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THE TEA MENACE


Exposing the Most Conniving Fraud of our Times
Commercial Tea cultivation was first started by British in 1820s and promoted to Indian public during Second World War. Tea is the country's primary beverage, with almost 85% of total households in the country consuming Black Tea (consumed with milk and hereby referred as Chai. The bulk production of tea (80 per cent) is accounted by the corporate sector or by large estates. While trying to meticulously complete a college assignment about the health effects of Chai, the author stumbles upon a shocking scandalous exploitation; right from production, to marketing, and, to end-user consumption. The overall research was triggered by the surprise that Chai is actually detrimental to daily diet, which is in striking contrast to government-cum-corporate propaganda of Chai as a health drink. The article is divided into 3 sections- we start from the apathetic slavery in which tea-pickers are forced to work; how it is marketed to innocent public using blatant lies, and finally the detrimental effects of drinking tea for the end consumer. For each of the 3 a historic perspective is given before critically reviewing the current situation.

Part 1: Obtaining a generation of slaves


Most Historians, whether Indian or British opine that the economy brought by the British in the 18th century was a form of "plunder" and a catastrophe for the traditional economy. During the British Raj, India experienced some of the worst famines ever recorded; independent researchers, including Mike Davis and Amartya Sen attributes most of the effects of these famines to British policy in India. Such plunder at enormous levels was very tactfully planned to exploit the innocence of Indians. The Tea Industry, right from the start, was a lethal weapon for mass level cultural destruction. The plunder begins in 1820s when British had identified the Indian soils for tea cultivation for commercial exploitation throughout the world. In 1826, the British East India Company forcefully took over the Assamese region from the Ahom kings through the Yandaboo Treaty. Beginning in the 1850s, the tea industry rapidly expanded, consuming vast tracts of land for tea plantations. By the start of the 20th century, Assam became the leading tea producing region in the world. Need for Tea Plantations in India In early 18th century, all tea imported to England was grown in China and the Chinese refused anything but cash (preferably silver bullion) as payment. England did not want to pay Chinese cash but in turn weaken their morale so as to teach dealing with imperial power. This substitute product was one that the Chinese unsuccessfully did their best to keep away from their shores- opium (source of deadly addictive Heroin). So Opium was forcefully cultivated by Indian peasants who were indebted with Government tax. It provided the British with almost all of the money it needed to buy tea. The Chinese government finally took drastic measures, burned the drug and the ships that carried it, and jailed the British sailors in a major effort to stop the drug trafficking. These acts led to the declaration of war, usually known as the Opium War (18401842), During the next four decades, thousands of acres of subtropical forest were cleared and millions of seedlings planted. Since the population of Assam was small and mostly disinterested in plantation work, indentured labor was imported from impoverished regions of the eastern Gangetic plain and the tribal belt to the south. Tens of thousands of these tea coolies died of overwork, malnutrition, and disease, especially malaria a tragic history of labor exploitation that has been chillingly documented (Moxham 2003: 12754; Sharma 2012: 61104) Myth of the Happy Laborer:

