With the Bombing of Guernica, how and why did it lead towards the event and how did

it effect the region afterwards Though Guernicas bombing (1937) caused immediate reaction across the world during the Spanish Civil War, the explanation upon why it was bombed and the effects its caused afterwards present a much longer history that was built through the long struggle of the Basque nation towards autonomy, notably helped after the PNVs formation. The event, other than causing destruction of the town, affected the Basques under the harsh suppression of the Franco Regime, inevitably leading to the formation of extremist groups such as the ETA. To start, this essay will present the long history of quest for Basque Nationalism towards the PNVs formation. Since establishing themselves politically during the 7th Century, gaining unique characteristics of language (Euskera), to which Basque is a rare case of a language which has no known linguistic relations,1 customs of primogeniture and encouragement of decent educational services to occupy high court/ church position; body image, stature and blood types then other Spaniards helped emphasise Basque distinctiveness to justify independence, withdrawal of ancient statutes-the Fueros-after the central government (Madrid) withdrew separate social/ economic rights during the 2nd Carlist War-increased the Nationalistic cause. However, Basque nationalism grew throughout the Second Republic (19319) as regional autonomy hoped that an autonomous Basque region might be able to follow a religious policy more favourable to the church than that of the rest of the Republic,2 against its anti-clericalism. Also, since Fascism was a political philosophy, movement, or regime (such as the Fascists) that exalts nation and often race above the individual and that stands for a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition,3 Primo and Francos regime (against Basque separation) would later cause rifts. Prior to Franco, the Basque Nation faced turmoil, as internal governmental struggles and unrest, and their support for Carlism, Basque traditions and ideologies (conservative nature and
1 2

Luis N. Astrain, (1997) The Basques: Their Struggle for Independence (Cardiff: Welsh Academic), p.10 Omar G. Encarnacin, (2008) Spanish Politics: Democracy After Dictatorship (Cambridge: Polity Press) p.96 3 Mish., F., (2004), The Merriam Webster Dictionary, (US: Merriam Webster Inc.), p. 455

separatism) were seen as too radically different to agree with any form of government that did not match their standards. For this reason, Basque political group formations, allowing expression of their beliefs and traditions caused Sabino Arana y Goiri to found the PNV towards this. As Arana began to develop a personal moral code that drew inspiration from an idealization of traditional Basque society a society with both physical and moral rights, and its only salvation could be achieved through liberation,4 his devotion towards learning Euskadi and Basque history, conservative nature towards preserving traditional & political beliefs, whilst witnessing of the Catalan nationalist movement, culminated in the PNV's formation (1895)-the 1st national movement to represent his beliefs, and Basque desires, advocating faithfulness to the Catholic Church; traditions; shunning immigrants in their homeland and separatism.5 Though used to publicise the peoples nationalism, Basques independence, however, was a threat to Spanish leaders since 1895 until Franco took over, whilst Arana (who expected all to fight as enthusiastically as he did), created the idea that violence and radical thinking would accomplish what the Basques needed for a freer homeland, which would inspire the next generation through the ETAs formation ,6 his arrest and death (1903) saw that the PVN couldn't progress under his cause,7 using several fill-in leaders until Jos Antonio Aguirre appeared (1936), whilst losing credibility in Spain under Primo de Rivera (1923-1930)- The precursor of Franco: [T]he Basque nationalists were confronted for the first time in their history by a regime which considered regional separatism as not only bad but actually treasonous. Only a few days after Primo de Rivera was installed in office, in September 1923, he issued a decree which outlawed any act which might tend to undermine the concept of national unity Six years after the dictatorship fell in 1930, Basque nationalism would be assaulted by General Francos rebels in the name of the theories of Primo de Rivera. 8 Because of the Basque desire for independence was considered a threat to any leader who
4

