Political Communication, 19:125135, 2002 Copyright 2002 Taylor & Francis 1058-4609 /02 $12.00 + .00 DOI: 10.

1080/0195747029005540 2

Freedom as a Value in Arab Media: Perceptions and Attitudes Among Journalists

HUSSEIN AMIN

This article examines the development of freedom of the press and censorship in Egypt and the Arab world. Further, it discusses patterns of influence on freedom of the press and their impact on Arab journalists. It finds that press freedom in Arab countries and the performance of Arab journalists are still threatened by a censorial political culture, one that develops in an environment usually dominated by a single political party. Overt censorship and self-censorship are commonplace in the Arab news media today and journalism education programs, just as the media themselves have, in fact, been recruited into a national enterprise for the production of propaganda. The technological changes sweeping the world will increase the pressure for change and make issues of censorship obsolete as journalists find outlets for reporting among transnational media. Keywords Arab journalism, Arab media, censorship, freedom of expression, press freedom, self-censorship

The media have long played an important role in political discourse in the Arab world. In the past few years, Arab journalism has begun to face forces of change; globalization processes have had a significant impact on Arab media by providing transnational Arabic and non-Arabic print and broadcast options for Arab audiences (Amin, 2000). Arab media institutions and personnel have begun to see the need to keep up with global information systems that now address and hold the attention of Arab masses and strengthen the forces of democracy (Alterman, 1998).

Forces Affecting the Development of Arab Media

Throughout the development of Arab print media, certain conditions have affected the process of development, such as a weak economic base, close ties to politics and political movements, and other factors, including Arab nationalism, the development of a politicized Islam, and cultural norms (El Affendi, 1999). Arab journalists are now being challenged and to some extent influenced by global forces flowing to the region through transnational media, namely freedom of expression, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press. This situation has created a paradox for Arab journalists in that most Arab
This article was presented at the conference on The Ethics of Journalism: Comparison and Transformations in the Islamic-Western Context, Berlin, March 2001. Hussein Amin is Professor and Director of the Graduate Program, Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, American University in Cairo. Address correspondence to Hussein Amin, Adham Center for Television and Journalism, American University in Cairo, Tahrir Sq., Cairo, 11511 Egypt. E-mail: h_amin@aucegypt.edu

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governments, authoritarian and opposed to change, resist notions of freedom of the press and freedom of expression (Amin, 1995). Freedom as a value in Arab media culture is a function of both internal and external factors affecting the perceptions and attitudes of Arab journalists.

Censorship and Arab Media

Radio and television journalism are controlled more closely than the print media. Even strong advocates of free expression are themselves troubled by the power of electronic media. Unlike the print media, the broadcast media can bypass illiteracy in the Arab world and appeal to mass audiences, including children; this has resulted in a different set of standards for censorship of the broadcast media. In general, electronic media are absolute monopolies under direct government supervision; the governments of most Arab states not only own but also operate and control the broadcast institutions (Boyd & Amin, 1993). Historically, governments have set the media agenda; radio and television have served as a means to promote their political, religious, cultural, and economic programs and to filter what receivers hear and see (Kamalipour & Mowlana, 1994). Arab journalists have operated in an environment affected by frequent censorship since the early development of the Arab press. By the end of the Ottoman era, which drew to a close at the culmination of WWI, Arab journalism did not reach beyond the limits of a traditional system of relationships between the political class and the rest of the population, governed by principles of obedience and respect for the political establishment. At first, Turkish authorities dominated even those newspapers whose existence dated from the mid-18th century. The postwar colonial powers in the region, the British and the French, adhered to the same principles in their relations with the local press (Kelidar, 1993, p. 123).

