic purpose and most of the members are poor farmers and destitute women. Average annual income of these

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poor members is only around US$ 330. Their level of education is also very low. Naturally they are interested in the materialistic gain from such collective actions like agriculture loan, micro-credit, employment training etc, rather than showing interest in the policy matters of the local government or the change in national politics. Local NGOs are also concerned with these types of persons as their beneficiaries. Some of the welfare groups are formed by local elites or the educated persons of the area. However, they lack the necessary resources and donor attention. Moreover, lack of internal democracy makes these CSOs often prone to political co-optation. In chapter five, findings based on qualitative analysis of news paper reports have supported the inferences made in chapter three on politicization of civil society organizations, penetration of civil society by political parties using vertical means like corruption, patronage, special favor, nepotism etc., and also that the political divide existing at all levels of the civil societyperiphery, meso and central levels. Moreover, from the data and information, high rate of using violent means and extortion, strikes by both political parties and civil society organizations have been revealed. This implies strong presence of Gramscian model of civil society and it does not refer to a vigilant civil society but indicate the presence of deprivation, extremism and emergency in the political system. In case of advocacy, besides, less participation, lack of pluralism have been noticed, rather it may be termed a monopoly of a few liberal and secular minded think tanks and citizens groups attracting the media and government and channeling their ideas and advices claiming to represent the whole civil society in Bangladesh. Sector wise discussion on civil society and political relations have exposed such political links, co-optation and polarization of the civil society at the top elite level like the

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apex organizations of the development NGOs, division among intellectuals, as well as the local level like small welfare groups. The same tendency has been found in CSOs with nation-wide network like primary school teachers, labor unions, as well as those enjoying local network like cooperatives. It has been found that, where there is control of vote and resources in the hands of civil society organizations, they have become the target of political parties. CSOs, instead of mobilizing such power towards bargaining with the political forces and controlling state actions have been found to be penetrated by the political parties for their valuable resources. In a nutshell, service and welfare related activities have been found to be popular among CSOs than actions that are more related to policy making, governance and democracy. Moreover, these civil society organizations have been hinted to be neither horizontal nor democratic internally. In consequence they have been found to be prone to politicization, polarization and cooptation. These are the weakest points for the civil society to gain a vigilant character. On the other side, the political environment in which the civil society functions has also been found to be uncongenial to democratic consolidation and a strong civil society. Though Bangladesh is formally a democracy, the political atmosphere is always confrontational played by the two major political coalitions engaged in a zero sum game. Politics is played by the rules of clientelism, corruption, patronage and extortion. The social political interaction is also based on a vertical give and take relation. In the process the civil society is co-opted and divided by the political parties. Naturally the civil society looses its independent strength to emerge as a strong third force to contribute to democracy. However, it is to be admitted that supporting data used to point out the relationship between civil society and politics are just based on information gathered from news papers,

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resource persons, observations during field trips and the observation notes made by the surveyors. These data helped to build strong inferences conforming to critical assumptions made on civil society and political relations in the first and third chapter. Nevertheless, more concrete data, gathered through in-depth case studies, participatory observations etc. to completely prove the inferences on politicization, penetration and use of vertical means corruption, patronage, nepotism etc. have not been possible to assemble at this stage of the research. Despite such weakness, the combined data used for identifying the vibrant and participatory nature of civil society and its political relations should be considered sufficient to identify the reasons behind the weak civil society and its poor performance in relation to politics and democracy. Based on the findings through the present study, next we shall examine the ability of the present civil society in Bangladesh in consolidating democracy.

6.3. Ability of Civil Society in Consolidating Democracy As discussed in chapter one, for Bangladesh to achieve democratic consolidation, it is necessary to ensure the combined effect of four major interacting factors, e.g., political institutionalization, stable economic growth, formation of a democratic culture and a participatory civil society. It has also been identified that a participatory civil society has four main tasks to realize democratic consolidation. These are, civic education on political and human rights, interest aggregation, monitoring of state apparatus and economic society and ensuring better participation and representation of all segments of society in political decision making. With the data and analysis revealed through the present study, it is now possible to point out to a considerable extent the ability and potentials of civil society in consolidating democracy in Bangladesh.

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On civic education, the performance of the civil society is satisfactory so far. At the grass-roots level, it has been found that CSOs are involved in some types of civic education and advocacy trainings like developing group network (24%), local representation and ventilation of grievances (18%), providing education and service in exercising legal and political rights (17%), and raising social and political awareness (30%). However, such activities have been found to be performed at a far low rate than the CSOs involvement in service providing functions like education (44%), economic empowerment (44%) etc. Though low in rate in comparison to other service providing functions, raising political awareness has become a part of the grass-roots projects of civil society organizations, particularly among NGOs as the donors have put emphasis on such activities. The high rate of voters turn out (over 70%) during the 1996, and 2001 elections is said to be partly due to such awareness programs. Naturally, this must be evaluated positively for the citizens of Bangladesh and its democracy. However, as discussed in chapter five, awareness programs give the NGOs the opportunity to influence a large section of the voters decision regarding to whom to vote. Naturally the contesting political parties have considered this as a means to ensure a large vote bank. This led to political deals among the political parties and NGO leaders, which ultimately brought partisan allegations against some NGOs and their coalition. This divided the largest umbrella organization of development NGOsADAB. In case of interest aggregation, civil society has been found to be inefficient due to its low level of network and lower rate of participatory actions. Though the civil society in Bangladesh has strong link with the political parties, it is not for channeling grievances and pursuing for collective interest of the civil society through the parties. Rather political link has been found to bring about division among the civil society organizations and their

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coalitions. In case of civic engagement at the local level, the Bangladesh case supports the observation made in the CIVICUS project (2007) where it has been found that often in the South, the local initiatives for social welfare and collective actions, voluntarism, charity etc. are not coupled with a strong organized civil society in terms of levels of organizations, networks, infrastructure, and resources. Excluding the foreign funded NGOs, most of the CSOs particularly at the local level lack the necessary resources, organizational skills and technical assistance that may help them form network, write petitions, or engage in other forms of lobbying or advocacy. Moreover, Bangladeshi citizens do not enjoy social liberty as much as developed countries or even neighboring India. Small local NGOs also try to avoid playing political roles in public though they have to maintain political links informally for their existence and execution of their programs. At the capital level, only a minority of like-minded think-tanks, citizens' groups and NGOs have emerged as the voice of the civil society attracting the media and debating with the state. These few CSOs belong to a certain block and ideology (liberal and market economy) group; they cannot represent the whole civil society that consists of different views and ways of thinking. However, it is only these organizations that possess the necessary technical, intellectual and financial support to attract the media, press and the government. So the interest aggregations are not taking place in a bottom up manner but by a few elite organizations at the centre. Evaluating on the basis of participation and representation all segments of the society, the low participatory Bangladeshi civil society can hardly make any success. Among the CSOs surveyed, 68% thought that the civil society in Bangladesh could not influence government and national policies. The survey also found that only 13% of the CSOs had

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succeeded in influencing the government or local government for a certain decision, budget or policy that they supported. Besides, participation rate through lobby, advocacy and other means like sending representative to local council and advisory bodies, have also been found to be low 1 . Such findings rather refer to a low potential for the civil society to ensure participation and representation of all segments of the society. Lastly the most important activity of the civil society is to monitor state actions. Low rate of participatory activities by the civil society at the periphery and meso levels has already been mentioned. Moreover, analysis has shown that there are rather vertical links between the political actors and the civil society and political parties have penetrated the civil society. When the civil society organizations are already co-opted and controlled by the political actors they can hardly act independently and stand against the excesses of the state. Nevertheless, the potential or ability of civil society in Bangladesh in consolidating democracy cannot make us very optimistic. Not only the data that have been used for the present research, but observation of the contemporary political situation of confrontation, corrupt and non-transparent government and weak state do not depict a scenario that would provide any better environment for the civil society to act strongly for democracy. Instead of protesting against the government or corrupt politics, CSOs themselves have been found to become corrupt, unaccountable and controlled by the political forces. Only in extreme deprivation CSOs or citizens' anomic

However, in different literatures, NGO reports and analysis of the international development agencies, the civil society particularly the NGOs have been praised for inspiring the poor villagers not only to vote, but to participate and win in local council elections. According to BRAC Annual Report for 2003, that year among 4484 Unions of Bangladesh, 3945 women candidates for union council election were among BRAC beneficiaries and among them 2388 succeeded. This is the effort of only one NGO the largest NGO in the country. However, very few CSOs in Bangladesh are as large, well organized and networked and resourceful as BRAC. Majority of the CSOs dont have the necessary resources to support their members for such activities. This has become evident through the main survey of the research that has interviewed large NGOs as well as small local NGOs and small welfare groups and cooperatives both at the local and urban levels.

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groups have been found protesting against the government in the streets, which often turn into violent clashes between the public and security forces. However, this does not represent any strong or active civil society but a weak state and irresponsive government.

6.4 Neo-Tocquevillean Assumption and Donor Policies: Implication of the Bangladesh Case The present study not only pointed out the reasons behind the inability of civil society in Bangladesh to contribute to democratic consolidation but also made attempts to qualify the assumption on civil society and democracy by the main stream Neo-Tocquevillean school. The school presumes that the more associations there are in a country the greater the possibility that democratic institutions will improve. It is believed that efforts to produce democracy through civil society and civic engagement may bring about macro social outputs from micro social efforts, the democratic practices shaped in associational activities will have spillover effects in other context and the same associational structures will operate in similar ways in different socio-historical back ground. Such supposition has profoundly influenced the donor policies on developing countries. The Bangladesh case has shown that despite the existence of a good number of civic groups and local associations and clubs at the community levels, civil society hardly influenced or contributed in local government decision making, national policies, and democracy. A good number of CSOs are working not only at the local level but also at the meso and central levels; but these organizations can hardly be considered as autonomous or well networked. Rather, most though not all CSOs, have been found to be politicized and controlled by political actors and local elites, acting in favor of the status-quo rather than the

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people they represent. Moreover, a very few of them have been found to be active in actions that are related to politics and democracy. That civil society is an essential but not enough condition for democratic consolidation- is a fact broadly accepted by the contemporary researchers on civil society. Alagappa (2004) in his project on Asian civil society has pointed out to the same fact. In the CIVICUS CSI project, positive relations have been identified between a strong civil society and a strong state. Diamond (1996, 1999) has also mentioned the necessity of internal democracy within the CSOs, and some ideal characteristics for a civil society to be able to contribute to democracy. At the same time he emphasized the necessity of political institutionalization and liberal economic growth. Such ideal condition and characteristics of civil society may provide strong theoretical base for the study of civil society, but in reality turns out to be impractical. Empirical investigation in developing countries like Bangladesh reveals its inapplicability. For civil society to work well and emerge as a powerful sector to bring and maintain democracy, it requires proper democratic environment that most of the developing countries fail to provide. But Diamond (1992, 1996) is optimistic that civil society movement and actions may make through the undemocratic environment and contribute to better democratic atmosphere in multiple ways like fighting against corruption, nurturing democratic values, bringing an end to clientelism, bringing unity among social cleavages and so on. The Bangladesh case has proved such expectations from a civil society to be unrealistic and normative. CSOs have been found to be in no position to generate democratic values, reduce corruption or clientelism. Rather the civil society leaders have been found to become corrupt, NGOs have been found to be incorporated in the patron-client network and most of the CSOs to be under

