EAST EUROPEAN MONOGRAPHS, NO. X THE BOSNIAN CHURCH: ANEW INTERPRETATION A Study of the Bosnian Church and Its Place in State and Society from the 13th to the 15th Centuries JOHN V.A. FINE, JR. EAST EUROPEAN QUARTERLY, BOULDER. DISTRIBUTED BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW YORK AND LONDON J—________NEWYORKANDLONDON 1975Ackrowlelgmens Torminteay Mop FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE, RELIGION IN BOSNIA’S PEASANT SOCIETY 1! Posen and Religion 1 Reaons Bewees Res ond Feats Mi: Contact withand Spesdot New Kes ‘Vil: Unreal ixret Models! Comersion FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER ONE. (CHAPTER TWO: AN EXAMINATION OF THE SOURCES (Cate Church Seures Papal Sarees Fancscen Sore (thn and PistoLivioot Vers Uncen andes Western 3th Cory Cronies Franccan Chronic Deters ond Tork Lame The Apocrypha Tle Tradocs Gravestone Churches FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER t:APPENDIX A FOR CHAFTER TWO: On Forged Documents 108 APPENDED FOR CATER TWO: An Alegd Trac of Js de Mas "Agvnst Dyas a Bora iio Footnotes o AppendixB i CHABTEN ll BOSNEA SHOM THE END OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY ‘TO THE ACCESSION OF STIEPANKOTROMANIC, 91317 115, I: Bachround: Cah an Orthodoy i BesnisandEnsvons 113 UL Heriy inthe Bakane a Datos 1 I Ban Kalin wo Chm 8 IV. Chargslerey tnd oreig nertrence Bs V. The inn poeRencacion Le Vi Beigoos Ase tom 1203 tthe 1220's Be VU: Charges a ery inthe 20" Bs Vili: Ppa Acton sod he lungarien Crsadsinche 1230's 137 1X Bosnian Chose Church abjered wo Kelese 3 : Eaablahnen the Bosses Chath 198 4; Reem Hove 180° (0 1308 38 Dll: pd Miclr athe Sraian Chareh 135 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THREE Br CPIAPTER FOUR BOSNIA FROM Ca 1319 0 1391 1a Tue Stepan Rowomane: Ears Pail Suceses and Relations nth the Dera ats 16 1 Conia Pap Conesn tons Heresy in Boar 1325-1388 177 Il Toe Esablstmen ose Francscre BerineViwit 180 1; Tweko Exalubes Hanslfn Power: Reston ith he Diteent Fake ue Papal eters At Boni nthe 1370": 52 Vi: Teo" Invent toe Hung iil Wae oF Vii Taian Bocas shoot Donat sma 19 ‘Vi: Tete, Calc and the Bosman Church 20 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR an (CHAPTER FIVE, BOSNIA FROM 1391101443 mn T, CharacteoftheBosnian Sate 13951443 2 TisThtes Regine Sourers The Serhan Anathemss, ihe Bale ‘Gps the Gospel st Hal rein a2 1; Police teens 1991-1421 anda othe BoseianCharch 219, (V; Paar in Scalar Service nd Retains Between Secu! “ends und he Varios ashe 238 LV: Jeo de Morchis ote Frances Mon ae Vi: Bonnandthe Church Coon st Base Das Vii Roma Cate a Boats 20 Vitis The Rout Fey: Church Bulg nd Reet with he nti Chr 2a 1K; Pa Ernst tate 1430" 1443 adh Sc elect Paes aa X: Pawn dobre Bs Xi: Grevetone nserion Giving Inaemaion sont the ‘Donmehorce 280 AIL Patria Diplomas Il: Scand alc oie of the Reson Church FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE (CHAPTER SIX: BOSNIA FROM 1443 01463, T ncrencd Menton Deals a Sure the 40's IL Git War Berween Scan Tora nd Sc Vil I: King Stes Tama Accepts Caicos IV: The Baste Church Tee Drag Chrer an Rady Ril V. Progress athlisa rea 6 VI; Pap! Mentign of Miches 447-1453 Vil Sean Vakli's Pole! Adis (1448-1431) end Rfigons ‘Vm; The Heres eso Probes — War with Dubovaie I Pace Teatesol 3354— Roleaf Gost Radin X: ThePavavid ad Patani 130" Xi: There's Deiogs with Catan sdOrhodory XIL The Question Kadagers XVi Catic Propess the inl Years of Sten Tome VIL: PercatonLavached Apa! he Been Church in 1458 XVI Thre Bowne Abe Bly Manche Eve e Rome Begins in Bosnia Prope espace ro Mectit 264 ie mn 335 25 ct ia 305 303 0 310 3a a 3a 3a 3 Bee a 3 330 332 335 XIX! The Turton Congo sf Bosna and Pat Played by Relig "EX The Poston he Borin Church inthe Last Ye othe Kingdom SET: Mention of Religion i th Hangar Banat fe FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTERSIX: 38 a Bas Bas APFENDIX A FOR CHAPTER SIX: The 50 Points Resovoced Bote Canal Torgerads andar elevance or he Resin Church (CHAPTER SEVEN HERCEGOVINA FROM Tats 14 [:Paunsin Hecepvins ser 1463 Ti Thetlreegs Relons wth Deen Fits in his Last Yous Mi: The Texeat of Goat Rae IW: Pais in Hetceponiaa Aer 1466 YOOTNOTES TO CHAPTERSEVEN 3S 2B Se Bot 33 a3 CHAPTER EIGHT: RELIGION IN BOSNIA. AFTER THE TURKISH 3 CONQUEST 1° Patan and Osher Heteodox Chris inthe Tacks Period i: Malt Trend Bosias ReonsHaory 1463-1600 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT BIBLIOGRAPHY Tefrmaton about the Organise Bigtehy Keyes Abiveymtons Ueda the Bsogaphy PRIMARY souRcES a Weten 1: Arches and Epgrapicl Secondary Works [REGISTER OF PERSONAL AND PLACE NAMES Ba a ber 31 31 33 SS 385 3sACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ‘The path slong which an American of non-Bakan origin travels Sele reaching the decison to study smal medieval Balla state could tray have been direc; thus i only Bing to wchnowiedge the io fence of those who introduced me to this eld. During my un dereadste years Havaed four acholits had ges inenceon me Proesor Robert 1. Well had the greats mpat i atacting me to Hiswey in general and to medi Ease Europe in pat Profesor Alber B. Lord strodued me tothe cure and fotos ofthe Sout lay. Frther Georges Floroakyintoduced me to medieval Slavic Church History ad the fate Proesor clyde Kuck opened up fo sme the iscinatng word of Anthropology and the importance of 1p plying tsmthods tothe study of History. Upon graduation recived + Sapsiv Goverment Grant @heough the Inte of International iBlcadon) eo atend coupes atthe Flos fake in Beograd during spe yar 19611962. There the exalt lectures of Protssor Sine Grove inrcieed me tothe fecinating history of medieval Bos. With the sbove background and Profeeor ‘Wol's encouragement wien the ine came forme chooses tope ae my doctoral thai what Could hve bee «more natal sje hat heey in medieval Bossa? ‘Once sgsin {was fortunate to beable to spend «year in Jugs (096667). This tine Harvard University povided vavelfnds and the Sogosy Goveromen (rough is Commision for Cull Asis arth Foreigner) generously awarded me stipend for a year's suppor. ‘This tm Iwas bned atthe Fiona llultet in Sarsevo, Thi a sition pede in every posible way; provided me with noice, se oft brary and contac ith sulting faculty. Thor, {had the revardngcapeience of working with he ate Pofeser Ane Babi "He a remarate aie though the mateo sources Ne not oly stade sure that Imsed none bat slo that I shuld be aware ol the anumersbleconpiatins connected with ther. ‘Through my many Salli aes ly alow the exminlgy of each cen. shouldbe kept ia mind, however, tha medienal writers mere nt avy cara about he way they ed teminlgy a as a oa of ee Inowedge or rth cages purpose ef dandtng a opposes sottins sid the wrong tem Tintedin ois rls cay sources conesing Romi, Mary scolar having lcd ta the Botan hres were ts, have Edin gps elngiem he eh cl sure mtr by eng the pect of aan cewhese. However even thee eda in Bomia tb cro to romenbs tht Bool ws¢ bck and Selected countrys hence the prac of sy Felons coloea thre would be bad fo sue scant devas foe thse o Ses coolio snber, Thana pace nt steed in sources ‘lowing Bosnians wy bstuned o he ened there. Suh Stange ud he to edb te coven lhe ew orc dex cout omic mihy ma of elvet atri ‘Theony ney wean uneape Bos's complet rages hay tort o Botte sore leg sources spel about Dos. ithe maces sunt tale the probe, hen we ma ‘sconce tees thea that he proba cna Fly be ole Mocsorer, any scars have iged the event of Boss when hey Peat bey le tnd hve etuned tht heresy a Boi Dupin, boner ley sd sours franc canbe acted see wey, nse che es sppesedlypopegte. Bsa Titel om thse ober fxn in many oct ony, ea te Aierencs mst hve had ingore apon rls bee ard proces or his eon, bee dang he hay of he Bein Ghar or te sure fom which our taro tay bas een tiown; {shal Gt ecb ving oo ne ofthe digs of An Ceoplgy\s) Bean's enn stiy sod wi hee sich = ‘iny ald presumaiy hare halon dens wth we igh hve Some in cota, awl show ts member mold ave eared ‘eis phenomena hs ony sal have ore chou ‘tnt wich oie the oad in oss snd we sal al Ein theca edeny ol wetness ey bad exces Spender of the people no sed he Sine origeustioremetcin pe csdred ina yacwum, we sal dco abo okt relgoss oops Dns tad sal tae it co ‘Scan he ed ate ht ext shot Cathal an Orthodox Church, prt, ad popes in Rona ad Hercegorina. a ‘osc to dacs ty rigs entation eae of te pee6 Medieval Bosaian Church ioral tamework, None ofthe bis and insteions of any con. {ete cued independent tthe soi factors and pli event of ‘eres se Thur intnd of ping ers Gocument 0 decent souk ES QES Ths Bosnian Church wis only passing reeencs 10 Tignes and events, I sal in ohe native sections of his wey ere rel bor prea istrie survey of Bosnia (ines ‘Mictg omerha fom sanrdazooms) it which I shal the See at rein meso eich becomes flevnt. Ti wil SOA unger han That ongnaly intended, ot since the TOG, Sed ian Chore were Boman phenomena and at narow "Sipe ses the ents 0B sine by th apreach a ters of TRIED acice whet is important is tha be ered out The scsi 4 rea, howerr hey lieve tat the pace being a Tnpeopery the