Cameron Watson, (2007) Basque nationalism and political violence: the ideological and intellectual origins of ETA (Navada: Reno), pp. 49-50 5 Mark Kurlansky, (1999) The Basque History of the World (New York: Walker), p. 168 6 Luis N. Astrain, (1997) The Basques: Their Struggle for Independence (Cardiff: Welsh Academic), p. 27 7 Conversi, Daniele. (1997) The Basques, the Catalans, and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation (Reno: University of Nevada), p. 68 8 Robert P. Clark, (1979) The Basques: The Franco Years and Beyond (Navada: Reno), p. 50

wanted absolute power, Primo needed to eliminate any opposition (even though the Basques did not oppose the first dictators regime openly), through issuing laws/ decrees to follow, as opposed to direct attacks and oppression, whereas Francos dedication towards uniting Spain (whilst increasing relationships with other European countries) focused on severely oppressing groups that desired independence, later led towards ETAs formation, after several personal attacks that would provoke violent reactions oppressed under his dictatorship. Having promoted their desire, Franco needed to pre-emptively attack any enemies that stood between his goals, which culminated in Guernica's attack. Other then the PNV, late- 19th century romanticism (inspired by the Renaixenca)9 led towards demands for Catalan autonomy, gaining it under the Mancomunitat administration (191323) & re-establishment during the Generalitat (though both were suppressed and abolished under the Rivera/ Franco dictatorship, gaining it back years after Franco's death in 1979). Though both were discriminated against by an authoritarian regime determined to crush intrastate differences, the Basque region and Catalonia present vast contrasts: Resistance in Catalonia was less violent than the Basque, whereas Basque culture was more exclusive, presenting illusions/ uniqueness of the Basque race; Aranas promotion of Euskadi; Aryanism & ideological preferences rooted in broader cultural differences, then that of civic traditions in Catalonian nationalism. However, significant towards this contrast was the delay which the Basque gained towards devolution: Since the Provisional Government convinced groups to reject the idea of a Catalan Republic, but passed with a 99% popular referendum granting Catalonia autonomy10 throughout the Catalan Estatut (1934) Basque autonomy, however, was slower. As the National Governments external resistances; CEDAs, Gil Robles, Carlists and monarchist opposition,11 divisions within Basque parties over autonomy, whilst Leftist socialists & Republicans supported an autonomous identified with the Republic, saw the PNV accept a limited autonomy statue from the Popular Front (Spring 1936), even though it allowed the PNV to exercise self-rule without much Republican resistance.

This group promoted the Catalan language & culture This happened after Rightists pushed Madrid for home role, whilst the ERC with Catalan group coalitions announced the creation of a "Catalan State and Republic." 11 This was because Catalan autonomy statute had posed a significant challenge to Spanish unity.
10

However, with hindsight, Guernicas bombing could have been avoided if not for the discussions of various leaders at the Non-Intervention Committee, as the meeting ultimately allowed Germany to test out its new Luftwaffe and the Condor Legion. As several countries followed a non-intervention principle during the Spanish Civil War- resulting in the Non-Intervention Agreement (1936) and Non-Intervention Committee (September)-the Spanish Republic were subjected to international isolation, whilst troubled by German and Italian withdrawals from sea patrols. Also, because efforts to stem the flow of war materials to Spain were largely unsuccessful (as many were made outside the Committee), foreign involvement in the Spanish Civil War proved instrumental to its outcome as Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union (unlike Britain) consistently broke the agreement. Though formal governmental policies never stopped them from intervening, it was a question on how much they could get away with whilst avoiding escalation into a world war.12 Countries could still favour trade with one side in the civil war, would send "volunteers," or establish "international brigades" to fight for Spain, but in reality were military units sent from France, the USA and Britain, presenting the loophole in the nonintervention policy (as they weren't technically enlisted in foreign militaries). 13 Whilst "international brigades" referred to Republican supporters in Spain, the German "Condor Legion" sent towards aiding the Nationalists (though Germany was forbidden-under Versailles-from building an air force), was the most significant foreign aid given to any side in Spain as it enabled Germany to test out its new air force in a foreign conflict, to prepare for the Second World War.14 Indeed, though Germany was aiding Nationalist with air support towards influencing the Spanish Civil War against the Spanish Republic, it provided Hitler a distraction from German remilitarisation, the prevention of communism, and economic expansion.15 Whilst Madrids abandoned offensive (March 1937), attacks on weaker Republican-controlled areas helped distract western powers from Hitler's European ambitions, after declaring support for Franco, whilst avoiding a Europe-wide war (June).16 This coincided with joint Italian German decision for shipments that saw German aid prevent a Nationalist defeat with the
12 13

