The syllable: Draga Zec Syllable is needed to account for cross-linguistic similarities of : 1) permissible segment sequences 2) as a descriptive tool

in the traditional account of sound patterns. Mora has the dual function of serving sub-syllabic constituent (syllable weight) and as a unit of timing. Segment count need not correlate with mora count and indeed it does not count so in the case of long vowels and diphthongs. The coda is of hybrid nature: either a mora or an appendix:
C V V/C C V C

Languages that prohibit CVVC syllables point to the bimoraic status of CVC syllables, and to the ban on syllables with more than two moras. Compensatory lengthening has been invoked as evidence in favour of structural representation of syllable weight, i.e. vowel lengthening compensate for the loss of consonants under second mora. Thus, a structural position is preserved under segment deletion which argues for structural unity of CVV and CVC such as Latin. Are liquids moraic in Kurdish? If a language has both light and heavy closed syllables, the light syllables are closed with less sonorous consonants than the heavy syllables. Minimal sonority distance should be observed within a complex onset. /p/ is separated from /n/ by one interval while it is separated from /l/ by two intervals. Sonority falling is favoured across syllable boundaries (syllable contact.) Codas are more sonorous than onsets. In Kirgiz, an epenthetic vowel is inserted so as to avoid rising sonority across syllable contact. In Sidamo, input sequences of ascending sonority undergo metathesis. Light closed syllables do not participate in syllable contact effects and it remains to be seen whether this is empirically substantiated. The original motivation for positing syllable was to account for segment phonotactics. This perspective has been challenged by Steraide (1999) and Belvins (2003). They claim that accounts of segment phonotactic should be string-based rather than syllable-based. It would be advantageous to tease apart those aspects of segment sequencing that are governed by the syllable from those governed by other forces.

Kenstowicz (1994) -The most prevalent form of Compensatory Lengthening (CL) involves the loss of a coda consonant with concomitant lengthening of the adjacent nuclear vowel. - The loss of an onset consonant remains uncompensated by the lengthening of the following or preceding vowel. As onset is irrelevant to syllable weight. - In re-syllabification, the result is often misalignment of the morphological and the prosodic structure. e.g. [con.den.sa.tion] -Maximise sonority slope in onset, and minimise it in coda (Sonority Dispersion Principle) Clements 1990. Prosodic Licencing Accounts for syllable-based phonotactics. Ito (1986) interprets syllabification as a template matching. Phonemic material that fails to map to the template is suppressed, she extends stray erasure to a general constraint on phonological representation: all phonological segments must be prosodically licenced. There are two0 ways to achieve prosodic licencing: association to the syllable template or declaration as extra-syllabic at the edge of the relevant prosodic domain. -Stray Erasure deletes material that are not prosodically licenced. -In Prosodic Licencing Theory, syllabification is viewed as a representational constraint that holds at essentially all points in the derivation. -Phonological quantity often determines the distribution of stress; this may be true for Quantity Sensitive languages. -The two level representation of length explains why geminates systematically escape these phonotactic constraints. -Onset is weightless, so onset deletion does not cause compensatory lengthening to keep the structure of the syllable; the weight of the syllable remains unaltered. -Moraic representation of quantity gives enlightening interpretation for phonological processes, for example, closed syllable shortening can be understood as a coda consonant crowding out of a vowel from the second mora in order to escape stray erasure.

Feet and Moraic Stress Kager 2007 It is cross-linguistically common for stressed syllables to have higher pitch levels, longer durations, and greater loudness than unstressed syllables. -Tones tend to be attracted to stressed syllables, yet, stress is different from tones in the sense that stress does not assimilate. -In Free Stress languages, word stress is lexically contrastive resulting in minimal pairs that differ in terms of stress alone. While in Fixed Stress languages, stress is phonologically predictable, but a words morphological structure may affect the location of stress. Cross-linguistic properties of stress:1. Culminative Stress: grammatical units ( stems, words, phrses) have only one stressed syllable. 2. Demarcative Stress: It signals the beginning and/or end of morphological boundaries. Cross-linguistically, stress tends to locate on syllables near the edge of grammatical units, especially the initial syllable. 3. Rhythm: Strong and weak syllables are spaced apart at regular intervals. Stress languages vary in degree of rhythmicity: a) Bounded languages occur with perfectly alternating rhythms, oriented towards the right or left edge of the word. B) Unbounded languages: which have one stress per word and no alternating rhythm, allowing long strings of unstressed syllables. 4. Quantity-Sensitivity: stress prefers to lodge on heavy syllables (bimoraic syllables). Long vowels and vocalic diphthongs are always bimoraic. Coda consonants are morabearing on a language specific basis. So, CVC syllables may count as heavy in one language and light in another. Formal Representation of Stress:Representational basis of syllable in metrical phonology whose central assumption is that stress is a relational property, represented by prominence relations between constituents in hierarchical structure. Basic Foot types:1. Syllabic Trochee (quantity insensitive): two syllables of indiscriminate weight. Syllabic trochee is exemplified by languages which lack a syllable weight contrast altogether. 2. Moraic Trochee (quantity sensitive): two light syllables or a single heavy syllable. 3. Iamb (quantity sensitive): two light syllables, a single heavy syllable, or a heavy syllable plus a light syllable. -Extrametricality of final syllable is highly common in iambic languages.