oar pees cl such w colt Fave a erGT ether than regu," 1 craily wil at sei! Tan bt mg ingly 40a ay thelopa apoth se a aly masondertand the tas-wordl” pracce ined Boanan psn meni reeset any vebgius doctrine hat cold have survived ia Cree res tald haves have een abet mee, oat est ep ‘Beekonmen practices meeting tev noes. Ths immediacy oe teeta tie chane i sbcesh in his enviroment Se ecrne trae worily Heresy that fe. dt ve Bom. To ae acquired allowing in Bows, dealin a eat tel cameras, oka iver op 88 Sa eee. it berets and hate brea sid th a pope ther dent bed. Evens0, sees diel © Heer eae have pied sch of «tli alee 0 see ee punta tis weld(17) fa a6ton, we should note PaaS nce enncons det ed ptisn im Bossi ron ae monn where there snot en Cac presi ft Casa era th chores, pret doe spec crac Agus ee replr oe eget A peat deat th Serer cay times oe Bich cr a dew, Village church a ae hon he ste cea has een sporadic oly tnd de eric i ce eat whee he Erncacens inh edna, th church tendancy seme members esc amy wes. Sree eta he elaonship between pssant end church was ao Se Beene in the Mie Apes THis crtniny cen be eoished sarees the ule Ages and wel no the Tks pee, 15 the numberof priests of any sor in Bosnia was minuscule. Ia the ete teh and early thieonth centuries if there were any priests (other than monks lke shoe a Bilinopojein 1203), its most likely that hey vere themseles pensints who were more or fess iterate and oaly doubled prieas on special occasions. At the end ofthe fourteenth ‘century, the Franciscans (the only Catholic clergy present) numbered fewer then s hundeed for the whale Bosnian viearat, «region vastly larger than the Bosnian stste(18) Because they tcaded to live ia communities, the Franciscans influence would ave bees limited to che tes atound thelr monasteries; elewhere, in regions farther sway, people probably rarely or even never saw a Franciscan, Thee is no fidence that the Hosni Church had many press, either; their ‘members alo lived in monkish communities, Since thexe communities ‘were few in number the infiuence of the Bosnian Church monks an the reasants ws presumably restricted to those villagers who lived near ‘heir movasteren. We ean assume that both tligions sent out theit ‘members at specie times to vist more remote regions but such visite probaly tack place only ence of twice # yeas. Therefore they would fravebad only lnited fects onthe peasantry, who would have gone on living a they always had, keeping thelr ld castors ua practices ‘We have documentary evidence, coatrmed by obseruaons in more recent times, tha in any ral places with churches — and even in ome towns — was eareforchutch service t be held every Sond. Services by a visting Priest would be held on a limited number of CChucch holidys, pertaps no more than Bve or sx «year(19) AC these times the priest would attend to such things as bapdams, conesions, ‘nd brolstion. Today, in Orthodox villages seateed inthe mountains of Boon end Hercepovina one comes ates small wooden churches in fypearace litle diferent trom sheds. A priest visit such churches "shout once a year to baptize children bor since his ast visit and to seve ‘general Mase for those who ded during the yea. "A chorch building isnot always felt tobe vt, Traveler, vising ‘Bosnia in Turkish times, fequently acted the absence of eharches and ihe custom of holding Mise in private houses or under the open siz. (tens portable altar would be setup in a cemetery forthe sevice (20) Profesor Kejmatowié discovered in the retin of Gacko + melieval ‘rch hich he believes wat simply composed af low walls enclosing theareaol the chusch with un altar within, bat never covereé over with ‘rool(21) Even where churches do ers it ie common even today find shat for certain holidays Bosnians old services outdoor, quently16 ‘Medieval Bosoian Chusel Thus, cher is seen definite distance bewen the pest andthe forleciguuspparatus, We aoe thet no song fering exits that ‘church bting of vied impstance for wership.22) A pesat's BicSndsetgious lye center round hihome nd his vilag, and bis ‘Sion miniy expec secre of parsclr practes. His cotact, Si church stevia is light and is pnerly i eget particular Freceus,namely those ites necetery to goaranee the Reeth and etre olay apie) othe ret and were ofthe es, which he tun betiwes ore tes that ust be performed by a fries. The Aiajy eres connected withone's ie, Rowever, are family es and eral outa peste by contr, For any ocasons, the head of {he nowsbold pens there ites, though ceria rial require Sascha by otter categories of people (By ewins, by young, gn owt, by children, ee). “Cendin spctic bles, sch a srous les, or suspected witch crt (lt being carn ray tom one's cow to hat of» neh’, Stone's ids do not produce propery, ete) requires specialist. 1 osm the speciale s ply x woman ten let) or, more arly, ‘Ram who tows more magic hea the average man does, who scaled ethane gene's orn practices cannor cope with station, She fs ilhsame cas of pelt asthe midwife (who may aso bea wie) o {he peauncsurteon (who tends toe am). ‘any ofthe nadoquci foun! in Bosnian Chitty, that were to catve ei clei to condemn it, mere surely not the ress of qSbcalstehing but devintsone in castors and bell curing 08 ‘he iniidul or ilape evel, wre pests ted to follow what they thought were Christan bese and practices which they eid 0 um stead very wel fa time, without sapervsion by educted keepers of Ghesriae, reat part Of any rious system wil gradually Byram, AKI, 1983, py. 7.867 Pe Rycet, Pree Suteof the Ottoman Empire, Cologne, 1636p. 13 SI Much matelo Chitin rotors kep there Moses cn be found lathe inerstng. study tT. Djrdend,"Dresimal eed dh Jogatventen Mosimana™ in hit maltese work, Net Narodal ve, ‘al VI Beograd, 1932, 26-56, Arang the ary hasnroer ered out Iy Mens os Chetan holies ae” Moslems rchsing to werk on Good Friday coloing ep or Ear, decorating hoses th faves oo St, eae Dy. The ges uracr of aervanens te hep oat Se. Jo's Dy hth ‘Chriss Mesiena of Banj aks then te thse ate blre sams a rote them fom diese, wile cuewiee pepe bathe themscives blot blr the ae reson Te pesedngcenng fe ceichated particule by The yours rhofump overs, ke love chars Mosler aa stn the ‘ines idee los St H's Da, aditon ny Mosler ex tat ‘hey a ier the Day Proopias they maybe stuck by lights ‘Fagck coeve, hee crops ay be rained ty the ange seine FW Hine, Cotten iam nde tbe Sates vl I, Onerd 1999, 9-71) 32. K. Dragenon “Hovde aponclang Wsatrs Pete Mosarcaie 6 relia fateh arodeu Bags), Sits, Setlens, Senor! Borg 628, 1634," Surin, ARKIN, 1938, ps2 33, On the inertng problem ofthe dole, se ls M. Fipovid, ifn Musa" 2lord race Etvoprohe nat SAN, Beograd, A195}, 1p 119-2, ‘tM. K Chrumetedes Fonte, op. cit, 75 ‘Chrisuin Survie amcog Cerwin Modi Sabet of ‘ont porry Review (Lend), CRXV, 1924p 229, So. SeeE ape Calne, Lengeae and Personal, Boeky, 2964, (A collection of papers writen an the {920% and 1980") Scope Langues” (1983), pp 144. Sap, p36, nese che imports of soestaany a8 a0 ines citar, 31K: Mano, ldlay ond Uap 936), Harr Book Bc, 36 38. Mabnows's Seen fhe inten of misonaiy or mire Seles athe Trbvand nds sll for carpus parpes’ Aso the danger Lai he ae) sen big ole by tay thing ehh nlp say tat was ataaed the ssn perso heave it fo {hot hing. The very smal soe of oer andes they toque remaiae Ina watertight compartment of their mind” (Malinowab oly 293) meat gees, socal ‘cpqversiog” ae more appt th ‘ouching aly the src of nave Bll and never recht ther ae ‘elites te Bengt Sunde, comanstng ont Staaten, muting that38 [Meieval Bosnian Church itcan be demoostrated thst group at well a nid (a Suh Ac) have fon om te mision church tthe Bion, fo th othe Zen and Feay casing te gel nte lone, have rtuaed to Aas ania, sthece they hd stared eat Reering to Melssa and therfore to 48 Togshceiareat cultura eavrnment, other emhropolapts and ‘GEStiies ve aed idescal conclusion, Peer i for stance fonds hate worl the masons frthe tot ar super sa 35 ‘Sine sconcrnes, Wah ow exten, moto the abies reseve thee [tment beles nd tie tadinal pons tir ancient tas Fevlorncloc membered bidng, rng) tbe ssi the open son a {Setanoruity woes, Fat manonary ithe Pi ands in 1884 Te bC acme cceptnce oChranty by the nes.» The psig ike Weinman ot pula to Chine fee bi tee x osina CSoversion and only few caratns could deserieeas the ‘conversion af the Dpotleinthedopial arse. apd inoen tenes the tao on the ans oul sey au ake ies improper espe ofthe cosversion of tve Commies Lamarnary op sy pp. 29051). Sore Evan Prichard, Nee elon, Onfer, 1936, . 108, 40. Isha ben here that the enon te eh eious gravesones snot sel meee Bosin mere tart pent grverobbing oo Keep The core nthe rive nce ce are rarbus beliefs abot stones Feng the thiiy to lep» cen awe to bs we trough te ston ponding» Hasse forthe soe “Tie Lie and Adeontar of Doria Obredow eed and rased by Gc Nlopn, Berkley, 1985, pp. ULSI 1 Fea given 99 D. Rew," Vivodowojest.