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the control of the political parties. Under a situation of low level of economic development, vertical social relations, instable political system and weak state, civil society alone cannot struggle through. Rather on its way it becomes influenced by the negative forces existing in the environment. The present study is concerned about such theory, because international development agencies and bilateral donors have used such Neo-Tocquevillean assumption to support their policies on good governance and strengthening civil society. The Bangladesh case reveals that such theory has been adopted half heartedly and not from a well empirical understanding by the donors. First, local, indigenous CSOs that have the higher potential to generate social capital, civic engagement and participation have been totally neglected from the development projects, emphasizing only on a few selected NGOs formed and functioning according to the Western notion of civil society. Second, the traditional trade unions, professional groups, trade organizations, student groups etc. have also been overlooked in the civil society strengthening program mentioning them as politicized (Hansen 1996). So the close connection between the political parties and such CSOs and the lack of institutionalization within the political parties themselves are in the knowledge of the donors to some extent. In spite of such information, the donors are still targeting the symptom of the problem by forming and supporting new CSOs but neglecting the real causes that may ultimately inactivate the fresh few organizations too. Sprinkles of assistance and support for social capital and civic engagement can hardly reach the goal of democratic consolidation. Third, donors have placed high targets for civil society organizations overestimating their ability and underestimating the powerful influence of the indigenous environments like history, culture, politics etc. It must be realized by the donors that, developing countries are

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not plain lands where proper weeding, seeding and watering of new CSOs may bring new democratic culture, good governance and corrupt free country that is, an all prepared ground for market economy and liberalization. These are old societies possessing their own indigenous social and political culture, tradition, political and economic trends. History, culture and politics must be considered more carefully and sensitively before taking any policy that targets not only social development but also democracy. High expectation from a few civil society organizations may hardly bring in any projected outcome in relation to democracy. Before undertaking civil society related policies, donors must consider to (a) set achievable targets for the civil society organizations, (b) take into account the potentials of local civil society organizations and (c) make continued efforts simultaneously for concomitant economic development and political institutionalization. Unless initiatives are taken to bring about a consensus among the social, political and economic actors on democracy, democratic culture consolidation can ever be achieved. This may be accomplished mainly through indigenous process and through realization of democratic practice among all the stakeholders. Responsibility lies more with the powerful actors that is, the political parties and their leaders.

6.5. Matters Remain Uninvestigated Civil society though considered a separate entity from the state and market; is simultaneously engaged in constant interaction with the state, society, market, family life, culture and almost all segments that may be found in a political system. So researches on civil society are always wide and multi-dimensional and it is difficult to identify the limit to the study area for a particular research. However, it is not possible to include and analyze all matters related to civil society in a single study. The present study has particularly

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concentrated on the civil society in Bangladesh and its relation to democracy. In the process, though a good number of factors and issues have come out in discussion and data analysis, there are still some of areas that have remained uninvestigated. First, economic influence and relation to civil society, though mentioned in different sections of the thesis, economic actors like corporate groups, business magnets and trade organizations have not been deeply investigated in relation to civil society and politics in the present study. Second, through the study, CSOs themselves have been identified as corrupt and there have been accusation against their internal democracy and accountability. Further investigation into such allegations has not been covered in the present study. Third, previous literatures as well as the survey data on civil society in Bangladesh have identified weak network among the civil society organizations. However, present research structure and data collection format did not provide enough space for network analysis. Though these issues are still pending for further investigation, from the aspects that have been well focused and analyzed, it is definitely possible to understand the main reasons behind the inability of the civil society in contributing significantly to democratic consolidation. The civil society though vibrant and active at local level for social development, has been identified as less participatory. Political parties and their vertical penetrative policy to control, co-opt and divide the civil society have been identified as the prime causes behind such low participatory civil society. Further, analysis on the market relation and influences, internal corruption and network among the civil society organizations would have led us to the same conclusion with stronger supportive evidences.

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6.6 Conclusion: Vibrant but not Vigilant Bangladesh does have a civil society embedded in the country's culture, history and political developments and it conforms to the idea of civil society both from the NeoTocquevillean model as well as the Neo-Gramscian Model. The integrated model as developed in chapter one (figure 1.1) has provided the flexibility to study civil society both from its actions as well as interaction with other actors in the society. Dividing the characteristics of civil society in two broad aspectsvibrant and vigilant, helps to understand and analyze civil society from both its social (service providing) and political (participatory actions) aspects. Such study on influential factors of civil society and then upon civil society organizations themselves as units of civil society followed by their nature of political interaction has led to come closer to the critical arguments made in the beginning of the thesis. The nature and dimension of Bangladesh civil society have been found to be determined by a number of factors. Donor policy, economic situation and culture of voluntarism and charity and easy process for registration, have led to a rather large number of formal and informal civil society organizations. They have been found to be active at local level and mostly concerned with social welfare and services. Indigenous initiative and donor support have even led to establishment of world class NGOs on social development and micro-credits. Survey data also supported such fact by showing the high rate of civil society involvement in the grass-roots development. From such consideration, the civil society of Bangladesh may be termed vibrant. Nevertheless, majority of the CSOs are concerned with immediate needs and material aspects like poverty, disaster relief, health etc. rather than the related policies and decisions of local or national government.

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However, historical development and political institutions have also profound influences in the nature and function of the civil society, particularly for its weak performance in relation to politics and democracy. This is what the present study was concerned largely about. Political parties have been identified as the most influential factor in the politics related activities of the CSOs. Empirical investigation has revealed a low profile in the participatory nature of the CSOs. Further analysis on their political relation in the contemporary Bangladesh, have indicated that instead of influencing the government and political actors, the civil society itself has been penetrated, co-opted, politicized and divided by the political parties and party governments. This has reduced their ability to generate democratic norms, articulate interest or monitor the government. So the civil society has failed to emerge as a vigilant force to uphold good governance and democracy. The present study in different ways has pointed out to political actors, that is, the political parties and political leaders as the prime reason for low participatory and weak civil society, hardly contributing in democratic consolidation. In recent analysis on civil society in other developing countries in Asia, like India or the Philippines (Behar and Prakash, 2004; Quimpo, 2004; Franco, 2004; Rocamora, 2004), it is the political actors that have been identified as the prime factor in determining civil society influence and democracy. In case of India, which is considered the most successful and stable democracy in South Asia, civil society has its legacy in the historical movements for independence. However, from a liberal democratic model overview of contemporary Indian civil society has been considered as a weak one. Just like the case of Bangladesh, as Chibber (1999) pointed out that, the traditional civil society like labor unions, professional groups, students groups

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are linked to political parties in India, the business organizations never acted like interest groups and the large rural community groups have no influence on the government's agricultural policies. Moreover, civil society has been found to have accommodated space for uncivil and communal forces like RSS. There are only a few instances of non-partisan, autonomous local based indigenous movements for causes like environment and culture (Behar and Prakash, 2004). So, Indian civil society is the ground for different elements politicized, non-partisan and even uncivil. In all cases, it is the political forces that have controlled or made space for the civil society to act in a democratic or undemocratic way or remain silent or inactive. From such consideration, civil society in India can hardly be evaluated as contributing profoundly to its democratic stability. The fact is that India successfully developed the political consensus among the prime political and social actors and also the culture to accept peaceful transfer of power. Moreover, accommodative and compromising mentalities of the political actors and political parties for democracy have been able to overcome the influences of dark side of civil society and continue the journey towards democratic consolidation. On the other side of the coin, though Philippine is noted for its high density of NGO networksnot only in number but in vigor and scaleit is dominated by an elitist democracy. Literatures and analysis on the Philippines civil society depicts an idea of a vigorous civil society consisting of CSOs of different types and sections contributing in a wide area of the state, society and politics. Strong CSOs network, government policies and legislations have lead to CSOs in the Philippines to the extent of entering electoral politics. However, such vigorous, participatory civil society has also been found to be ineffective in influencing day to day politics. Practically, the civil society has been found to be controlled,

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bought and divided by the political elites who control the landed properties, national finance and political power. So again, though not the political parties but the prime political actors have been identified as the decisive factor in determining the political influence of the civil society and nature of democracy. This implies that, democracy, particularly democratic consolidation, relies on a combination of conditions, where a participatory civil society is only one factor. However, more important is the consensus that grows among the political, social and economic actors and particularly the competing forces on democracy and political practices. Under such consensus and compromise civil society may emerge as an effective force. So the performance and influence of civil society in consolidating democracy depends on the culture and consensus of other actors. Never the less, this must also be accompanied with a strong state, economic growth, equal social distribution, administrative reforms and so on in case of a developing country. For Bangladesh it would require a drastic change in its social, political and economic system. It is hardly possible in years or decades, to satisfy all these conditions for democratic consolidation. Even if the civil society had all its ideal characteristics as expected by the Tocquevillean school, it can hardly contribute positively for a consolidated democracy under the contemporary situation. The present research has shown that the civil society is rather weak from the view point of politics and often prone to be influenced by negative elements in politics and society. Any revolutionary change in government policy to bring democratic reform in the administration, political institutions and judiciary accompanied by desperate drives against political corruption, as well as other forms of illegal dealings may ensure a better order in the political system. However, the culture to rule or decide from above,

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vertical social relations, method of building social support in give and take manner and political culture of opportunism or taking advantage of religious belief, ideology, and historical legacies shall continue to exist. This implies that the possibility for a strong, autonomous, horizontally networked, policy oriented civil society that is a civil society both vibrant and vigilant is far from reality in the near future. This does not mean that civil society has no chance to contribute to society and politics. Policies should be undertaken to strengthen civil society accepting the social and political facts and it should not be accompanied with high expectations like democratic consolidation. Civil Society in Bangladesh has already shown its success to a recognizable extent in social development, economic empowerment. However, for further development, it requires more formal interaction with the government, better network and stronger voice that is more participatory activities than it has been found in the present research. Though civil society may not be able to overcome totally the influence of politicizations, lure of patronage, vertical social relations, it has the possibility of improving and gaining a stronger position. International and national policies should aim to get better output from such civil society organizations accepting the influence of the negative social and political forces. In this way, whatever positive outcomes are produced may be considered as achievements. For democracy and democratic consolidation in developing countriesif this is the actual targetdonor agencies must focus on the civil society, political institutions and related organizations simultaneously. Moreover, such policy must be based on in-depth understanding of the history, traditions, social structure, indigenous culture and political development of each region and country.

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Potential for further research in the field of civil society and democracy in Bangladesh may be considered in two dimensions. Both are important to reach a more comprehensive and concrete understanding of civil society and its political relations. One is investigating deeply inside the relationship between civil society organizations and local governments coupled with network analysis among civil society organizations. Other dimension is comparativecomparing the civil society of Bangladesh with that of other democratic developing countries like India or The Philippines to concretely determine the reasonable extent or end for a civil society to contribute in democratic consolidation and point out the prime political, social or economic institutions or combination of institutions where actual key to democratic consolidation may be hidden in developing countries.