In Kurdish, stress is usually on final syllable in non-derived and compound words. (Fattah:1997:51). In derived items, the position on primary stress varies depending on the nature of the affix found with the item. -Foot type (trochee vs. iamb), directionality (rightward vs. leftward) and tolerance for degenerate feet predict eight unidirectional systems. -Non-Finality: No prosodic head is final in PrWd is an OT counterpart of Extrametricality in rule-based theory. -Metrical Cohesion Hypothesis: feet within a language should be consistent; if the stress patterns require iambs, then word minimality requirements should also demand iambs. -Pure grid variants of metrical theory, which involve no metrical constituency, were proposed by Prince (1983), Selkirk (1984) and Gordon (2002a). -Metrical Constituency refers to groupings of grid elements at low levels into higherorder elements. -The central hypothesis of Metrical Theory is that there is a small universal inventory of foot types, and languages can only select types from this inventory. -The foot inventory is asymmetrical in the sense that iambs are quantitatively uneven ( heavy plus light syllable) while trochees are quantitatively even in the level of syllable or mora. - The Syllabic Trochee also serves to analyse languages which possess a syllable-weight contrast, but fully or partially ignore it in stress assignment. ( Kager 1992 a,b) -The Iamb is not restricted to languages that have weight distinction (Kager 2007:204). -The strong correlation between direction of parsing and minimum foot size in right-toleft iambic languages goes unexplained by current foot-based metrical theories. Tubatulabal -Quantity-sensitive -Leftward parsing -Degenerate foot allowed -Uneven Iamb Weri -Quantity-Insensitive -Leftward parsing -degenerate foot allowed -Uneven Iamb

That is, apart from Tubatulabal and Weri, no language is attested with left-ward Iamb and degenerate foot is allowed, i.e. degenerate foot is disallowed in all leftward iambs except Tubatulabal and Weri.

Kager (1999) Chapter Four Cross-linguistic Properties of Stress: 1. The Culminative Property: morphological or syntactic constituents have a single prosodic peak. 2. The Demarcative property: stress tends to be placed near edges of constituents. 3. The rhythmic property: strong and weak syllables spaced apart at regular intervals. 4. Quantity-Sensitivity: Attraction of stress by heavy syllables. FT-BIN: Feet are binary under moraic or syllabic analysis. A key function of feet binarity is to exclude degenerate feet. Rhythm: regular alternation of strong and weak syllables. All-FT-LEFT: every foot stands at the left edge of the prosodic word. (Alignment constraint) NON-FINALITY: No prosodic head is final in PrWd. Word Minimum: A word has minimally (at least) two moras or syllables. a. LEFTMOST : the head foot is left most in PrWd b. RIGHTMOST: the head foot is right most in PrWd. Bidirectional Stress System (Garawa): stresses the initial syllable and alternating syllables preceding the penult. a) Align Wd-LEFT: Every PrWd begins with a foot. b) Align Wd-RIGHT: every PrWd ends in a foot. -Cross-linguistically, uneven Iamb(LH) is preferred to even Iamb (LL), while Even Trochee (LL) is preferred to uneven trochees. -There is a range to systems which assign more importance to binary rhythm than to stress heavy syllables, but no language completely disrespects its quantity-contrast in its metrical system. - One of the strongest rhythmic factors of quantity insensitive stress pattern is clash avoidance. Hays You Tube Lecture Foot is a canonical and a famous case of Hidden Structure: inaudible structures but crucially referred to in the grammar (Tesar and Smolensky 2000)

Metrical Phonology (Hammond 1995) Two interpretations to Stress: 1. Linear generative Phonology: Patterns are described in terms of n-nary stress feature. Hence, each stress is independent from others. For example: V [1stress] /______CVC

2. In Metrical Theory, such a pattern is described in terms of binary trochaic stress feet. This theory merits specific attention because it ties together domains of investigation that previously have been treated separately: Stress, Poetic meter, reduplication, minimal word and prosodic morphology. Metrical Theory is the domain of phonology that OT has developed the most. -The sound system of a language typically exhibits certain patterns. The basic idea of generative phonology is that the child comes to the language task with certain predispositions about alternating stresses. These expectations reduce the learnable patterns to the observed and predicted cases. -In Kurdish; Stress is final, feet is iambic and the stress is assigned insensitive to quantity. - Assigning feet to words or phrases will capture a system that distinguishes between stressed and stressless syllables (some systems exhibit several degrees of stress). End Rule selects out a peripheral foot for main stress. In Lenakel, the right most foot is promoted by the End Rule Right and all other feet have secondary stress. -Feet can be assigned to a string in at least two directions: Left-to-right or Right-to-Left or may be directional, but do we know the direction? What is the relation between stress placement and direction of foot? Answer: We know the direction of feet assignment by observing stress placement. Lenakel main stress is penult, so right most foot promotes End Rule Right and the direction of foot assignment is leftwaqrd, while in Marangki, stress is initial, so, foot assignment is left to right. - End Rule selects a peripheral foot for main stress; it also applies to non-binary, unfooted stress. -Exhaustivity: The entire span cannot be made extrametrical. Angled bracketes < > are used for extra metrical syllables. -McCarthy and Prince (1986): A broad class of morphological operations are sensitive to metrical structures.

-Catalexis: an invisible or (catalectic) syllable at the edge of a word. The catalectic syllables allow for sub-minimal words mono syllable words and final stress. -English exhibits right-to-left footing with moraic trochees. Foot Typology: 1. Trochaic System a. left-to-right directionality b. right-to-left directionality 2. Iambic System c. left-to-right directionality d. Right-to-left directionality (Not attested) may be Kurdish. See (Kager 2007) Tubatulal and Weri -Languages which can be described as parsing first on a particular edge tend to place main stress on that same edge (Heinz 2007). Also Hayes (1995) primary stress tends to fall on the first foot placed. -Quantity-Insensitive languages require feet not to be smaller than two syllables (Birgit Alber 2005). However, there are languages that allow a single syllable regardless of weight (in quantity insensitive languages or a single light syllable in quantity-sensitive languages, i.e. degenerate foot. -Hayes argues that Iambic systems almost exclusively depend on syllable weight but this may not be true for Kurdish. -In some languages, one of the peripheral syllables are stressed without evidence for binarity; in Czech, the initial syllable or in French, the final syllable is stressed without evidence for binarity. There is no evidence for metrical constituency in such languages, though this claim is controversial. -Extrametricality allows a syllable at the edge of the footed span to be skipped. -Metrical grid can account for secondary stress while metrical tree cannot. Metrical grid can also account for leftward shift of stress in a modifier when it is followed too closely by a stress in the next word e.g.: `Thirteen men Thirteen` men

Halle and Verngaud (1987) and McCarthy (1979) propose symmetric and parametric metrical theories, while Hayes (1985) argues that this perfect symmetry does not hold as right-headed quantity-insensitive language is not tested. Catalexis (an alternation to degenerate foot): Some languages allow for an invisible or (catalectic) syllable at the edge of a word. Hammond (1995) argues that Extrametricality can capture ternary feet.

