AmilcarCabral,TheWeaponofTheory,1966

AddressdeliveredtothefirstTricontinentalConferenceofthePeoplesofAsia, AfricaandLatinAmericaheldinHavanainJanuary,1966.

IfanyofuscametoCubawithdoubtsinourmindaboutthesolidity,strength, maturityandvitalityoftheCubanRevolution,thesedoubtshavebeenremovedby whatwehavebeenabletosee.Ourheartsarenowwarmedbyanunshakeable certaintywhichgivesuscourageinthedifficultbutgloriousstruggleagainstthe commonenemy:nopowerintheworldwillbeabletodestroythisCuban Revolution,whichiscreatinginthecountrysideandinthetownsnotonlyanewlife butalsoandevenmoreimportantaNewMan,fullyconsciousofhisnational, continentalandinternationalrightsandduties.IneveryfieldofactivitytheCuban peoplehavemademajorprogressduringthelastsevenyears,particularlyin1965, YearofAgriculture.

Webelievethatthisconstitutesaparticularlessonforthenationalliberation movements,especiallyforthosewhowanttheirnationalrevolutiontobeatrue revolution.SomepeoplehavenotfailedtonotethatacertainnumberofCubans, albeitaninsignificantminority,havenotsharedthejoysandhopesofthe celebrationsfortheseventhanniversarybecausetheyareagainsttheRevolution.It ispossiblethatotherswillnotbepresentatthecelebrationsoftheeighth anniversary,butwewouldliketostatethatweconsidertheopendoorpolicyfor enemiesoftheRevolutiontobealessonincourage,determination,humanityand confidenceinthepeople,anotherpoliticalandmoralvictoryovertheenemy;and tothosewhoareworried,inaspiritoffriendship,aboutthedangerswhichmany beinvolvedinthisexodus,weguaranteethatwe,thepeoplesofthecountriesof Africa,stillcompletelydominatedbyPortuguesecolonialism,arepreparedtosend toCubaasmanymenandwomenasmaybeneededtocompensateforthe departureofthosewhoforreasonsofclassorofinabilitytoadapthaveinterestsor attitudeswhichareincompatiblewiththeinterestsoftheCubanpeople.Taking onceagaintheformerlyhardandtragicpathofourancestors(mainlyfromGuinea andAngola)whoweretakentoCubaasslaves,wewouldcomenowasfreemen,as willingworkersandCubanpatriots,tofulfillaproductivefunctioninthisnew,just andmultiracialsociety,andtohelpanddefendwithourownlivesthevictoriesof theCubanpeople.Thuswewouldstrengthenbothallthebondsofhistory,blood andculturewhichuniteourpeopleswiththeCubanpeople,andthespontaneous givingofoneself,thedeepjoyandinfectiousrhythmwhichmaketheconstruction ofsocialisminCubaanewphenomenonfortheworld,auniqueand,formany, unaccustomedevent.

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Wearenotgoingtousethisplatformtorailagainstimperialism.AnAfricansaying verycommoninourcountrysays:Whenyourhouseisburning,itsnousebeating thetomtoms.OnaTricontinentallevel,thismeansthatwearenotgoingto eliminateimperialismbyshoutinginsultsagainstit.Forus,thebestorworstshout againstimperialism,whateveritsform,istotakeuparmsandfight.Thisiswhatwe aredoing,andthisiswhatwewillgoondoinguntilallforeigndominationofour Africanhomelandshasbeentotallyeliminated.

Ouragendaincludessubjectswhosemeaningandimportancearebeyondquestion andwhichshowafundamentalpreoccupationwithstruggle.Wenote,however, thatoneformofstrugglewhichweconsidertobefundamentalhasnotbeen explicitlymentionedinthisprogramme,althoughwearecertainthatitwaspresent inthemindsofthosewhodrewuptheprogramme.Wereferheretothestruggle againstourownweaknesses.

Obviously,othercasesdifferfromthatofGuinea;butourexperiencehasshownus thatinthegeneralframeworkofdailystrugglethisbattleagainstourselvesno matterwhatdifficultiestheenemymaycreateisthemostdifficultofall,whether forthepresentorthefutureofourpeoples.Thisbattleistheexpressionofthe internalcontradictionsintheeconomic,social,cultural(andthereforehistorical) realityofeachofourcountries.Weareconvincedthatanynationalorsocial revolutionwhichisnotbasedonknowledgeofthisfundamentalrealityrunsgrave riskofbeingcondemnedtofailure.

WhentheAfricanpeoplessayintheirsimplelanguagethatnomatterhowhotthe waterfromyourwell,itwillnotcookyourrice,theyexpresswithsingular simplicityafundamentalprinciple,notonlyofphysics,butalsoofpoliticalscience. Weknowthatthedevelopmentofaphenomenoninmovement,whateverits externalappearance,dependsmainlyonitsinternalcharacteristics.Wealsoknow thatonthepoliticallevelourownrealityhoweverfineandattractivethereality ofothersmaybecanonlybetransformedbydetailedknowledgeofit,byour ownefforts,byourownsacrifices.ItisusefultorecallinthisTricontinental gathering,sorichinexperienceandexample,thathowevergreatthesimilarity betweenourvariouscasesandhoweveridenticalourenemies,nationalliberation andsocialrevolutionarenotexportablecommodities;theyare,andincreasinglyso everyday,theoutcomeoflocalandnationalelaboration,moreorlessinfluenced byexternalfactors(betheyfavorableorunfavorable)butessentiallydetermined andformedbythehistoricalrealityofeachpeople,andcarriedtosuccessbythe overcomingorcorrectsolutionoftheinternalcontradictionsbetweenthevarious categoriescharacterisingthisreality.ThesuccessoftheCubanrevolution,taking placeonly90milesfromthegreatestimperialistandantisocialistpowerofalltime, seemstous,initscontentanditswayofevolution,tobeapracticalandconclusive illustrationofthevalidityofthisprinciple.