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||Hare Krishna Hare Krishna Krishna Krishna Hare Hare | Hare Ram Hare Ram Ram Ram Hare Hare|| We move fast forward to 1900s when the British Government painted a rosy picture and successfully covered the exploitation from nationalist Indian leaders. The Assam Labour Enquiry Committee in 1906 wrote: "on the whole the wages paid to the labourers are sufficient to keep them in comfort, and even to enable them with the practice of a little thrift to save money". The picture painted of the permanently settled labour was even rosier. It was claimed that the object of such emigrants was not, as a rule, to save money but rather to lead a 'pleasant' life. Another factor supposedly contributing to the 'prosperity' and 'luxurious' living of tea garden labour was said to be the much higher "family-wage" as compared to the individual earnings. [30] In reality, the labour was bound to the gardens for a period of 5 years on the basis of a fixed rate of payment. The wage-rate was fixed by the employers and thrust upon the labour. Even more crucial was the fact that planters, in the period when the industry grew rapidly and became highly organised, also managed to build a mechanism for controlling labour mobility within the tea districts. The Indian Tea Association successfully enforced what came to be known as the "wage agreement" (an agreement between the employers themselves) which functioned as an effective constraint on labour mobility. Under the provisions of the "wage agreement" every employer agreed not to pay labour wages higher than those paid by his neighbours.39 In other words the "wage agreement" imposed uniformity in wages and drastically weakened the power of labour to secure better wages or working conditions. There was also a "gentlemen's agreement" which totally deprived the labour of his ability to seek employment in another tea garden even under the same terms. 40 At the same time, the planters through their use extra-legal authority, successfully checked the emergence of any labour organization.41 This put labour in a truly helpless position vis-a-vis the employers in the tea gardens. Even the Royal Commission, though not objecting to the "wage agreement", pointed out that "workers suffer owing to the absence of any organisation on their side to counteract the powerful combination of their employers."42 Due to the monopolistic power of the British employers, the workers were given so heavy a task so as to negate the chances for them to earn a full days wage. This also ensured exploiting maximum work using minimum wages, or veiled slavery. This was revealed in December 1900 by an inspection committee which reported on a Sibsagar tea garden, "From the nature of the work... coolies, especially women, would have to work very hard to earn a full haziri and a glance at the haziri books will show that it seems almost impossible for a great number of men and women to be able to earn anything like a full day's pay. The number of fractional wages far exceeds the full one.48 And finally, as far as the question of 'bonus' was concerned it seems that the term was loosely used in official literature. Sir Nicholas Beatson Bell, the Governor of Assam, in February, 1921 The Royal Commission also acknowledged that no such system was in force in the Assam tea industry. [57+58] The variation between the wages of men, women and children was totally arbitrary and discriminatory. Women and children were paid less than men. Reasons for this were never given. The hours of work for women and children were the same as those of men. The entire family was enslaved, meaning that if the children wanted to work elsewhere, there parents were indebted in advance. Myth About the Food Crops: The Government considered the Grants of land made by managers, for private cultivation by labour, to be an important 'concession' which supplemented their earnings.61 Most of the labour reports remarked that gardens with plenty of cultivable land were 'popular' with labour. The Royal Commission remarked, "The garden worker is essentially an agriculturist and his desire for the possession of a holding which he can cultivate with the help of the members of his family is great."62 First of all, most of such grants were conditional; the labour had no occupancy right over such land and he could hold it only so long as he performed labour in the tea garden.63 The land could be taken back on "disciplinary" grounds.64 Secondly, while not every labour received land for private cultivation, the size of holdings given, was usually very small.