Prosodic Structure in Child French: Evidence for the foot (2006) -French (may be Kurdish) violates word Minimality, the requirement that lexical words be at least one binary foot to be well-formed. Monomoraic foot abound (exist) in French (Kurdish). -The initial high tone denotes the presence of a trochaic foot at the left edge of the PrWd, while final lengthening denotes an Iambic foot at the right edge of the Phonological phrase. -Free Clitics are prosodified to the phonological phrase, abanding the foot and the prosodic word. -In French, initial prominence is characterised by pitch, while the major perceptual cue for final accent is length. -Cross-linguistic research reveals that trochaic systems tend to be characterised by alternations in pitch and intensity, while iambic systems are marked by alternations in length (Hayes 1995). What about loudness? -Child final vowel lengthening for one-syllable lexical targets ( ) reveals that lengthening is indeed motivated by foot well-formedness rather than being a phrase-final effect. -If Claras pattern supports the postulation of foot at earlier stages, it is against continuity and headedness (every prosodic word must have a foot) to eliminate foot at later stages? Answer: In later stages, satisfaction of the faithfulness constraints that were earlier violated through augmentation is starting to take priority. In Claras speech, all truncations are to two syllables, supporting the view that a binary foot is what constraints the upper length of Claras PrWd. Lexical material is prosodified differently from functional material, the former is inside PrWd and the latter is outside it as it is linked directly to the Phonological Phrase.

Prosodic Morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1994) Prosodic Morphology: is a theory on how morphological and phonological determinants of a linguistic form interact with each other. Specifically, it is a theory of how prosodic structure impinges on templatic and circumscriptional morphology. -Reduplicative and root & pattern morphology are typical cases where the principles of prosodic morphology emerge with full vigour. The Prosodic Hierarchy PrWd

According to Prosodic Hierarchy, any instance of the category PrWd, must contain at least one foot. Foot binarity means, every foot must be bimoraic or disyllabic. By transitivity, then, PrWd must contain at least two moras or syllables. -Degenerate foot is a single light syllable. Unfooted syllables are immediately dominated by PrWd rather than by foot. -In Quantity-Insensitive languages, all syllables are presumptively Monomoraic and the minimum word is disyllabic (not true for Kurdish). -There is no Minimal Word constraint. Rather, it is the result of two other constraints: the prosodic Hierarchy and foot binarity. -Enforcement of minimality will be by the same means as enforcement of other prosodic well-formedness requirements. Thus, just as syllabic well-formedness blocks syncope or enforce epenthesis, prosodic word-minimality may lead to augmentation or block truncation. -Departure from these correlations will only be possible in cases where the underlying constraints are also violated. For instance, if there can be languages with no feet at all or with free distribution of unit feet, then such languages should not show effects of word minimality. MCat=PrWd Where MCat =root, stem, lexical word, etc. In some languages, MCat=stem, in others root or lexical word. Again, Word minimality has no independent status in phonology. It seems that in Diyari, the minimal PrWd is the template in prefixing reduplication But in Kurdish the affix in reduplication is at least disyllable.

The Prosody of noun stems in Kurdish The canonical Noun Patterns: a. H CVV or CVC Pe:, ka: (the vowels may be short) Mil, qach, sar, an, dast e. HH CVV.CVVC Ba: u:r The template as affix: The basic idea of reduplication is to affix a template, for example: copy the first syllable: ta.ka ta-taka (hypothetical or such as this real case: b. LL CV.CV daba c. LH CV.CVVC hawa:r d. HL CVV.CVC xa:wen

f. HL CVC.CVC asmar

g. HH CVC.CVVC sarbaz

si + ( a one mora syllable) bu.ne pan.di.li si-bu- bu.ne si-pa-pan.di.li

-Reduplication specifies a templatic target not a constituent to be copied. Cross-linguistically, the observed possibilities for reduplicative templates are rather limited. -The reduplicative syllable may be a light syllable, a heavy syllable, or a disyllabic sequence or bimoraic. - Another type of reduplicative formation does not involve an affixal template at all. This is quantitatively complementary reduplication; light with heavy bases and heavy affix with light bases. - In Kurdish, does reduplication involve heavy affixes with light bases? top an top- topen an- anen

Or does it involve a template with Iambic foot? Topen, Palen, anen. - The presence of secondary stress and reduplicative foot can be evidence for foot in Kurdish. In Languages without weight-contrast, like Diyari, all syllables are presumptively Monomoraic, so the minimum word template is expressed by disyllabism. Anchoring:

In B(ase) + R(eduplicative): The final element in R is identical to the final element in B. But Kurdish violates this constraint: /P/ final element in Base, /n/ final element in Reduplicate top- topen R is maximal. That is, R is as big as it can be, and yet not exceed the template. Echo words: a type of total word reduplication in which some systematic change is affected in one copy: Table-shample in English t w mak, ax w dax in Kurdish.