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Howeverwemustrecognizethatweourselvesandtheotherliberationmovements ingeneral(referringhereabovealltotheAfricanexperience)havenotmanagedto paysufficientattentiontothisimportantproblemofourcommonstruggle.

Theideologicaldeficiency,nottosaythetotallackofideology,withinthenational liberationmovementswhichisbasicallyduetoignoranceofthehistoricalreality whichthesemovementsclaimtotransformconstitutesoneofthegreatest weaknessesofourstruggleagainstimperialism,ifnotthegreatestweaknessofall. Webelieve,however,thatasufficientnumberofdifferentexperienceshasalready beenaccumulatedtoenableustodefineagenerallineofthoughtandactionwith theaimofeliminatingthisdeficiency.Afulldiscussionofthissubjectcouldbe useful,andwouldenablethisconferencetomakeavaluablecontributiontowards strengtheningthepresentandfutureactionsofthenationalliberationmovements. Thiswouldbeaconcretewayofhelpingthesemovements,andinouropinionno lessimportantthanpoliticalsupportorfinancialassistanceforarmsandsuchlike.

Itiswiththeintentionofmakingacontribution,howevermodest,tothisdebate thatwepresenthereouropinionofthefoundationsandobjectivesofnational liberationinrelationtothesocialstructure.Thisopinionistheresultofourown experiencesofthestruggleandofacriticalappreciationoftheexperiencesof others.Tothosewhoseeinitatheoreticalcharacter,wewouldrecallthatevery practiceproducesatheory,andthatifitistruethatarevolutioncanfaileven thoughitbebasedonperfectlyconceivedtheories,nobodyhasyetmadea successfulrevolutionwithoutarevolutionarytheory.

Thosewhoaffirminourcasecorrectlythatthemotiveforceofhistoryisthe classstrugglewouldcertainlyagreetoarevisionofthisaffirmationtomakeitmore preciseandgiveitanevenwiderfieldofapplicationiftheyhadabetterknowledge oftheessentialcharacteristicsofcertaincolonizedpeoples,thatistosaypeoples dominatedbyimperialism.Infactinthegeneralevolutionofhumanityandofeach ofthepeoplesofwhichitiscomposed,classesappearneitherasageneralizedand simultaneousphenomenonthroughoutthetotalityofthesegroups,norasa finished,perfect,uniformandspontaneouswhole.Thedefinitionofclasseswithin oneorseveralhumangroupsisafundamentalconsequenceoftheprogressive developmentoftheproductiveforcesandofthecharacteristicsofthedistribution ofthewealthproducedbythegrouporusurpedfromothers.Thatistosaythatthe socioeconomicphenomenonclassiscreatedanddevelopsasafunctionofatleast twoessentialandinterdependentvariablesthelevelofproductiveforcesandthe patternofownershipofthemeansofproduction.Thisdevelopmenttakesplace slowly,graduallyandunevenly,byquantitativeandgenerallyimperceptible variationsinthefundamentalcomponents;onceacertaindegreeofaccumulation isreached,thisprocessthenleadstoaqualitativejump,characterizedbythe appearanceofclassesandofconflictbetweenthem.

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Factorsexternaltothesocioeconomicwholecaninfluence,moreorless significantly,theprocessofdevelopmentofclasses,acceleratingit,slowingitdown andevencausingregressions.When,forwhateverreason,theinfluenceofthese factorsceases,theprocessreassumesitsindependenceanditsrhythmisthen determinednotonlybethespecificinternalcharacteristicsofthewhole,butalsoby theresultantoftheeffectproducedinitbythetemporaryactionoftheexternal factors.Onastrictlyinternalleveltherhythmoftheprocessmayvary,butit remainscontinuousandprogressive.Suddenprogressisonlypossibleasafunction ofviolentalterationsmutationsinthelevelofproductiveforcesorinthe patternofownership.Theseviolenttransformationscarriedoutwithintheprocess ofdevelopmentofclasses,asaresultofmutationsinthelevelofproductiveforces orinthepatternofownership,aregenerallycalled,ineconomicandpolitical language,revolutions.

Clearly,however,thepossibilitiesofthisprocessarenoticeablyinfluencedby externalfactors,andparticularlybytheinteractionofhumangroups.This interactionisconsiderablyincreasedbythedevelopmentofmeansoftransportand communicationwhichascreatedthemodernworld,eliminatingtheisolationof humangroupswithinonearea,ofareaswithinonecontinent,andbetween continents.Thisdevelopment,characteristicofalonghistoricalperiodwhichbegan withtheinventionofthefirstmeansoftransport,wasalreadymoreevidentatthe timeofthePunicvoyagesandintheGreekcolonization,andwasaccentuatedby maritimediscoveries,theinventionofthesteamengineandthediscoveryof electricity.Andinourowntimes,withtheprogressivedomesticizationofatomic energyitispossibletopromise,ifnottotakementothestars,atleasttohumanize theuniverse.

Thisleadsustoposethefollowingquestion:doeshistorybeginonlywiththe developmentofthephenomenonofclass,andconsequentlyofclassstruggle?To replyintheaffirmativewouldbetoplaceoutsidehistorythewholeperiodoflifeof humangroupsfromthediscoveryofhunting,andlaterofnomadicandsedentary agriculture,totheorganizationofherdsandtheprivateappropriationofland.It wouldalsobetoconsiderandthiswerefusetoacceptthatvarioushuman groupsinAfrica,Asia,andLatinAmericawerelivingwithouthistory,oroutside history,atthetimewhentheyweresubjectedtotheyokeofimperialism.Itwould betoconsiderthatthepeoplesofourcountries,suchastheBalantesofGuinea,the CoaniamasofAngolaandtheMacondesofMozambique,arestilllivingtodayif weabstracttheslightinfluenceofcolonialismtowhichtheyhavebeensubjected outsidehistory,orthattheyhavenohistory.