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||Hare Krishna Hare Krishna Krishna Krishna Hare Hare | Hare Ram Hare Ram Ram Ram Hare Hare|| The labour received no wages while engaged in their own cultivation because the concept of leave with pay (even on Sunday) did not exist in the gardens.70 Therefore; the wage foregone ought to be deducted. Secondly, the deduction of the cost of seeds still further lowered the figure. 71 However, though private cultivation did not contribute significantly towards the total earnings of the labour force, they became increasingly dependent on such lands because of very meager cash earnings. It was more so during the period of rising prices of foodstuffs when the private cultivators obviously functioned as a cushion. This fact, more than anything else, perhaps explains the 'popularity' of gardens with plenty of cultivable land among labour.72 The role of other 'concessions' like sick diet and subsidised rations etc. in supplementing earnings need critical examination. "Although the labour force appeared on the whole well nourished, it is clear that a very large proportion of them are unable to earn a living wage, and that they would inevitably starve if the management did not provide sufficient rations and enter the cost of the same as an advance against the coolie.73 The cases of sick diet were no different. Capt. Leventon, the Civil Surgeon at Sibsagar District, reported his finding after inspecting Latabari Tea Estate to his superiors, "...in the haziri books may be found numerous cases where people who have been sick for a good part of the month, or even the full month, have the cost of the rice they drew charged against them... I have traced a good number of cases who have "S" (sick) marked a few or many times in the month, and find they owe much more at the end of the month then at the beginning, that is, if they get rice they are charged for it. The cases of those who did not work on account of sickness and who did not get deeper into debt are very few.75 A large number of labourers had oustanding 'advances' against their names. And therefore unwillingness on the part of many people in the recruiting districts to take up employment in Assam tea gardens.80 Towards August 1947: In one of these reports one Dr. Lappying stated that malnutrition was widespread throughout the tea districts in the Assam Valley and that the class of the population most affected was the non-working children. He attributed this to the economic inability of the labourers to purchase food rather than to any real shortage.145 In December 1943, Mr K.C. Dutta, Assistant Commissioner of Labour, Assam, surveyed nearly 73 gardens in both Valleys and reported that there was malnutrition amongst labourers in most of the tea estates and that this was caused by high prices and scarcity of the articles of food containing fats and vitamins.146 However, this was not a war time phenomenon only. Even more damaging was the information collected by E. Llyod Jones, the Deputy Director General, Indian Medical Services in his Report on standard of medical care in Tea Plantations in India in 1946. Undernourishment and General weakness were evident among people working in gardens or walking along the roads. "There seemed a general lack of vitality. Children were rarely seen running about or playing. They ambled along like old men." Lloyd-Jones observed that the vast majority of patients attending outdoor treatment were under nourished and anaemic.149 Current Condition of Labors: The government sponsored researches continue with the trend of painting unrealistic rosy picture The Tea industry is an important impetus to economy and employs around 1.5 million workers. Independent research, as expected, provides a stark contrast. They reflected a strong degree of dissatisfaction on different parameters associated with the practices of labour relation. Therefore, it will not be wrong to opine that tea industry of Assam has long been neglecting the human aspect of the organizations. (Labour Relations Practices in Tea Industry of Assam, Dr. Horen Goowalla, September 2012) Even after 50 years of Indian independence, the majority of workes are women. This work force does not possess any skills other than plucking leaf and the workers are mostly landless. [0]

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In most countries where plantations exist, labor belongs to the formal/organized workforce: there are permanent and secure jobs, and laws regulate employment and work conditions. Yet, despite these comparatively recent safeguards elsewhere, plantation labor in India continues to live in unfree conditions. (Ethnicity and Isolation: Marginalization of Tea Plantation Workers, Sharit K. Bhowmik, 2011)
Even if one is intrigues by the few propagandist reports, that labor rights have significantly improves, it is worth to note that ALL tea plantations continue to thrive in only backward rural areas some of these areas continue to be backward in terms of living standard and education even after working in the tea fields for more thana century. The only competiton to cheap Indian Tea comes from similar under-developed countries likes Bangladesh, Kenya and Sri Lanka. The same exploitive practices continue to thrive to support low production prices. Unilever is the center of controversy at Kenya Deplorable housing conditions, secual harassment of female workers, insufficient communal toilets, no electricity, hands cut and gnarled from years of tea picking, appalling wages.
nSri Lanka poverty levels on plantations exceed the national average, with 30 per cent living below the poverty line espite being employed. In India, where workers are expected to pick more than 20 kilograms per day, wages are as little as $1-1.5.0 per day. Plantation work does not give labourers sufficient wages to pull themselves out of overty, providing the multibillion dollar tea industry with a ready supply of cheap labor (Whats really in your cuppa, Ecologist, April 2012 )
Loading tea in Indonesia. TLow wages are also

widespread in the Indian tea sector.The estate examined in this report pays its labourers 1,220 rupees (Rs) per month, the equivalent of 15.45, but workers estimate that a living wage would be at least Rs 3,500 (44.34) per month.This means their earnings are a mere 35% of a living wage. For Indian workers, lack of food is the major concern.The rise in global food prices over the last few years has forced a reduction in the amount of food consumed because workers simply cannot afford to buy what they need. Consequently, there is widespread malnutrition and medical studies have found that 60% of the children in Indian tea estates are underweight. [12] A Bitter Cup The exploitation of tea workers in India and Kenya supplying British supermarkets Indian workers face the additional threat of owners closing or abandoning tea estates, which has left some workers in India completely destitute.Tea estates are large and often geographically isolated, making their workers completely dependent upon