Beevor, A., (2006) The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 19361939 (London: Phoenix), pp. 374-85 Alpert, M., (1998) A New International History of the Spanish Civil War. (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 44-115 14 Westwell, Ian (2004). Condor Legion: The Wehrmacht's Training Ground (Hersham: Ian Allan Publishing), p. 12 15 Ibid, p. 12 16 Ibid. pp. 29-30

minimum of commitment, 17drawing Mussolini closer to Hitler through Anschluss and the RomeBerlin Axis Pact.18 Other then establishing companies like the German "Raw Materials and Good Purchasing Company" (ROWAK), the war provided an opportunity to train men and test equipment and tactics, which helped ensure the Nationalists success in the war's initial and overall stages,19 (with aid of 43,000,000), especially after an attack on a German naval vessel, saw Germany and Italy withdraw from the Non-Intervention Committee and maritime patrols.20 From this, the German military, reorganised and renamed the Condor Legion, claimed to have destroyed a total of 372 Republican planes and 60 Spanish Republican Navy ships, proved the worth of the Legion to the Nationalist cause.21 Now, this section will discuss the immediate events that accumulated with the aerial attackraided by planes of the Luftwaffe "Condor Legion" and the Italian Aviazione Legionaria during Operation Rgen-on Guernica (April 26, 1937), caused widespread destruction, whilst supposedly killing 1,654 people, although accurate descriptions present 500 civilians died. However, this event was considered one of the first raids in modern military aviation history on a defenceless civilian population.22 Beforehand, though advances by Nationalist troops had overran territory controlled by the Republican Government, the Basque Government, sought to defend Biscay and parts of Guipuzcoa with its own Basque Army. Guernica also represented a focal strategic point for Republican forces, which stood between the Nationalists towards capturing Bilbao-key towards ending the conflict in northern Spain. Also, Guernica (though not directly involved with the fighting) helped retreat Republicans from northeast Biscay and housed two army battalions.23

17 18

Thomas, H., (1961). The Spanish Civil War (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode), pp. 341-459. Payne, Stanley G., (1996) A History of Fascism, 19141945. (London: Routledge), pp. 250-1 19 From 29 July to 11 October Germany transported 13,523 Moroccan troops and 270,100 kilograms of war material from Morocco to Andalusia, which was a decisive factor in the war. 20 Thomas, H., (1961). The Spanish Civil War (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode), pp. 257-464 21 Preston, Paul (2006) The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution & revenge . (Hammersmith, London : Harper Perennial), pp. 143-59 22 Alpert, M., (1998) A New International History of the Spanish Civil War. (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 44-115 23 They had no static air defences & air cover due to the recent Republican losses.

James Corum wrote that the Luftwaffe had a doctrine of terror bombing, which civilians were targeted to break the will of an enemy. However, though the Luftwaffe leadership rejected this concept towards battlefield support of interdiction operations, the Luftwaffe practiced "terror bombing" over Madrid from 1936-1937, for "experimental" purposes. From this, vital industries and transportation centres became prime military targets, whilst Germans worked out guidelines for bombing that was permissible under international law. While direct attacks against civilians were ruled out as "terror bombing", the concept of attacking vital war industries was acceptable24 as some Francoist aviation raids were directed against strategic targets (railways & factories), whilst constituting as a proving ground for troops in WWII, clearly presented by Herman Goerings Nuremburg statement : "I urged him [Adolf Hitler] to give support [to Franco] under all circumstances, firstly, in order to prevent the further spread of communism in that theatre and, secondly, to test my young Luftwaffe at this opportunity in this or that technical respect."25 Indeed, this action led towards Francos attempt to discourage the Basque people & the take-over of the Spanish Republican government. Though General Wevers document, The Conduct of the Aerial War (1935), claimed that terror bombing was too "counter-productive", increasing than destroying enemy resistance, whilst bombing campaigns were diversions from the Luftwaffe's main operations the destruction of armed forces, Corum believes the bombing was a tactical mission for military operations, then for strategic terror attacks.26 It was widely suggested that Guernica's attack represented part of a wider Nationalist advance in the area to support Franco's forces already in place. Also, it was considered that Richthofen ordered an attack against roads and bridge there, as the bridge was considered the primary objective since the raid was to operate in conjunction with Nationalist troop movements against
24