Ourrefusal,basedasitisonconcreteknowledgeofthesocioeconomicrealityof ourcountriesandontheanalysisoftheprocessofdevelopmentofthe phenomenonclass,aswehaveseenearlier,leadsustoconcludethatifclass

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struggleisthemotiveforceofhistory,itissoonlyinaspecifichistoricalperiod.This meansthatbeforetheclassstruggleandnecessarilyafterit,sinceinthisworld thereisnobeforewithoutanafteroneorseveralfactorswasandwillbethe motiveforceofhistory.Itisnotdifficulttoseethatthisfactorinthehistoryofeach humangroupisthemodeofproductionthelevelofproductiveforcesandthe patternofownershipcharacteristicofthatgroup.Furthermore,aswehaveseen, classesthemselves,classstruggleandtheirsubsequentdefinition,aretheresultof thedevelopmentoftheproductiveforcesinconjunctionwiththepatternof ownershipofthemeansofproduction.Itthereforeseemscorrecttoconcludethat thelevelofproductiveforces,theessentialdeterminingelementinthecontentand formofclassstruggle,isthetrueandpermanentmotiveforceofhistory.

Ifweacceptthisconclusion,thenthedoubtsinourmindsareclearedaway. Becauseifontheonehandwecanseethattheexistenceofhistorybeforetheclass struggleisguaranteed,andthusavoidforsomehumangroupsinourcountries andperhapsinourcontinentthesadpositionofbeingpeopleswithoutany history,thenontheotherhandwecanseethathistoryhascontinuity,evenafter thedisappearanceofclassstruggleorofclassesthemselves.Andasitwasnotwe whopostulatedonascientificbasisthefactofthedisappearanceofclassesas ahistoricalinevitability,wecanfeelsatisfiedathavingreachedthisconclusion which,toacertainextent,reestablishescoherenceandatthesametimegivesto thosepeopleswho,likethepeopleofCuba,arebuildingsocialism,theagreeable certaintythattheywillnotceasetohaveahistorywhentheycompletetheprocess ofeliminationofthephenomenonofclassandclassstrugglewithintheirsocio economicwhole.Eternityisnotofthisworld,butmanwilloutliveclassesandwill continuetoproduceandmakehistory,sincehecanneverfreehimselffromthe burdenofhisneeds,bothofmindandofbody,whicharethebasisofthe developmentoftheforcesofproduction.

Theforegoing,andtherealityofourtimes,allowustostatethatthehistoryofone humangrouporofhumanitygoesthroughatleastthreestages.Thefirstis characterizedbyalowlevelofproductiveforcesofmansdominationover nature;themodeofproductionisofarudimentarycharacter,privateappropriation ofthemeansofproductiondoesnotyetexist,therearenoclasses,nor, consequently,isthereanyclassstruggle.Inthesecondstage,theincreasedlevelof productiveforcesleadstoprivateappropriationofthemeansofproduction, progressivelycomplicatesthemodeofproduction,provokesconflictsofinterests withinthesocioeconomicwholeinmovement,andmakespossibletheappearance ofthephenomenaclassandhenceofclassstruggle,thesocialexpressionofthe contradictionintheeconomicfieldbetweenthemodeofproductionandprivate appropriationofthemeansofproduction.Inthethirdstage,onceacertainlevelof productiveforcesisreached,theeliminationofprivateappropriationofthemeans ofproductionismadepossible,andiscarriedout,togetherwiththeeliminationof

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thephenomenonclassandhenceofclassstruggle;newandhithertounknown forcesinthehistoricalprocessofthesocioeconomicwholearethenunleashed.

Inpoliticoeconomiclanguage,thefirststagewouldcorrespondtothecommunal agriculturalandcattleraisingsociety,inwhichthesocialstructureishorizontal, withoutanystate;thesecondtofeudalorassimilatedagriculturaloragroindustrial bourgeoissocieties,withaverticalsocialstructureandastate;thethirdtosocialist orcommunistsocieties,inwhichtheeconomyismainly,ifnotexclusively,industrial (sinceagricultureitselfbecomesaformofindustry)andinwhichthestatetendsto progressivelydisappear,oractuallydisappears,andwherethesocialstructure returnstohorizontality,atahigherlevelofproductiveforces,socialrelationsand appreciationofhumanvalues.

Atthelevelofhumanityorofpartofhumanity(humangroupswithinonearea,of oneorseveralcontinents)thesethreestages(ortwoofthem)canbesimultaneous, asisshownasmuchbythepresentasbythepast.Thisisaresultoftheuneven developmentofhumansocieties,whethercausedbyinternalreasonsorbyoneor moreexternalfactorsexertinganacceleratingorslowingdowninfluenceontheir evolution.Ontheotherhand,inthehistoricalprocessofagivensocioeconomic wholeeachoftheabovementionedstagescontains,onceacertainlevelof transformationisreached,theseedsofthefollowingstage.

Weshouldalsonotethatinthepresentphaseofthelifeofhumanity,andfora givensocioeconomicwhole,thetimesequenceofthethreecharacteristicstagesis notindispensable.Whateveritslevelofproductiveforcesandpresentsocial structure,asocietycanpassrapidlythroughthedefinedstagesappropriatetothe concretelocalrealities(bothhistoricalandhuman)andreachahigherstageof existence.Thisprogressdependsontheconcretepossibilitiesofdevelopmentof thesocietysproductiveforcesandisgovernedmainlybythenatureofthepolitical powerrulingthesociety,thatistosay,bythetypeofstateor,ifonelikes,bythe characterofthedominantclassorclasseswithinthesociety.

Amoredetailedanalysiswouldshowthatthepossibilityofsuchajumpinthe historicalprocessarisesmainly,intheeconomicfield,fromthepowerofthemeans availabletomanatthetimefordominatingnature,and,inthepoliticalfield,from theneweventwhichhasradicallyclangedthefaceoftheworldandthe developmentofhistory,thecreationofsocialiststates.