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Appendix A
Map of Bangladesh

(Source: Banglapedia at http://www.banglapedia.org/Atlas/bangladesh.htm 263

Appendix B
Map of Rajshahi District (Survey Area)

(Source : Banglapedia at http://www.banglapedia.org/HT/R_0079.HTM) 264

Appendix C
Survey Questionnaire (Bangla version of the following questionnaires were used for the survey)
Survey on Civil Society Organizations in Bangladesh, Rajshahi District1

Name of the Organization: Address: Sub-district Rajshahi. Address of the central office if your organization is a local chapter: Respondents official designation in the organization:

This is strictly a research survey having no relation with government, private organizations or any International door agencies. Organizations director or whoever is responsible for the daily operations of your organization will answer and help the surveyor to fill in the questionnaire. Please select the answers that best represent your organization. The answers given in this survey can be individual respondents point of view and do not necessarily have to represent the point of view of the organization. Some questions in this survey may not apply to your organization. Feel free to skip these questions. If your organization is a local chapter then please try to answer your questions from the point of view of the organization as a whole. If you are not able to do so, please answer from the point of view of your local chapter. The identity of respondent to this survey will be kept confidential. Thank you very much for your kind cooperation.

[Section I: Basic information about the civil society organization] Q1.1. Which of the 13 classification listed below best describes your organization? (Please circle only one) 1. Agriculture and farmer related organization 2. Economic or business organization

The questionnaire was structured considering the objectives of both the Project on Civil Society, State and Culture in Comparative Perspective and the objectives and hypothesis for the present study.

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[Section I: Basic information about the civil society organization] Q1.1. Which of the 13 classification listed below best describes your organization? (Please circle only one) 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. Agriculture and farmer related organization Economic or business organization Labor union or federation Education and research related organization Cultural organization Government or administration-related organization Social Welfare organization Professional organization (medical, legal, education, engineers etc.) Citizens group NGO (including foreign or international organization) Religious organization Recreational or sports related social organization Other, Please specify.

Q 1.2. Indicate below which national and local policies are of interest or relevant to your organizations activities? Choose all that apply. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. Financial policies (Management of govt. money) Fiscal policies (Government tax, debt) Trade and international commerce policies Industrial promotional policies Civic engineering, construction and public works policies Transportation and traffic policies Communication and information policies Scientific technology and research policies Local development policies/Rural Development Diplomatic policies International exchange, cooperation and aid policies including foreign debt problem National defense and security policies Law and order Justice and human rights Local government and administrative policies Labor polices Social welfare Agriculture Consumer protection policies Environment, energy and natural resources policies Healthcare policies Education, academic, sports and recreational policies Poverty alleviation Culture and religion Others,

Q1.3. What is the main purpose of your organization and the primary goal of your organizations activities? Choose all that apply 1. Providing information to members 2. Pursuing economic profit for members 3. Protecting the standard of living and rights of the members/clients

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4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Providing education and training opportunities for members/clients Advocating on behalf of the members in order to gain subsidies from government Assisting members in licensing and registration procedures Providing policy recommendations based on technical knowledge for public policy making Providing education and information for the good of the general public Providing service to the general public. Providing funds to other organizations Others___________

Q1.4. Is your organization registered with any ministry or institution? Yes___ No________ Q1.4A.If yes, name the ministry or institution_________________________

Q1.5. When was your organization founded?

Q1.6. How many members does your organization have? (Round off the exact number) Individual Members Member has*) organization (If it

*If your organization is an umbrella organization/ federation compiling other member organizations, like ADAB, NGO Federation, Federation of Labor Union, Came etc. Q1.7. Does your organization receive funds or some other type of financial assistance from outside sources besides membership fee? If yes, in the space below, please write the names of the organizations or government agencies that have provided financial assistance to your organization. Yes_______ No____________ If yes, Name of the organization or agency ______________________________ Q1.7A: Are the financial assistances accompanied by condition? Yes .. Q1.8. How many employees does your organization have? (1) Full time employees ________(2) Part time employees _______(3) Volunteers ____ Q1.9. What was your organizations budget in Taka in the year 2004 or 2005 In 2004 ____________ or In 2005_____________ (a round figure is Ok) Q1.10. What geographic area does your organization mainly encompass in conducting its activities? 1. Union/Ward-- 2.Subdistrict / Municipality--, 3. District--, 4. National --5. Global--. Question 1.10A: When a policy related problem or incident occurs in the geographical area indicated in Q1.10, how much influence does your organization have on these problems? Please Identify. 1. Strong influence 2. Some influence influence. 3. Little influence 4. Hardly any influence 5. No NO.

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[Section II Nature of Interaction with the State and Political Parties] Q2.1. Circle the statement that describes the relationship your organization has with the government or local government. Choose all that apply. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Accredited or approved by the government Licensed by the government Administrative guidance provided by the government Cooperating with and supporting policies and budget activities of the government Exchanging opinions with the government Sending representative to council and /or advisory bodies of the national government Offering positions to government officials after retirement Receiving government funds or grants. Receiving foreign fund through the government Having joint projects or program with the government.

Q2.2. What are the obstacles or problems that you face in your interaction with the government (like getting registration, approval of projects, grants etc. or negotiating your demands, pursuing for certain policy or budget grant). Select all that apply. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Corruption in the Administration No cooperation from the office staff Over inspection by the government Bureaucratic complicacies and red tapism Unwanted political interference and pressure Conditions entangled with foreign and government funds Division and irregularities within your own organizations Other______________________________________

Q 2.2A. How does your organization solve those obstacles or problems? Choose all that apply? 1. Bribe the officers 2. Use personal, friendship network to pursue or pressurize the administrative officials by political leaders or high ranking officers. 3. Show political support to the party in power and use the political influence to get your case done by the administration. 4. Other___________________________________________ Q 2.3. What type of relationship and communication do you have with political parties? Choose the statement which best corresponds to your organizations action today and ten years before. 1=Never communicate, 2=Rarely communicate, 3= Communicate about half the time, 4= Usually communicate, 5= Always communicate Political Parties Bangladesh Nationalist Party Bangladesh Awami League Jamat-e-Islami Bangladesh Jatiyo Party (including factions) Now 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1. 1. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 2. 3. 4. 5. 2. 3. 4. 5. Ten years before 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1. 1. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 2. 3. 4. 5. 2. 3. 4. 5.

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Bangladesh Communist Party (any faction) Others

1.

2. 3. 4. 5.

1.

2. 3. 4. 5.

1.

2. 3. 4. 5.

1.

2. 3. 4. 5.

Q2.4. During national elections, has your organization taken any of the following actions, and if so how frequently? Choose the statement which best corresponds to your organizations actions today and ten years ago. 1= Never, 2= Some of the time, 3= About half the time, 4= Most of the time 5= Always Today Ten years ago 1. Played a role for nomination and election for a particular candidate 2. Recommended a member/client of your organization as a party/election candidate. 3. Launched campaign for free and fair election 4. Participated as independent observers at different polling stations during the election day. 5. Other 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Q. 2.5. When your organization appeals to government/ administrations/ political parties, how often do you take any of the measures listed below? 1=Never, 2=some of the time, 3=about half the time, 4=Most of the time, 5=Always (1) Contacting the parties in the cabinet (by personal interviews, phone calls, with the help of a broker etc.)

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

(2) Contacting the opposition parties (by personal interviews, phone calls, with the help of a broker etc.)

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

(3) Contacting governmental department and agencies (by personal interviews, phone call, with the help of a broker etc.) (4) Helping to draft legislative bills for political parties or governmental organization.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. (5) Presenting research results or technical information to political parties and/or government ministries. (6) Sending representatives to local or national councils and /or advisory bodies to the government

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

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(7) Asking general organizational members to write letters or make phone calls to political parties or government administration (8) Engaging in mass protests or demonstrations

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. (9) Organizing seminars, round table meeting, rally etc. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. (10.) Holding press conferences in order to publicize ideas and let know organizations position on different issues and incidents. (11) Forming coalition with other organizations or NGOs 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Q.2.6.Does your organization or any member have personal relationship with any of the following persons? (Choose all that apply) An elected parliament member, A leader of the ruling party, A leader of the opposition parties, A mayor / Union Chairman A journalist A chief or a section chief from a department of a government/local administration (Secretary, D.C. S.P. UNO), 7. A chief or a staff of an international organization, international NGO, 8. A judge or a magistrate of the national or local court. Q2.7A. Has your organization ever succeeded in having a budget, policy, action or decision it favored being implemented by a national or local government? Yes_ No _ Q 2.7.B. Has your organization ever succeeded altering a budget, policy, action, decision, or blocking the implementation of a policy, decision, it did not favor? Yes_ No _ 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Q2.8. Do you think that your organization is an autonomous one and can function independently from the government and political parties? Yes_________ No___________ Q2.8A. If your answer is yes in which way do you think your organization is autonomous and independent? (Choose all that apply) 1. Your organization is well reputed and is backed by the foreign donor groups. So you can easily adopt your new policies and implement your projects. 2. As your organization has good relation and informal link with the government and political party you dont have to face any unwanted political pressure or control. 3. The policies of the present government and your organization are very much interrelated so you dont face any political interference.

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4. Local elites and Mastans (hooligan) now benefit from your activities and you no more go against the interest of the status-quo. So you can do your work normally. 5. As you have been able to develop better network or coalition with other like minded organizations, you have a strong platform to speak out and it protects your autonomy too. 6. We are able to provide by ourselves the major portion of our financial need 7. Other______ ________________________________ Q2.8B If your answer is no then why do you think that your organization doesnt enjoy autonomy? (Choose all that apply)

1. You are always under government scrutiny and unwanted direction 2. You often have to bribe the government through cash or kind. 3. You have to form your policy and project as directed by the donors with very little space for autonomy. 4. Financially you are very much depended on government and donor agencies 5. The local elite and hooligans are often creating obstacles in your everyday activities, demanding political rent and turning the government and the public opinion against you. 6. There is often pressure from the opposition or party in power to abide by their ideology and decisions. So you cannot act independently. 7. Executives and members of the organization give more preference to their political identity than the interest of the organization. 8. Others______ _____________Please specify. Q2.9. Do you think that your organization is somehow involved in national or local politics? Choose the statement that best reflects your organizations overall activities. Yes_______ No__________ Q2.9A. If yes, does your organization involve in politics on its own or is your organization approached by outside sources to become involved in politics? (Choose only one) 1. 2. 3. 4. Most of the time we are approached by outside sources. There is a balance between internal and external drives Most of the time, we get involved on our own. For our existence there is no other way but to meddle in politics.

[Section III Relationship among the civil society organizations] Q 3.1 What sources does your organization uses to get information for its activities? Rank, in order of importance, three from the list below. 1__________________, 2. _____________________, 3. ______________________

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Government Local government Political parties Parliament members Elected representative of the local government Scholars or professionals, think tank The mass media (Radio, TV, Newspaper) Technical or trade papers Foreign government Foreign NGOs, international organizations etc. Other domestic organization with similar interests Members of your organization Business companies Others _______________

Q 3.2. How many times has mass media mentioned your organization during past 3 years? Write the approximate number of times your organization has appeared on national or private television and/or in any national or local newspaper or magazine. __________________ times Q 3.3. To what extent do you think the following groups influence politics in Bangladesh? Rate each of the following groups on a scale from 1 to 7 in terms of political influence. ( 1 stands for very little influence, 7 stands for a lot of influence, and 4 is the neutral point. 1. Trade (labor) unions and federations 1. 2. 3. 2. Agricultural Organization 1. 2. 3. 3. Economic, business, and employers organization 1 2. 4. Government Bureaucrats 1. 2. 3. 5. Political Parties 1. 2. 3. 6. The Mass Media 1. 2. 3. 7. Large business /corporations 1. 2. 3. 8. Scholars and academicians 1. 2. 3. 9. Consumer Organization 1. 2. 3. 10. Welfare Organizations, NGO 1. 2. 3. 11. Professional Groups 12. Women movement organizations 1. 2. 3. 13. Local governments 1. 2. 3. 14. Foreign government and International donor agencies 1. 2. 15. Religious Organizations 1. 2. 3. 4. 4. 3. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 3. 4. 7. 7. 4. 5. 6. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 5. 4. 5. 6. 6. 5. 6. 7. 7. 6. 7. 5. 5. 6. 6.