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them for their livelihoods. When owners abandon estates, workers can starveliving

wag

On a good day, Beatrice will find tea-picking work within a few minutes walk of where she lives. On a bad day, she faces a walk of up to three hours to find employment. Once she finds work, tea picking means she will be on her feet all day with a heavy basket on her back, usually without a break. Working up to six days a week, Beatrice is paid a mere 6 Kenyan shillings (KES) per kilogram of tea she delivers to the tea factory the equivalent of just 5p.
18

During the dry season she may struggle to pick 15 kg in a day, giving her a daily wage of 90 KES (75p).This meagre amount is a fraction of what she needs to support her family. As a casual worker, Beatrice is not eligible for benefits such as sick leave and maternity leave. If she has to miss a days work, she and her children do not eat. Moreover, if Beatrice gets hurt on the job, she will not be able to afford health care.Tea picking is dangerous work, and Beatrice faces the risk of debilitating injury, including fractures, back injuries, major skin burns and poisoning from exposure to pesticides. The Indian workers fare badly again, as access to safe drinking water is an acute problem. Because of the Plantation Labour Act, the conditions found at the Indian estate directly violate Indian law. A major study that interviewed 920 families in 25% of the tea gardens in Assam found that the same regrettable conditions were the norm rather than the exception. [20] The children of tea workers in Assam suffer due to their parents A high majority of workers are illeterate even after generations of work at teas estates. This clearly signifies the living conditions imposed upon them to afford elementary education. Lack of skills (promotion); non-manual jobs are less than 4%.

Gradual demoralizing and brainwashing the consumers


Meanwhile for the reason of administration the English Collectors and other personnel were forced to settle initially at the district headquarters. But they enjoyed fashionable life. . As the English people were accustomed to drink tea several times in a day, they taught the process of preparing tea to their cook. According to the suggestions of the Indian Tea Market Expansion Board and Tea Cess Committee, several canteens were set up by the tea companies at the railway stations which served tea free of coast. The railway platform and stations were taken as important centre for the propagation of tea by the Tea Companies. The Central Tea Board, Calcutta tried to post numerous signboards and colourful posters carrying detailed instructions about the preparation of perfect tea in several languages

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||Hare Krishna Hare Krishna Krishna Krishna Hare Hare | Hare Ram Hare Ram Ram Ram Hare Hare|| 46 . On the bottom of the advertisement the address of the Central Tea Board, Calcutta was attached asking people to write to the authority of the Central Tea Board, Calcutta, in order to have booklet free of cost in which detailed instructions about the preparation of perfect tea in vernacular languages would be available. 47 Tea Party had become well-known to the knowledgeable public immediately after the commencement of the Coronation Durbar (Palace) held at Delhi in 1911. From the last week of November to fi rst week of January, King George V and Queen Mary had visited important places of India and centering round this visit, several tea parties were arranged in honour of King George V and Queen Mary 53 . This news got special cover up in media and consequently the knowledgeable public of India had become interested in the news of such tea party because they were completely unacquainted with such social gathering centering round tea. The Indian intellectual, cultural and learning bodies had soon accepted this conception and exercised this practice which ultimately had become tagged with the urban culture. Here the only Indian Nobel Laureate was Rabindranath Tagore, who had been much used by the Central Tea Board. It is worthy to mention that Rabindranath Tagore wrote poems and songs on seasons of India. 60 Tea Commissioner was appointed in the fi rst decade of the 20 th century. Prior to these measures for the publicity of tea, the Indian Tea Supply Company distributed tea to the people at a very nominal price. But the new Tea Commissioner had gone further to the extent that he arranged to distribute tea to all classes of people completely free of cost. According to the new arrangement Brahmins, wearing Upabita (holy thread), were appointed in order to distribute tea nearly all important railway stations throughout India at free of cost. was a well-thought plan to serve tea to all at free of cost by a Brahmin which would not offend anybody 61 Low skilled job -> no way for workers to increase skills and get promotion Once the Western demand was met, they realized that their profits could be multiplied manifold if they could generate a local market. The Commissioner of the Tea Cess Committee remarked that it was better to drink tea instead of water, because the use of tea reduces internal illnesses and the death rate in the one hand and the general energy and initiative of the people would be much increased on the other.

