Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
txt 9/19/2006
If you think our elitist Congress today does what it wants without regard to
citizens' well-being, wait until you learn from Garrison what an elitist
Congress did when it began our modern income tax in 1913 under the Democratic
administration of Woodrow Wilson. For the first time, the fundamental
corruption in our income tax-the real reason why this tax is so universally
hated-is here clearly, methodically, and with professional competence and
expertise revealed by Garrison.
Included in the shocking detail are the following events which Garrison
documents:
* In 1913, under the Democratic administration of Woodrow Wilson, and with a
trusting public caught up in the exciting news of a newly-ratified 16th (or
Income Tax) Amendment of that year, Congress in new legislation supposedly
based on the new Amendment, managed quietly and inappropriately amid the
national excitement to convert the income tax from the excise tax it had been
until then to the direct tax it is now through an erroneous assumption of its
taxing power under the new Amendment. The Amendment had passed with wide
popular support that arose from a promise made by Congress that the income tax
would be and remain strictly a tax on the "idle rich" who lived off the gain
from their investments. The working class, seen as already too encumbered with
consumption taxes, was to be spared from this burden.
* While the 1913 error of Congress was indirectly confirmed as such three
years after the fact in the 1916 rulings of the U.S. Supreme Court in
Brushaber v. Union Pacific and Stanton v. Baltic Mining, Congress was not
compelled in these cases to correct itself since the High Court here did not
directly consider, or specifically discuss, or bring to public attention an
issue of whether Congress had committed an error in its act of 1913. Instead,
the Court just disposed of these cases merely and only by correcting litigant
misconceptions over the true intent of the 16th Amendment. With Congress not
pressured by these rulings, and with no widespread public suspicion or
displeasure with the system existing at the time due to the tax being then
applied only to a minority rich class (for whom alone Congress had promised
and said it was intended), it became convenient for the Congress elites-
following the old but flawed adage that what people don't know won't hurt
them-to leave quietly in the system the inherent corruption as it was and as
it is to this day. This also left an unsuspecting public largely unaware of
the huge financial loss the Congressional error of 1913 would cause U.S.
workers in later decades. This happened when, in a delayed "bait and switch"
trick, the tax was turned by the Congress elites from its original promised
intent as a tax solely for the rich to a tax applied on American workers en
masse under the Democratic administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt. It is here
where the "hidden" problem of the income tax kicked in for the first time with
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a working public deeply unaware this had happened, as it is true also to this
day.
* Although the U.S. Supreme Court had already affirmed the property nature of
labor in its 1884 decision in Butchers' Union v. Crescent City (more recently
of the mere "right to work" itself in Greene v. McElroy - 1959), Congress in
effect, through its error of 1913, stripped American workers of their
constitutional right to claim either their labor or their right to work as
their "income-producing property" so as to deprive the workers of their legal
right to deduct the costs of their personal labor (the skilled and intelligent
human energy and time they sell to employers). These deductible costs included
expenditures for such living necessities as food, shelter and proper health
maintenance.
* To keep the system from suddenly collapsing in 1978, the U.S. Tax Court in
the case of Reading vs. Commissioner was forced to cover up the misdeed of
Congress and income tax corruption by denying that human labor is property,
defining such labor as mere "behavior performed by human beings in exchange
for compensation" but failing to cite relevant authority to justify this
bizarre and arbitrary definition of labor or to explain the existence of those
long-established authorities that contradict this view.
* When Garrison made this discovery and filed without attorney several cases
in federal court (beginning in 1990) challenging this corruption in the
system-a corruption so profound and incredible that it places the total life-
sustenance of every working taxpayer at the mercy and grace of Congress-he was
shocked to find that the evidence he put forth in the form of legal precedents
affirming a worker's labor to be income-producing property was being
systematically suppressed by federal judges who then used stonewalling tactics
to suppress Garrison's strenuous objections. Garrison's question was, "If the
tax system is legitimate, why is it that courts feel they have to step in with
lawless tactics to help the U.S. Justice Department defend it against my
arguments and evidence, which neither the courts nor the I.R.S. could refute-
only evade or suppress?" Repeated and identical experiences of this nature in
three separate federal jurisdictions led Garrison to conclude that there was
something terribly wrong being covered up by the system and that the federal
courts were in on it.
* In the Garrison cases, federal judges were forced to obstruct justice not
only through the suppression of evidence and the deprivation of Garrison's
right to due process-with two federal judges in one Tallahassee, Florida case,
Senior Judge William Stafford and Magistrate Judge William Sherrill, Jr.,
acting in concert to do this-but through a practice of "judicial activism"
that included casuistry, overt lies and deception as the only way these judges
had to keep the system from suddenly collapsing and publicly exposing the
insidious act of Congress.
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