7.

7.

Q3.4. What type of relation and cooperation does you organization has with the following groups? Rate the following groups on a scale from 1 to 7 in terms of cooperation with your organization. 1 stands for uncooperative, 7 stand for cooperative and 4 is the neutral point. 1. Trade (labor) unions and federations 1. 2. 3. 2. Agricultural Organization 1. 2. 3. 3. Economic, business, and employers organization 1 2. 4. Government Bureaucrats 1. 2. 3. 5. Political Parties 1. 2. 3. 6. The Mass Media 1. 2. 3. 7. Large Business /Corporations 1. 2. 3. 8. Scholars and Academicians 1. 2. 3. 9. Consumer Organization 1. 2. 3. 10. Welfare Organizations, NGO 1. 2. 3. 4. 4. 3. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 7. 7. 4. 5. 6. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 6. 7. 5. 5. 6. 6.

7.

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11. Professional Groups 12. Women movement organizations 1. 2. 3. 13. Local governments 1. 2. 3. 14. Foreign government and International donor agencies 1. 2. 15. Religious Organizations 1. 2. 3.

4. 4. 3. 4.

5. 5. 4. 5.

6. 6. 5. 6.

7. 7. 6. 7.

7.

[Section IV Problems and Prospect in the context of Civil Society in Bangladesh] Q4.1. Below are listed important political decisions and events that have taken place in the last 15 years. Please scale your organizations Participation, Position and Satisfaction to each of these decisions and events. (if the event took place before the establishment of your organization then you are free to skip those events). 1. 12th Amendment of the Constitution for the reintroduction of parliamentary system of government in Bangladesh. Participation:1. No participation___ 2.Participation_________ 3.Strong participation ____ Position: 1.Against_____ 2 Neutral._________ 3.Favor _________ Satisfaction: 1.Dissatisfied_____ 2.Satisfied_________ 3.Very Satisfied _________ 2. Movement for a caretaker government in 1996 and the 13th Amendment introducing caretaker government system. Participation:1. No participation___ 2.Participation_________ 3.Strong participation ____ Position: 1.Against_____ 2 Neutral._________ 3.Favor _________ Satisfaction: 1.Dissatisfied_____ 2.Satisfied_________ 3.Very Satisfied _________ 3. The water treaty with India for fair distribution of Ganges water in 1996. Participation:1. No participation___ 2.Participation_________ 3.Strong participation ____ Position: 1.Against_____ 2 Neutral._________ 3.Favor _________ Satisfaction: 1.Dissatisfied_____ 2.Satisfied_________ 3.Very Satisfied _________ 4. Trial of Bangabondhu Shiek Mujibor Rahman Murder case Participation:1. No participation___ 2.Participation_________ 3.Strong participation ____ Position: 1.Against_____ 2 Neutral._________ 3.Favor _________ Satisfaction: 1.Dissatisfied_____ 2.Satisfied_________ 3.Very Satisfied _________ 5. 14th Amendment of the Constitution for Womens representation in the parliament Participation: 1._______ 2._________ 3. _________ Position: 1._______ 2._________ 3. _________ Satisfaction: 1._______ 2._________ 3. _________ 6. National Strategy for Economic Growth, Poverty Reduction or Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) Participation:1. No participation___ 2.Participation_________ 3.Strong participation ____ Position: 1.Against_____ 2 Neutral._________ 3.Favor _________ Satisfaction: 1.Dissatisfied_____ 2.Satisfied_________ 3.Very Satisfied _________ 7. The government decision to deploy Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) to control the deteriorating law and order situation. Participation:1. No participation___ 2.Participation_________ 3.Strong participation ____

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Position: 1.Against_____ Satisfaction: 1.Dissatisfied_____

2 Neutral._________ 2.Satisfied_________

3.Favor _________ 3.Very Satisfied _________

Q. 4.2. Is your organization involved in any of the following issues? Choose as many issues that correspond to your organizations actions. In which way you are involved in those issues- advocacy (Negotiating and pressurizing the government in different ways and providing public education) or service providing (materially helping citizens on those matters such as health clinic, financial aid, legal aid, school, skill training etc.) ? You can circle both if it applies to your organization. 1. Political and human rights a. by advocacy b. by service providing. 2. Rural development a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 3. Law and order a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 4. Womens right a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 5. Education a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 6. Public health a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 7. Environment a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 8. Labor right and Unemployment a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 9. Corruption a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 10. Street Politics and Hartal (strike) Culture a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . 11. Separation of the Judiciary from the executive branch of the Government a. by advocacy. b. by service providing . Q.4.2A. Do you think that there are some positive effects through activities of your organization and other civil society groups on those issues you have pointed out? Yes No. Partially Q4.3. Is your organization involved in grass-roots level activities (for example micro-credit, education, skill training, health and nutrition, relief and rehabilitation and so on)? Yes. No Q.4.3A. If Yes, Please specify your area of activity, you may select all that apply. 1. GO-NGO cooperation for rural development 2. Developing group network 3. Women empowerment 4. Local representation and ventilation of grievances to the authorities 5. Education and literacy 6. Health education and health service 7. Legal and human rights 8. Economic empowerment 9. Social and political awareness and participation

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Q. 4.3B. How would you evaluate performance of your organization and the over all performance of NGOs in those sectors that you have selected in question 4.3A. ? (1 stands for very little progress, 7 stand for a lot of progress, and 4 is medium progress). Performance of your organization: 1. Over all performance of the NGO sector: 1. 2. 2. 3. 3. 4. 4. 5. 5. 6. 6. 7. 7.

Q. 4.4. How would you evaluate the role of international NGOs/ organizations and donor agencies in strengthening civil societies in Bangladesh? (1= negligent, 7= highest and 4= medium). 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Q. 4.4A. Have your organization been benefited in any way by an international NGO or organization? Yes ________No___________ If yes, then in which way (Choose all that apply) 1. Financial assistance/donation a. directly b. through a national big NGO 2. Technical assistance 3. Your organization was formally a branch of a foreign NGO Q 4.5. Do you think that civil society organizations can successfully create strong pressure or influence upon government in policy formation, in Bangladesh? Yes No. Q 4.5A If the answer is Yes, can you give some recent examples? _____________________________________________________ Q4.5B . If the answer is No, why do you think that civil society organizations hardly can create a strong pressure or influence upon government in policy formation, in Bangladesh? Choose all that apply. 1. Because they lack unity and strong network 2. Because most civil society organizations are partisan. They are influenced and controlled either by the government or the opposition. 3. Most groups are not well organized 4. Advocacy groups are very few in comparison to service providing NGOs in Bangladesh. 5. The government and the politicians have no formal/informal obligation to pay attention to the demands of civil society groups. 6. Patronclient relationship is still very strong in Bangladesh. 7. Others..(Please point out the reason).. Q4.6. What are the actions that civil society organizations could do in order to have a more effective participation in forming government policies? Choose all that apply. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Create a stronger network with similar organizations Ensure better accountability and democratic norm within the organizations themselves. Demand responsible action from elected representative Increase awareness among public on major social and political issues and policies Come out of the formal/informal influence by political parties upon civil society organizations. Others(Please point out ).

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Thank you for your patience and kind cooperation. Signature of the interviewerdate. . Signature of the interviewee..

A Survey on Civil Society Organizations in Bangladesh, 2006 Open-ended Questions2

(a) For politicians and government administrators Interviewee___________________ Designation and Address_________ _____________________________ Date_________________________
1. Could you please explain what is the relationship between your organization or administrative unit and civil society organizations (like NGO, cooperatives, professional group, labor union, chambers of commerce etc.). What type of cooperation and interaction is taking place? 2. In which way do you think these civil society organizations help the government? 3. What type of cooperation do you extend to these organizations both officially and personally? 4. How would you evaluate the role of civil society organizations in formulation of government policies as well as in their implementations? 5. How would you evaluate the role of civil society organizations in different development projects? 6. What type of people do you give importance to, when they come to you for solving a problem and for settling a dispute? A single citizen with the reference of an influential person, or A group or representative of an organization, NGO, cooperative or a professional group, union or A group having affiliation with a political party? 7. How do you regard members of different civil society organizations? As a citizen or normal voter of the area or a supporter of the government or the opposition? 9. According to your own judgment or way of thinking, what type of role should such civil society organizations play in the society and state?

Often the interviewees have been asked questions out side the format as supplementary questions. Besides, some of the government officials and NGO officers have been inquired into particular matters that are related to their function and jurisdiction of control like, officials rules on cooperatives, NGO activities. Again professors and citizen groups and labor union leaders were also particularly asked about their related professional groups

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(b) For scholars and civil society leaders Interviewee___________________ Designation and Address_________ _____________________________ Date_________________________
1. Which portion of the society and what type of organizations do you regard as civil society? Please answer from theoretical point of view as well as in the context of Bangladesh. 2. Where would you place civil society that you observe in Bangladesh? And Why? (a) Against the government, (b) In cooperation with the government or (c) somewhere in the middle? 3. Is it possible to separate civil society or civil society organizations from the political sphere of the country? Whom do you think is more influential in this case? (a) The government is more successful and has penetrated the civil society organizations through patronage, clientelism, nepotism, corruption and bureaucratic chain and using it according to its wish? (b) The civil society has gained enough strength to keep the governments actions within its limits and ensure democracy? Or, (c) The situation is something in between, with the government in an advantageous position? 4. How would you evaluate the role of civil society in development and democratization of Bangladesh? 5. Do you think that, performance of civil society at the grass root level is remarkable while at the national level is rather frustrating or the opposite or something in the middle? Could you please explain the reasons behind your position? 6. Whatever is the success or failure of civil society organizations in Bangladesh, we may observe that the number of civil society organizations here is pretty large. What may the reason for such proliferation of organizations? What type of organizations do you think are common here- service providing or advocacy groups? 7. How would you evaluate the role and influence of donor countries, International development organizations and International NGOs in the development and performance of civil society in present Bangladesh? (If the interviewee is affiliated with an international development organization) 8. Could you please explain your organizations objectives in relation to the development of civil society in the developing countries and specially Bangladesh? a. What type of projects have you taken in the past and at present for strengthening the civil society? b. What are the outcomes that you are getting through these strategy and projects? Are they encouraging? or frustrating? c. If the outcome is not encouraging, what may be the problem? In your way of setting the strategy and estimating the outcome? or in the indigenous setting of these countries? Could you please explain?