-. p.198. eis be ed that nha lager sequing» nike sets t gla berewarlng Mfomaa todo her sure wek in he eb she doe efi he Function elise isnot god and ths ought ioe repiced by samence ee |The aling cae were aqui cous sbout matrimony hep thay mar tn diced er onideraons fern rom hove he besa). "Toe mal aout marge ip Poms unde Tar le comes fom IM Flpove, “Seapenje razed hrdanat akeva pred hana tho (hiss, Radon! DBE), 20,1963, pp. 16595, “Thence in South Savi pope lt odie connecion bet ‘ncn eis andi should be tee fo yo, seul ake ome epi ‘Sourtn chances forancos of dant relon smoeg the Seri, Cea sod Hosnanc, tn tee likes relips Haye trequclyapeet wih com Seatoas of symutetc and el aia, Calan soe he ig of Sach ‘hbo Inthe tendency of pre vepons co aake thr gods et {thc gues but go sf spi enon (eae hut) This we ey find {he Devi porcsyel synptbealy in cenan fe tne (en A Sod Reb, "Srardo| pesmi Car Duka | Kea Jovan,""" Zoom radu SAN), {oh 10, loptat ra ponBoacye kjbevnar en 2, 1991, gp. 2667). O (plone Def ceded with etching men cori sil sd wade. 8. Bake rt abide pamens Kets,” Sz, SKA, vol #8, 1981, pp. 286: EF) ps enapl of the Dev rearing avs, being pepe ond thing thom ang meth. Se ato, V. Cajun O rpubom Srookom ba SKA, Boogn, 1941, epi p. 103110 ut throught the beak We tke Religion in Bosnia's Peasant Society 39 (Eisanoul op cise 89) On the Dev see aby T. M. Dba, Verona Dina thre Merion” SESE eh 33 9839. 400408 Sale ee: hind Sa Gite sch te sn reaps td Se ters anive ea: Hetesuc eedta ol aghroe. We Ebvitlcmnenswic bg sioesbs feaas Heth eee lone scence toy “Yon ad bebe tes ar Steyn ree mp eed fom oe ‘hatelnrects cy poten see sue que aie fy tot easy a way out and one that cannot relly be justified. AS noted sbove the Catholic sources include documents of ‘ever dleent exegoies written over period of several centuries which rendre anya priovirejction of them as a whole impossible, Each ‘category of Catholic sources — and fequenty cach specific document ernst be analyzed individually. Only in thie way can we acrve at any valid conelisions about the reliably of these document. It shouldbe pointed ou here, however, that even is a church (be it Ccutholicor Orthodor) source, shown tbe authentic, there is inevitable Astorion resulting in a» vabalanced pire of the heretics (or ‘chiamatics) This torsion arises fom the fact that these sources only ‘mention how thes opponents deviate from orthony and never state in Examination of Sources a what ways their opponents apre with orthodox bli. Thus if «group under attack were to have anya couple of “errors” in am otherwise tenirly orthodox creed, we shllbe given no hat ofits basic orthodoxy but shall be shown only the éevstions. Morcover, Boch the con temporary inquistor and the liter scholar endo make thse deviations inte the base ofthe hereis" creed (end evento bud up from thet tmhoe systems) without stopping to chink that chese deviations mey well ‘be pecipheral belies and practices, and no at al central to thee scual ceed, Wako should be mentioned that these sources frequently speak of heceis rejecting certain practices; this need not have meant coal ‘ejection, bu could jst aswell have meant rejection of the practice as performed ine Catholic church. We ofcourse have no way of how sight divergence might be seen asa "rejection" bye inquisiter. ‘Thus one must not conchae from accusttone in thee sources that the hottie neceseily ejected sacraments fr given fancions instead they may havelnad diferent concept oor diferent practices and prayers connected with ther, Finally we should note the tendency to lnk deviations with «stablshed heresies, This could easily have cesulted in a Bosnian idea bing extended or distorted 0 ato coincide with a clawica!hetetial cero. Such an identification would have not only given the Cutolic Church mare jusiietion to condemn Bornian “errors,” but alo would have made available fr polemics valoable and daring pejorative labels as well a5 the whole existing antshereical iteatore. And of course once having come up wih sch e abl (eg. making the Bossians jato Maniches), the theologian would have tended to bring into play hoe series of ther ideas asocated mith dualism wither cr not these could be found in Bosna, Papal Sources We have to tke the papsl sources seriously, Most are clealy uthemtie. There is no eeason to suspect forgery in sty of the papal forrespondence we now have, though there a hand of eters now apparel lost whose authenticity we must question. Yet because the papacy is obviously a foreign and hostile source, we must be on oar ‘urd in iterpeeting thee sources. The papal documents throughout the medieval period speak of heresy in Bosnin. 'A most important fat about the papal sources is that almost ex closively we have only the papal side of the correspondence, We very48 Mosieval Bossian Church arly have the incoming eters to hich the popes ae eplying. This is particulary distressing, since the laters tothe popes would presumably fave decribed the sutton in Bosnia and the aature of religions ‘deviations Tn the rele, he popes asully di ite mere than inform this agentso the means they may employ to wipe out heresy in Bosnia Leer ater lter from the papal chanceley rlers simply 10 heretics, One begins co wonder how much the popes actaally knew, since they tere never more specie, Even if the papel agents snd corzespondents new very wel wba the herexy's nature was, me would expect the popes at sometime to refer to it by a name suggesting that mature (6. thes) instead of constantly saying only “"eexy."” We would expect them on occasions to give to their agents a speciic suggestion about correcting a doctrinal cro dat night convey some specifi information ‘Shout the heresy, They never dis Yet we know that on at last one ‘ccason, in 1331, Pope Clement VI went ino some dui to describe to Ge of his legate the naare of the errors of schismatis in Albania, um, and Seria. The deviations which he Sound it worthwhile 10 siaborste on were something as well knowe as the difference between the Eastern and Western Churches (22} Did he never fel it necessary to inform a legate who was headed for Bosnia what eors he might expect tovfind there? ‘Thus we ae lft in abit ofa quandary. The popes clestly had severat sources of infomation about Bosnia andthe sources were independent ‘fone another Ifthe popes were in doubt they could, and we know on fecusons they di, seodlegtes, The popes cetaaly were no always Hlongaran dupes, as seen rom the fact that ia 1248 Pop Innocent IV told the Hungarians to cease and desist fom actions against Bosnia, after be had received alter from the Bosnian Ban Ninoslv, assuring the pope of his Catholicism. The pope on this eccasion decided 0 ingle into the matter and, eleey suspicious of Hungarian motives, selected two Damtins to lok into (23) The results a thei inquiry have not survived, but presumably the pope recived a epot. The popes tlso-on eccnson sent legetes ror Raly In sme cases the legates may Tot hive grasped matters well Because of language difficulties; itis Coubtl thet many atthe Bsnan cour, prior tothe aeival of the Franciscans in the 1340", knew Latin, audit is equally to be doubted thatthe leans knew any Slavic language. However, on some occasions {sack as Johannes de Casamaris' mitsion és 1203 to Kuli) the legates Iveve accompanied by clerics from the asst (in 1203 by Marinus, an Trchdeacon from Dubrovnik) who clearly knew both languages However, deypite the fact that some legates did send reports, problem does exist about she quality oftheir formation. Beyond the Examination of Sources 49 froblem of communication arising out of language dierences (and hence dificulies) is that of commanicnion arising out of cultaral diflerences, An educated Halls could well have taken for heresy the Dagan practices which the Bosnian pessint mingled with his Crisasity. But beyond this, ince Bown was no lend seething with enthusiasm end interest in churches and fort religions, its dvb that the legste, if he wandered about in a own ot village crer aw anything heretical eal. Iisceetin thie didnot come across heretics huranguing throngs of thousands. Thar if he wanted information about local belies aad practices, he wou have had to inquire. Tae only “heresy, dhen, that he was likely to have noted would have ben that found in the answers to questions he asked. We can be sure that the peasant would have been confused by any question of theological sure patto him. And ifthe pessane did not understand the question fone cataot put too much value in hs reply. And since the legate presumably had a peeconcsived nation about what heresy existed in Bosnia, we could expect him to ask questions concerning belies con nected with the heresy he thought existed there, Thusy by asking « peusan complicated theologial questions about (eg) dua a legate ‘might wel receive from that peasant, who could not make anything ot ofthe question, affimative but misleading sremers (24) The lepate ‘ould hen bestisfied that (eg) dualism and heresy diene in Bosnia snd make that report to the pope, and the Christan” peasant would return to his ploughing and domestic pracces. ‘This is pure hypothesis, but in this inquiry we have to go one step furher thesis generilly done when one speaks about sources off formation. Is aot sulicient to say