Prosodic Circumscription: Under this notion, a morphological operation is applied to a base that is prosodically delimited substring within the grammatical category. The result is often some sort of infix and may extend beyond infixation. Law of Parsing: Prosodic Circumscription minimally restructures the input, subject to the conditions imposed by the constituent C and edge E. Prosodic Circumscription calls for a foot at some edge. Positive Prosodic Circumscription: is to apply operation of infixation to Kernel B: (left) here, the circumscribed category is a foot which is equal to a minimum word. Negative Prosodic Circumscription is to apply operation of infixation to residue B/ (right) Kurdish infixes (clitics) are actually suffixes with transitive verbs: Daixom Datxom Datanxom daiom datom datanom But see mirdin, roitin (intransitive)

Prosodic morphology cannot count on segments either. Bla (Monomoraic) vs. bad and adu (bimoraic) three segments. -Prosodic theory can distinguish between optional and all obligatory elements at all levels of structure. Many elements of prosodic structure are entirely optional, for example, syllables in many languages may have multisegmental onsets, but no language requires this. In segmentalism theory, though, optionality of elements is complex and weighty matter Reduplicationn in Stratal OT Kiparsky Stratal OT accounts for Opacity: and ad ad (Intermediate level) a (output)

The interleaving of phonology and morphology and the intrinsic seriality of strata gives rise to derivations. Prosodic Morphology is a massive source for Opacity.

Correspondence in Reduplication -From a phonological viewpoint, the reduplicative affix is not fully specified for segmental content. Its segmental content is copied from the stem that undergoes reduplication. - Reduplication is a phenomenon involving phonological identity between the Reduplicant and the Base to which it adjoins. -Total reduplication copies complete word vs. partial reduplication copies parts of the base. -Reduplicant in Kurdish seems to be a foot, topen. -The reduplicants in Nootka and Diyari are prosodic units but they are not an exact copy of a prosodic unit in the base, this is similar to Kurdish. -The reduplicants tend to have unmarked phonological structure. Why reduplicants, in contrast to base, undergo simplification and being unmarked? Answer/ since the reduplicant is not burdened with lexical contrasts, its phonological form naturally drifts towards unmarked. -In Diyari, the first syllable of a reduplicant is a closed syllable while the second one is open, but in Kurdish the reverse is true. -DEP-BR: Every element of R has a correspondent in B. Makassarese language violates this constraint and Kurdish violates this constraint too. -We must distinguish between input to output faithfulness and base to reduplicant identity. -Prosodic Morphology Hypothesis: Templates are defined in terms of authentic units of prosody. For example, reduplicant in Diyari is a disyllabic foot; this may be the case in Kurdish too. Generalized Template: The template should be minimal, consisting only of a statement to the effect that the reduplicant equals an affix or stem. -Template and association theory of reduplication involves a strict separation between morphological operation and phonological operation. However, this separation causes a number of problems that undermine the theory. One problem involves internal reduplication, i.e. infixation. -Prosodic Circumscription places a cut in the stem at a prosodically defined position, either before or after a prosodic unit: Top-topen but: taqa-taq, lara lar, gara-gar. - Circumscription cannot explain why it is always reduplicative affix that skipps over onsetless syllable, i.e. Circumscription cannot be used for other morphological operations. Therefore, Alignment replaces it.

ALIGN-RED-L Align the left edge of the reduplicant with the left edge of the prosodic word. -Overapplication: The reduplicant undergoes some phonological processes even though it fails to meet the structural condition. i.e., a rule is applied in the wrong environment. -Underapplication: The non-application of a phonological process in the reduplicant even though this meets the structural condition. i.e., a rule fails to apply in the right environment. -Correspondence Theory: Given two strings S1 and S2, related to one another as inputoutput, base-reduplicant, correspondence is a relation R from the elements of S1 to those of S2. Elements S1 and B

S2 are referred to as correspondents of one another

Nespor & Vogel (1986) Prosodic Phonology Foot -Although the definition of foot is intimately related to stress, several other different types of phenomena must make reference to foot such as phonotactic constraint and poetic rhyme. -/t/ is aspirated if and only if it is the first segment of a foot. When it is preceded by another segment /s/ or by other syllables, it is not aspirated. While it is clear stress does have smth. To do with aspiration, it is not the only factor involved. The connection between stress and aspiration has to do with the fact that a foot usually begins with a stressed syllable. /t/ is also aspirated in the beginning of words when it is unstressed syllable.(terrain) this means that aspiration depends on both stress and foot. Phonological word Three basic possibilities for the domain of phonological word:Larger, equal or smaller than the terminal element of a syntactic tree. Nesper and Vogel assume the second and the third (equal and smaller) exist. -The phonological word has the same domain as the terminal element of a syntactic tree means it includes the stem, all affixes and both members of a compound word. -If both prefixes and suffixes occur in a given language, these two categories are treated in the same way.

- The first indication that the two members of a compound word form a single phonological word (one prosodic word) is the face that in compounds, as in other types of words, there is only one primary stress. -The second indication that compound words form a single prosodic word is that they respect the same well-formedness condition that applies to stress in simple words. That is, stress must fall on one of the last three syllables of the compounds is similar to simple words in Greek. -If assimilation passes from prefixes to stems or from stems to suffixes, this means that they are together part of a prosodic word. -In Turkish, as in Sanskrit, the domain of the phonological word is not necessarily isomorphic to any constituent of the morpho-syntactic hierarchy. The mismatch is of the type in which the prosodic word does not include the entire element that corresponds to the lowest constituent in the syntactic hierarchy, but includes only part of it. -Prosodic Word maps morphological structure onto phonological structure. The Clitic group -The most common approach in phonology is to consider clitics either as belonging to phonological word, in which case they are considered similar to affixes, or as belonging to phonological phrase, in which case they are considered similar to independent words but clitics cannot always be forced into one of these groups because their phonological behaviour is different from that of affixes and independent words. - As an example of the type of clitic that behave as independent words, Zwicky mentions clitic pronoun in Spanish. Evidence for their word external status is the fact that they do not affect in any way the location of stress on their host (this is similar to Kurdish). -Clitics are word external in Turkish too.