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CSO Case Study Data Collection Format

1. Type of Organization 2. Name of the organization 3. Self Introductory brochure or booklet (if available) 4. Organizations historical development 5. Organizations constitution, objectives and membership pattern 6. Nature of Activities 7. Financial sources and relationship with the financing actors 8. Relationship with the media 9. Relationship with other organizations 10. Relationship with the authority/government administration 11. Style and nature of negotiating with/ pressurizing the authority/government 12. Style and nature of inspection, pressure or interference the organization experiences from the authority, government and political parties 13. List of successes of the organization in realizing its objectives and in its dealing with the government 14. List of failure of the organization in realizing its objectives and in its dealing with the government 15. Reasons for the success and failures

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Appendix D
Survey Report
Survey on Civil Society Organizations in Bangladesh, Rajshahi District Purpose: The objective of the survey is to understand the basic trend and characteristics of the civil society organizations (CSO) in Bangladesh and their relationship to society, state and politics. Survey Area: Rajshahi District consisting of 9 Sub-district and Rajshahi Metropolitan city. It is the capital of North Zone of Bangladesh. Name of each sub-districts are-Poba, Durgapur, Puthia, Godagari, Bagmara, Mohonpur, Tanore, Charghat, Bagha. Survey Method: The survey was conducted with the help of surveyors who directly interviewed the president or representative of the sampled organizations and filled in structured questionnaires accordingly. Survey Population: In Bangladesh there is no yellow book or any directory providing information of non-government organizations. For the survey, non-profit and non-government organizations registered or enlisted by any ministry or institution has been regarded as the target population. However, full statistics of all these organizations are not available at one office or directory. Accordingly, following types of organizations were targeted with their list being collected from the affiliated government offices or institutions. In total the target population is 37683. By category they are: 1. 2540 Cooperatives registered under the ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives, provided by the Cooperative Directorate, Rajshahi. 2. 793 Organization registered as Voluntary Social Organizations under the Ministry of Social Welfare, collected from the Social Welfare Directorate, Rajshahi. 3. 129 NGOs according to the ADAB Directory of NGOs-2003 (updated and adjusted). 4. 108 Youth Groups registered under the Ministry of Youth and Sports, collected from the Youth Directorate at Rajshahi. 4 5. 99 Labor Unions registered under the Ministry to Labor and Employment collected from Labor Directorate Rajshahi.5 6. 45 University of Rajshahi based registered cultural, academic, professional organizations were collected from the Rajshahi University Office. 7. 21 prominent trade organizations in Rajshahi District as provided by the Chambers of Commerce Rajshahi. 8. 33 registered Professional Groups. List formulated by consulting administrative officers of Rajshahi District, University Professors and other local senior residents. 6

Sampling method: The total population of Civil Society Organizations is 3768. Target population initially was 400. So with an expectation of 30% answer rate, the sample
This is a rough estimate of the total population of civil society organizations in Rajshahi city as the list of trade groups and professional groups are not complete and even the list provided by the government offices were found to be not updated with full addresses. 4 As the same organization can be registered with more than one ministry, there is a few possibility of overlapping, especially in the case of social welfare organizations, NGOs and youth groups. 5 These lists of cooperative, social welfare groups, NGOs, labor union and youth groups were organized and divided according to 9 sub-districts and Rajshahi city area. 6 Formal official list of trade groups and professional groups were not available.
3

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population was made 1227 through random sampling with 3 as the random number. Every 3rd organization from the population lists was included in the sample list. This is about 33% of the total population. To avoid bias, sample list of 1227 organizations were again divided into 400 groups with 3 organizations coming serially in each group. The surveyor had to try his/her best to interview only one organization from each group with the first organization in each group getting first priority and the 3rd organization getting the 3rd priority. If any organization is not available from one group, then more than one organization can be interviewed from the next group. As the time and budget was fixed and there was no chance of extension, the latter provision had to be included. Sampling Population: Below are the numbers of sampled civil society organizations belonging to different categories.

Table A-1 sampled civil society organizations belonging to different categories Categories
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Different Types of Cooperatives Registered Voluntary Social Welfare Organizations NGOs based on ADAB Directory 2003 Organizations listed under Youth Department Labor organizations listed under Labor Directorate Chambers of Commerce and trade organizations Professional Groups Rajshahi University based cultural, educational and professional groups Total

Sample Size
838 260 35 33

32 6 11 12 1227

Data Collection: The survey for Rajshahi District took place in September and October 2006. (Particularly, From 9 September to 2 October, 2006) Surveyors, that is 19 graduate students of Rajshahi University and one undergraduate student of Bangla College as research assistant were contacted before hand. The first formal briefing session with the surveyors was held at Rajshahi University on 7th September. Second, briefing session was held in 9 September 2006 in the morning. In the briefing sessions the objective and the process of the survey was explained thoroughly. The questionnaire was discussed in detail. Every surveyor was given a note book to use it as a diary for the survey period and write down every point that they felt to be noted. They were also instructed about what type of things they were allowed to note down. The survey began on 9th September. The surveyors at first went to the Sub-district office, collected the local map of the each area and met the government officials in charge of the social welfare and cooperatives and updated the sample list they were provided and gathered more information about the location of the organizations. Then they began their survey. In total 504 Questionnaires were filled in from 9 sub-district and Rajshahi city. The surveyors were to go to the field every day unless they had class/exam or urgent engagements. In every two days, they in person came to meet the researcher and submitted the filled in questionnaires and she checked those in front of them, so that they dont do the same mistakes again. Then they were given enough fresh questionnaires for the next two days. The number of filled in questionnaire submitted and the number of fresh questionnaire distributed for each day and the number of working days for each surveyor

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were, recorded down. Everyday, from time to time, the researcher kept contact with them over phone. Whenever necessary they also rang me. Table A-1 shows how many questionnaires were filled in each days.

Table A-2 Questionnaires filled in each day

Date Number of Questionnaire filled in Percent (%)

20060909 20060910 20060911 20060912 20060913 20060914 20060915 20060916 20060917 20060918 20060919 20060920 20060921 20060922 20060923 20060924 20060925 20060928 20061002 Total

9 4 61 50 60 65 37 39 51 42 44 18 2 9 7 3 1 1 1 504

1.8 .8 12.1 9.9 11.9 12.9 7.3 7.7 10.1 8.3 8.7 3.6 .4 1.8 1.4 .6 .2 .2 .2 100.0

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Problems faced initially: Just after beginning the survey, different types of practical problem began to show up. The addresses provided in the list were not complete. There was no phone directory to find out the contact number of the organizations or make appointment before hand. The biggest problem was locating the cooperatives and finding the responsible person to answer the questions as they did not have any permanent office. There was also problem with the long list of cooperatives provided by the cooperative office. A good number of cooperatives in sample list have been found to be non-existent or have been extinct. The same problem occurred in all Sub-districts. Surveyors had to rely on the information provided by the Sub-district office and then by the local people and walk for hours to find the addresses. There was lots of wastage of time and money. Moreover, in the case of Social Welfare groups there had been also difficulties in locating the organizations as they have changed their addresses or the organization is not active any more. New Decisions taken during the Survey: So considering the time and budget of the survey, after an acceptable number of cooperatives were interviewed, further interview with cooperatives were stopped on the 14th, September, 2006. The surveyors were ordered to give more emphasis on social welfare groups, clubs and NGOs. Moreover, from 15th September the besides sample list, they were also given the total population list of social welfare organizations and NGOs. These two new decisions were inevitable for finishing the survey in time and reaching the target with the limited budget. To avoid biasness, the surveyors each day were to go to a certain zone (Union- A sub-district is divided into unions) of a sub-district and interview available and active civil society organizations of that union found in the list provided. Next day they went to survey in another union. Survey output: Out of 3768 total organizations, 1227 were sampled for the survey. Out them 504 organizations of different category responded, so the answer rate is 41 Percent. The survey represents 13.5 % of the total population with an answer rate of 41%. The Table A-2 shows the statistics of the all three steps-Population, sampling and interviewed CSOs. In bracket is percentage of the respondent to the total population of each group.

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Table A-3 The statistics of the all three steps-population, sampling and interviewed CSOs
Categories Total Population 1 2 Different Types of Cooperatives Registered Organizations 3 4 5 NGOs based on ADAB Directory 2003 Organizations listed under Youth Department Labor organizations listed under Labor 129 108 99 35 33 32 22 (17%) 13 (12%) 9 (9%) Voluntary Social Welfare 2540 793 Sample Size 838 260 Interviewed CSOs (% to the total population) 193 (7.6%) 243 (31%)

Directorate 6 7 8 Chambers of Commerce and trade organizations Professional Groups Rajshahi University based cultural, educational and professional groups Total (Answer rate 41% ) 3768 1227 504 (13.5%) 45 21 33 6 11 12 6(28%) 6 (18%) 9 (20%)

However, according to output of the data, the interviewed organizations again may be classified according to the ministry or institution they have identified their affiliation with as shown in Table A3.

Table A-4 The CSO under affiliated ministry of institutions

Affiliated Ministry of Institutions 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6 7 8 Cooperatives-Ministry of Local government Rural Development and Co-operatives Social Welfare organizations-Ministry of Social Welfare and Ministry of health NGOs-Registered with Ministry of Social Welfare and NGO Affairs Bureau Youth Groups Registered with Ministry of Youth and Sports Labor Union (Registered with Ministry of Labor and Employment) Rajshahi University Group Registered with other ministries and institutions (Professional and Trade Organizations) Women Groups (Registered with Ministry of Women and Child Affairs)* CSOs 186 (7.3%) 237 (30%) 22 (20.9%) 10 (9%) 9 (9%) 17 (31%) 9 (20%) 14

Total 504 (13.5%) *Note: The women organizations are mixed in the cooperative groups, youth groups and few are in the list of social welfare organizations.

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Again, the following Table A-4 shows how the CSOs have classified themselves as civil society organizations and their percentage among the 504 respondent organizations. Table A-5 CSOs classification
Classification Agriculture and farmer related organization Economic or business organization Labor union or federation Education and research related organization Cultural organization Government or administration-related organization Social Welfare organization Professional organization Citizen's group NGO (including foreign or international organization) Religious organization Recreational or sports related social organization Other type of organization Total CSOs 92 (18.3%) 56 (11.1%) 16 (3.2%) 17 (3.4%) 16 (3.2%) 1 (.2%) 223 (44.2%) 8 (1.6%) 2 (.4%) 33 (6.5%) 3 (.6%) 32 (6.3%) 5 (1.0%) 504

This shows that 44.2% organizations have identified themselves as welfare organizations while 18.3% as agriculture based. This is very obvious for an agrarian and developing country like Bangladesh having a culture of voluntarism and accepting a large amount of foreign donation and loan each year for human resource development and relief. Field Visits: The researcher herself also visited the different areas where the survey was conducted by private transport (Rent-A-Car). It was field trips to different areas sometimes with the surveyor in charge of the area, often alone or with the survey assistant to me. The survey assistant was also sent to different places alone. Here the researcher revisited the civil society organizations or the government officers in charge of cooperative, others in charge of NGOs or Social Welfare organizations also met the Sub-District Executive officers (UNO) in charge of sub-districts. Some were kind enough to answer inquiries and even give me interview about their relation to the civil society organizations in their area. List of date and place for the filed visits are given below. Field Visits in September, 2006 Poba Sub-district, 1. 10th Mohonpur Sub-district, 2. 12th Godagari Sub-district 3. 13th 4. 14th Tanore Sub-district Durgapur Sub-district, 5. 15th Bagmara Sub-district, 6. 17th Charghat and Bagha Sub-district, 7. 19th 8. 21th Rajshahi city, Puthia Sub-district and Rajshahi city. 9. 27th

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Interviews and Case Studies: Besides the interview with structured questionnaires, the researcher also interviewed some resource persons, for example, the Mayor and Parliament member of Rajshahi, High Government Officials in charge of Cooperatives, Professors, NGO Executives, Sub-district head and so on. Some interview was recorded with the permission of the respondent. Where they declined, their answers were just noted down. Detailed information with the objective of doing case studies on a labor union, three different types of NGOs, an advocacy organization, Chambers of Commerce and a Professional Group have also been collected. In this connection, some surveyors also helped in gathering information. This process continued even after the survey was formally over. Questionnaire Cross-checking: When good number of filled in questionnaires began to pour in every day, the researcher personally began to cross check each questionnaire and see for mistakes and ambiguity and misses. Besides the name, address and string answers written in Bengali had to be translated into English. As the surveyors were still going to the field the misses could be rechecked. Besides, in most cases interviewers gave their contact numbers like (personal mobile number). So they could be contacted if necessary. Afterwards, 5 more surveyors helped in this regard and cross checking the 504 cases was finished by 27 September. These 5 surveyors were paid separately for such assistance. Data input, data cleaning and data analysis: The data input process began 28th September. And it took about two weeks to complete with the help of professionals. After coming back to Japan in November 2006, inputted data have been rigorously cleaned and transformed from Excel to SPSS format. After wards the actual data analysis process began.