James Corum (1997) The Luftwaffe: Creating the Operational Air War, 19181940 (Kansas: Kansas University Press), p. 240 25 Preston, Paul (2006) The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution & revenge . (Hammersmith, London : Harper Perennial), pp. 57-79 26 James Corum (1997) The Luftwaffe: Creating the Operational Air War, 19181940(Kansas: Kansas University Press), pp. 1436.

Republicans, whilst aiming to prevent the bridges repair. Though Franco started to put his plan into action, with General Kindelan (March 22, 1937),27 General Mola started the Basque campaign, in which nationalist equipment was to be sent to the north for him, whilst presenting his eagerness towards a quick fight, as the Condor Legion bombed Durango (March 31) However, since thousands of refugees travelled to Guernica for safety, Mola sent a warning to Franco wanting to plan an attack on Guernica (April 25), which resistance against this attack was useless to all Basques, which if they should surrender, their lives maybe spared, even though two Heinkel He 111s, one Dornier Do 17, eighteen Ju 52 Behelfsbomber, and three Italian SM.79s were assigned for the mission, with Messerschmitt - armed with medium high explosive bombs (250 kg), light explosive bombs (50 kg) and incendiaries (1 kg)-to be implemented under Richthofen (April 26). From then on, the attack on Gurnica, apparently during the Market day, hit the town with 4 waves of heavy bombing, whilst Junkers Ju 52s,28 completed Guernica's raid, from the Bay of Biscay to the Urdaibai estuary. 29 Also, after Guernica witnessed the Luftwaffes execution of carpet bombing, it later became standard practice of the Condor Legion: We have had notable results in hitting the targets near the front, especially in bombing villages which hold enemy reserves and headquarters. We have had great success because these targets are easy to find and can be thoroughly destroyed by carpet bombing."30 With threats to Republicans in Bilbao and from Mola to end the war quickly, air raids were effective for the Nationalist war effort and later victory. After the Nationalists overrun and controled the area by April 29, 3/4 of building were said to have been completely destroyed, even though the arms factories, the Assembly House Casa de Juntas, Gernikako Arbola and its bridge survived. Richthofen believed the mission was a failure, as the bridge was not destroyed or hit during the raid, although the chaos the raid created
27 28

Which at this time, the Italians would be restructured at Palencia. These planes (Condor Legion) were carrying out a mission around Guerriciaz 29 Spencer C Tucker (2010) Battles That Changed History: An Encyclopedia of World Conflict (California: ABCCLIO LLC), pp. 451-3 30 Air Force Historical Foundation (1997) Air Power History, Volumes 44-5, p. 27

severely restricted Republican movements. However, George Steer (The Times) plays importance to Guernica, as he published full accounts, pointing out Germanys complicity in the action: "Guernica, the most ancient town of the Basques and the centre of their cultural tradition, was completely destroyed yesterday afternoon by insurgent air raiders. The bombardment of this open town far behind the lines occupied precisely three hours and a quarter, during which a powerful fleet of aeroplanes consisting of three German types, Junkers and Heinkel bombers and Heinkel fighters, did not cease unloading on the town bombs weighing from 1,000lb. downwards and, it is calculated, more than 3,000 two-pounder aluminum incendiary projectiles. The fighters, meanwhile, plunged low from above the centre of the town to machine-gun those of the civilian population who had taken refuge in the fields."31 (27th April, 1937) As The Times ran stories over the week after the attack, Steer's report, spreading worldwide, generated the overall impression that fed off the public fear of air attack building throughout the 1930s, which accurately anticipated that aerial forces would have the possibility to wipe whole cities of Europe! But most controversial was that of Nationalist claims that Guernica was attacked by Republican forces, leading to later international outrage: The Republicans in Bilbao needed a sensational story to offset their reverses.....They dispatched Asturian miners to dynamite Guernica and set fire to its buildings and swore that they had been blown to smithereens by German bombs.... ...It should be noted that the destruction though involving many buildings spared the Guernica tree and adjoining structure.......Basque separatists took great care not to damage the tree which they held in special veneration.32
31