-In French, Liaision occurs within the domain of Phonological phrase. -An element is clitic if, together with a word, it is affected by internal sandhi rules; and it is an independent word if, together with a word, it is affected by external sandhi rules. -Clitics in Italian behave as independent words phonologically. -Classic Latin, on the other hand, is adduced as an example of a language in which clitics are considered to be word internal. -In Clitic group formation, as in the formation of other prosodic constituents, the division into constituents provided by the syntax is not always adequate. Specifically, with relation to the clitic group, syntactic constituency cannot always predict the direction in which the clitic finds its phonological host. -Final devoicing is blocked in a clitic group in Kurdish. E.g. dastim dee. (blocked), dastim bare (not blocked). -The Phonological Phrase -The Phonological Phrase is the constituent that groups together one or more clitic groups. -A phonological unit is motivated on the grounds that it is necessary in the formulation of phonological rules. -Re-syllabification in Kurdish may occur within the same phonological phrase, as liaison in French occurs within Phonological phrase. -Prosodic constituents are not necessarily isomorphic to any constituents found elsewhere in the grammar. -The rules that construct the phonological hierarchy are not recursive in nature. So, the depth of phonological structure is finite. -Prosodic Theory accounts for the domains in which the phonological rules apply. - There is no a priori reason that the phonology of a particular language contains all the prosodic categories. -Selkirk (1980b) suggests that it does not suffice to say that if we find no rules in a given language that make reference to a prosodic unit, we can conclude that unit does not exist in that language. A rule that refers to that unit may exist, but not discovered yet. Two kinds of phonological rules:a. The mapping rules: represent the interface between the phonological component and the other components of grammar. b. The phonological rules proper.

There are phonological rules that apply only within a morphological domain domain, for example, Nasal Assimilation in English: In+legal In+responsible illegal but only *olly Herry

irresponsible but Henry

-Structural information is not adequate for all morpho-phonological rules. There are rules that only apply to specific lexical categories or in the presence of specific morphemes. For example, nouns stress the first syllable, while verbs stress the second one, or [z] devoicing in English with (ive): Abu[s]ive but see : abu[z]ing There are rules that apply across words that need to refer to information expressed by the syntax. That is, certain rules apply across two words only if they are contained within a specific syntactic constituent. An example of this is vowel deletion rules of Greek. The final vowel of the first word is deleted when it is followed by another word beginning with a vowel and both words are within the same NP. Motivating phonological constituents:

A string is considered a constituent in phonology and syntax if: a. There are rules of grammar that need to refer to it in their formulation. b. There are rules that have precisely that string as their domain of application. In phonology, a string is also a constituent if: c. If the string is the domain of phonotactic restrictions. d. The relative prominence relations among the elements of the string. Syntactic Categories and Persian Stress (Arsalan: 2003)

-Amini (1997) proposes two different word layer construction rules, End Rule Left and End Rule Right, which have sensitive to lexical categories. She used the first rule for prefixed verbs and the second one for all other categories. -Theses attempts show even a split between verbs and other lexical categories cannot account for the discrepancies observed in the stress pattern of Persian verbs. -Arsalan (2003) tries to provide a unified account of Persian stress, independent of lexical categories. He claims that by differentiating word and phrase level stress rules, one can account for the superficial differences of prefixed verbs and other categories, dispensing with many of the stipulations required in previous accounts. -Prosodic Phonology adopts an indirect approach in which phonological rules are not allowed to look at syntactic structures directly.

-In Persian, the same stress-rule applies to different syntactic categories at a certain level of prosodic hierarchy. -According to this analysis, Persian stress is assigned Right-most at the phonological word-level, Left-most at the phonological phrase level, right-most at the Intonational Phrase level, and left-most at the utterance level. -Persian emerges as an interesting example of different directionality of stress assignment at each prosodic level from the prosodic word upward. -Syllabification is word-level phenomenon, while re-syllabification is Phrasal-level. -Re-syllabification occurs across word boundaries in Persian & Kurdish. -Suffixes that are part of the phonological word is called cohering suffixes and those that are not part of the phonological word are non-cohering suffixes. -Stress-shifting suffixes are incorporated to the phonological word of the stem to which they attach, stress-neutral are not part of the Prosodic word. -Derivational suffixes are cohering suffixes (part of PrWd) in Persian, while inflectional suffixes are non-cohering (not part of PrWd) whereas Fattah (1997) gives a different account for stress in Kurdish. -Ezafe constructions are regarded as prosodic words and therefore stress is placed on right edge. sageki rai gawra. -The Intonational phrase stress rule predicts main stress on the leftmost phonological word in the right-most phonological phrase. -Negative verb construction is usually stressed even if it is not in the left of the phonological phrase. While only leftmost phonological word of phonological phrase receives prominence. In other words, the negative marker patterns as if it were at the edge of a phonological phrase. -It has been argued that focused elements are often at the edge of a phrase. Arsalan proposes that the behaviour of the negative marker in Persian is due to the same phenomenon. i.e. Negative marker + verb= Phonological phrase. -Stress is leftmost at Utterance level. -Root (simple) clauses are typically mapped onto Intonational Phrase. -Two root clauses that are semantically related are mapped to Utterance. -In Persian, the agreement suffixes that attach to the verb root in the present and realise both tense and agreement are cohering. -In the past, however, the agreement suffixes function as pure agreement suffixes is noncohering.