Thusweseethatourpeopleshavetheirownhistoryregardlessofthestageoftheir economicdevelopment.Whentheyweresubjectedtoimperialistdomination,the historicalprocessofeachofourpeoples(orofthehumangroupsofwhichtheyare composed)wassubjectedtotheviolentactionofanexteriorfactor.Thisaction theimpactofimperialismonoursocietiescouldnotfailtoinfluencetheprocess ofdevelopmentoftheproductiveforcesinourcountriesandthesocialstructures

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ofourcountries,aswellasthecontentandformofournationalliberation struggles.

Butwealsoseethatinthehistoricalcontextofthedevelopmentofthesestruggles, ourpeopleshavetheconcretepossibilityofgoingfromtheirpresentsituationof exploitationandunderdevelopmenttoanewstageoftheirhistoricalprocesswhich canleadthemtoahigherformofeconomic,socialandculturalexistence.

Thepoliticalstatementdrawnupbytheinternationalpreparatorycommitteeof thisconference,forwhichwereaffirmourcompletesupport,placedimperialism, byclearandsuccinctanalysis,initseconomiccontextandhistoricalcoordinates. Wewillnotrepeatherewhathasalreadybeensaidintheassembly.Wewillsimply statethatimperialismcanbedefinedasaworldwideexpressionofthesearchfor profitsandtheeverincreasingaccumulationofsurplusvaluebymonopolyfinancial capital,centeredintwopartsoftheworld;firstinEurope,andtheninNorth America.Andifwewishtoplacethefactofimperialismwithinthegeneral trajectoryoftheevolutionofthetranscendentalfactorwhichhaschangedtheface oftheworld,namelycapitalandtheprocessofitsaccumulation,wecansaythat imperialismispiracytransplantedfromtheseastodrylandpiracyreorganized, consolidatedandadaptedtotheaimofexploitingthenaturalandhumanresources ofourpeoples.Butifwecancalmlyanalyzetheimperialistphenomenon,wewill notshockanybodybyadmittingthatimperialismandeverythinggoestoprove thatitisinfactthelastphaseintheevolutionofcapitalismhasbeenahistorical necessity,aconsequenceoftheimpetusgivenbytheproductiveforcesandofthe transformationsofthemeansofproductioninthegeneralcontextofhumanity, consideredasonemovement,thatistosayanecessitylikethosetodayofthe nationalliberationofpeoples,thedestructionofcapitalandtheadventof socialism.

Theimportantthingforourpeoplesistoknowwhetherimperialism,initsroleas capitalinaction,hasfulfilledinourcountriesitshistoricalmission:theacceleration oftheprocessofdevelopmentoftheproductiveforcesandtheirtransformationin thesenseofincreasingcomplexityinthemeansofproduction;increasingthe differentiationbetweentheclasseswiththedevelopmentofthebourgeoisie,and intensifyingtheclassstruggle;andappreciablyincreasingthelevelofeconomic, socialandculturallifeofthepeoples.Itisalsoworthexaminingtheinfluencesand effectsofimperialistactiononthesocialstructuresandhistoricalprocessesofour peoples.

Wewillnotcondemnnorjustifyimperialismhere;wewillsimplystatethatasmuch ontheeconomiclevelasonthesocialandculturallevel,imperialistcapitalhasnot remotelyfulfilledthehistoricalmissioncarriedoutbycapitalinthecountriesof accumulation.Thismeansthatif,ontheonehad,imperialistcapitalhashad,inthe greatmajorityofthedominatedcountries,thesimplefunctionofmultiplying

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surplusvalue,itcanbeseenontheotherhandthatthehistoricalcapacityofcapital (asindestructibleacceleratoroftheprocessofdevelopmentofproductiveforces) dependsstrictlyonitsfreedom,thatistosayonthedegreeofindependencewith whichitisutilized.Wemusthoweverrecognizethatincertaincasesimperialist capitalormoribundcapitalismhashadsufficientselfinterest,strengthandtimeto increasethelevelofproductiveforces(aswellasbuildingtowns)andtoallowa minorityofthelocalpopulationtoattainahigherandevenprivilegedstandardof living,thuscontributingtoaprocesswhichsomewouldcalldialectical,bywidening thecontradictionswithinthesocietiesinquestion.Inother,evenrarercases,there hasexistedthepossibilityofaccumulationofcapital,creatingtheconditionsforthe developmentofalocalbourgeoisie.

Onthequestionoftheeffectsofimperialistdominationonthesocialstructureand historicalprocessofourpeoples,weshouldfirstofallexaminethegeneralformsof imperialistdomination.Thereareatleasttwoforms:thefirstisdirectdomination, bymeansofapowermadeupofpeopleforeigntothedominatedpeople(armed forcespolice,administrativeagentsandsettlers);thisisgenerallycalledclassical colonialismorcolonialismisindirectdomination,byapoliticalpowermadeup mainlyorcompletelyofnativeagents;thisiscalledneocolonialism.

Inthefirstcase,thesocialstructureofthedominatedpeople,whateveritsstageof development,cansufferthefollowingconsequences:(a)totaldestruction, generallyaccompaniedbyimmediateorgradualeliminationofthenative populationand,consequently,bythesubstitutionofapopulationfromoutside;(b) partialdestruction,generallyaccompaniedbyagreaterorlesserinfluxof populationfromoutside;(c)apparentconservation,conditionedbyconfiningthe nativesocietytozonesorreservesgenerallyofferingnopossibilitiesofliving, accompaniedbymassiveimplantationofpopulationfromoutside.