thatthe pope knew what es ping ‘on because various legates actually visited Bosnia, One aes realie that siting a country dees not mean understanding it. The accuracy of 2 vsitor’s report depends on what he did when Re was ia that country where he ment, whom he talked to, whit he talked about, whtt ‘questions he asked, how be posed the questions. Unfortunstly, we have ‘no information ofthis nature about any ofthe legte Thus we cannot say i hey dd o did not make reports which were worth anything, In sition, in some eases there is question whether certain of the legates, who described Bosnia ever visited the country; once the Franciscsn ‘iearit of Basia, which encompassed hall the Balkans, was established in the 1340", ic is impossible to say where a legate who went to ‘Bosaia” actually went, usles its specded what courts he visited. However, we do know definitely eh i every century at leas a few Igpites visited Bosnia prope in pesson and presumably made cepts. Since te texts of these reports have aot survived, we cannot evaluate0 ‘Medieval Boanian Church thie gal Than me have wo conclae thatthe papacy had aces toinormtin of some soe oun several incependert sources (Ihe Kings and high egy Of Hagar, const ceric papal legates and, from the 1340's, the Franciscans and thus should have bees i a poson to now something fhout what was gong on. Then how can the vagueness ofthe eters be Saplined? The arses fo this problem lel es in whet happened a the Papel Chacely. Where nes the ilormation received? BY whom? ‘Wha tas done with te information? Wht ofcias were informed of Js contents? Where was i led? Who wrote the papal replies sbout Bosnia, and ed the writers have aces to all the materi received? “These oe questions which I cannot answer bur which woul make ‘rorthwie' fll tly on the pocedre and fncioning ofthe Pep {Chancery Onlyon the completion of such «study woud we be in pon to pas realy quale dgment about the value of papa Sources 23) Tn aldtion cothe problem of information avalible to and wilted by che pepcy that ol the way the popes presented the materia. The pscys uncer of writing eects ore than jut hostile bis; the tone Thre wth which papal lec requnty aps of Boson heretics ier nny ints to what Profesor Hostade alls “the paul syle "(2) The papacy i 1200, igtingstenousy against the lng ‘Cis beret! movement in southern Pence, projected pon Boss's feu soiety tien it wes hing enewbere and an «Fea tended UG esse Besa in temo of thi projection. The popes, eaing of tert tiny to, or Sing fn, Bosnia Desme alarmed that Bosnia would be other suttern Frances the shortage of infomation in Rome {bout Bost surely dignoting olsen ti wore. Tau we mst ake thin account when ne ote the hysteria tone of papal Hater bout heen in Boni, and me pebably are jusifed in concadig tht there is great exaggeration ia the carly papal leters about she size, Siroicance and speed of ifuson of heresy song. the populace in Bows also shouldbe pointed ou that eventhough it is Hkely thatthe vwerectlent to eileen nonementsin Bosnia — the Bostian Church Ida smal dsist heretical cureat the papal corespondence through igsoniace, design or lack of iterest generally makes no Uisesioas ad urge al deviants together “beets” Thes usualy {simple forthe render fo dtemane wheter s pope i feta 0 ne or more heretic groups when be says herent” and eben the ‘ine pope may ese chs tem wih varying deres of breadth on ei ‘erent ocewions Thus the reader shoud noe tke anything fr grated Examination of Sources 1 he comes acros the term "heretic in apspal source ‘A sccond very intererting ‘act abot the papal eorespondence is thet itehanges in character in the 1440"s, rir to that deere thete ate oy 1 few references to suggest that the popes believed that there was ‘uals in Bosnia, Each of these relernces occurs in a documeat of unquestionable authenticity. 1) Innocent Il in 1200 sated that he suspected the Bosnian heretics were Cathars. The term Cathac"* was never to be repented shout Bosnia again(27) 2) The Bilino poie {ocurtent of 1203 which the Pope surely saw and the 1319 leer of Pope John XIE refer to practices that might be associated with ‘uals (28) 3) Gregory XI in 1373 mentioned the “adorstion of (29), which cou, perhaps, be associated withthe Cathar custom of adoring the ferfoci s an iolaed instance, though, it could uko be attibuted to. some local practice. 4) Bonilace IX wrote Sigismund, King of Hungary, in December 1391 about the dangers threatening the king's realm. ‘The Turks were singled out, Manichees endothe heretics were mentioned, and nally schismetis were stressed Fee Bosnis.(30) Eeactly wherein Sigismund’ reaim the Manichees mere ‘Bought to have lived fs not sated The elerence to Bosnia, however specticaly links that and with scismatis,5)In 1435 a the Council of Bel a"*Terbpolense’" bishop, suggested thatthe Coanel take steps to convert the Kingdom of Bosnia which was infected with Manichee ‘rors. He sated that when be visited Boor he had been so hospitably ‘nd ceveratly received by the habia that it was all he could dt revet them fom Kissing his feet.(31) Of these fie, only he reference to Bilino pole clearly describes the Bosaian Church (ie, the ‘rguszation that would become that church), The other for could well ber describing other movements ‘Thus prior wo 1440 we have only chese few references in papal and concliat sources t0 dualism in Bosnia. And one may well ask ifthe tacit references would have been remembered by fifeenth centry ropes, Besides these references there are also several inquisition documents fom the thirteenth and sls from the Ite fourteenth end yfiteenth century which peak of dulist Bosnian heretics. We shall, txamine the inguisidon sourees shor, but in any analysis of the references to dialism in te papal documents, we must consider the possibilty chat the popes tok thi dea rom the inquisition documests ‘A second pesile source for the papal bali could be thatthe popes were deceived by the meaning ofthe term “Ptarin.” In ely this term had, by the thirteenth century, come to designate duis. The Dalmatian sources, fr some unknown rexon, feler © the Bosnian (Chusch at Patan, even though, 28 we shall argue ltr, there sie32 Medieval Boanizn Church evidence that she Bosnian Church wat duais church (32) Yeti is posible thatthe Dalmatians bean to we the term “Patan” 0 refer to the Bosnian Church because tat chtch bad cetsn practices simi to those of — and. posbly ever acquired frm — duit heretics, However, regards of the rigine of this Dalmatian label for the [Bomians, once it came tobe seed regolary there, t would have been natural for Ilias (iaclading the popes), upon finding the Bosnians Called Patasng, to have assed tht the Bosoions were duals, Since Dalmatian sources used the term "Putrin”™ frequently about the Bosnians ony inthe teenth century, an since the Church soures use the teri Maniches” in 1391, 1433 aad then repeatedly after the 140s, eis ot farfetched ose» connection between the terminology inthe two groupe of sources For example, we have » Ragusan eter ‘writen in 1433 othe Counel of Basel which ells the Bosaian Church, “Patarin:"(33) This later could well have been the source for the “Tetbipolensis Bishop's use ofthe word "Manichee™ a the Council. ‘This foreign bishop, presumably not knowing Slavic, could not have discussed theology ith the Bomnians when he bad visited Boscia. And {inal if, as we have reson to believe, chre were dusts in Bosia as ‘vel ata separate group of son-duaists called Patri, iti aot sur ‘rising that confusion berween the two groups and confusion over Terminology might aise im the minds of fregners. Ta any cae, inthe 1440"s references to dualism i Bosnia began to sgpese with some regularity; end these references continned until the fal of the Bownisn sare, alter which the stories of duals entered the Chronicles and soon became the accepted view of what the Besoin {Churet: had been dusing the whole medieval period. Thus, the reson that pople came te believe, nghly oe weongly chat ic was dualistic is ‘hilly becouse ofthe coment of sources written inthe ial two decades ‘ot Bosnia’ independent exsteace, The basic question we must pose is ‘What pened i the 1440's? Was there some change a the suation in Bosnia? Di the duals movement there, mentioned occasionally in papal and inguisiton sources and presmaly upto then rot significant Insice, suddenly grow and attract + large fallowing? Or eake over the ‘rpunitation of one wing of the Bosnian Church? Or did some people at the papal court or connected witht, for motives of their own, decid to take big ise out of uals, or make a smal sect appear tobe a large movement, of ake ic wer that aschismatic church was inked with Heresy? This prublem wil be dicorted tally in Chapter VI. However, hete in the discussion of the sources I want to cll attention t the fact that at this ime a shit inthe message of sore ofthe documents oc cuted Examination of Sources 3 1c should be steed, however, that, though from the 1440's we eit find te term " Manichee’” in some eters, the former gence terminology of "heretics," "schumaticy "en ocessenall