Data from McCarus and Abdula (1967) Kurdish Basic Course: A. Lexical Stress: Stress is final in single words. (lexical stress) gaw.ra xan.ar ba:.za:r mu.ra:. a. a ba.la:m ha:.tin a:.ki: - When clitic is added to the word, stress shifts to the penultimate syllable: a:.kit how are you ha:.tin they came especially in past verbs, the inflectional suffixes are not atressed. -The suffixes (aka,an,akan) take primary stress. Ma:.mos.ta:.yan Ma;.mos.ta:.ka ma:.mos.ta:.ka.ma:n Ma;.mos.ta:.ka.ja

B. Sentence Stress:When words are put together in phrases and sentences, some words are pronounced louder than others:Ba: ro ba: ta:.za.ja zor ta:.za.ja Ba:.to.zek.qsa.bi.ka.jn. am.a.qa:.ma.na:wi.i.ja -There is a natural tendency in Kurdish to give secondary stress to any syllable which is two syllables before or two syllables after a syllable containing primary stress as in:Xan.a.ra.ka na:.wi.i.ja mu.ra:.a.a a.ma.ri.ka:

-This can be used as evidence for the existence of foot in Kurdish. The Iambic foot is not restricted to languages that have weight distinction. -Unlike English, in Kurdish, the vowels remain unaltered whether stressed or not. This may suggest that the property of stressed syllable is loudness rather than length. -Usually nouns and adjectives are stressed in a sentence, but verbs are not. This matches stress leftmost in Intonational Phrase=simple clause (SOV in Kurdish). -Nouns donot receive sentence stress after: a. Hamw------ek b. numerals c. modifying interrogatives

-Adjectives are usually not stressed when they come after: zor + adjectives (is this a phrase syntactically) -This proves that stress is leftmost in Phonological phrase. -The following usually receive stress in a sentence:

i. Interrogatives

ii. Negatives Hayes (1995)

iii. demonstratives

Metrical Stress Theory:

-Stress: is the linguistic manifestation of the rhythmic structure.

-Pitch and duration, rather than loudness, seem to be the principal perceptual cues for stress.
-Aside from the marginal role of loudness (which is used exclusively for stress), stress

invokes phonetic resources that serve other phonological ends. For example, duration is also used for vowel length which is phonetic and pitch which is the phonetic cue tone. -There is no invariant physical realisation of stress as the rhythm in general is not tied to any particular physical realisation. -vowel centralisation is often a characteristic of stresslessness. Typological Properties of Stress: -The requirement of culminativity applies to phonological words NOT Grammatical words. -The domain of culminativity may differ from language to language. For example, in English, stress is culminative to word level (every content word has a single strongest stress), while in French and Italian, it is culminative at the phrasal level but not necessarily at the word level, since rules of distressing may eliminate word stress on the surface. -culminativity may be a universal feature of all stress systems is subject to parametric variation for the level for which it holds. -Stress is rhythmically distributed in the sense that syllables bearing equal levels of stress tend to occur spaced at roughly equal distances, falling into alternating patterns. A sixsyllable word is assigned stress pattern but not * -Stress is hierarchical in the sense that most stress languages have multiple degrees of stress: primary, secondary, tertiary and so on. -While stress appears to be generally rhythmic in character, it should not be imagined that all natural language stress patterns will sound like musical sequences, with perfectly regular intervals. -In languages with phonemic primary stress (fixed stress), secondary stress is often predictable. Rhythmic Vs. Morphological Stress - Rhythmic system based purely on phonological factors such as syllable weight or limitations on the distance between stressed syllables or word boundaries. -In a morphological system, stress serves to explain the morphological structure of the word. Often a particular syllable of the word bears the main stress while affixes are stressless or

bear weak stress. The productive morphology of English is a good example of morphological system. -The stress bearing unit is the property of syllable. -Rules of foot construction may not split syllables, for example, we cannot allow the first part of a heavy syllable to belong to one foot and the second part to belong to next. -Weight by position is a rule that assigns a mora to a post-vocalic consonant (coda). -Compensatory Lengthening is argument for moraic theory, i.e. support the existence of mora. Foot Inventory Hayes1995 -The central question addressed in any parametric metrical theory concerns the basic foot shapes it allows. -In Pintupi, since stress occurs every two syllables, and odd syllables get stressed, the foot structure is determined: feet must be disyllabic, with prominence on the initial syllable on the foot: syllabic trochee (x .) (). -Unfooted syllables are in general assumed to be stressless. Iamb in Creek has three forms: v , v v , .

Continuous Column Constraint:-If a syllable forms a rhythmic beat on a given layer, it must also form a rhythmic beat on all lower layers. For example: ( (. x) v v x) But NOT (. x) v v *( (x) (. v x) v v x)

That syllable does not form a rhythmic beat on lower layers (foot level). -If /v/ feet are disallowed, then in principle Creek could not have words consisting of a single light syllable, assuming that every word must be footed. -Moraic trochee (x .) or (x). More extra-metricality does not exist. Justifying The Foot Inventory -In 61 cases out of 65 in Hayes 1995, quantity-insensitive alternation is peak first going from left to right, but trough first going from right to left. These patterns are the result of parsing a word into syllable trochees, going in either direction.

-Hayess basic proposal in the above statement is that: the syllabic trochee is the basic mechanism available for quantity-insensitive languages. But this may be different for Kurdish. -The exceptions of syllabic trochee, moraic trochee and Iamb have been tackled in different ways: Jacobs (1990) in On Markedness and Bounded stress Systems, suggests adopting another foot type, the mirror image of syllabic trochee, i.e. syllabic Iamb. While Hayes advocates retaining the three basic foot types. -Another argument for foot structure is that the segmental phonology of a language often appears to be directed towards enforcing the canonical shapes of foot at the surface. - It is a recurring theme in Hayes (1995) that metrical structure is not just a means of deriving stress but serves as a general organizing principle for the phonology of a language. This means metrical structure plays role in quantity-insensitive languages too. -The widespread occurrence of lengthening rules in Iambic languages is a consequence of their enforcing optimal iambic foot structure. -In trochaic languages, lengthening is less common and typically has lesser status whereas in Iambic languages lengthening is frequent and robust, based on its function in fulfilling rhythmic target. -Vowel reduction is more common with (Iambic or Trochaic) languages, as the Iambic/Trochaic law would predict. -If there is a minimal word violation, i.e. words smaller than foot, this means there is degenerate foot in that language. (Hayes P90) -In a language that allow minimal word, leftover syllables during parsing are regarded as foot due to (Continuous Column Constraint) and therefore that syllable attracts stress. -There may be syllables that are neither extra-metrical nor parsed into foot like the case of Latin (Hayes 1995:92). -Obligatory Branching Parameter requires that that head of a foot be a heavy syllable. -Degenerate foot in some languages can be repaired by: a) vowel lengthening b) reparsing of foot boundaries. -degenerate foot are sharply limited in Universal Grammar, the few languages allow degenerate foot only do so in strong metrical position. -Quantity-insensitive languages employ a minimal word constraint of the form /-/, i.e. one strong syllable. The minimal content word is either or -/ but NOT a single light syllable . Hayes 1995:103). More on Extra-Metricality

a. b. c. d.

Only constituents are extra-metrical. They may be located on a specific edge. The unmarked edge is the right one. An extra-metricality rule is blocked if it would render the entire of the stress rules extra-metrical.

-Higher level extrametrical elements may include lower level ones, i.e. an extrametricality foot may include a phoneme. -A stray consonant renders the preceding syllable or foot non-peripheral. - In most languages, segments are not allowed to surface unless they are syllabified, and this is regarded as strong evidence in favour of exhaustive parsing. - Stray Adjunction states that once again a given layer of metrical structure has been created, any element that is stray (extrametrical) on that layer is incorporated as a metrically weak member of an adjacent constituent. Hayes does not adopt stray adjunction for several reasons. -The unstressable word syndrome is repaired by one of these four strategies: a) Lengthening and shortening of vowels b) incorporation c) Revocation of extrametricality d) blockage of foot construction. In Kurdish, the vowel in CV words like (bo and a ) are lengthened to account for word minimality and unstressable word syndrome. -Bracketed grids can be constructed bottom-up or top-down and the choice depends on the language in question. -In a number of languages, the feet are not reflected in secondary stress or any other phonetic correlates; this can be accounted for in two ways:i. The phonetic and phonological rules of the language just happen not to provide any means of manifesting foot structure. ii. The other possibility is that the feet are removed by phonological rule, (HV) call it conflation to remove unnecessary structure. Conflation removes the lowest line of grid. -In some languages, stress is assigned to moras, dividing a heavy syllable into two feet. -Syllable-timed languages have fewer syllable forms than stress-timed languages, and their syllables do not undergo vowel reduction. -There is a tendency for languages having quantity distinctions to select quantity sensitive templates, i.e., (Iambs and Moraic trochees) but this is not always true. -languages without quantity-distinctions are assumed to have only light syllables. Degenerate foot in these languages have only this syllable ().

-iamb languages have duration contrast between stressed and unstressed syllables, while trochaic languages have intensity contrast. This leads to lack of bigger layer in metrical structure. Chapter 7 Syllable Weight Unbounded stress systems: systems that are sensitive to syllable weight but place no limits on the distance between stress or between stress and word boundary. Crowhurst (1991a0 argues that in Tubatulabal, closed syllables count as light for stress but as heavy for purposes of reduplication. -Steraide (1991) argues for dual criteria of weight in Ancient Greek and many other languages, she proposes an explicit theory of the phenomenon. Dual criteria for syllable weight is true for Kurdish too as for purposes of stress placement syllables are weak while for compensatory lengthening they are strong. - In such languages, moras form a kind of grid within the syllable, where the height of the column depends on the sonority of the segment it is associated with. Processes that treat CVC as heavy may be expressed as referring to the lower layer of the syllable internal grid, while processes that treat CVC as light would refer to the higher layer. (Look at the diagram in Hayes) Phrasal stress Hayes Phrasal stress carries out these two operations: a) Assignment of relative prominence contours to strings of words, based on morpho-syntactic structure, focus and other factors. b) Adjustment via movement or deletion of the resulting contours in accord with rhythmic principles: e.g. avoidance of clash, equal spacing of stress. Types of phrasal stress rules:a) End Rules, b) Move X, c) De-stressing, d) Beat addition End Rule functions to establish relative prominence relations between members of a phrase. Important -In Kurdish, stress plays a marginal role in focussing a particular constituent; I assume that focus is mainly obtained through movement of the particular constituent to the front of the sentence. -It is not clear whether End Rule applies to morpho-syntactic structure or to phonological domains of the sort proposed in the theory of the prosodic hierarchy. The latter option is argued for by Nespor and Vogel (1989) but Hayes leave this issue open.

-Hayes adopts Pierrhumbarts (1980) view in which stress is independent of intonation and pitch accents are constrained to attach to the strongest available stress. -This view differs from Selkirk 1984 and Gussenhovan (1991) where the assignment of intonational pitch accent is integrated to the phrasal stress assignment system. -Stress movement is subject to language particulars, in English, it moves leftward while in German it moves rightward. -Beat Addition is the effect of increasing the degree of rhythmic alternation in a phrase by increasing the level of stress on particular. Eurhythmic: stresses are spaced not too closely and not too far apart. -Schmerling 1976, Bing 1978, and Ladd 1980 argue that verbs tend to resist receiving phrasal stress. -Ladd 1980 states that there appears to be hierarchy of stressability among grammatical categories, whereby verbs in particular resist beat addition. -If we adopt stress equalization by HV, we generate incorrect secondary stress contours for broad classes of examples. -Function words such as pronouns, typically do not take physical stress. This can be accounted for by phonologically cliticizing them onto neighbouring full words as in Hayes (1989), they are not present as terminals for purposes of phrasal stress rules. -Pretonic: preceding the main stress on the entire utterance. -Phrasal stress rules respect the faithfulness conditions and the Continuous Column Constraint.

Glide Formation in French (Hannahs 1995) -Glide formation is a phonological process of French by which the high vowels (i, y, u) become the corresponding glides ( j,,w) when followed by another vowel. -Glide formation applies word internally, but not between a stem and a suffix. GF does not apply across words. -In Kurdish, no word begins with a vowel but clitics can begin with vowels and this phenomenon can be tested.

-GF does not occur with the attachment of certain prefixes, this means that these prefixes are phonological words. -Prefixation and compounding must take place on a third lexical level, clitical phrase for example. -GF is applied within a stem or between a stem + suffix but blocked between prefix + stem. The domain of application of GF is the PrWd. -(Re)syllabification occurs within the domain of phonological phrase in French but closed syllable adjustment occurs within a PrWd. -In /s/ + consonants, the /s/ closes the preceding vowel, but when the preceding vowel is in a prefix, which is a PrWd, Re-syllabification is blocked. The same behaviour is seen between members of a compound. The Role of Prosodic Phonology in Lexical Phonology Nespor and Vogel (1986) assume that from the prosodic word upwards, the prosodic hierarchy is post-lexical. -Vogel (1991b) presents evidence that the phonological word must be constructed in the lexicon. -The clitic group must be established post-lexically in French (Hannahs 1995) since its construction refers crucially to syntax, that is, to independent words plus adjacent clitics. -Given the parametric option available to languages concerning the prosodic word formation, it may be possible to form PrWd post lexically in some languages. -A large borrowed vocabulary in a language suggests lexical segregation as in English and Malayalam. -Languages like French, with a unitary linguistic background should not require a partitioned lexicon. -Prosodic hierarchy consists of a finite set of constituents which define the domains of application of phonological rules. Peter Roachs Views on Prosody (Phonetic view) -Prosody; The early days: - Voice quality, facial expressions and gestures are least linguistic aspects of prosody. -Tone, tempo (the speed we speak with), prominence (stress), pitch, voice quality are linguistic aspects of prosody. -Proximic: how you position yourself to the person you are speaking to.

- Pauses are random, sometimes we run out of breath, or it may be related to the syntactic structure, or rhetorically, the word we are going to say is so important that we try to make sure that nobody misses it. -Stress, in its phonetic manifestations, is not simply a matter of how loud a syllable is, but other features which are much more important such as: pitch, prominence, vowel length and so on. -Tempo: The speed we speak, it is easy to identify. Some of which are linguistically important, some of which is the matter of personality. -Rhythmicality: We all have the ability to speak in a rhythmical way if it is appropriate. -Voice Quality: It is outside the area of linguistics to what is often called para-linguistics. Prosody: Linguistic Structure and interaction: -Form and function of prosody and intonation must be set apart. When we look at form, we look at phonetics or physical manifestation of it. When we talk about function, we say that intonation help us to understand the grammatical structure of what sb. Says or signals our attitude. -Tempo: Crystal points out there is a linguistic function of tempo in the sense that there is areas on why speakers tend to pronounce some part of their speech very rapidly and other parts very slowly. There may be grammatical and pragmatic reasons into it. Grammatical Reasons: for example, subordinate clauses may be spoken more rapidly and at lower pitch as they do not convey new information. -Pragmatic Reasons: Sport commentators speak quickly when the ball hits the post and even in tennis. Or, politicians may speak slowly when they want people to pay attention and speak quickly when they do not want people to pay attention. -Stress and intonation: - In terms of phonetic analysis, it is never possible to separate stress from intonation. You can never say this part of sound corresponds to stress and this part corresponds to intonation as much of what we call stress depends heavily on pitch movement. - If we try conceptually to look at stress without looking into intonation, we are looking at where we put stress and thus we abstract the problem and forget the rise and the fall, the pitch of the voice. -SPE looked at stress without looking at intonation. -According to Peter Roach, metrical phonology and the theories of phonology did not advance our knowledge of stress in conversing or how people may learn to use it. -Daniel Jones says: you can learn the stress of the word as you learn the word.

-There is regularity in English stress and it is not true to say they are random. -It is easier to learn stress as you learn the word than to learn rules. -Transcribing Intonation (TOBI) system: -TOBI is a system for transcribing and analysing intonation. The developers of this system were interested in metrical and auto-segmental phonology. -We can break down the complexity of speech into high and low. This system was to develop the tone languages of Africa which can be analysed into high and low. Fundamental Frequency (FO): This is the frequency of the vibration of your vocal folds and it is something which is objectively measurable. -Fundamental Frequency is not intonation; it is a physical counterpart of intonation. -Intonation is in your head and heard, it is not what computer measures. Discourse Intonation: -The kind of description which says fall-rise indicates uncertainty or something to follow is incomplete and looks like looking at one player in a game of tennis, but Discourse Intonation looks at both sides. - But Discourse Intonation cannot account for some features of transcription as features such as tempo, voice quality are excluded from the description. - Discourse Intonation is not reaching its peak but it is not dead. -TOBI is no longer practical and Peter Roach regrets working on it. -Rhythm and stress-timing: -Rhythm is something you can teach. -Stress-timing theory: stressed syllables tend to occur at regular intervals of time in stresstimed rhythm. - Stress-timing theory depends on three principle components: i. Regular alternation between stressed and unstressed syllables. ii. Stresses are located in particular places and are rule-governed. iii. We adjust the intervals between stressed syllables so as they are regular.