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||Hare Krishna Hare Krishna Krishna Krishna Hare Hare | Hare Ram Hare Ram Ram Ram Hare Hare|| Simple propaganda was not enough to attract Indians to drink unless tea would not be available within their immediate reach. This led to the establishment of tea-shops throughout all the major large towns of India under the patronage of the Tea Cess Committee. In the fi rst instance customers had been attracted to these shops applying various means e.g., cinema shows, Indian orchestras, singing, the provision of indoor games and gramophones, and attractive decoration. According to Report of the Cess Committee report that more than over 700 gramophones and 8000 vernacular records, 200 harmoniums, and large quantities of indoor games were used throughout India for popularizing these newly established tea rooms. The selling of dry tea in India was started in the beginning of 1918 and later it became a popular with great advantages. In between 1919 and 1920 the Tea Cess Committee had arranged 7,500 Pice Packets Shops where seven million Pice Packet envelopes had been supplied 66 . These fi gures provide us with some little idea of how tea was rapidly becoming a popular article of consumption in India.
Tea was very much common nearly in every Mess in the morning and evening. Moreover, tea was served to mess-mates several times in the holidays according to their demands. If the Cup of Tea would be like a ocean, I could swim as I as long as I like. My heart retorts after taking Tea, The fl agrant of Tea overfl ows my mind. This is a song used in an Indian movie in 1950s. It appears that tea gets enough importance even in Indian fi lms.

The ripple effect of the Great Depression decisively changed the picture, however. International tea prices dropped sharply in the early 1930s even as production on plantations set new records, and by 1935 growers faced an unsold surplus of more than a hundred million pounds (Griffiths 1967: 193). The prospect of a nearby market of 350 million thirsty throats only awaiting initiation (ITA Report 1931: v) suddenly seemed more appealing, and in 1935 the Tea Cess Committee, reorganized as the Indian Tea Market Expansion Board (ITMEB) and provided with an expanded budget, began what was undoubtedly the largest marketing campaign in Indian history this technique was endlessly iterated by demonstration teams dispatched to festivals and bazaars, and even (via all-female units) to the inner quarters of conservative, purdah-observing households. propagandists were reminded that they need only hand out sufficient free samples to insure that people would develop a craving and come back for more and be willing to pay for it. tea was touted as a medium for womens awakening a progressive and empowering tool for smart, modern homemakers, who understood the importance of good nutrition and domestic hygiene. Another approach of the ITMEB was to urge factory owners and office managers to set up free or subsidized canteens on their premises and to offer an afternoon tea break to workers. But the dogged persistence of efforts to educate consumers in how to make correct tea a method that, incidentally, would maximize the amount of leaves required and thus boost sales suggests, of course, that many were making it otherwise. A

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Forcing a billion into malnutrition


addition of milk completely blunted the effects of tea; Milk counteracts the favourable health effects of tea on vascular function. The most striking nding of our study is that addition of milk to black tea completely prevents the biological activity of tea in terms of improvement of endothelial function. Tea possesses strong antioxidant properties, in vitro and in vivo, that are affected by addition of milk Addition of milk prevents vascular protective effects of tea (Mario Lorenz Nicoline Jochmann Amelie von Krosigk et al) September 2006 Addition of whole, semiskimmed, and skimmed bovine milk reduces the total antioxidant capacity of black tea (Lisa Ryan, Sbastien Petit) September 2009 It was shown by micellar electrokinetic chromatography that the addition of milk to tea decreases the concentration of free polyphenols because of their binding with milk caseins. ( L. A. Kartsova, A. V. Alekseeva), 2008 Common classifications of antioxidants include vitamins A, C and E, selenium, zinc, carotenoids, flavonoids, phenols, isothiocyanates and sulfides, and the antioxidant-like compounds in coenzyme Q10 and glutathione

Tea plantations in India are mainly located in rural hills and backward areas of North-eastern and Southern States. Now if we boil down to the manufacturing counterpart of Indian tea industry then we will see that the sector is comparatively small. In fact, the tea as an agricultural output earns more money fot the country than as a manufactured product. The latest available data indicates that tea accounts for 90.6% for India's consumption of stimulants (tea, coffee, and cocoa beans)

Indian Tea Industry Since the 1990's, Subhajit Subhajit Sr. May 30, 2009
While tea production by smallholders is growing worldwide, their situation is often problematic because the prices they are paid for fresh tea leaves tend to be below the cost of production, among other factors. The sectors environmental footprint is considerable, with reduced biodiversity as the result of habitat conversion, high energy consumption (mainly using logged timber) and a high application of pesticides in some countries.