Patri onrinved to be sed enaty a thd een elore and in fact ore Fegcety wed, even in the Baal ens Bani, than thelial “The papal lees which flr to Manisa in Bosna fl into two categories) thon eters bic we still hve which have appeared in ‘cholryclletons of dctments ete dering the at coma td tall These Iter ae of unquestonable authenichy and we bal ‘acs ther swe come oth inthe tative chapter hey ‘those eters mbion have not been so publihed bot which apeare in 2 ere of eighteenth century histories hich emtesivelyqote pal eters: Severe lets, two of which have been Hrequendy aed by scholar, hae appeared only i such works, Ie seme wochwle f0 take sarc of papel archives toate whether there liters canbe fod. lewers of questionable athentity equ appear ether in Raynal's Eels History or Frais lyric Sere. Bath ot those writers mere cleric as wel as historians and both believed the Bowtua Chore tobe the sme athe Bosnian heresy and both to be duals in matte, Rayna regularly in hi narrative used terms ‘oecying dsl, though the lettre on which he bed his macrtive Simply sid "sheresy.” One ennot help wondering wheter these eo Hnorine a tines dd aot change + wordhere or there rom “heret to" Miche inthe tens they were copying o cai things for thee feaders Aer aly snce they were convinced ofthe equivalence of the {0 terme, such «change forthe beet ofclariestion, cos nt have Seemed asin Flt, te sal se, wae also deceived by lest one forgery ands me have reo suspect that al his papal eters my rot be genuine The leters whose authentihy is highly aspect ae ‘slows 1A iter rom Benesice veut, secretary othe King of Cyrus tothe Bisoy ef Ps dnted | Oetker I esc the sev a the aglow lth Bhp of Ferrara ile em ee Botan hig, who npc snd ‘nthe name ofthe Bng snd the whole Boanan nga Peounced Manche Teuhings and ccptel the Roman lar (34) Regards of wheber the ‘comer suchen oso, the Bishop of Ferrara” surly aoe Thome Babop of Hvar (Freaus im 1482 the pal lege to Bost. Svea renons eed me p upect thi decent: Had such pie coaversion Sor ‘Socinced i stems lke that Nicholas V-colé have made the eee ve STarstnerolcalaog Twat fs ucteon tin Toms, ee int Bosman ng {G'tcep Cutcitn 39) Otber evence ae, to be scan eal a hie Vs mas aptet to Trio i ws aleny 8 Cle 0 or éamplein 1628 the pope approved mange to Calica fn 1435 he pape lene "Tera om Chur sso enone of eat 30)» Medieral Bosnian Church 2. Fate, having told hat Stn Tors hd been Mics or Patria (seowsngthat he coasted the evo word oyacaye) tes ag ter Wich evlams was writen by Pope Eagene IV, 3 Nove 1443, whch sts tht {he Bomian King copia thst he could not take ony Ao spin the Manisces a singer since hey wre power an atta he a johannine adr ranaria) toe stowage rng the tt otherwise woul eninge his kiogibm. “The ltr thea lotsa rey ot bebe, which ave cll dutstic,suposedy held bythe Basi heres ‘hey think tha the lcioation, Pas and Resco of Chet were 3p fren ha the Sus equal to Goethe they boven, that {hey dann he Od Testament nile tian en conrpang te New tad te hey eontenged marge red cerein foods (37) Since eer the tly one wich we have, ia wach #gope gives ny deals abou hee Beis in Bosal, this ltr atari seprtes self fot the fst ofthe ‘pal corresponsencs. Then when we fd stag fem all the sanded ‘Slconset ppl tes andclectons of papal vores forthe Slave ans we ‘rast wonder shoe our editor of such coliesics mould hve mated {ovnclods thiketr is cent ested aon, eer ppl lero the [seid ot ule ny ofa gia lorsaton aor even, exert eae {er ter of Nichals VOB) Which fle’ fo King Stes Ta ging ap Manisee wor ace the tem "Manche In fat the ttn" Masao spear inno othr lever by Eugene. Fries cussion some that thi ee ‘pens inthe se genera scons in wes fac resents deseo othe tgs Counel of Kane (hdo et deus ha cours edets here since AEM fas eaey Gly shown the docmeat to be a begery(39) Tht thie Teer f Fagene's shoul be sated wahin a yer ofthe ead coun and ‘pen ia Fah together we the dsc fhe cue Slice eason ‘2hesery satel! the sath ofthe liter, sn te sugges tht Fala ‘ay nether unter nthe sce pcee ban tee bg Te ‘Sipicns, Might ne uch eter have ben forged ia ade to pote more Verse free Reni coun forgery? A toroug seal of Fura ad ‘he docamests he ed ale or, and sith astady mould be to mcde + ‘earch the dacoments he sappy had mich neo lange pee 0) ‘These two documents, whse authenticity 1 doubt, will aot be ile inthe narentive chapters of this sad Inquisition Documents rom she thiceenth century we have the following three xs, all of hem drawn up by inqusiors, mhich refer to heretic elie in con rection mith Selavania, Sclvonia or Bosnia 1. "Deere Cahora in Lombard” (x, 1210)¢42) 2."Sumn de Cathars teen" of Rayne Sco (2 1230).(42) 3, “Traratus de heseich" peotely of Anim at Alenia (x ni.) ‘Beamination of Sources 3 ‘These treaties ll discus primarily the Cathar heretics in nocthera Italy and presumably are,to a coasiderable extent based upon testimony Idore the faguision by Iaian Cathars. In the ease of Rayner's Summa” we have the work of «former Cathar who converted to Catholicism and ther became an inguisitor. All three documents ae of ‘unquestionable authenticity, Thus, we Rave lite reason to doube the Jnformation they provide about Italian Catharism — its doctrines and cngenination, The three documents are consistent i the story they tell fon they ink the northern Taian Cathars with various Slvie doalits ‘Nothingisssidin them about the role of dustin ia Slav land, Fither the inqustion did not know moch about that subject or a lide in terest ia a The documents make clear that besides Bulgaria and Deagovies, a dual “church” existed in 'Scavoni.” In Chapter Il ‘we shell argue that tis church in the thirteenth century was centered in Dalmatia, but also had some following in Bosnia. Untortunatey, the inguistion documents do not define the geopraphical boundaries of Slavonia, or the size ofthis church, Our ony case to doubt the in formation these documents provide sboat Savi dualisr is eming the lietnood thatthe inquisition woud be ignorant sbout conditions inthe Slavic lands (we haven evidence the the inquisition prior to 146] ever interviewed a Slv), of owing tothe fact tht sone ofthis information may well hve been procured by torte, 2 device likey to preduce wat, the ings wanted to hed eather than what the victim knew to be teve. The tracts discs the beliefs of lelian churches but sry nothing ‘pec about the doctine of Slavic churches. However, since these Ttllan churches were derived from Slavic ones, we ean expe: tha they ‘would have had variousbetilsi common, However, a vatey of alan tesiels most probably dd come fom the Western (Feench, Lombard) athe miles, Rayners Summa,” written by an ex Cathar with direct knowledge ofthe movement, is ofcourse a source of greater relisilty than one Saseé upon inquistionsl testimony. For material about the lskans therefore Reyner’s work + unsurpasible. Uniortuactely he gives us Tele data on the Stave churches: but what he does give i probably accurate, He lata sixteen Cathar churches and reports ths together the cf Skvonia, Philadelphia, Greece, Bulgari and (Dragovies) total 300 finished Christians Gey insted cordhined clerics). He then sates that all the Cathar churches were ‘erved kom ether the Bulgin or Dragoviean church, Bosnia is never ‘mentioned though presumably itis incluced inthe Church of Siavonia, Rayner never tells us where the Church of Slavonia was centered, nor dees he give ws any notion as to how meny ofthe 300 perfec belonged36 Medieval Bosnian Church to this Church [A hundred yeus or 0 ater we have three detailed document of 2a inguistorial nator, The first i he tetany of Jacob Bech of Chieti ‘elore the inguin at Torin in 1387.(44) Second, we have a ist of ferors of the Hessian Paarns (Is sunt herores, os commaniter pstreni de Bosna eredun et znent) (45) This list ess i ewo copes, ‘vith the tle ofthe second ctersing to Bosnian “heretics” instead af osoizn Pains (46) Third, we have = dialogue between a Bosnian Pasa and a Roman Catholic (Hic sunt omnia pancta priacpalia et auctontates extacte de diputatione inter Chriienum Romanum et Patarenum Bosnensem),47) Both these tract are ound inthe ibrar of ‘St. Malin Venice. Rak who published them, dated them bath fom the late fourteenth centry. The second manuscript of “Ie sunt Ierrores is found inthe Academy Library in Zagreb. Moin, on the bsis ofthe paper nd watermarks, concludes tht the Academy ranuscrpt is from the 1370's (48) The Academy Uist is ound is a callecton of manuscripts connected with the Franciscans. And Rathi, 2 the introduction to hi edition of the dacuments found in Venice, plsibly suggests that they were drawn up in Isly for the use of Franciscans beng sent to workin the Bosnian vieriat. His view is supported by the fact that & marginal comment oa one of them fom 421 refers to a Bositn vier. The testimony of Jace Bech and che wo tract lary state thatthe “Borin Patarins” were dvaists, These Petarine believed in ro sprinciles and docetism; they condemned the Old Testament, church buildings, baptism with water and various other "Christen practices sormallysejcted by duals ‘When we note tht RaGhi dates these tact ate inthe fourteenth century, itimmedatly strike us that these two documents were issued 2 roughly the same tane( 1387) that Jacob Heck and his cokors were o teak 49) Jacub's sect was cleaelydualit; ead the inguision, mong other things, called fullzn members of it fom Chir! “Bosnian heretics.” Jncob described how fe had esrned his heresy fom #0 [alians anda Sav, andhow several heretics, whom he names, id gone to Bosnia to study doctrine. He then proceeded to give a ist of his ‘rors, most of which were akin to the theslogy in dhe two tacts. Jacob tls gives many det found in neither of them, and they lacade points tha Jacob did not make The coincidence in time between the tials in Piedmont and the ro tract, the obvious interest ofthe Catholic Chute tthe time in the Ineresy in Piedmont, dualists ané "Bossa heretics," ad the ac that this wus nota time of paticlar papal (oe ether Western) interes in Examination of Sources ” heretcs in Bosnia itsll, leads me to conclude that these documents were very likely connected with one soother. This would then sugges that the teas steed up imerest in the heretics of Bosnia, lending Franciscans in Rly, whose order was responuble for eeligioas matters in Bosnia, to turn me ssiouly tothe problem of duaits a Bosnia [And thus we could suggest that the two tracts were compile forthe purpose of educating Franciscans about to be sent off to Bosnia, Since the tracts seem to ave beon writen in tly, and thee appearence in ‘Venice and thee similritytoother Western ani Cathar tats bears 1s suppasiion, we may suggest hata leading susce for hes contents eas the doctrines and practices of the "Bosnian heretis"*in Piedmont, ‘bout whom investigations were being conducted t tis time, And, Since Jacob ends rende were alan, we may wondes how many of the viewsthey held were identical with views of dualist in Bosnia. Since ‘here were many duals in Tay, many of Jacob's eros could easily have come tran Western Cathat sources in addition RaGhi and many sebolars who have writen fer hrm have noted the sity ofthe ewe tose in Both content and form to Western ane Cathar tracts. This suggests that one or more of these tracts about alan oe een dasists ould have heen ised inthe creation of ove tacts. And ifa major source far the tacts about "Bosnian heredcs” wat the bells of talion haretic, then we cannot be sre that any bali ee practice aeiboted to the Rertes was also held by any Bossian. Thus these ewo tracts may be ‘much more sccurite in describing the heresy ofthe Taian known 28 ‘Bosian heretice™ in Piedmont than that of duaists ia Bosnia(50) rom this, seems thae we can use dese acts for Isle moze than 12 ddmonsrae that there stl existed a dulincurrent in Bosnia with which Islas had connections. Whether i was 2 significant or large movement, snd whethorithad sy connection with the Bosnian Church Snot sated in Jusb's testimony (31) In fact, the only reason to connect the tmucts with the Bosnian Chareh is the fact that the to Teli ‘manusepts cll them “Bosnian Petatins,”” and "Pataia”™ ita term used by Dalmatians and Hungarians to describe members ofthe Bosnian ch since the emacs describe dali and since the leans generally called thele duality “Patrins,"" it would be quite rural fr the authors ofthe trsts to say "Bosnian Patarins” when Sesebing Bosnian duaists, Thue Ido not think we can calude from the term "Patan that Bosnian Church beliefs and practices were bing described in these documents. In face the Bosnisn Church that ‘emerges com our study of ll sources abou it is very diferent from the sect being described in the tacts. Thes I conclude that the Bosnians "Bosnian heretic" of our38 Motieval Bossisa Charen with whom these Kalen “Bosnian heretie™” had contact were Bosnian Gusts who beionged to « movement separate from the Bosnian (Charch.(52) And sce much of the content of our tracts seers to have come from « Western mile — the Turia trial and ant-Cathae pan piles rom the les f Kalan Catholics — we may well wonder whether fou tacts are even reliable sources to describe the bei andprecices of ‘ny dats in Bosna, Thus shall se them itis study for lite more than demonstrating the existence of ome dass somewhere in Bosnia in the Tate Lath centuey. In 1461 three Bosnian noblemen were sent to Rome where they renounced tity “"Manichee"” erors.belore Cardinal Johannes Torquemads (53) Since prior to thes acrivalthe three had been i terviowed by presumably billgual Frascscens ia Bosnia aswell as by the presumably bilingual Bishop of Nin, we can conlide that these ‘Bosians held duis bits of some sort, However, since (ey spake no Latin or tslian and since Torquemada certzily knew no Slavic, ‘communication between the two sides muse have tken plac through tm interpreter. Since the three were not theologians and since they Certainly were scare cut oftheir wits by the inquisition procedure in & foreign land, we can suspect that they wold have willy renounced 'mything pot bere them, singly to return home more promptly. The fly points are similar in content to the two late fourteenth centary twaca;ehuswe aspect that Terquemeda, when he earned dualss were Coming to abjure errors, cuned ta the archives (posribly ang the to tracts among others) and drew up the Fity points poe to thes eval and simply presented this document to them tobe Zenounced. Thus the "Fity points” alo is not document ne can use with certainty to emonsteste the existence in Bosnia of any partcslar belies. Te eam simply be used w show, since the three men had passed through the Fans of bilingual theologians, afer which they had been forced to renounce duslist doctrine, that most probaly they ceally had held at feast certain duaist belies, We can learn nothing sbout ther specific bales or practices. We do not know whether the three nobles were members of the Bosoian Church; bur w comparison of te 50 points with what is known from Bosnian documents about the Besan Church shows thet the 50 points have litle or nothing in cemaman with Bosnian Church belies. Such + comparison, which demonsrates the ierelevance of the inguston documents forthe Bosnian Church, ie made i= Appendix A of Chapter Vi ‘Bxamination of Sources 9 Franciscan Sources Caching all visitation) As sated carir, despite the fact that several of the Franciscan monasteries in Bosnis ested before the Turkish conquer, no documents have been preserved in any of them frm the period pio 2 1463, However, various docaments (letters and reports) about Fran scans in the Borsian viceriat have been preserved elsewhere. All of these documents have tobe used with great care since they concern the Bosaian vicar and ane the Bosnian banste-kingdom. The vicarist, founded inthe middle of the foureenth century, included cot only ‘Bosnia and Hercegovina bu lo Slavonia, Sebi, fulgria, and pats of Croats, Hungery, Moldavia, Bohemia, and Transyvania, In other words, the Bosnian vicarist was a label for the whole aren of South Eastern Europe in which the Catholks were striving to. convert schismaties and heretics, Thus, the fscinating story, contained in two leters about Vicar “cob de Marchia's work, sbout pagan ries during which heretics outed the blood af oat Lord!” ver themeaves frm leather sacks Eannot be aseribed to Bosais proper fr we do not know wherein the cori ie occurred. in fact, this sory is related to the sume ares in shih subsequent event referred win the fis letter took pace, It may Gonceen Boberis(54) The second leer, written (cm the Ban “Monastery is Seem, also prosides no remon to connect the sory with Bosnia(53) And that ie wap ot about Bosnia i most peobsble, since Jacob de Marcia, about whose actives we have many document devoted the bulk of his time in the vical to fighting the Hussite heresy, which never appeared in Bosnia proper. Our source sso show shat he spene considerable time in Srem and Bohemia. The fequentiy cited eter af Pope Gregory X1to the Franciscan in 1373 aug has tobe used mith care since it lo concerns the vceiat. Thus, the interesting inioemation about “rustic” priets and some sort of edoation of heretical leaders could concern any pat ofthe vieri.(96) And finally sre probably should not make use ofthe inteceting letter of Pope Eugene TV Eom 1446 which mentions many peopl of bath sexes many places in the tertary of the wierist who do aot belong 10 any cated order but serve God with clean lives — some of them ia the houses of noblemen and some in other places che bishop esigns.