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Appendix E
I. List of Designation of Resource Persons Interviewed
1. Professor, Department of Anthropology, Rajshahi University also the Chairman of the Rajshahi Chapter of Shujon-a national based citizen group. Recorded interview on 23 April, 2006. 2. Professor, Department of Political Science, also Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, and ex-secretary of Rajshahi University Teachers Association, Rajshahi University. Recorded interview on 23 April, 2006. 3. Professor, Department of Applied Physics, Ex-vice Chancellor of Rajshahi University. Recorded interview taken on 8th October, 2006. 4. Professor, Department of Applied Physics, Elected Member of the Syndicate and ex-secretary of Teachers Association, Rajshahi University.- recorded interview taken on 8th October, 2006 5. Professor, Department of Anthropology, and ex-vice Chancellor, Dhaka University. Documented interview (due to technical problem with the recorder) taken on 21st October, 2006. 6. Mayor, Rajshahi City Corporation, Elected Parliament Member. Documented interview (due to technical problem with the recorder) taken on 30th September, 2006. 7. TNO-Chief Executive Officer, Poba Sub-district, Rajshahi. Recorded interview, 10th October, 2006. 8. Ex-TNO, Shathia Subdistirct , Bangladesh. Recorded interview, 9th October, 2006. 9. Senior Assistant Secretary (Government Officer), at present on deputation for PhD research at the Institute of Bangladesh Studies, Rajshahi University. Recorded interview taken on 6th May, 2006. 10. Rural development officer, BRDB, Poba Sub-district, Rajshahi. Recorded interview taken on 9th October, 2006 ( Introduced cooperative system and nature of BRDB management system). 11. Joint Registrar, Directorate of Cooperatives, Rajshahi Division, Rajshahi. Documented interview taken on 19 April, 2006. (Introduced cooperative system in Bangladesh). 12. Officer in charge of Rajshahi Zonal Office, Tengamara Shobuj Shongho (TMSS). Documented interview, 12th October, 2006. 13. President, Labor Union, Rajshahi Sugar Mill, Rajshahi. Recorded interview taken on 26 September, 2006. 14. Convener, Rajshahi Shohor Rakkah Shangram Parishad,(citizen group). Recorded interview taken on 28th September, 2006.

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II. List of Observation Notes used for the Describing and Analysis the Cooperatives and Small Welfare Groups in Chapter Five
Each of the 20 surveyors who were assigned to interview the sample organizations with the structured questionnaires, were given A5 size notebook to note down what they observe. They were particularly asked to note down information and observation about the characteristics of the organizations and the interviewee that may not be revealed through the structured questionnaire, additional information that may come out through interviewing the organizations, the matters that the interviewee seem to be avoiding, like political affiliation etc. and also their personal impression about the organization, the study area and the survey itself. They were given the flexibility to write such notes in daily basis or as a report and submit after the whole survey was over. As a result, some of the surveyors wrote the notes, just like daily diary writings, other as a full fledged report. Though these observatory notes are not well structured, they have provided genuine information about the grassroots organizations from their personal observation and conversation with the organization leaders. Such observations that have been verified through my personal field visits at the rural areas and local administrative offices, have been considered as primary data for writing the section on the political relations of the cooperatives and small welfare groups in chapter five. Following is the list of the observatory notes used for present thesis. It must be mentioned that, these note are hand written and are in Bangla language. 1. Jahangir Alam, Surveyor for Bagmara sub-district. Observation note submitted on 27th September, 2006. 23 pages note. 2. Momen Khan, Surveyor for Bagmara sub-district. Observation note submitted on 27th September, 2006. 30 pages note. 3. Selimuzzaman, Surveyor for Bagha Sub-district, Observation note submitted on 21st Septemebr, 2006. 27 pages note. 4. A.S.M. Sarwar, Survyor for Rajshahi town and sub-urban areas, Observation note submitted, on 25th, September, 2006. 20 pages note. 5. Md. Jannatul Ferdous, Surveyor for Tanore Sub-district, Observation note submitted on 25th, September, 2006. 37 pages note. 6. Mahmud Hasan, Surveyor for Tanore Sub-district, Observation report submitted on 25th, September, 2006. 27 pages report. 7. Ahmed Murad Cowdhury, Surveyor for Durgapur Sub-district, Observation note, submitted on 27th, September, 2006. 22 pages note. 8. Md. Johurul Islam, Surveyor for Poba Sub-district, Observation note, submitted on 21st September, 2006. 33 pages note.

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III List of Libraries from where the Newspaper Reports have been Searched and Collected News paper reports on civil society and civil society related events and movements have been used in the present research in order to understand the civil society and political relations in Bangladesh. The news paper reports have been sorted out with the help of 4 research assistance from the following libraries in Dhaka, Bangladesh. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Library for Transparency International Bangladesh, Gulshan, Progress Tower, Dhaka. Public Library, Shahbag, Dhaka. National Library and Archives, Agargoan, Sher-e-Bangla Nagar, Dhaka. Library for Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, Agargoan, Dhaka. Community Development Library, 9/A Dhanmondi, Dhaka. Library for National Institute of Local Government, Agargoan, Sherebangla Nagar, Dhaka. 7. National Press Institute, Circuit house, Bailey Road, Dhaka.

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Appendix F
Selected Case Studies of Civil Society Organizations This section provides brief case studies of four types of CSOs Trade union, Cooperative, Development NGO and Citizens Group. Each case study will focus on mainly four pointsbasic information of the CSO, pattern of membership and election, relationship among the leaders and members or beneficiaries and nature of interaction with the politics or government. I. Rajshahi Sugar Mill Labor Union7 a. Basic Information Rajshahi Sugar Mill Labor and Workers Union (from now on shall be termed just as union) is registered under the Ministry of Labor and Employment since 1967. The union is run on the basis of a detailed constitution. It represents 1234 members who are all labor and office workers of the mill. The union posses two storied building located within the mill area, where the office of the union is situated. Its main objective is protecting interest of the workers and bargain with the authorities for wages, pension, and financial security for the ill and injured workers. There are different ways through which the union may bargain and negotiate with the authorities. Union is also given the democratic right to call on strikes. Major financial sources of the union are membership fee, entrance free, monthly fee, special fee, subsidy from the authorities and income from the property of the union. The union have liaison with the other sugar mill labor unions joined under a federation and labor unions of other industrial sectors. b. Pattern of Membership and Election System All labors and workers of Rajshahi Sugar Mill except security guards, office assistant at the confidential section, are eligible to become members of the union and become a voter and gain the right to contest in the union elections. They shall be always responsible for paying the due fees in time, accept the decisions taken in the general council meetings and

The present case study is based on field visit, interview with the Labor Union leader, group discussion with other workers and officers and the necessary paper materials-like constitution of the union, election results etc. provided by the Rajshahi Sugar Mill, Labor Union Office.

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always work for the betterment of the union and interest of the workers. The union is run through a 23 members executive committee with 17 members elected directly by the general members in every two years. The committee, following constitutional rules shall work for the implementing objectives of the union. In need they have the power to recruit necessary staffs for running the union office and have the responsibility of financial affairs of the union. Such decision shall be decided by the consent of the majority members of the committee. They can take decisions for certain problem and issues, where the constitution remains silent. However, most important responsibility of the committee is of bargaining with the mill authorities.

c. Relationship between leader and other members The elected president of the executive committee is termed the collective bargaining (CBA) leader. He is very powerful, has immense influence on the workers, and as well as on other officers. He doesnt work as a labor or worker after being elected and maintains a well furnished office better than the office of the general manager of the mill. Status of the elected leader and members are very different from a normal worker. Members of the committee bargain on behalf of the rest of the workers for wage raise and other facilities. However, voting system bring some democratic atmosphere in the union. Specially during the election season, these leaders and other candidates has to pursue the workers who elect them through a secret ballot. Practically, it has been observed that, the labor leader who support the ruling party or those who are blessed by the ruling political leaders take over actual power of the union and sometimes control of the mill itself. Even if these leaders do not hold any elected post in the union, their influence and power are found every where.

c. Internal Politics and Reflection of National Politics It has been found that this particular union is not totally controlled by the political parties but also not independent of the political power. During elections of the executive committee, the panels of candidates are formed according to party line that reflects the national politics. However, though a panel is marked as BNP panel and another as AL panel, candidates supporting other political parties (like some communist factions) may also be found inside these panels. In most cases, influence of ruling party panel is huge among, the members and the administration. However, there is no permanent voters bank for each panel. 290

The voters decision changes with the change in national politics and performance of the union president 8 . After going through the list of elected members and their political affiliation, for 2001, 2003, 20059, it had been found that election results reflected national politics, in 2001 when AL was in power 10 of the elected members were from AL while 6 from BNP. On the other hand when BNP was on power in 2003 and 2005 the distribution was just opposite with 9 BNP and 7 AL candidates elected in 2003 and 13 BNP and 4 AL candidates elected in 2005. Within the sugar mill area influence of the labor union is immense. The management recruits mill labors and workers with consultation of the union. Each department of the mill administration has to move according to the wish of the labor leaders. Central political leaders of Rajshahi district like parliament members, Mayor have direct influence on the recruitment process and in determining sugar price and calling tender for selling sugar10. Rajshahi Sugar Mill Labor and Workers Union represent unions that are active in medium sized, hardly profitable government industries, situated in a region far from the central economic and production zone of the nation.