Southworth, H. (1977) Guernica! Guernica! A Study of Journalism, Diplomacy, Propaganda, and History (California: University of California Press), pp. 14-5 32 Bolin, L. (1967) Spain, the Vital Years (New York: J. B. Lippincott Company), pp.274-357

This can be expanded by a from Statement issued by the Nationalist government (3rd May 1937): "With the unanimity which might appear to suggest obedience to orders many English and French newspapers are using a comparatively minor event such as the hypothetical bombardment of a small town as the basis of a campaign designed to present 'Nationalist' Spain as anti-humanitarian and opposed to the principles of the laws of nations, thus serving the ends of the Soviet faction which dominates the Spanish 'Red' zone. These newspapers clamour against the bombardment of open towns, attempting to lay the blame for such outrages upon the 'Nationalists'. ...'National' Spain energetically rejects a campaign and denounces these manoeuvres...The newspapers now crying aloud remained silent when in Madrid, under the presidency of the 'Red' Government, thousands of innocent beings were murdered....There fell intellectuals, politicians, many Republicans, Liberals, Democrats, and members of the Right....This was not war. It was crime and vengeance....the newspapers which are today defending so-called humanitarian principles were silent or even attempted to justify such barbarous crimes. They were silent too when bishops and thousands of priests, monks, and nuns were cruelly done to death and beautiful artistic treasures were burned in the churches of Spain....And now the Basque Soviet allies have blown up Eibar, a hard-working industrial city before the entry of our troops. They used dynamite and liberally sprayed petrol until most of the buildings were destroyed. But those who today weep for Guernica remained unmoved and suffered no scandal...Guernica....was an important crossroads filled with troops retiring towards other defences...At Guernica an important factory has been manufacturing arms and munitions for nine months. It would not have been surprising if the 'National' 'planes had marked Guernica as an objective.Yet it was not bombarded....But the destruction of Guernica...[was] the work of the same men who at countless towns of Northern and Southern Spain demonstrated their ability as incendiarists. The blowing up of great buildings which are today still mined has been systematically prepared by the 'Red' Government, which is indirectly served by those

now clamouring about Guernica. Let this manoeuvre at the service of 'Red' Spain cease and let the world know that Guernica's case, though clumsily exploited, turns against this Government of incendiarists and assassins..."33 In response to the bombing, the Spanish Republican government commissioned Picasso to create a large mural for the Spanish display at the Paris International Exposition at the 1937 World's Fair, which Guernica gained a status as an anti-war symbol and an embodiment of peace. Picassos Guernica presented the suffering of people, animals, and buildings wrenched by violence and chaos, using basic colours to present chaos. Flaming buildings and crumbling walls not only express the destruction of Guernica, but reflect the destructive power of civil war, Christian iconography and symbolism: As the flower held in the amputated hand represented regeneration and an eye with the light-bulb as an iris, presenting the light of reason, the Bull's head was significant, as Patricia Failing states: "The bull and the horse are important characters in Spanish culture. Picasso himself certainly used these characters to play many different roles over time. This has made the task of interpreting the specific meaning of the bull and the horse very tough. Their relationship is a kind of ballet that was conceived in a variety of ways throughout Picasso's career."34 Since Picasso stated that: "The Spanish struggle is the fight of reaction against the people, against freedom. My whole life as an artist has been nothing more than a continuous struggle against reaction and the death of art, 35 Guernica indeed became a universal and powerful symbol warning humanity against the
33