History of Freedom of the Press in the Arab World

The weakness and the relative inconsistencies of the current Arab press systems have been exacerbated by postindependence conditions (Merrill, 1995). After many Arab states gained independence, the move toward press freedom and freedom of speech was aborted by putting an end to the multiparty system and to the independent press (S. Essoulami, personal interview, January 26, 2001). Nearly the entire regional press system suffered from a lack of press freedom from the mid-1950s to the mid-1980s. Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, who came to power in 1954, realized from his first days as a ruler that political parties controlled the press and non-Egyptians owned most publishing houses. In 1960, Nasser nationalized the Egyptian press, including all privately owned press organizations, forcing them to surrender their ownership to the National Union (Al Itihad Al Ishtraki ), and reimposed a censored press system after a brief lifting (Dabous, 1993). In theory Nassers successor, Anwar el Sadat, adopted an open attitude towards the press, but in practice his press policies were ambivalent (Napoli & Amin, 1997). Sadat removed censorship to a large degree but retained government control of the media. President Hosni Mubarakunlike his two predecessorsmoved toward more press freedom and lifted many restrictions (Amin & Napoli, 1997). Similar developments were experienced in Syria and in Iraq, where the Baathists carried out actions against the press resembling those undertaken in Egypt. In the North African countries, the media became an instrument for political legitimatization and indoctrination. Algeria introduced one-party rule, and journalists became civil servants

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answerable to the socialist revolution. Although the multiparty environment created in 1989 introduced a private press, it has failed so far to promote dialogue and possible reconciliation with the Islamic Salvation Front (Gabhat Al Tahrir Al Islamieh) (Azzi, 1998). The Bourkiba regime in Tunisia tolerated an opposition press but succeeded in making it loyal to and supportive of the government in spite of the fact that such organizations were generally privately owned. The King Hassan regime in Morocco came to a similar accommodation with its anti-government press; the media in general have been conditioned by the political principles of the monarchy (Azzi, 1998).

Arab Journalists and Freedom of Expression

Many journalists of this era fled their countries in search of better opportunities and a healthier press environment. These journalists saw a favorable chance in the oil boom in the Gulf states during the 1970s and took up positions in newspapers created by new oil wealth. There, however, they encountered the traditional and rigid press censorship system of the Gulf countries (S. Essoulami, personal interview, January 26, 2001). Arab journalists have the potential to promote change and influence public reaction to change, but they still face many problems and challenges, among them the political, cultural, and economic environment in which the Arab media function and perform. At the end of a millennium marked so strongly by the effects of technological change, journalists, publishers, and other media practitioners in the Arab world continue to be victims of harassment and political pressures, including dismissal, censorship, restraints on travel, physical assault, threats, arrest, detention, torture, abduction, passport withdrawals, and exile (S. Essoulami, personal interview, January 26, 2001). In addition, journalists everywhere in the world find themselves in the midst of an information and communication revolution; they must perform and compete not only for their own personal survival but also for the good of the media. However, as nations around the world privatize media systems, restructure media industries, realign and merge their media enterprises, and revitalize freedom of expression to succeed in a shrinking world, Arab journalists remain handicapped by worn-out political systems, unchanging economic models, inferior media structures and performance, and the absence of the freedoms needed to advance their media (Amin, 2000). The political culture of the Arab world determines the success or failure of the Arab media. Along with such problems as low salaries, a lack of adequate legal protection, excessive bureaucracy, and administrative constraints that affect journalists performance and make them vulnerable to possible conflicts of interest and outright corruption, more general economic, political, and cultural concerns also limit their freedom of expression. Although all constitutions in the Arab world clearly guarantee freedom of expression (Hafez, 1993) along with other general freedoms, the laws also usually include numerous restrictions that give the government the authority to act against any violations (Napoli & Amin, 1997). Moreover, the structural constraints of the Arab worlds political systems, specifically the penetration and domination of the government in all sectors of society, economics, and politics, hinder development of a free press by influencing the minds of journalists who may deal with any issue of relative sensitivity (Abu Zeid, 1991).