Sustainability Issues in the Tea Sector, Sanne Van der Wal, June 1, 2008

Environmental Damage
Tea production has a negative impact on the environment. Natural habitats, rich in biodiversity, are converted into vast swathes of tea plant monocultures. This habitat loss leads to a reduction in the general number of species and threatens the survival of entire ecosystems. Large areas of forest

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have been cleared to make way for tea lantations. In North East India, areas which used to be a combination of forest and grassland and were home to tigers and rhinos, have been converted to tea plantations. In East Africa, forests are still being cleared to make way for new plantations. Converting forests into tea plant monocultures decreases the biodiversity of plant species, meaning many other specieshabitats are lost. Habitat loss associated with tea plantations has led to the decline of the Lion Tailed Macaque in India and the Horton Plains Slender Loris in Sri Lanka, both of which are on IUCNs Red List of endangered species. Tea plantations not only result in the direct loss of habitat but can impact the wider environment. Land clearance alters the natural flow of water and increases soil erosion leading to the loss of wetland habitats and the pollution of rivers and lakes. In the Tanzanian Usumbara mountains, a hotspot of unique species, streams near tea plantations have shown decreased biodiversity. Grown in monoculture, tea plants provide ideal conditions for a number of pests, resulting in the widespread use of toxic pesticides. Recently four elephants were found dead in Kaziranga National Park, India, after they wandered into a tea plantation and ate grass which had been sprayed with pesticides. William McLennan is a researcher at the Ecologist. (Whats really in your cuppa, Ecologist, April 2012 ) The tea sector is a vital source of employment.PHOTO: War On Want

Reference: [30] Report of the Assam Labour Enquiry Committee. 1906 p. 71. [39] Royal Commission. 1931, p. 386 [40] Behal, op. cit., Chapter IV, p. l66 [41] Ibid. Chapters IV and VI. [42] Royal Commission, 1931) p. 386 [48] Ibid., p. 110 [57] RALEC, 192122, p. 73. [58] Royal Commission, Written Evidence. Vol.VI, p.23.
[60] Behal, op. cit.. Table 5.1, p. 187.

[61] Griffiths, op. cit.. p. 302; Royal Commission. 1931, p.384. [62] Royal Commission. 1931, p. 384. [70] Ibid., p. 24. [71] Ibid., [72] Rege, op. cit., p. 48. [73] Government of India, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Emigration, A Proceedings, No.6, File No.87, November, 1901, p. 904. [75] Government of India, department of Revenue and Agriculture, Emigration, A Proceedings - Nos. 6-8, File No.90 of 1901, p. 146. [80] Behal, op. cit., pg. 193-95. [145] Cited in Rege, op. cit.. p.60 [146 ] Cited in Ibid. [149] Lloyds Jones' Standards of Medical Care for Tea Plantations in India. 1946, p. 70 [46] [47] [53] [60] [61] [63] J.C. Kydd. The Tea Industry, London: Milford, 1921, p. 51. [66] Ibid. 63), pp. 48-54.

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[0] Socio-economic Conditions of Women Workers in Plantation Industry (Ministry of Labor, Govt of India, 2008-2009) [00] A Bitter Cup, War on Want, July 2010 [12] G. K. Medhi et al.,Study of Health Problems and
Nutritional Status of Tea Garden Population of Assam, Indian Journal of Medical Sciences 60, vol 60, no 12 (2006)

[20] Gita Bharali,The Tea Crisis, Heath Insecurity


and Plantation Labourers Unrest, in Society, Social Change and Sustainable Development, North Bengal University, 2007 John Vidal,Climate change is here, it is a reality, The Guardian, 22 September 2009

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