(57) This leer mos probably does not refer to Bosnia proper since the Inst place ‘mentioned nthe eter, pitt this description, wa the confines ofthe Kingdom of Hungary, Trenglvania and Rotheais, The most soted figure ia the history of the Bosnian vicariat prior toCd ‘Medieval Bosnian Church dn arval of the Turks was Fra Jacob de Marcia pecal stor the Wea 143233 und year 1435-39. In the documents abet is trssion inthe verat me hear of any diferent srs of erie Bosnian hese, Bohenae eset, Hoss, schists, and even Poon, Mechicheesy however, are never menonel38) tis aio Tptreingthat even aise,” mtn intern he fitent century ty fon Verano de Fabiano, wo lame to have heard much of the email nit Jc sl Manco ste eve phen 9) seem very sangetlgn were jor crrent fBossiay tha Jen, ane theologian, didnot ice ad make some sot of cleat fefrencetotin one the docunents south mission nthe 1430's. Fabio’: “Taleo Jaco” giver fw deals abou Besia I never ‘Sounguihes betwen the diferent regis of the vearit I gives in fed igre on conversions which vary om manscri © manuscript. (50,000 te 100,000 inone case). Tae hers called "Potains” ate feed; hug i ot scl whe hey ved wean resume ft was Bosnia proper ance herees by that are were Bot Keown ekevbere inthe vist. This noteworthy for Jc own Ieee ever clled the Boson Heresies "Patan." Ta addon to the material about Jacob, the balk of which can be found in Fermendfin and Fejer(60) ted aber of other ran Goran dovaments ae impetant Sor the history af egion in Bos “The se Conformitate vite Beat Francec ef Fra Bathlomes of Pn has a lst ofthe monasteries of the Bossin vierit sof 1383 which hows tht thee mere aeady four monateris Sattsk Vioko, Lave, and Olovo) in Boscia proper ard sever others inthe Javon seylns(61) A second valuable Franciscan source is the ‘Nectologm, Besnae Argentinge’” 2 manusergt kept inthe Monstery of Sutjeka and poblsed by Jelenié(62) It comains one important: otation abou thei of Sve Franciscans ofthe monastery ES. Mary a Vscko in 1455 by Patri heretics xcept for material ffom Fescegvinnpatclay tha concerning Gost Radia's wil and inves, tbs the lot docurnen om Boats propee to speak about teiiy by Pats. Aer 1463 wo scan monastery hus a single deument eiehaag chronicle mstetial rlring back 40 earker fersus) tha felts to Paarns or becetics in Bosnia. The sodden “repeacnce the Patarns saree rm the sources is one ofthe ret mystic surrounding the whole heretical movement. Inthe yeas tha followed the Fraccsas roubles withther Christians were tobe fnclusively with the Orthodo. I is ah intersting to pict out tht vent 1463, spite of ™ new teomitlogy being wed a Ul, the Bosman Feancigans refer the Bosnian heretic 8 Patatins and ot 5 Examisation of Sources Maniches, Franciscan docoments from the period afer the Turkish conquest have some relevance tothe medieval religious situation The two major collections of thea documents were compiled by D. Mandié and by J “Matarovié(63) These dacuments as wel a the reports of episcopal visitations of Catholic regions of Bosaa and Hercegovina which began to ake place ia the closing decade of the sixteenth century and then continue more and mote Hequontly over the following centuries supply da on the numbers and citibutions of Catholics ae well axon the Ioeations of various Cathlie churches and monasteries, Since the Turks Ind edt agains the erection of new churches and since this re was sity applied to Catholis, though more lly enforced coward Or ‘odor, references to Catholic churches existing any document up 10 the end ofthe sixteenth century strongly suggest that a Catholic church In s00d in thet Ioestion prio to 1463, Tae Franciscan docusient tellus a gest deal about Catholic: Turkish and. Cutblic-Orthodes relations in this period. The ltter are por Ueularly intresting since prior to the Turkish conquest, ia most of Bomia we have no evidence whatoever of Orthodox churches oF clergy: there were just Patarins (or Bosnian Church) nd Catholics. But then in the last decndes of the icenth and throughout the iveenth eatury we find nomerous rlerences t0 the activities of Orthodox levies et thet telatons with Cathie believers. Since, as we have ‘raed beloce, ater 1465 references 1 heretics and Paterins cease, the replacement in the sourees of Paatins by Orthodox has been a major tegument in favor ofthe theory that the Bosnian Cuech had realy been Orthodos all slong and thst with the fll ofthe Kingdom, the name ‘Boaoian Church” — or Ptarin — died out and was ceplaced with the general team fr its confession and ritual, Orthodoxy ‘The vstatons,(64) though unfortunately Iter in time, are x mach ‘more suf source than the documents for the history and sahropology tf the area Fis, thy tend to be more dete an ive Bes: figores tn che numbers of Believers ina town or village, figures onthe aumber ff monks st monasteries and, what is particularly interesting, though forcunately not fr our study, data en the size of zadnagor in the tighteenth century. In ation, the visitations often supply data on popular mentality, customs, and practices which ae seul ester rvesigating any aspect of scion in the aren. For example, 4 1612 Visitation ves detslled description of the abysmal ignorance, the Superstitions, and the graveside practices ofthe Orthodox in Seem, who secre not even aware that + schism existed between Orthodox and Cathoe Churches, A 1623°24 viitztion for Bosnia and Hercegovina 68 Medieval Bosnian Church stresses the incompetence of priests and the conversion of Catholics to Islam. One of the most interesting ofthese visitations is che detailed paral inguiry and correspondence connected with it in 1629 and the felowing years concerming the Bshoprie of St, Stephan, a bishopric éstablshed on his ows by 2 Catholic priest who had become disgusted by the conditions within the chureh and by the fact cha the eesponsible bishop, the Bishop of Trebine, resided in Dabrovni nd took no care ot his lock, These documents clearly show the conection between lack of clergy (or the presence of few inlifrent and ignorant clerics) and spostaiing fom the faith. They also show lirge numbers of con ‘ersions from Catholicism to Orthodoxy and to Islam atthe end of the siveenth ané begining of the seventeenth century To lat, the vitations ste aie source to show that conversions tok paceia every posible tection, and that any study of llamizaion th does not take all these other sifs of religious allegiance into con" Siderstion mast be regarded as an oversimplified one. These documents fnd lao one 1640 visitation refer 10° Moslems who are secretly Catholics A visitation ia 169% speaks of the absence of parochial shurches ip Bosnia, and the great distances people must walk to atend thas. It algo spents of masses being served in cemeteries and private houses, and states that, just as in medieval times, there were no Catholic clergy in Bornia other than Franciscans "And inal, inthe eighteenth century me havea one wistaton a faa releceace to Patares Ia 1703 we hea of Greek Patarins in the region of ‘Trebinje, who ae clearly simply Orthodox believers, since their erors 1s described ae no more than those Orthodox practices objected toby Catholics (65) eis also mort noting thatthe history ofthe area often was ¢ mater of interest tothe visor, and he sometimes made references oi, usually dzawa feom lily standard Cathoie sources. One of these histrial sripcons, since ie quoted at considerable length the now lost chronicle of Pietro Livio‘of Verona, mil be diacusted when we come to spe of chronicles, Chronicles No ntraive source fromm Bosnia has survived, thus all such sources ‘that we have ae foreign (alan or Dalmatian) narratives. In adiion, vith the exception ofthe works of Pus fl and Thomas Archéeacon of Split, our chronicles are not contemporary. Basically these later chronicles when they discs Bosnia dfiw on one or more of three Examination of Sources 63 sources: a) Pope Piss I's works, particulaly his Europ, published in 1494 andagaiasn 1501, a considerable ie shes his death fo 1464. He believed the Bosaian heresy was Manichocsn. The basis for his view wil be discussed shortly.) Pier Lio of Verona's now lest chronicle of Bosnia. His chronicle, we shall argue, was written about the third dseade ofthe siteenthcenrory and wat sill extant and sized up cache fre lf ofthe seventeenth contry. He doesnot seem to have vsiized Pius, and thus proves aa isdependent source. He id not view the hevesy a dualiaie and tried to link i with the original non-dualist Innlian Patan.) The Dubrovnie archives. As far an we ci ell, ese were not utied prior othe second half of the sixteenth century. a he seventeenth centr they were stil used only ited. Mere extensive tock based oa them appeared caly is eighteenth century works, many Of which used the older chronicle form, If these early historians copie {ceuately, wecan be grateful to them, since some of his material 620 longer to be found in the archives. Chronicles whose lalrmation is fran chilly from there archives are ewssed, as thet data becomes relevant, in the narrative chaps. Pius Pius’ Europa brit discussion on Bosnia (66) Heze I plan simply to ls the items about Bosnia in Baropeao thar when they Yeappea i tier chronicles we shall kaow where they came tom. a) He reports that the Kiag of Bosnia, Stefan Toma (1443-61) as baptized by (Gooanni Cardial di S. Angels. The Cardinal had been a egte in the lungacin-"Sivonian"” region in the late 1430"s and we know he visited the Borman court in 1457. (The Cardinal was thus enether ‘ure of information forthe papa court om the situation ia Bossi ‘hough none of his keters about Bosnia have been peeseved.) This ‘eference in Pus was «source of confusion fo Iter writers, since it ‘ame to conflict wit the