Political Culture in the Arab World

Political scientists describe the term political culture as the values, norms, beliefs, sentiments, and understanding of how power and authority operate within a particular

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political system. Generally, political culture sets informal and unwritten ground rules as to how the political process is to be performed. A particular political culture is the result of historical development and contributes to the reproduction of the system that supports it. Domestic political culture in the Arab world is a censorial one, and as such it deeply affects the regions media operations. For instance, news agencies are controlled by the government, their primary purpose to reflect to the country and to the world the achievements of the many state sectors. Although some sectors have been privatized in recent years, Arab media remain largely government monopolies, utilized as a political and a propaganda tool. Centralization of the mass media in Arab states is driven by the desire to maintain control, to keep the media out of hands hostile to government policies, as much as by the need to rationalize government and administration (Rugh, 1979). The censorial political culture affecting the performance of Arab journalists develops in an environment usually dominated by one political party (Napoli & Amin, 1997). Direct censorship by the state and censorship by journalists themselves (self-censorship and censorship by editors and publishers) are commonplace in the Arab news media (Shalaby, 1992). Censorship, censorship departments, and intelligence agencies act as very effective deterrents to press freedom. Censorship of news agencies has been applied in many forms, including delays in issuing or refusals to issue visas and blocking news sources. Interference in journalists lives ranges from deportation to personal threats. Additionally, most Arab authorities do not publish a list of subjects that they do not want to be covered, leaving the reporter in a state of confusion. Journalists, in general, are convinced that authorities use the new monitoring and surveillance technologies to record their actions. Hafez (1993) observed that most journalists are indeed monitored and aware of being monitored and concluded that in this situation self-censorship increases and freedom of expression suffers. Arguments for limited freedom of expression in the region usually cluster around one reason: the preservation of the state. In such cases of self-censorship, journalists are no different from the authoritarians who take on the role of protectors of the state. Regardless of the fact that journalists take this role in many press systems in the world, the overly protective attitude usually found in Arab journalists results in censorship of information. The prevalence of this censorial culture among Arab journalists shows how Arab governments, over the years, have been able effectively to establish and to expand their control over Arab media systems and personnel. Concerns over freedom of expression are genuine; the term responsible freedomalways associated with self-censorshipis often misused by journalists when they cover issues dealing with the image of the country or national concerns. National security concerns in many Arab countries, for example, encompass far more than military threats from foreign countries. They involve anything that can be considered a threat to the ruling institutions and their interests, including negative statements about religions or beliefs, Arab nationalism and its struggle, values, and national traditions. A further strain on morale is that Arab journalists tend to repress or censor information perceived as damaging to government officials (Abdel Rahman, Abdel-Mageed, & Kamel, 1992).

Censorship in Journalism Education

The censorial culture also includes journalism education. Graduates of these programs in the Arab world are generally not well prepared for the severe political and professional constraints they will encounter in the mass media institutions, particularly in the dominant state media. They may have learned free press and social responsibility

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theories at their university and, indeed, may generally hold them up as mass media ideals preferable to authoritarianism. They may also have been socialized by Western textbooks to the value of journalistic conventions such as objectivity, balance, and fairness. But the world they enter at government-owned newspapers and broadcasting outlets is decidedly authoritarian. The political environment in the Arab world is still evolving toward a democracy. The central purpose of mass communication programs in the Arab world is to prepare generation after generation of semi-educated journalists whose job is to promote the achievements of the state. Young journalists express profound frustration at the degree of control by government-appointed editors and supervisors who act as mouthpieces for the stateeffectively functioning as censors (Amin & Napoli, 1997). Moreover, the politically repressive atmosphere that has for so many years prevailed in Arab universities has pushed research into narrow channels. Faculty and students have been encouraged to conduct media research that promotes the politically established goals of national development and national unity and discouraged from developing programs critical of the principles, struggle, values, and national traditions of Arab society. In general, journalism education programs have, just as the media themselves, in fact, been recruited into a national enterprise for the production of propaganda (Amin & Napoli, 1997).

