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Only in the 1980s, under the fundamentalist Sunni dictatorship of Gen. Zia ul-Haq, did the compact between Sunnis and Shiites begin to fray. Partly to protect their distinct identity, Shiites protested the general's clumsy attempt in 1980 to impose a uniform alms tax on all Muslims.
A wounded boy is carried away from an Aug. 31 bombing of a Shia mosque. Around the same time, Pakistan was sucked into a shadowy proxy war for influence between two rival strains of radical Islam: the messianic Shiite variety propagated by Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini, and Wahhabism, an austere, back-to-basics form of Sunni Islam championed by Saudi Arabia. The explicitly anti-Shiite Sipah-e-Sahaba (Soldiers of the Prophet's Companions), born in southern Punjab in 1985, took up the cause of Sunni peasants in a region dominated by large Shiite landowners. Over the years, a clutch of Shiite rivals, including the banned Sipah-eMuhammad (Soldiers of Muhammad), have attempted to fight back. Over the past three decades, violence between Sunnis and Shiites has ebbed and flowed, but two things are clear. First, despite spawning banned violent sectarian outfits of their own, the Shiites have largely been on the receiving end of violence. In a 2005 report, the International Crisis Group estimated that Shiite victims accounted for 70% of sectarian deaths over the previous 20 years. In recent years, the violence has spread from southern Punjab and (sporadically) Karachi to Quetta in Balochistan, and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas on Pakistan's troubled border with Afghanistan. Second, the space to be publicly Shiite in Pakistan has shrunk dramatically. This is most obvious in the tale of the Bhutto family. Though not overtly pious, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who ruled from 1971 to 1977, is described by Vali Nasr of Tufts University as marking "the pinnacle of Shiite power in Pakistan." But by the late 1980s, Bhutto's daughter Benazir, who herself became prime minister, had begun to call herself a Sunni. Her husband, current President Asif Ali Zardari, maintains a studied silence on the subject, an apparent attempt to attract Shiite support without tempting fundamentalist Sunni ire. For Pakistan, founded as a homeland for all Indian Muslims, the Sunni-Shiite divide is an awkward subject that many would rather ignore. But the rest of the world needs to pay more attention to this conflict. If Pakistan can't even protect its numerous and well-connected Shiites, then the odds of moderates prevailing over extremists in an ongoing battle for the country's future look exceedingly slim.