Haigh, R. H. (1987 ed.) The Guardian book of the Spanish Civil War (Aldershot: Wildwood House), pp. 109-110 Brian K. Hemphill, (2011) The Elements of Creative and Expressive Artistry: A Philosophy for Everything Artistic (Bloomington: iUniverse), pp.417-8 35 Valerie Hansen (2008) Voyages in World History (New York: Cengage Learning), p. 838
34

suffering and devastation of war. Inevitably, the last focal point to touch upon were what the effects upon the bombing placed to the Basque country. As the Spanish Civil War came to an end, the dictatorship of Franco implemented the suppression of the Basque country and that for independence: Franco towards the suppression of the Basque culture and influence controlled food distribution, confiscated property, burnt books, forbade radio programmes & fired schoolmasters who did not prove their political neutrality. However, most damaging was the forbidden use for the Basque to speak their language, as schools could not teach it or use it in public in fear of immediate jail sentences, whilst supporters for the Republic side witnessed, as Clark reports, 278 priests and 125 monks suffered imprisonment, or deportation to other parts of Spain. Sixteen were put to death for their role in the defence of their country.36 Also, though Francos regime banned or suppressed various political parties, Euskadi ta Askatasuna (1959) or ETAs (Basque Fatherland and Liberty) formation sought towards reversing Franco's policies upon the Basque. Because the 'children of Guernica' wanted revenge, as the ETA first began as a student resistance movement, its ideological stress on language and customs, adoption of Marxist revolutionary policies and inspiration of movements under Castro (Cuba) and Ho Chi Minh (Vietnam) moved the group towards establishing an independent, socialist Basque country through violent measures against Francos regime throughout the 1960s. Though it took them some time to put everything in order, such as their mission and their philosophy, notably from Arana, since they clearly stated that they would use violence to achieve their cause, an attack against the Franco regime happened years before their Assembly in 1962: The first attacks carried out in the name of ETA were explosions in the towns of Bilbao, Vitoria and Santander in 1959. Its most remarkable feat was the partly successful attempt, on 18 July 1961, to derail a train carrying Francos supporters on their way to San Sebastin. The partial derailment of the train did not result in any deaths but the police took advantage of the sabotage to arrest and torture a number of suspects.37
36 37

Robert P. Clark, (1979) The Basques: The Franco Years and Beyond (Navada: Reno), p. 81 Luis N. Astrain, (1997) The Basques: Their Struggle for Independence . (Cardiff: Welsh Academic), p. 32

The ETA held its assembly, after realising that they were capable of planning organised attacks and would also suffer repercussions for them, needed a way to protect their organization and to further attack Franco and his supporters. From this until Francos death, the ETA organised many attacks which often had some popular support since many people viewed Franco as their enemy.38 In 1962, ETA held its First Assembly at which the principles and structure of the organization were established: ETA is a Basque revolutionary national liberation movement. Its goal is the creation of an independent Basque Country. ETA proclaims the right of the Basque people to self-rule and the use of the most appropriate means to achieve its goal. ETA considers the Basque Country to consist of the three French-Basque provinces, the three Spanish-Basque provinces, and Navarra in Spain, ETA requests the disappearance of economic liberalism. It calls for the socialization of basic resources and the development of cooperatives as the basis of the economy of the new Basque state. The Basque Country is not a religious entity. The way to reach these goals is through armed fight. 39 However, though the ETA focused on making stronger attacks against the dictator, whilst Franco was able to see that they worked to oppose and eliminate him, the ETA began to implement direct attacks on people working for the General, following their mission as well as targeting Franco, including civilians or other terrorist organisations, notably after the organisation committed its first murder in San Sebastian (1968): When the police commissioner, Melitn Manzanas, a notorious torturer, was about to enter his house on the afternoon of 2 August, he was shot dead...During a state of emergency, scores of suspected ETA sympathizers were rounded up, illegally detained, beaten and intimidated40

38 39

Alexander, Yonah, (2001) ETA: Profile of a Terrorist Group.(New York: Transnational), p. 1 Alexander, Yonah, ETA: Profile of a Terrorist Group (New York: Transnational, 2001), pp. 4-5 40 Daniele Conversi (1997) The Basques, the Catalans and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation (Nevada: University of Nevada Press), p. 99