Thetwolattercasesarethosewhichwemustconsiderintheframeworkofthe problematicnationalliberation,andtheyareextensivelypresentinAfrica.Onecan saythatineithercasetheinfluenceofimperialismonthehistoricalprocessofthe dominatedpeopleproducesparalysis,stagnationandeveninsomecasesregression inthisprocess.Howeverthisparalysisisnotcomplete.Inonesectororanotherof thesocioeconomicwholeinquestion,noticeabletransformationscanbeexpected, causedbythepermanentactionofsomeinternal(local)factorsorbytheactionof newfactorsintroducedbythecolonialdomination,suchastheintroductionof moneyandthedevelopmentofurbancenters.Amongthesetransformationswe shouldanticipateaprogressivelossofprestigeoftherulingnativeclassesor sectors,theforcedorvoluntaryexodusofpartofthepeasantpopulationtothe urbancenters,withtheconsequentdevelopmentofnewsocialstrata;salaried workers,clerks,employeesincommerceandtheliberalprofessions,andaninstable stratumofunemployed.Inthecountrysidetheredevelops,withveryvaried

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intensityandalwayslinkedtotheurbanmilieu,astratummadeupofsmall landowners.Inthecaseofneocolonialism,whetherthemajorityofthecolonized populationisofnativeorforeignorigin,theimperialistactiontakestheformof creatingalocalbourgeoisieorpseudobourgeoisie,controlledbytherulingclassof thedominatingcountry.

Thetransformationsinthesocialstructurearenotsomarkedinthelowerstrata, aboveallinthecountryside,whichretainsthecharacteristicsofthecolonialphase; butthecreationofanativepseudobourgeoisiewhichgenerallydevelopsoutofa pettybourgeoisieofbureaucratsandaccentuatesthedifferentiationbetweenthe socialstrataandintermediariesinthecommercialsystem(compradores),by strengtheningtheeconomicactivityoflocalelements,opensupnewperspectives inthesocialdynamic,mainlybythedevelopmentofanurbanworkingclass,the introductionofprivateagriculturalpropertyandtheprogressiveappearanceofan agriculturalproletariat.Thesemoreorlessnoticeabletransformationsofthesocial structure,producedbyasignificantincreaseinthelevelofproductiveforces,havea directinfluenceonthehistoricalprocessofthesocioeconomicwholeinquestion. Whileinclassicalcolonialismthisprocessisparalyzed,neocolonialistdomination, byallowingthesocialdynamictoawaken(conflictsofinterestsbetweennative socialstrataorclassstruggles),createstheillusionthatthehistoricalprocessis returningtoitsnormalevolution.Thisillusionwillbereinforcedbytheexistenceof apoliticalpower(nationalstate)composedofnativeelements.Inrealityitis scarcelyevenanillusion,sincethesubmissionofthelocalrulingclasstotheruling classofthedominatingcountrylimitsorpreventsthedevelopmentofthenational productiveforces.

Butintheconcreteconditionsofthepresentdayworldeconomythisdependence isfatalandthusthelocalpseudobourgeoisie,howevernationalistitmaybe, cannoteffectivelyfulfillitshistoricalfunction;itcannotfreelydirectthe developmentoftheproductiveforces;inbriefitcannotbeanationalbourgeoisie. Foraswehaveseen,theproductiveforcesarethemotiveforceofhistory,andtotal freedomoftheprocessoftheirdevelopmentisanindispensableconditionfortheir properfunctioning.

Wethereforeseethatbothincolonialismandinneocolonialismtheessential characteristicofimperialistdominationremainsthesame:thenegationofthe historicalprocessofthedominatedpeoplebymeansofviolentusurpationofthe freedomofdevelopmentofthenationalproductiveforces.Thisobservation,which identifiestheessenceofthetwoapparentformsofimperialistdomination,seems toustobeofmajorimportanceforthethoughtandactionofliberation movements,bothinthecourseofstruggleandafterthewinningofindependence.

Onthebasisofthis,wecanstatethatnationalliberationisthephenomenonin whichagivensocioeconomicwholerejectsthenegationofitshistoricalprocess.In

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otherwords,thenationalliberationofapeopleistheregainingofthehistorical personalityofthatpeople,itsreturntohistorythroughthedestructionofthe imperialistdominationtowhichitwassubjected.

Wehaveseenthatviolentusurpationofthefreedomoftheprocessof developmentoftheproductiveforcesofthedominatedsocioeconomicwhole constitutestheprincipalandpermanentcharacteristicofimperialistdomination, whateveritsform.Wehavealsoseenthatthisfreedomalonecanguaranteethe normaldevelopmentofthehistoricalprocessofapeople.Wecantherefore concludethatnationalliberationexistsonlywhenthenationalproductiveforces havebeencompletelyfreedfromeverykindofforeigndomination.

Itisoftensaidthatnationalliberationisbasedontherightofeverypeopletofreely controlitsowndestinyandthattheobjectiveofthisliberationisnational independence.Althoughwedonotdisagreewiththisvagueandsubjectivewayof expressingacomplexreality,weprefertobeobjective,sinceforusthebasisof nationalliberation,whatevertheformulasadoptedonthelevelofinternational law,istheinalienablerightofeverypeopletohaveitsownhistory,andthe objectiveofnationalliberationistoregainthisrightusurpedbyimperialism,thatis tosay,tofreetheprocessofdevelopmentofthenationalproductiveforces.

Forthisreason,inouropinion,anynationalliberationmovementwhichdoesnot takeintoconsiderationthisbasisandthisobjectivemaycertainlystruggleagainst imperialism,butwillsurelynotbestrugglingfornationalliberation.

Thismeansthat,bearinginmindtheessentialcharacteristicsofthepresentworld economy,aswellasexperiencesalreadygainedinthefieldofantiimperialist struggle,theprincipalaspectofnationalliberationstruggleisthestruggleagainst neocolonialism.Furthermore,ifweacceptthatnationalliberationdemandsa profoundmutationintheprocessofdevelopmentoftheproductiveforces,wesee thatthisphenomenonofnationalliberationnecessarilycorrespondstoa revolution.Theimportantthingistobeconsciousoftheobjectiveandsubjective conditionsinwhichthisrevolutioncanbemadeandtoknowthetypeortypesof strugglemostappropriateforitsrealization.

Wearenotgoingtorepeatherethattheseconditionsarefavorableinthepresent phaseofthehistoryofhumanity;itissufficienttorecallthatunfavorableconditions alsoexist,justasmuchontheinternationallevelasontheinternallevelofeach nationstrugglingforliberation.