II. Pahar Pur Adarsho Shomobai Krishok Samity (Pahar Pur Ideal Farmers Cooperative)11 a. Basic Information In Bangladesh, there are varieties of cooperative with different status and monetary power at different levels of the rural and as well as the urban society, mainly for providing loans. At present the cooperative system in Bangladesh is under the control of the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperative and Bangladesh Rural Development Board (BRDB) is in charge of the management of most of the cooperatives in rural areas of Bangladesh. These cooperatives are organized mainly in two stepsVillage Cooperatives at the periphery and Central Cooperative located at each Sub-District. The
Group discussion with the Mill workers and Mill Engineer during field visit on 26th September, 2006. As provided by the office of the labor union. 10 The case study description is based on interview with President of the Labor Union of Rajshahi Sugar Mill also information gathered through conversation with normal workers, labor officers, and engineer and lastly on the documents provided by the sugar mill office on 26th September , 2006. 11 The case study have been developed based on the field visit to Bagmara on 19th September, 2006, information the chairperson provided in the survey questionnaire and through personal interview as well as the observation note provided by the surveyor Jahangir Alam, submitted 27th September.
9 8

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central cooperatives committee is elected by the periphery cooperatives. Such cooperatives are mostly formed by farmers but also by poor laborers, workers, fishers, small businessmen and even destitutes. There are separate cooperatives for men and women. Periphery or primary cooperatives are formed of 20 to 40 members at the villages; these groups again elect one member to the college of electorate who ultimately elect the members to the central committee at the union level amongst themselves12. At the rural area prime objective of cooperatives is providing small-loans (5 to 20 thousand BDT)13 to farmers and fishers and small businessmen. The cooperative under study is a normal periphery cooperative of 35 members who are all male farmers. The cooperative is active in Bhobanaigonj union, under Bagmara subdistrict, Rajshahi. It was established in 1984 and registered under the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives. Paharpur Cooperative is supervised by the local officers of BRDB. It is a stable and old cooperative with a yearly budget of 150000 TK which means US$ 20205. This is rather a large budget in comparison to other cooperatives in the area. The cooperative members have informed that besides loan it is also engaged in other social welfare functions for its members and other villagers.

b. Pattern of Membership and election The 35 members are all farmers living in the same area and they came together and formed the group. Afterwards by contacting the BRDB office they became formally organized, developed particular rules for the cooperative and with the help of the BRDB office, registered themselves at the local cooperative office. First they had to form a common capital with their personal saving and then began to receive loans from the BRDB office with the supervision of the BRDB officers. They invest loan mainly for agriculture purpose and irrigation. According to rule, the 6 members committee for the cooperative shall be elected every year. However, for a long time there has not been any election and the chairman is leading the cooperative for a long time. But, the chairperson is a popular person and has been elected by fellow members to the electoral collage and ultimately elected as the chairman to

12 13

Interview with the BRDB Officer, Poba Sub-district, 9th October, 2006. Which means about US $ 70 to US $ 300.

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the central cooperative active at the Bagmara Sub-district. This central election was conducted by the BRDB office.

c. Relation between the Leader and members The cooperative has been identified to be involved in other social activities like planting samplings, sending members for different employment trainings etc. So it is not working just for the economic benefit of its members but also for their social wellbeing too. In comparison to other members in the cooperative, the leader or the chairperson has been found to be economically and socially in a better position. He is actively a supporter of the ruling political party. With the help of BRDB officials and using his personal link with the political leaders the chairman has brought better funds or programs for the cooperative. However, this has been possible because of his position in the central cooperative and relation with the higher ups which is hardly found in the case of other cooperatives.

d. Nature of Interaction with the government and politics As the chairperson of Paharpur Cooperative is directly involved in politics, he have led the cooperative into political actions. The cooperative chairman and members have been found to be involved in different election related functions like, supporting and campaigning for a particular candidate and again participating in programs for political awareness. The cooperative besides, registration, receiving loans and guidance from the government are not involved in other functions that may lead them to participate in policy making. For their problem, they prefer to go directly to the leaders of the ruling party or the BRDB office or Sub-District Administrative office rather than forming coalition with other cooperatives or send petition etc. They hardly have any type of cooperation with social, economic or political actors in the society, not even with NGOs. However, the chairperson admitted that before having political connections they have faced problems like corruption, no cooperation and bureaucratic complicacies in their dealing with the government offices for their loans and registration. These problems were solved when they showed their political support to the ruling party. He admitted frankly that political identity of the cooperative or its leader does matter in decisions to sanction loans and government other facilities. The cooperative is

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hardly involved in any advocacy activities as the main objective of the members are not networking or civic engagement but for some mutual economic benefit. Despite of the fact, the cooperative thinks that it has some influence in their area it works and it is autonomous. However, the reason for such autonomy is that first they have now good relation with the ruling party, second, the welfare and economic objectives of the organization resembles with the government policy and finally, the cooperative has been able to build a stable common capital by itself since 1984 through lots of ups and downs. So now it is not too much financially dependent on the government.

III. Thengamara Mahila Shobuj Shongho (TMSS) [Thengamara Womens Green Group]14 a. Basic Information Thengamara Mahila Shobuj Shongho (TMSS) is a well established development NGO. It was first formed with the initiative of local organizers and after words received foreign support and funds. TMSS is not as large or famous as BRAC or Grameen Bank, however, it may be considered as a large NGO. Though it originated in northern region of the country in 1980, it is now working nation wide and involved in the traditional micro-credit and other social welfare activities like other development NGOs. TMSS covers 1614 unions, 247 sub-districts of 62 districts. It became involved with micro-credit in 1991 with the financial loan provided by PKSF. It is involved in different sectors of activities like social development, health, micro-finance, business promotion, education, human rights and gender, fisheries & live stock, environment and forestry, agriculture and disaster management, training etc. Interest rate for TMSS loan is 12.5% and for ultra poor 10%. TMSS have received different national and international awards since 1986 till date for their performance in social development, micro-credit and women empowerment. Among its 47 development partners 16 are international development agencies or foreign embassies.

The case study has been written based on visit to TMSS Rajshahi Zonal office, Interview with the office in charge 12th October 2006, Annual Report of TMSS 2005 and TMSS website http://www.tmssbd.org/index.html last intern access 5th December, 2007.

14

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b. Nature of membership and election TMSS is centrally governed by an executive committee consisting of 15 members and they are elected by the general members of TMSS in every three years. The committee is responsible for appointing the Executive director, selecting chartered accounting farm for auditing, formulating TMSS policies and provide consultancies to run the organization. The rule is that, in each zone or area where TMSS is active in the country, chairpersons of every basic group that is sustainable for at least 3 years and also 1 or 2 local elites of the area together join the general committee. Members of the general committee representing all zones, vote for the members of the executive committee. The executive director is the honorary secretary and she also has the power to appoint three more members from outside. The process seems to be well thought and democratic for an organization. But if we observe the member list in the Annual Report Book of 2005, then we may find that in this way only two genuine beneficiary working at the periphery have been able to enter the executive committee. Other is well established and famous social workers. This still may be considered democratic in comparison to other development NGOs. The committee appoints the executive director. However, since its initial age to date the executive director is the same person and her picture hangs in the offices of the TMSS just the way the Prime Ministers Picture hang in every government offices in Bangladesh. From the consideration of internal democracy this may not be termed healthy. Actually Professor Hosne Ara Begum is the legendary figure in TMSS. Without her leadership TMSS may not have developed into a large NGO and her presence is necessary for the further enhancement of the NGO. The same explanation goes for long leadership of the Professor Yunus of Grameen Bank and Fazle Hasan Abed of BRAC. Charisma plays an important role in the development and strength of large organizations in Bangladesh, just in the way it is important to party politics in Bangladesh. At the local level, just like other development NGOs, the micro-credit and other social service are provided collectively to small group of beneficiaries. Each basic group is formed of 10-30 women. First three days they discuss with the TMSS workers about their aim and objectives. On the 4th day training for micro-credit begins. Weekly meetings are held where micro-credit as well as other types of social issues like sanitation, environment, women rights etc. are discussed. Among them elections are held for the post of chairperson. Only in 295

Rajshahi zone (that includes other neighboring districts of Rajshahi) number of such groups under TMSS is 3543.

c. Relation among the NGOs and beneficiaries As understood from the conversation and field visits, TMSS is working in the same way as other development NGOs. It is a hierarchical managerial system, where the field workers are trained in the central or zonal offices and they provide service to the beneficiary groups accordingly. At group meetings of basic groups, the TMSS field worker coordinates the meeting agenda and decides how the meeting will proceed and as well as collect the weekly contribution of the members and their loan installments. Function of the NGO staff do not provide any scope for considering the beneficiaries as equal member of the NGO staff, nor can he/she consider herself equal to them. It is more like service provider and service receiver relationship. Theoretically, it is expected that in time through the efforts of the NGO staff the economic empowerment and development awareness of the beneficiaries these groups will become autonomous. Practically there are very few instances of such independency. The same comment may be made in the case of basic unit groups of other development NGOs.

d. Nature of interaction with the government and politics TMSS belong to the NGO group that was considered neutral CSOs during the 1990s. TMSS still remains as a member of ADAB after its split and formation of a new coalition named FNB. It maintains all the formal relationship with the government. TMSS participate in every monthly coordination meeting with the District Commissioner and also at the subdistrict level with the TNO. At the meeting they exchange their opinion, share problems with the administration and also submit reports. The TMSS official in his interview admitted that, his NGO do convey their opinion and advices to the government for rural development policies. However, this is done in a hierarchical way. From the field the branch managers convey their opinion to their higher bosses then it is conveyed to the zonal office. From zonal office it goes to the central office. Then the central office consults the matter with the government, PKSF and the donors.

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In the initial days, while working at the field, TMSS had problems with the local elites due to clashes of interests. However, they have over come it in the last decade through different initiatives like exchange of opinions between the prayer leaders and mosque committees and different NGO officials. At present that is in 2006, local governments and administrative units as well as local elites provide all the necessary cooperation to TMSS. From the point of view of national politics and politicization of NGOs, according to the NGO official TMSS tries to be in a neutral position. It did not break away from ADAB to join FNB, again it is also not very active in ADAB functions. However, it has become tough to work in a politicized and polarized environment. Naturally large NGOs enter into big contract with the government on different social welfare projects. Often such joint venture of NGO is considered as a political action by the opposition. When the opposition come to power, that particular NGO is black listed by the government. Not only the parties to be blamed. The NGO leaders have also made politicized decisions; there exists intra-NGO tensions also. Moreover the NGOs are not totally transparent and not free from internal problems. Taking all these together, in the coming days, it might be impossible to run a NGO with out the shelter of a major political party.

IV. Rajshahi Rakkah Shangram Parishod-RRSP (Movement to Protect Rajshahi City) a. Basic Information Rajshahi Rakkah Shangram Parishod-RRSP (Movement to Protect Rajshahi City) is a local citizens group organized by the middle class and elite persons of Rajshahi city with the aim to protect the interest of the area, particularly Rajshahi city. The process for establishing such organization began in 1997. The citizen group voice for the basic needs- like medical treatment, drinking water supply, power supply, and gas supply of the people of Rajshahi, environmental degradation in the area and against the government decisions to move important offices and building from Rajshahi and point out irregularities, corruption, and administrative failures found in Rajshahi. They articulate their interest through petition, press conferences, round tables, seminar, public meetings arranged at open squares, rallies, processions protesting certain events, sit in, hunger strike, giving ultimatums and calling all

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out strike (Hartal)15. Besides membership fee, other sources of finance are the local eminent businessmen and sponsor organizations like banks, enterprises, and national dailies.

b. Nature of Membership and Election Originally RRSP was formed by a few merchants in the town, but later have attracted membership from all types of professions-teachers, intellectuals, journalists, lawyers and other educated citizens. The membership pattern, executive committee, advisory committee are based on written constitution. The executive committee is elected in every two years by the members. Any citizen of Rajshahi may become a member of RRSP. However, only 140 citizens have been found formally member of the organization. It also has a 20 member advisory committee consisting of local elite citizens of Rajshahi town. However, besides the formal members the organization has the ability to ensure participation of a considerable number of members and prominent citizens in the different events and activities organized by RRSP.

c. Nature of relation between the leader and members The RRSP is actually a group of like minded citizens belonging to the same social class. Naturally the relationship between the leaders and members are so far congenial. It have been observed that there are good number of members who are officially members but not active at all. It is more common among the female members to become official members due to their husbands involvement in the group. It is the executive committee that takes decisions to organize the seminars, rallies and stage protests. Naturally all the petitions placed to the authorities are decided by this committee. When the RRSP faces any problem they try to solve the problems with help of their personal network and their relationship with other professional organizations like the Bar Associations, Teachers Associations etc and consultation with the advisory committee. In 2006, it is the convener not the Chair person who has been found to be more active with his like minded fellow members in the name of RRSP and received media attraction. This implies that, though RRSP is active and well known CSOs, it is actually run by a few like minded leaders and concerned citizens.