Arguments for Limited Freedom of Expression

Journalists in the Arab world are aware that national media policies always reinforce cultural and national traditions and values and therefore prohibit content that criticizes these principles and traditions or creates social confusion. Within the Arab world, censorship is tolerated and even expected as a form of civic responsibility. In addition, Arab leaders, in general, are very sensitive about criticism; hence, in many cases, it is prohibited to publish or broadcast criticism of the state national system, officers of the state, courts, military and security officers, and religious leaders. In addition, treatment of other countries with praise, satire, or contempt is prohibited (Amin, 1998). These taboos are usually protected by the penal codes; journalists can be fined or imprisoned for insulting the president of the state or top government officials, for negative portrayals of the armed forces, or for criticism of a president of a foreign country. Other arguments for limitations on freedom of expression in the region have to do with cultural preservation. Most Arab journalists defend Islamic societies, traditions, and values in general and Arab societys customs and heritage in particular and fight for the preservation of the Arab culture (Rugh, 1987). Thus, freedom of expression does not include offensive or negative statements about Islam or religious beliefs. Moreover, it is forbidden to publish or broadcast any materials that could cause disputation among different religious groups; materials found to violate this precept are censored. Additionally, journalism is constrained by the need to use classical Arabic. Islamic societys great cultural legacy is preserved through the use of classical Arabic in the media; deviations from the 700-year-old Arabic dictionary are frowned upon (El Calamawy, 1977). Concerns over charges of defamationlibel and slanderalso seriously limit freedom of expression. Moslems are notably concerned about their reputation and the reputation of their families; they become very offended when someone speaks or publishes anything critical or negative about them. Journalists usually compromise the right to inform the public because of fear of being charged with defamation. Since the rise of political Islam, journalists who defend their freedom have found themselves caught in a conflict between the government, which seeks to restrain free

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speech, and the religious fundamentalist leaders, who condemn those who dare to report accurately about their groups (S. Essoulami, personal interview, January 26, 2001). The more Arab society moves toward conservatism, the more likely journalists are to exercise self-censorship, especially regarding political and cultural issues (Hassan Ragab, personal interview, March 7, 2001).

Self-Censorship
In this setting, a journalist fears getting involved in any news reports or commentary and voices no criticism. Some experts argue that Arab journalists value press freedom, but they retain a pervasive fear of the political system, consequently enhancing selfcensorship. The other school of thought argues that Arab journalists seldom take full advantage of what freedom exists, even the marginal freedom provided by democratic change (Abu Zeid, 1991. This school of thought also argues that self-censorship (e.g., journalists withholding information they believe the public should not have) has been practiced by members of the Arab press since the early days of the profession and questions Arab journalists perceptions and attitudes regarding freedom of expression. The long history of censorship in the Arab world has contributed to an inability on the part of journalists to formulate a sustained political critique or opinion. The resulting self-censorship can be attributed generally to fear, to a lack of confidence, or to a perceived incompetence in political matters (Azet, 1992).

The Legal Framework of Freedom of Expression

Occasionally, journalists are arrested for what they write and brought to trial. In many authoritarian press systems, this is a common exercise. In many Arab countries, parliaments pass laws affecting the media, and governments freely use these laws to discipline journalists whose news reporting is critical of the government. Taking journalists to court sends a clear message to them and other journalists about their writings (S. Essoulami, personal interview, April 5, 2000). Also, there are provisions in the emergency and anti-terrorism laws that exist in some Arab countries whereby governments can restrict publications that could fracture a countrys social order. For instance, Jordanian law gives the government powers to issue fines, withdraw licenses, and shut down newspapers. In Egypt, the emergency law, on the books since 1981, authorizes prepublication censorship, confiscation of newspapers, and closing down of publications. Arab governments also use the penal codes to punish persons who encourage violence, defame a head of state, disseminate false or exaggerated information outside the country that attacks state dignity, or defame a public official (Amin, 1998). Journalists express frustration because they are routinely accused of not reporting hard news, yet the government makes it difficult for them to do so, if in reporting the news they might say something that reflects unfavorably on the government or its officials, destroy the countrys image, or undermine state dignity (Hafez, 1993). Some journalists say that they feel more comfortable reporting to the foreign press; they can speak their mind since the article will be published abroad and in a foreign language. This has been the case for many years and most likely contributes to the spread of the censorial culture in the region. It may also contribute to the lack of serious investigative reporting among Arab journalists (Amin, 1998). One of the most effective political, legal, and administrative obstacles to press freedom created by Arab governments is the requirement that a license must be issued