This attack presented their determination towards their cause, but further placed the Basques in harms way because they were still not tolerated: There seemed little doubt that ETA was involved in the killing. Manzanas had acquired a reputation as a sadistic and brutal police official who delighted in torturing Basque nationalists. He had been marked for assassination for some time, but it was not until ETA had its first casualtythat the struggle between ETA and the police spiralled upward in open bloodshed. Following the assassination of Manzanas, Madrid declared a state of exception in the Basque Provinces, and began rounding up suspects for questioning.41 Because Franco considered all Basques as the same (enemy-wise), continuing to oppress and detain them whether they were directly involved or not, the murder was significant on ETAs part, as they knew that they were endangering their people in order to counter Franco. Though several members were executed during the Proceso de Burgos (1970) the ETA slowly became more powerful, enabling them to kill Francos successor, Luis Carrero Blanco (1973): Assassinating the man they saw as the symbol of pure Francoism would have farreaching political repercussions....Whatever is the judgment of history, at the time of the assassination it was widely seen as the end of Francoism42 From this, the regime became tougher against the ETA, as many members died in shootouts, involving the arrest of hundreds of members (1975), after the infiltration of a double agent inside the organisation. This year witnessed the creation of a political bloc - Koordinadora Abertzale Sozialista comprising of several organisations contrary to the right-wing Franco's regime with origins in several factions of ETA (towards establishing the socialist Basque National Liberation Movement).

41
42

Robert Clark, (1979) The Basques, the Franco Years and beyond (Nevada: University of Nevada), p. 182 Mark Kurlansky, (1999) The Basque History of the World (New York: Walker), p. 253-4

However, since Francos death (November 1975), Spain started its transition to democracy. Many Basque activists returned from exile (even although some Basque organisations were not legalized then other organisations), whilst the approval of the Spanish constitution (1978) and a Statute of Autonomy (through referendum), saw the Basque Country organised as an Autonomous Community, enabling the PNV to hold its first meeting in San Sebastian and the legalisation of the Ikurrina (Basque symbol) in 1978. Though it seemed as if violence would subside under Juan Carlos' new government, radical nationalists and ETA youths acted as though nothing had changed and continued through random attacks, gaining publicity, dedicated members, and effectiveness to the government By continuing with their nationalist movement, changes kept ETA from becoming more neutral: In the 1970s a familiar pattern in ETAs evolution began to acquire a quicker tempo: as the more experienced and mature leaders of ETA were killed or forced into exile, younger and more radical ones quickly replaced them in a process that continuesIt clearly appears, especially during the Transition phase, that violence has become a selfgenerating mechanism, a vicious circle very difficult to stop 43 The ETA continued to cause problems in Spain, whilst Juan Carloss appointment as king (chosen by Franco), seemed to be a less than genuine proposal to the Basques especially when so many years of damage had taken place, which the attempt to make peace was a failure, as the ETA again attacked the new Spanish government. Attacks during the early years of the new government shown that the ETA did not give up its violent nature, gaining the reputation for being dangerous than for Basque honour, after killing 100-120 people (1980) whilst destruction on Civil Guard houses (1987),44 killing 11 people-5 were children- demonstrated that the ETA moved from a nationalist group to a ruthless, terrorist organisation, lossing support from the PNV, Basques and Spain.

43

Daniele Conversi (1997) The Basques, the Catalans and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation (Nevada: University of Nevada Press), p. 250 44 Alexander, Yonah, (2001) ETA: Profile of a Terrorist Group.(New York: Transnational), p. 27

Towards ending the essay, Guernicas bombing was built up against the long struggle of Basque autonomy, European intervention, support and economic pacts during the Civil War for Francos needs against Basque opposition and for Hitler to test his new air-force, for which the Basque country, until autonomy was finally granted years after Francos death, suffered heavily under Francos dictatorship whilst witnessing the increase in violence after ETAs formation.

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