Ontheinternationallevel,itseemstousthatthefollowingfactors,atleast,are unfavorabletonationalliberationmovements:theneocolonialsituationofagreat numberofstateswhich,havingwonpoliticalindependence,arenowtendingtojoin upwithothersalreadyinthatsituation;theprogressmadebyneocapitalism, particularlyinEurope,whereimperialismisadoptingpreferentialinvestments,

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encouragingthedevelopmentofaprivilegedproletariatandthusloweringthe revolutionaryleveloftheworkingclasses;theopenorconcealedneocolonial positionofsomeEuropeanstateswhich,likePortugal,stillhavecolonies;theso calledpolicyofaidforundevelopedcountriesadoptedbyimperialismwiththeaim ofcreatingorreinforcingnativepseudobourgeoisieswhicharenecessarily dependentontheinternationalbourgeoisie,andthusobstructingthepathof revolution;theclaustrophobiaandrevolutionarytimiditywhichhaveledsome recentlyindependentstateswhoseinternaleconomicandpoliticalconditionsare favorabletorevolutiontoacceptcompromiseswiththeenemyoritsagents;the growingcontradictionsbetweenantiimperialiststates;and,finally,thethreatto worldpeaceposedbytheprospectofatomicwaronthepartofimperialism.All thesefactorsreinforcetheactionofimperialismagainstthenationalliberation movements.

Iftherepeatedinterventionsandgrowingaggressivenessofimperialismagainstthe peoplescanbeinterpretedasasignofdesperationfacedwiththesizeofthe nationalliberationmovements,theycanalsobeexplainedtoacertainextentby theweaknessesproducedbytheseunfavorablefactorswithinthegeneralfrontof theantiimperialiststruggle.

Ontheinternallevel,webelievethatthemostimportantweaknessesor unfavorablefactorsareinherentinthesocioeconomicstructureandinthe tendenciesofitsevolutionunderimperialistpressure,ortobemorepreciseinthe littleornoattentionpaidtothecharacteristicsofthisstructureandthese tendenciesbythenationalliberationmovementsindecidingonthestrategyof theirstruggles.

Bysayingthiswedonotwishtodiminishtheimportanceofotherinternalfactors whichareunfavorabletonationalliberation,suchaseconomicunderdevelopment, theconsequentsocialandculturalbackwardnessofthepopularmasses,tribalism andothercontradictionsoflesserimportance.Itshouldhoweverbepointedout thattheexistenceoftribesonlymanifestsitselfasanimportantcontradictionasa functionofopportunisticattitudes,generallyonthepartofdetribalisedindividuals orgroups,withinthenationalliberationmovements.Contradictionsbetween classes,evenwhenonlyembryonic,areoffargreaterimportancethan contradictionsbetweentribes.

Althoughthecolonialandneocolonialsituationsareidenticalinessence,andthe mainaspectofthestruggleagainstimperialismisneocolonialist,wefeelitisvital todistinguishinpracticethesetwosituations.Infactthehorizontalstructure, howeveritmaydifferfromthenativesociety,andtheabsenceofapoliticalpower composedofnationalelementsinthecolonialsituationmakepossiblethecreation ofawidefrontofunityandstruggle,whichisvitaltothesuccessofthenational liberationmovement.Butthispossibilitydoesnotremovetheneedforarigorous

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analysisofthenativesocialstructure,ofthetendenciesofitsevolution,andforthe adoptioninpracticeofappropriatemeasuresforensuringtruenationalliberation. Whilerecognizingthateachmovementknowsbestwhattodoinitsowncase,one ofthesemeasuresseemstousindispensable,namely,thecreationofafirmly unitedvanguard,consciousofthetruemeaningandobjectiveofthenational liberationstrugglewhichitmustlead.Thisnecessityisallthemoreurgentsincewe knowthatwithrareexceptionsthecolonialsituationneitherpermitsnorneedsthe existenceofsignificantvanguardclasses(workingclassconsciousofitsexistence andruralproletariat)whichcouldensurethevigilanceofthepopularmassesover theevolutionoftheliberationmovement.Onthecontrary,thegenerallyembryonic characteroftheworkingclassesandtheeconomic,socialandculturalsituationof thephysicalforceofmostimportanceinthenationalliberationstrugglethe peasantrydonotallowthesetwomainforcestodistinguishtruenational independencefromfictitiouspoliticalindependence.Onlyarevolutionary vanguard,generallyanactiveminority,canbeawareofthisdistinctionfromthe startandmakeitknown,throughthestruggle,tothepopularmasses.Thisexplains thefundamentallypoliticalnatureofthenationalliberationstruggleandtoa certainextentmakestheformofstruggleimportantinthefinalresultofthe phenomenonofnationalliberation.

Intheneocolonialsituationthemoreorlessverticalstructureofthenativesociety andtheexistenceofapoliticalpowercomposedofnativeelementsnationalstate alreadyworsenthecontradictionswithinthatsocietyandmakedifficultifnot impossiblethecreationofaswideafrontasinthecolonialsituation.Ontheone handthematerialeffects(mainlythenationalizationofcadresandtheincreased economicinitiativeofthenativeelements,particularlyinthecommercialfield)and thepsychologicaleffects(prideinthebeliefofbeingruledbyonesown compatriots,exploitationofreligiousortribalsolidaritybetweensomeleadersand afractionofthemasses)togetherdemobilizeaconsiderablepartofthenationalist forces.Butontheotherhandthenecessarilyrepressivenatureoftheneocolonial stateagainstthenationalliberationforces,thesharpeningofcontradictions betweenclasses,theobjectivepermanenceofsignsandagentsofforeign domination(settlerswhoretaintheirprivileges,armedforces,racial discrimination),thegrowingpovertyofthepeasantryandthemoreorless notoriousinfluenceofexternalfactorsallcontributetowardskeepingtheflameof nationalismalive,towardsprogressivelyraisingtheconsciousnessofwidepopular sectorsandtowardsreunitingthemajorityofthepopulation,ontheverybasisof awarenessofneocolonialistfrustration,aroundtheidealofnationalliberation.In addition,whilethenativerulingclassbecomesprogressivelymorebourgeois,the developmentofaworkingclasscomposedofurbanworkersandagricultural proletarians,allexploitedbytheindirectdominationofimperialism,opensupnew perspectivesfortheevolutionofnationalliberation.Thisworkingclass,whatever