letter of Eugene IV of 1446 which stated that Stlan Toma had recently Been converted to Cathii by Thomas of iar inthe 1440"s, and with Nicholas V's leer of 1447 saying that Stefan Toma had adopted Catholicism. However, the cre for the confusion was dat ony part of Plus" account was taken. In EuropaPius Stated thatthe king, although he had adhered to Chesstianty, had ‘stsined feom baptism ani He accepted i from the Cardinal, Thus, i is clear thatthe two sources do ne contradict eachother and it was Simply a cae of the hing being baptized some tine subsequent to his eeqptance of Chistianty 1) "a Bosnia were meny heretics called Manichees, who believed in64 ‘Medieval Bosnian Church ‘wo principles, theone evil the other good they rejected the primacy of Rosie and denied shat Chest was equal to and ofthe same subeence #5 the Father ©) He then says tha the heretic lived in monssterie in distant mountain valleys, ia which wames, who served the holy men, aso lived, This story is epeaedin several later works, Pius als ee some state papers an diaries which unfortunately were lacer worked over by apoplseretary named Campanus (1477) who wat Bishop of Teramo. Later these papers were printed under the ttle of Commenter, under the authorship of Gobelins. These were frst published in 1384.67) Gobelinus was simply «copyist (68) ‘Since all che stories in Commentai willbe discussed in dea in Chapter VI, we shall not discse thera here. Allhat need be mentioned is that in 1461 three Bosnian noblemen had been sent ro Reme where they renounced fifty “Manichee” erors. Whether they were realy losis or nat, doesnot concem us here; hut what is impatan that Pius clearly believed that the three men mere daalists; andthe fact that the tseeronouaced the Sty ares, seemingly with no pres, surely confirmed the pope inthis epinon’ Pies I in Commentari and hie ‘Europa speaks without hestetin ofthe Bostias as Maniches. Since Pus" letters priae 10 1461 do ot use the erm "*Manichee" and his wo books ar wel his 1461 liter about the theee nobles do, it seems probable thet the abjoration had a large cole in lading him to thie pinion or atleast in causing him to examine Besaian airs with more imerest or through diffrent eyes. Of course itis possible that this opinion of Plus may also have been derived from other sources unknown tous, o that his humanistic interests may have influenced his cutlook onthe heretics by making him seek in therm a casscal heresy But whatever the censon it is clear that Pius by 1461 hal come tothe conclusion thatthe Bosnian heretke were Menichees and described them as such ia his Europe, where he itemized some of thei supposed terrors and begin by noting a belie in two principles, one good und the ‘other evil Pius" description ofthe dalise heres in Bosnia was thea repeated in the chronicles and history writing of the centuries that followed snd Ini the foundations fr the sll prevalent view thatthe Bosnin Charch was a duals organization, “The materia about Bosnia in twocther ely and widely read histories ‘carne entirely fom Pins, These two works ate Raphaelo Volaerrano's Commenteroram urbonoram (Pais, 1510) and Mate Antonio Sabalice's Rhsprodiae Distoriarum ab orke condito Eaweades (2 volumes, Venice, 1494-1504). ‘One strange fact about Plus’ writings, as well as other papal Examination of Sources a bocuments about Bosnia that were wsiten in the period immediately steric ill isthat neither he nor angone ele sees to have questioned tr deawn any information fom Bosnians who fed to Rome si otber tarts of laly. Other than possibly «rumour o two (eg the one about thebetrayal ct Bobovac by Rad) (69) not ingle statement ia letters, chronicles and histories writen atthe Vatican or elsewhere ia aly tontains information that we might have season to thik should be traced bac to a Bosnian erg Otbini and Pietro Livio of Verona One four hasc chronicle sources ought tobe the now fost chronicle ‘of Boss of Pietro Livia of Verona. Our dating and dscusson ots foncents must came entzely fom the pesages from it ued by later writers who copied Kom a. Tes fortunate that Orbini (L601) quoted ‘tensively from it (70) Peer Masareci's report about his apetaie ‘sation to Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1625-24 also made ase of i (71) Nisarehi's account condenses atic ofthe material and omits many \ktails which Orbini gives; with one exception every passage from Pietso Livio used by Masarechi alo appears in Orbit Lucci 1605, sso used Piero Livo but be deew many fewer ems from him, and s wseatly compressed that material that it at times seems somewhat surblek(72), Near the begining of Orbinis narrative on heresy in Bosnia, he states, "a8 Petro Livio Veronese wrote” and near the end of his ‘urate the subject he cites Voaterrao and Sabellico, The question Uae concer us fest must be, How much of Orbinis material came Irom Pleo Livi? Anexamiatin of the relevant parts of Orkin’ text Suggests solution, Otbini's acknowledgment of hie debt to Petro Live begins with paragraph two below. His tex 1. “AC that ime there wer in Bosnia many heretics and especialy the Patarns Heace the Roman Pope, who was Clement VI, in 1349 Gic 1339) ordered o the ream of Bosnia some Franciscans, men of suimed ile, among whom were Brother Pellegrino ic Pererind) aad Beater ssa Aragon ste een es ie ana so mich heresy. Those by whom twas first initodced into the seal, i would aot be inappropriate to speak here. 2.*The heresy then of the Patri of Bosnia had its origin (os rote Peto Livio of Verona) inthe “Paterno Remno,* who was ox6 Medieval Bosnian Church led fom Rome with al his followers and subsequently ftom all of Tealy, And hus, having been driven out and foe fading any pace {of cus], nor being ceceived, they passed on through Friull to those rezions of Bosnia where some of thera setid and cchers penetrated further on ta Thrice and setdled along the Dsosbe not lar fom Nicopots 3. And they ved without sacrament, without the ssrice (othe ‘Mas and without a priethood, tous they called. themselves Chrisians. They fasted on Fridays, observed the days ef Our Lord and al Christian celebrations (Feast), especially the Ascension of Our Lords they were mot baptized (73) abhorred the ross and were called *Paulician 4, "They persisted in these erors to the beginning ofthe last war bexwesn the Empire (Avstriai), the euers of Teansylvanin (Zapolya) tnd the Turk (Suleimad). But perceiving themselves atackea by the Cristi wd Jed into captivity as they were Tueks, they therfore resolved to embrace the ue cut of Cristaity. There were io these places fourteen villages inhabited by these Paulchisai. Some Greeks believed that theve had ben followers of Paul of Samosa, (Ghe Greeks being) deceived by the name. But the Greeks are in error. These Palchiae ae far fom the erors of Samcaata, Ad I bliee that, 2s howe of Bow are called Patani (Pete) in alusion othe aime of ‘Se Peter, so thoge ee cll (Palchiae) sn allusion tS, Paul, the two posts and patrons of Reme. 5.""Thentocurm toour rion of Bosnia, when the above-mentioned Franciscans came to this seal. The afi succeded contrary to their expretations, because they hag suspected that Ben Stjepan, who held the (Grek rite and therefore di nt give obedience othe pope would oppose them, but he di the exact opposite. Having received them with eat Kindness, he gave them permission to teach publiely against the oeetaid heretics snd introduce the Roman fh, for it seemed to him ‘hati was etter to have in his rel men of the Roman Catholic ith svhich llr Tile fom the Greek site, than the hereucs who were ‘pared to both Greeks and Latins ln thi the Franciscans were greatly ded by Domagaa i Volo Boal! canon of Ragusa, man ofletery and of vecy exemplary life, who found bimsef near the ban, holding the fice of chil secretary, and persusded him to abandon the Greek fupersttion and embrace the Reman se 6. "And the ban being at war (esis ssid) with Emperor Stef [Nemagn Ee Stefan Duar) and Nemagha, wanting to have the bon in {ihe pale of his hands seated secrey with Domagna and with some fier Bosnian barons, 10 whom he promised money and postion [or Examination of Sources o ran in his Kingdom and i that of Bosnia if they served him in this ‘mater. But Domagoa immediatly refused alors, saying tha he was bound to stick by his lord bythe love he bore for his country and the splendor of the Boba fail, into whic he was born, and that forbade Hla to do that Ge, betmy his mest}. Whereupon immediatly he {Goball sivised his lard of what Nemapna pleted For dis the baa was "aken with get allection lr hin end granted kim many privileges, thet, sul are tobe found inthe house of Babli in Ragusa, The ban never let Boba depart trom im during heres of his if, sroquently aiming in the preenceof his tarons (is seen inthe said privileges) chat he ‘owed Bis eam, nay even his Meo itn, This man was (s hasbeen std) in geout part the enson tht the belore- mentioned Franciscans obtained sccess into che rem of Bosca 7. "Who with great fervor and spirit disputed withthe heretics end ‘torougtly convinced them, and they seracted all of Boss. to ