RQ and intonation Rohde, 2006 If spoken, a rhetorical question often has different intonation than a regular question, often

intoned like a statement. Gunlogson captures key properties of informativity and bias that are relevant to rhetorical questions, but her analysis is restricted to the behavior of yes/no questions which do not exhibit full range of question intonation and structure seen in the rhetorical data. Rhode compares the characteristics of rhetorical questions with the properties she associates with falling intonation and interrogative structure. Using a context-update model of discourse, (Gunlogson, 2001) establishes an important connection between the form/intonation of an utterance and the attribution of commitment. Declarative structure is linked to commitment update and bias while interrogative structure is connected to commitment preservation or neutrality. Under Gunlogsons model, falling declaratives commit the Speaker to the propositional content of an utterance, while rising declaratives commit the Addressee. Interrogatives commit no one and their context update is an identity function. In (24), a context C is updated with the falling (from Gunlogson ex. 78, p. 52) After the commitment update for the falling declarative, the Speakers commitment set speaker includes the content of the sentence. In general, declaratives induce an update to some participants commitment set, and falling intonation assigns the commitment to the Speaker. In (25), the rising intonation associates commitment with the Addressee. (25) Context Update of rising declarative (Its raining?) (from Gunlogson ex. 77, p. 52) her context-update model of discourse denes classes of utterances diering in two dimensions: syntax (declarative/interrogative) and intonation (falling/rising). Her model targets yes/no questions; her idealizations about question syntax and intonation do not map directly to rhetorical questions or to most wh- questions. Figure 7. Gunlogons utterance typology (pdf) Rhetorical questions share some properties with interrogatives (syntactic structure and preservation of commitment sets) and some properties with falling declaratives (intonation contour and Speaker commitment). At rst glance, the open category of falling interrogatives is a tempting classication for rhetorical questions. Unfortunately rhetorical questions use neither consistent falling intonation nor consistent interrogative structure. What follows is a breakdown of the question-like and statement-like properties of rhetorical questions a breakdown that shows the parallels between rhetorical

and regular questions/assertions but concludes that they require their own usage conditions. Some evidence for rhetorical falling intonation comes from the large number of wh- adjunct rhetorical questions in the corpus a class of questions which usually receive falling intonation (Bartel 1999, page260). The following example from Bartel shows the two pitch contours that are available for the same rhetorical question (ToBI tonal transcription): (i) I dont see why I should pay for Gregs excesses. Am I my brothers keeper? (= I am not my brothers keeper.) (a) H*/L* H-H% (b) H*/L* L-L% (from Bartel(1999), examples(5-6), page 252)
Bartel (1999) notes the wide variation for rhetorical questions, refuting claims that rhetorical questions rise consistently like yes/no questions or fall consistently like statements. For example, the same rhetorical question can be uttered with both rising and falling intonation. In their study of questions in the Switchboard corpus, Banuazizi & Creswell (1999) show that yes/no rhetorical questions fall more often than regular questions, but still less than half the time. (Rohde, 2006) What characterizes rhetorical questions is their dependence on shared knowledge in the Common Ground. Bartel, Christine. 1999. The intonation of English statements and questions: a compositional interpretation. In Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics. Garland Publishing, New York Gunlogson, Christine, 2001. True to form: Rising and Falling Declaratives as Questions in English. Unviersity of California, Santa Cruz dissertation. Sadock (1971, 1974) argues that a rhetorical question is semantically equivalent to an assertion of the opposite polarity from what is apparently asked, followed by a tag question with a falling intonation. Sadock (1971, 1974) is mainly concerned with rhetorical yes-no questions. He argues that they are semantically similar to tag questions with falling intonation. (Han, 2002) rhetorical question has an intonational contour of an assertion. Unlike an ordinary question, which has a rising intonation, a rhetorical question has a falling intonation, just like a declarative sentence expressing an assertion. I claim that the intonational contour serves as a cue for the rhetorical question function. Using the intonation contour as a cue for a certain illocutionary force is not restricted to the domain of questions. For instance, a declarative sentence with a rising intonation expresses question force rather than assertive force. Thus, assuming that falling intonation contour in a question is an indication of assertive force seems reasonable. I do not know why a question can be used to express an assertion. But let us take