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thelevelofitspoliticalconsciousness(givenacertainminimum,namelythe awarenessofitsownneeds),seemstoconstitutethetruepopularvanguardofthe nationalliberationstruggleintheneocolonialcase.Howeveritwillnotbeableto completelyfulfillitsmissioninthisstruggle(whichdoesnotendwiththegainingof independence)unlessitfirmlyuniteswiththeotherexploitedstrata,thepeasants ingeneral(hiredmen,sharecroppers,tenantsandsmallfarmers)andthe nationalistpettybourgeoisie.Thecreationofthisalliancedemandsthemobilization andorganizationofthenationalistforceswithintheframework(orbytheaction)of astrongandwellstructuredpoliticalorganization.

Anotherimportantdistinctionbetweenthecolonialandneocolonialsituationsisin theprospectsforthestruggle.Thecolonialsituation(inwhichthenationclassfights therepressiveforcesofthebourgeoisieofthecolonizingcountry)canlead, apparentlyatleast,toanationalistsolution(nationalrevolution);thenationgains itsindependenceandtheoreticallyadoptstheeconomicstructurewhichbestsuits it.Theneocolonialsituation(inwhichtheworkingclassesandtheiralliesstruggle simultaneouslyagainsttheimperialistbourgeoisieandthenativerulingclass)isnot resolvedbyanationalistsolution;itdemandsthedestructionofthecapitalist structureimplantedinthenationalterritorybyimperialism,andcorrectly postulatesasocialistsolution.

Thisdistinctionarisesmainlyfromthedifferentlevelsoftheproductiveforcesin thetwocasesandtheconsequentsharpeningoftheclassstruggle.

Itwouldnotbedifficulttoshowthatintimethedistinctionbecomesscarcely apparent.Itissufficienttorecallthatinourpresenthistoricalsituation eliminationofimperialismwhichuseseverymeanstoperpetuateitsdomination overourpeoples,andconsolidationofsocialismthroughoutalargepartofthe worldthereareonlytwopossiblepathsforanindependentnation:toreturnto imperialistdomination(neocolonialism,capitalism,statecapitalism),ortotakethe wayofsocialism.Thisoperation,onwhichdependsthecompensationforthe effortsandsacrificesofthepopularmassesduringthestruggle,isconsiderably influencedbytheformofstruggleandthedegreeofrevolutionaryconsciousnessof thosewholeadit.Thefactsmakeitunnecessaryforustoprovethattheessential instrumentofimperialistdominationisviolence.Ifweaccepttheprinciplethatthe liberationstruggleisarevolutionandthatitdoesnotfinishatthemomentwhen thenationalflagisraisedandthenationalanthemplayed,wewillseethatthereis not,andcannotbenationalliberationwithouttheuseofliberatingviolencebythe nationalistforces,toanswerthecriminalviolenceoftheagentsofimperialism. Nobodycandoubtthat,whateveritslocalcharacteristics,imperialistdomination impliesastateofpermanentviolenceagainstthenationalistforces.Thereisno peopleonearthwhich,havingbeensubjectedtotheimperialistyoke(colonialistor neocolonialist),hasmanagedtogainitsindependence(nominaloreffective)

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withoutvictims.Theimportantthingistodeterminewhichformsofviolencehave tobeusedbythenationalliberationforcesinordernotonlytoanswertheviolence ofimperialism,butalsotoensurethroughthestrugglethefinalvictoryoftheir cause,truenationalindependence.Thepastandpresentexperiencesofvarious peoples,thepresentsituationofnationalliberationstrugglesintheworld (especiallyinVietnam,theCongoandZimbabwe)aswellasthesituationof permanentviolence,oratleastofcontradictionsandupheavals,incertaincountries whichhavegainedtheirindependencebythesocalledpeacefulway,showusnot onlythatcompromiseswithimperialismdonotwork,butalsothatthenormalway ofnationalliberation,imposedonpeoplesbyimperialistrepression,isarmed struggle.

Wedonotthinkwewillshockthisassemblybystatingthattheonlyeffectiveway ofdefinitivelyfulfillingtheaspirationsofthepeoples,thatistosayofattaining nationalliberation,isbyarmedstruggle.Thisisthegreatlessonwhichthe contemporaryhistoryofliberationstruggleteachesallthosewhoaretruly committedtotheeffortofliberatingtheirpeoples.

Itisobviousthatboththeeffectivenessofthiswayandthestabilityofthesituation towhichitleadsafterliberationdependnotonlyonthecharacteristicsofthe organizationofthestrugglebutalsoonthepoliticalandmoralawarenessofthose who,forhistoricalreasons,arecapableofbeingtheimmediateheirsofthecolonial orneocolonialstate.Foreventshaveshownthattheonlysocialsectorcapableof beingawareoftherealityofimperialistdominationandofdirectingthestate apparatusinheritedfromthisdominationisthenativepettybourgeoisie.Ifwebear inmindthealeatorycharacteristicsandthecomplexityofthetendenciesnaturally inherentintheeconomicsituationofthissocialstratumorclass,wewillseethat thisspecificinevitabilityinoursituationconstitutesoneoftheweaknessesofthe nationalliberationmovement.