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before a newspaper can be published (Crimmens, 2000). The government has complete control over the authorization, renewal, and revocation of licenses. In addition, many Arab governments exercise censorship through offices of censors within the newspaper itself, through government-appointed editors in chief, or by controlling news sources. In many Arab countries, the government from time to time gives guidelines on content to the print media, directly or indirectly. Also, government officials convey guidance informally to print media journalists. The chief editors of the government-owned newspapers typically hear from senior officials about how they would like an issue to be portrayed in the media, an instruction they always take seriously, although sometimes they fail to follow it. Officials also seek to provide guidance in various ways to nongovernment media, who are less likely to comply but sometimes do. All journalists must understand this fact and work accordingly. In recent surveys, many journalists say they have purposely avoided newsworthy stories, while nearly as many acknowledge they have softened the tone of stories to benefit the interests of their superiors and news organizations (S. Essoulami, personal interview, January 26, 2001).

The Economic Factor in Freedom of Expression

Newspaper distribution and inflation of newspaper prices have also had a direct impact on press freedom and the exchange of Arab thoughts and ideas (Hafez, 1993). Arab governments exercise economic pressure on both newspapers and journalists, for instance, through the use of advertising revenue by government agencies and monopolistic government control of printing facilities and the import of newsprint. Government subsidies are sometimes granted even to opposition newspapers, which have limited financial means, making them at least somewhat dependent. Also, laws requiring minimum capitalization for the establishment of a newspaper can be used to inhibit the proliferation of small publications that may be politically opposed to the government (El Nawawy, 1995). There are many examples of government control throughout the region. In Algeria, in addition to a ban on private presses, the government maintains exclusive control of newsprint and ownership of the five main printing companies. In Tunisia, the media are subject to financial difficulties, making them defenseless against government pressures. In Egypt, the government allows independent and private newspapers; however, it controls the publishing houses that have a monopoly over the printing and domestic distribution of newspapers, including those of the opposition. In the Sudan, the 1985 Press and Publication Act contains many articles that curb press freedom (Galander & Starosta, 1997). Similar practices can be found in other countries, including Jordan, where the government uses official advertising as leverage. Throughout the region, new press laws do not differ significantly from earlier versions, which put total allegiance to authority over individual and press freedoms in the name of national interests. It should be noted, however, that although there are serious governmental restrictions on the print media, and journalists also practice self-censorship, newspapers manage to display, within limits, some freedom of expression and diversity. Major constraints upon press freedom in Arab countries today include budget and finance problems; the state cannot afford to continue financing the press systems and organizations in light of the tremendous increase in the price of paper and high rates of inflation. This situation has often resulted in the press falling into the hands of major economic powers. But even as regional economies recover, the media, which remain tied to political systems in most cases, are not likely to see any kind of meaningful

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reform. Arab government ownership of the media and control over information has been the rule rather than the exception in the modern history of the area (H. Ragab, personal interview, February 2001). The level of media freedoms reflects the failure of political regimes in the Arab world to deliver on democracy. It is coupled with other failures, such as the failure to provide an environment favorable to media development and the failure to respond to rapid change in the information age.

Freedom of Expression and a New Global Culture

New regulations by world organizations are strengthening the pillars of an emerging global culture. Freedom of expression has been recognized as a fundamental human right since the start of the 1940s. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 59 (I) of December 14, 1946, specifies that freedom of information is a fundamental human right. UN General Assembly Resolution 45/76A of December 11, 1990, dealt with information in the service of humanity. Resolution 4.3 adopted by the General Conference of UNESCO at its 26th session recognized that a free, pluralistic and independent press is an essential component of any democratic society and invited the director general to extend to other regions of the world the action, to encourage press freedom and to promote the independence and pluralism of the media. The United Nations General Assembly decided on December 20, 1993, to observe a World Press Freedom Day on May 3. And Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media, and regardless of frontiers. Within the region, the 1997 Declaration of Sanaa in Yemen stated that freedom of expression should be granted to all journalists (Sanaa Declaration, 1997).

Freedom of Expression vs. New Communication Technologies

In the last few years, the Middle East has witnessed developments in the fields of information technology, telecommunications systems, the Internet, and satellite broadcasting that have caused some dramatic changes in Arab economics, culture, and politics (Amin, 1999). Information no longer flows only in one direction, from North to South, but also in the opposite direction, from South to North. In addition, new media have facilitated different forms of transnational and interactive dialogue, creating unique associations of human-machine assemblagesthe individual and collective voices that are the modern building blocks of political structures and groupings. This sudden availability of access to information and media from around the world is having an affect on regional media, on the ability of governments to directly or indirectly effect what the public sees and hears, and on the sources of news and entertainment for the regions media consumers.

The Future of Freedom of Expression

In todays world of instant communication and global media sources, the censorial culture has ceased to have any reason for existence. Authoritarian regimes are coming under increasing pressure to allow privatization and democratization, to respect human rights, and to guarantee freedom of expression and freedom of the press. The establishment and/or reinforcement of truly independent journalists organizations, representative

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associations, press syndicates or trade unions of journalists, and associations of editors and publishers should be a subject of priority in Arab countries. Use of the Internet which puts no limitations on the free flow of news and information and forms a free platform for all journalists to contribute to development, peace, and democracywill continue to spread throughout the region. Many journalists, as well as media consumers, already have access to international television networks and the Internet (Amin, 2000). The technological changes sweeping the world will increase this pressure and will make issues of censorship obsolete as journalists find outlets for reporting among transnational media. Despite the fact that many of the Middle Eastern countries share a common language, culture, religion, and geography, there are many social differences and diverse political ideologies. A decade after the introduction of satellite broadcasting, transnational broadcasting television networks, namely the Middle East Broadcasting Center (MBC) and Al-Jazeera, are strengthening the potential link between Western culture, technology, and media values in the region. CNN helped introduce the region to the concepts of freedom of expression and freedom of the press with its values; MBC and Al-Jazeera have brought these values home to the Middle East and challenged whatever is defined as Middle East journalism culture.

Conclusions
In spite of these pressures, Arab authorities will not move quickly to offer freedom of expression to journalists. It is not an easy thing, after all, to let go of power and trust that the new freedoms will not be abused. Therefore, Arab journalists and the people must fight for it. The public is becoming increasingly critical of media content and more vocal about its desire for the media to respond effectively to the need for reliable information and high quality, meaningful entertainment. Professional Arab journalists cannot work in a censorial environment forever. Moreover, they can draw upon the past. Throughout the history and development of Arab media, there have been stories of freedom fighters that have made their way into local lore. Examples include Rafaah Altahtawy, Sheikh Mohamed, Abdalah Alnadeem, and others. In this struggle, they must also join journalists throughout the world and fight for democracy and good governance, defend human rights, campaign against corruption in government, and develop and thoughtfully adhere to a code of journalism ethics. Organizations such as Arab Press Freedom Watch (Nawar, 2000), established to defend freedom of the press and human rights and to promote democracy, should be recognized in journalists congresses. Arab governments must see that a free press, abiding by global standards of accuracy and fairness in reporting, is the best safeguard for responsible democracy and good government. Some governments have already begun to take small steps in the direction of press freedom. Equally important, the approaches to press freedom generally taught in the Arab world fail to meet international standards and ill prepare students for jobs in the field. Most faculty teaching these approachesthe mass communication teachers and professorsare products of the same system. Overworked and usually poorly paid, they are often forced to take second jobs; they are hardly in the ideal position to develop new, indigenous, and free models for mass media studies. Modern Arab nations cannot afford to maintain a censorial culture in a world moving toward full utilization and maximization of freedoms. The reality of Middle East cultural environments in general reduces the capacity of ordinary journalists to control the decisions that others make about their media content. The time has come to revisit

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this process, to do away with this disempowerment since it violates human entitlement to dignity, equality, and liberty, and to create a true civil society in the region. The time has come for a real change; censorship and the criminal prosecution of journalists in violation of international press freedom standards should come to an end. The prospects for the future of mass media in the Arab states are promising. Arab press syndicates as well as the Union of Arab Journalists have begun to make some significant strides toward greater press freedom, namely in Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt. Print media and satellite broadcasting are likely to move gradually away from government ownership and control, thereby providing greater opportunities for a freer press. Most important, we need to build the foundation of a civil society, replacing fear with responsibility and censorship with freedom.

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