15

Interview with the Convener, Rajshahi Shohor Rokkah Shongram Porishad, Rajshahi, 28th September, 2006.

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d. Nature of interaction with the society and politics Though the citizen group is working for the interest of the Rajshahi, it had been found to be placed in an antagonistic position in relation to the Rajshahi city corporation governed by the elected mayor of BNP the party in power. In 2005 and 2006, RRSP had become active in pointing out the irregularities found in the administration and protested against government policies concerning Rajshahi. It came in direct conflict with the administration protesting maltreatment of the patients in private clinics. The convener had even been arrested and tortured by law enforcement forces16 , this attracted the national media. The organization claims that they have neither any relation with the political parties nor with any political blocks. Rather they have come forward for the interest of the citizens of Rajshahi as the political parties have failed to do so. The political parties (BNP, Jamat) to resist the popularity of RRSP have supported the formation of new citizens groups, however, those groups lack proper organizational strength and necessary citizens support. RRSP has very good relation with press and media and cooperation with other non-political groups like professional groups, economic groups etc. The organization has gained reputation and media attraction for its movement of natural gas supply in the city. However, if we go through the lists of advisory committee membership lists of the RRSP, we may see presence of well reputed citizens of Rajshahi city that represents both the BNP (but not Jamat) block and the AL and left block. However, the majority of members belong to the left and AL block17. The secretary of RRSP though claim to be non-political, have been found to be a former elected member of the Board of Directorates of Rajshahi Chamber of Commerce during the AL regime18 and in his young age had relation with left organizations. Presently he is in a confronting position with the BNP and Jamat led administration. During conversation with other citizens about RRSP, it had been found that, the organization and its moves have been praised by the citizens but the over presence of members of the latter block have discouraged the BNP and right minded citizens to engage in the movement directly. For example, in the seminars organized by RRSP, good number of university professors has participated. After going through their name list, it had been
16 17

As admitted by the Secretary of Rajshahi Rakkha Shongram Parishod, Interviewed on 28th September. Proceeding of a Round Table Meeting on Development of Rajshahi, Published by Rajshahi Rokkah Shongram Parishad. Rajshahi: May, 2006. 18 Annual Report Book 2002, Rajshahi Chambers of Commerce.

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observed that all the teachers who presented there belong to the AL and left block. Besides, the elites and civil society leaders that support the ruling coalition are already favored by the government and administration. Because of the loyalty that they sold for their personal and group benefits prevent them from joining any movements that protests government policy. The polarization that have divided the whole society and civil society have refrained the citizens from organizing in systematic movements in a united manner. Unless there is a balance among both the blocks and truly non-political citizens groups are established, there might be big difference in the manner of articulation by the CSOs and nature of government responses with the change of regimes.

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Appendix G
Profile of Two Major Political Parties in Bangladesh I. Bangladesh Awami League Year of Establishment: 1949 Leaders: Founder leaders Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, Shamsul Huq and Sheik Mujibur Rahman; Leader that led the Independence MovementSheikh Mujibur Rahman; Present leaderSheikh Hasina Wazed (daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman). Ideology: Socialism and secularism (during Pakistani period and also at the initial years of independent Bangladesh). At present the party moves on with idea of liberal democracy supporting market economy. With a foreign policy to develop better friendship with neighboring India, AL terms the nation of Bangladesh as Bengali deriving such identity from its history, culture, attained sovereign and independent Bangladesh through a united and determined struggle in the war of independence. Naturally, the party has strong bond with the secular and left section of the society. Party Type: Initially a revolutionary vanguard party, at present a catch-all party. Voters Support: 40% of the total vote in 2001 general election (lost the election). 37% of the total vote in 1996 general election (won the election). 30% of the total vote in 1991 general election (lost the election). Website: http://www.albd.org/autoalbd/index.php19 Discussion: Bangladesh Awami League (AL) is the vanguard party that led the independence movement against Pakistani rulers. It was established in 1949 to represent the left leaning faction of Muslim league of the then East Pakistan (present Bangladesh). In the course of the Autonomy Movement of 1960s, AL became a popular regional party and came into prominence under the charismatic leadership of Sheikh Mujibor Rahman (Hossain, 2000:510). During the Pakistani period AL ruled the province with very little success in democracy and ending up in corruption for a brief time (1956-1958) (Kochanek, 2000:532). Its movement for loose autonomy from West Pakistan ultimately turned into an overwhelming freedom movement. After a brief but bloody battle politically lead by Awami

19

In Bangladesh e-politics is not popular as the internet communication system is yet to develop to reach all voters belonging to middle class. So the websites of the political parties may not be well developed, informative and updated as it may be in other developed countries and even in neighboring India.

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League, Bangladesh became Independent in 197120. Having Sheikh Mujibor Rahman as its president, Awami League formed the first government and ruled until 1975. Awami League in 1972 was composed of middle class, rural-based elite that was steeped in the culture of patron-client politics. They were largely district and local town lawyers and assistant lawyers and teachers who engaged in petty trade business. The party was highly factionalized and was held together by patronage and charisma of Mujib. Mujib ruled Bangladesh like a private fiefdom (Kochanek, 2000: 532). The behavior of AL during this period reaffirms Lapalombaras (1966:32) explanation for non-competitive one-party rule in new developing countries. In the initial years of nation-building and state-building in developing countries, the political leaders often try to avoid the luxury of pluralistic democracy and become sensitive to political opposition. This is what happened in the case of newly independent Bangladesh. Moreover, internal corruption, pressure for modernization, constant demand from the newly active social groups and left revolutionaries impelled AL to take an one party solution that led military coup de-tate and end of the regime with the killing of President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Since, then, up to 1996 Awami league remained in opposition party. Just after the assignation of the leader, in 1975, Awami Leauge became disorganized and fragmented, and could not emerge as any powerful opposition against the popular rule of General Zia in the early 1980s. During the Ershad regime (another Militray general), at first Awami League (under the leadership of Sheik Hasina daughter of the slain leader Mujibor Rahman) showed some support and also participated in the controversial 1986 election under the military government. However, later, it formed a strong platform to oppose the autocratic government and played an important leading role in the combined movement against the Military rule in 1990. In the first election after reintroduction of democracy in 1991 AL was defeated despite of winning 30% votes, and was placed in opposition bench in the parliament. During this time, the party emerged as a non-compromising opposition who preferred to go to streets and engage in agitation than expressing grievances at parliament. The party also showed success in gaining and taking advantage of support from some portion of the civil society that included a few well known NGOs and bureaucrats. This section of the civil
The AL leadership with the support of all the citizens of Bangladesh, was accompanied by the military leadership of the Bengali officers who defected from Pakistani army and the international support from India and USSR.
20

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society actively participated in ALs non-cooperation program, demanding resignation of the BNP government and for free fair elections under a neutral care-taker-government. This helped AL to come to power and it formed the government with the support from Jatiya Party (former military dictator lead party) after 18 years in 1996. Since then the already politicized civil society, entered a new faze of politicization and polarization. After, five years of its rule, in 2001 election, ruling AL again lost to the coalition of Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamat Islami Party.

II. Bangladesh Nationalist Party Year of Establishment: 1978 Leader: Founding leaderZiaur Rahman; Present leaderBegum Khalida Zia (wife of Ziaur Rahman) Ideology: Since its establishment BNP believes in liberal democracy with market economy. BNP composed the idea of Bangladeshi nationalismthat draws a line of distinction between the people of Bangladesh and the ethnic Bengalis of West Bengal and project the image of Bangladesh as a distinctive Muslim Nation. Naturally the party attracts support from the centrist and right section of the society using its antiIndian sentiment and religious sympathy. Party Type: Initially Personalistic Party, at present Catch-all Party. Voters Support: 41% of the total vote in 2001 general election (won the election). 34% of the total vote in 1996 general election (lost the election). 31% of the total vote in 1991 general election (won the election). Website: http://www.bnpbd.com/21 Discussion: Considering its origin, BNP may be termed as Personalistic party (Gunther and Diamond, 2003:187) . 22 The assassination of AL leader Shiekh Mujibor Rahman, was
In Bangladesh e-politics is not popular as the internet communication system is yet to reach all voters belonging to middle class. So the websites of the political parties may not be well developed, informative and updated as it may be in other developed countries and even in neighboring India.
22 21

Personalistic party is considered as a vehicle for a leader or ruler to win election and exercise power. Such parties are constructed or converted by an incumbent or a national leader exclusively to advance his or her national political ambition rather than any ideology or program. Clientelistic network and distribution of particularistic benefit are the strategies of such party that are often found to have weak, shallow and opportunistic organizational base.

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followed by a series of coups and counter coups. In the consequence, General Ziaur Rahman, a hero of the Independence war, established bureaucratic-military rule. Bangladesh Nationalist Party had been constructed by the incumbent army ruler (General Ziaur Rahman) exclusively to advance his national political ambition and civilize his military regime. BNP then was a broad-based coalition of political forces opposed to Awami League drawn from the military, the business community, pro-Chinese communist radicals, pro-Islamic elements, and former members of the AL who opposed Mujibs one party rule. Many of these organizations were banned or ostracized as collaborators because of their pro-Pakistani records during the AL regime. In contrast to AL counterparts, BNP members were drawn from the upper strata of Bangladeshi middle class and rich farmers in the rural areas. Naturally, all these diverse interest were held together with charisma of General Zia and patronage built on government jobs, bank loans, license and permits (Kochanek, 2000:533). BNP then emerged as the only powerful civilian political force in Bangladesh until the next series of coup de tat in 1981 and 1982. Ziaur Rahman was assassinated in May 1981 during a failed coup and in another bloodless coup General Ershad captured the state power of Bangladesh in 1982. Since then to 1991, BNP under the dynastic leadership of Begum Khalida Zia-widow of the slain leader Ziaur Rahman, survived with the image of a noncompromising opposition party. BNP won the parliamentary election held in 1991, just after the successful mass upsurge to topple General Ershads eight years autocratic rule. Since 1990s, BNP has served two terms in office (1991-1996, 2001-2006) and one term sat at the opposition bench. Both the BNP regimes were accused of corruption, nepotism, vote mugging and election engineering by the press and opposition and ended amid severe political crises, violence.

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