Thecolonialsituation,whichdoesnotpermitthedevelopmentofanativepseudo bourgeoisieandinwhichthepopularmassesdonotgenerallyreachthenecessary levelofpoliticalconsciousnessbeforetheadventofthephenomenonofnational liberation,offersthepettybourgeoisiethehistoricalopportunityofleadingthe struggleagainstforeigndomination,sincebynatureofitsobjectiveandsubjective position(higherstandardoflivingthanthatofthemasses,morefrequentcontact withtheagentsofcolonialism,andhencemorechancesofbeinghumiliated,higher levelofeducationandpoliticalawareness,etc.)itisthestratumwhichmostrapidly becomesawareoftheneedtofreeitselffromforeigndomination.Thishistorical responsibilityisassumedbythesectorofthepettybourgeoisiewhich,inthe colonialcontext,canbecalledrevolutionary,whileothersectorsretainthedoubts characteristicoftheseclassesorallythemselvestocolonialismsoastodefend, albeitillusorily,theirsocialsituation.

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Theneocolonialsituation,whichdemandstheeliminationofthenativepseudo bourgeoisiesothatnationalliberationcanbeattained,alsooffersthepetty bourgeoisiethechanceofplayingaroleofmajorandevendecisiveimportancein thestrugglefortheeliminationofforeigndomination.Butinthiscase,byvirtueof theprogressmadeinthesocialstructure,thefunctionofleadingthestruggleis shared(toagreaterorlesserextent)withthemoreeducatedsectorsofthe workingclassesandevenwithsomeelementsofthenationalpseudobourgeoisie whoareinspiredbypatrioticsentiments.Theroleofthesectorofthepetty bourgeoisiewhichparticipatesinleadingthestruggleisallthemoreimportant sinceitisafactthatintheneocolonialsituationitisthemostsuitablesectorto assumethesefunctions,bothbecauseoftheeconomicandculturallimitationsof theworkingmasses,andbecauseofthecomplexesandlimitationsofanideological naturewhichcharacterizethesectorofthenationalpseudobourgeoisiewhich supportsthestruggle.Inthiscaseitisimportanttonotethattherolewithwhichit isentrusteddemandsfromthissectorofthepettybourgeoisieagreater revolutionaryconsciousness,andthecapacityforfaithfullyinterpretingthe aspirationsofthemassesineachphaseofthestruggleandforidentifying themselvesmoreandmorewiththemasses.

Buthoweverhighthedegreeofrevolutionaryconsciousnessofthesectorofthe pettybourgeoisiecalledontofulfillthishistoricalfunction,itcannotfreeitselffrom oneobjectiveofreality:thepettybourgeoisie,asaserviceclass(thatistosaythata classnotdirectlyinvolvedintheprocessofproduction)doesnotpossessthe economicbasetoguaranteethetakingoverofpower.Infacthistoryhasshown thatwhatevertherolesometimesimportantplayedbyindividualscoming fromthepettybourgeoisieintheprocessofarevolution,thisclasshasnever possessedpoliticalcontrol.Anditnevercouldpossessit,sincepoliticalcontrol(the state)isbasedontheeconomiccapacityoftherulingclass,andintheconditionsof colonialandneocolonialsocietythiscapacityisretainedbytwoentities:imperialist capitalandthenativeworkingclasses.

Toretainthepowerwhichnationalliberationputsinitshands,thepetty bourgeoisiehasonlyonepath:togivefreereintoitsnaturaltendenciestobecome morebourgeois,topermitthedevelopmentofabureaucraticandintermediary bourgeoisieinthecommercialcycle,inordertotransformitselfintoanational pseudobourgeoisie,thatistosayinordertonegatetherevolutionandnecessarily ally.Inordernottobetraytheseobjectivesthepettybourgeoisiehasonlyone choice:tostrengthenitsrevolutionaryconsciousness,torejectthetemptationsof becomingmorebourgeoisandthenaturalconcernsofitsclassmentality,toidentify itselfwiththeworkingclassesandnottoopposethenormaldevelopmentofthe processofrevolution.Thismeansthatinordertotrulyfulfilltheroleinthenational liberationstruggle,therevolutionarypettybourgeoisiemustbecapableof committingsuicideasaclassinordertoberebornasrevolutionaryworkers,

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completelyidentifiedwiththedeepestaspirationsofthepeopletowhichthey belong.

Thisalternativetobetraytherevolutionortocommitsuicideasaclass constitutesthedilemmaofthepettybourgeoisieinthegeneralframeworkofthe nationalliberationstruggle.Thepositivesolutioninfavoroftherevolutiondepends onwhatFidelCastrorecentlycorrectlycalledthedevelopmentofrevolutionary consciousness.Thisdependencenecessarilycallsourattentiontothecapacityof theleaderofthenationalliberationstruggletoremainfaithfultotheprinciplesand tothefundamentalcauseofthisstruggle.Thisshowsus,toacertainextent,thatif nationalliberationisessentiallyapoliticalproblem,theconditionsforits developmentgiveitcertaincharacteristicswhichbelongtothesphereofmorals.

Wewillnotshouthurrahsorproclaimhereoursolidaritywiththisorthatpeoplein struggle.Ourpresenceisinitselfacryofcondemnationofimperialismandaproof ofsolidaritywithallpeopleswhowanttobanishfromtheircountrytheimperialist yoke,andinparticularwiththeheroicpeopleofVietnam.Butwefirmlybelievethat thebestproofwecangiveofourantiimperialistpositionandofouractive solidaritywithourcomradesinthiscommonstruggleistoreturntoourcountries, tofurtherdevelopthisstruggleandtoremainfaithfultotheprinciplesand objectivesofnationalliberation.

Ourwishisthateverynationalliberationmovementrepresentedheremaybeable torepeatinitsowncountry,armsinhand,inunisonwithitspeople,thealready legendarycryofCuba: PatriaOMuerte,Venceremos! DeathtotheForcesofImperialism! Free,ProsperousandHappyCountryforEachofourPeoples! Venceremos! From:http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/cabral/1966/weapon-theory.htm Course:AfricanRevolutionaryWriting 20001,AmilcarCabral,TheWeaponofTheory,1966 7728words

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