this fact as given, just as we take as given the fact that a declarative can be used to express a question. Yes-no question expresses an assertion of the opposite polarity. (Gutierrez, 1998) The rhetorical reading is optional in yes/no questions with weak NPIs. In normal conditons, when a speaker is trying to disambiguate the two readings (rhetorical and non-rhetorical), he places focal stress on the NPI when the rhetorical reading is the one intended (20). There is also a typical intonational contour associated with the rhetorical use that completely disambiguates the interpretation of the sentence. In wh- questions with weak NPIs we observe the same ambiguity (21) and the intended reading is also prosodically resolved. (20) a. Does John read anything? b. Has anybody ever read Barriers'} c. Has Mary ever kissed anybody on the first date? (21) a. Who has ever been to Moscow? (ambiguous) b. Who did Mary ever kiss on the first date? (rhetorical reading preferred) c. Who has ever kissed a girl on the first date? (ambiguous) The "avoid ambiguity in the syntax" strategy of Spanish, contrasts with the essentially prosodic strategy of English where, as mentioned above, focal stress or a specific intonational contour disambiguate questions with weak NPIs. We have two additional facts that confirm the hypothesis proposed for Spanish. First, the presence of the adverb acaso 'by-any-chance' activates the rhetorical reading of the question when there are no NPIs in the sentence, as predicted by the third of Sadock's tests. This adverb can only occur in yes/no questions, as the contrast in (25) shows. Second, whereas the NP algn libro 'some book' is a positive polarity item (26a), the NP libro alguno 'book some' is an NPI. Henee, only the latter triggers a rhetorical reading (26b). (Ortiz-Lira, 1999) Entre las preguntas retricas destacaremos cuatro subgrupos: 4.1.1. Retricas parentticas. Son aquellas interrogativas que el hablante intercala con el objeto de darse a s mismo tiempo para completar el enunciado principal. Prosdicamente, tienden a formar un grupo entonacional independiente que interrumpe la meloda del enunciado en el cual se insertan, la cual es retomada una vez concluida la pregunta retrica. La condicin de expresin parenttica a menudo se refuerza con un cambio de tesitura tonal, es decir, el campo entonacional completo que utiliza la retrica se desplaza hacia arriba o hacia abajo. La ocurrencia de pausa se advierte con mayor frecuencia al final de la pregunta y su duracin depende del tiempo que tome el hablante para producir la respuesta que sigue. Cuando esta pregunta parenttica sigue a un tono ascendente o de suspensin, el hablante tiene la opcin

de incorporarla a ese movimiento tonal, formando una frase entonacional nica, tras lo cual puede completar el enunciado con un patrn diferente, por ejemplo, un descenso:

La pregunta parenttica se puede realizar con tono ascendente H*H H%, descendente H*L-L% o !H*LL% o de suspensin H*H-L%.

La pregunta interjectiva con palabra interrogativa generalmente adopta un patrn descendente. Tambin puede tener entonacin ascendente o de suspensin, en cuyo caso el efecto interjectivo se obtiene con un acento de arranque descendente previo H*L... La interjectiva sin palabra interrogativa favorece el acento tonal sostenido o ascendente. En estos casos la fuerza interjectiva se complementa con el uso de efectos paralingsticos. La interjectiva estereotipo tiende a adoptar una entonacin descendente.

(Escandell, 1996) Declaratives have a final falling contour. Yes/no interrogatives show a special-rise ending. o Rising-falling contour (conversacional y afectivo): Cmo que se cas? En reflejas que expresan: desacuerdo, sorpresa, duda, irritacin; o pueden comentar las palabras del interlocutor con sorpresa, irona, inters; o pueden expresar desacuerdo, rechazo, etc. Preguntas eco. o Rising-falling contour. Atribuyen el contenido de lo que se pregunta a otros hablantes (a veces al interlocutor, pero no siempre). Es el interlocutor el que tiene que inferirlo. Son preguntas eco. Representan el pensamiento del hablante que resulta ser la interpretacin de otra persona. El hablante manifiesta su opinin. a) Afirmaciones atribuidas La nica solucin consiste en Recortar los tipos de inters? Nunca he credo en eso. b) Respuestas atribuidas (subjectio) autopregunta. Expositora y didctica. Qu si tenan xito? Les iba estupendamente. c) Repetitivas Te gusta la gramtica? (F/R) Qu si me gusta la gramtica? (R/F) Me encanta. Desde cundo la conoces? (F) Desde cundo la conozco? No s desde hace dos o tres aos. Y cuando se cas Ah! Se cas? Rising contour en exploratorias (el hablante ofrece voluntariamente por s mismo una explicacin a la pregunta) Pero qu creis? Qu soy tonto? Qu me chupo el dedo? Falling-rising: interrogativas neutrales. o

Propsito ilocucionario: no requiere informacin del interlocutor, sino que expresa una opinin o informacin acerca de la pregunta. Actan como un recordatorio. Cunto te crees que cuesta ese cuadro? Mucho, no tienes ni idea. Quin se ha dormido hoy? Perdn, llego tarde. No es obligatorio y tiene numerosas interpretaciones. Alternative interrogatives show a distinctive contour, con dos partes separadas por una pausa. La primera presenta el contour de una interrogativa yes/no, y la segunda tiene una entonacin falling/declarative. Wh- questions se distinguen por su inversin sintcticamente (fronting interrogative Word and obligatory subject-verb inversin). La entonacin desempea un papel secundario, y por tanto el patrn es el mismo

La fuerza ilocucionaria de una asercin no es una propiedad intrnseca de la oracin misma, sino un efecto de la interaccin entre el significado codificado y las suposiciones contextuales (Wilson y Sperber, 1995). No se puede predecir la intencin del hablante slo mediante la forma. Entender un enunciado es decodificar y deducir, combinando lingsticamente informacin codificada con un conjunto de suposiciones contextuales para avanzar una hiptesis sobre la intencin del hablante (nivel alto). Sin embargo, el hablante exige que el interlocutor se esfuerce tanto en este sentido. Cita el concepto de expresin procedimental, instrumento formal que codifica las instrucciones de como seleccionar la interpretacin. En la teora de la relevancia, no slo se tienen en cuenta los procesos de decodificacin de las implicaturas de Grice, sino tambin de lo que se comunica explcitamente, las explicaturas a un nivel ms bajo (referencias, desambiguacin y enriquecimiento de expresiones confusas). La entonacin, las propiedades morfolgicas o lxicas y el orden de las palabras indican el modo y decodifica la actitud del hablante.

Awareness Activity 6.1. The sound of questions.

How can you tell that someone has just asked you a question? Most languages either mark a question by having musical pitch of that rises at the end of the sentence. Others add a special question word at the beginning or the end of the sentence. What does English do? Say the following sentences to yourself. Take note of how we seem to mark questions.

Its noon already. Time to swim. (statement) Grab your suit and join us. (command) Which pool should we swim in today? (wh-question) How much time do you have? ()wh-question) Can we finish in time? (yes/no-question) Do you need a towel? (yes/no-question) The pools closed today? (unmarked yes/no-question)

Did you notice that the statement, the command, and the wh-questions all had the same falling intonation pattern at the end? Only the wh-words where and how at the first of the sentences indicated that two of them were questions. There were two signals for the yes/no-questions. Rather than a special question word, there was a special word order. Instead of the expected SVO, the auxiliary verbs did and can were moved ahead of the subject. However, the primary question indicator was the rising pitch on the last word, the pattern that most languages use. Note that in the unmarked yes/noquestion, only the rising intonation indicated that it was a question. In other words, if English language learners are listening for the rising intonation pattern that most languages use to mark questions, they will miss the important wh-questions that are directed their way. Rhetorical questions. These yes/no-questions simply introduce a topic that the speaker wants to comment on. Again, the intonation may be either rising or falling. No answer is expected from the listener.

Does swimming really make you healthier? I certainly think so.

2.1.5.2. Rhetorical questions The rhetorical question is interrogative in structure, but has the force of a strong assertion. It generally does not expect any answer. A positive rhetorical yes-no question is like a strong negative assertion (62) a.-b., while a negative question is like a strong positive one: (62) a. Is that a reason for deSPAIR? ['Surely that is not a reason...'] b. Can anyone doubt the wisdom of this action? ['Surely no one can doubt...'] c. Isn't the answer OBvious? ['Surely the answer is obvious.'] d. Haven't you got anything better to DO? ['Surely you have something better to do.'] Unlike exclamatory questions, these rhetorical questions have the normal rising intonation of a yes-no question, and are distinguished chiefly by the range of pitch movement. There are also rhetorical wh-questions. The positive question is equivalent to a statement in which the wh-element is replaced by a negative element: (63) Who KNOWS/CARES? ['Nobody knows/cares' or 'I don't know/care'] Nonassertives may occur: (64) What has HE ever done for you?

The less common negative rhetorical question is equivalent to a statement in which the whelement is replaced by a positive element: (65) Who DOESn't know? ['Everybody knows'] Rhetorical wh-questions have a rise-fall tone, less commonly a simple falling tone. 2.1.5.2. Rhetorical questions The rhetorical question is interrogative in structure, but has the force of a strong assertion. It generally does not expect any answer. A positive rhetorical yes-no question is like a strong negative assertion (62) a.-b., while a negative question is like a strong positive one: (62) a. Is that a reason for deSPAIR? ['Surely that is not a reason...'] b. Can anyone doubt the wisdom of this action? ['Surely no one can doubt...'] c. Isn't the answer OBvious? ['Surely the answer is obvious.'] d. Haven't you got anything better to DO? ['Surely you have something better to do.'] Unlike exclamatory questions, these rhetorical questions have the normal rising intonation of a yes-no question, and are distinguished chiefly by the range of pitch movement. There are also rhetorical wh-questions. The positive question is equivalent to a statement in which the wh-element is replaced by a negative element: (63) Who KNOWS/CARES? ['Nobody knows/cares' or 'I don't know/care'] Nonassertives may occur: (64) What has HE ever done for you? The less common negative rhetorical question is equivalent to a statement in which the whelement is replaced by a positive element: (65) Who DOESn't know? ['Everybody knows'] Rhetorical wh-questions have a rise-fall tone, less commonly a simple falling tone.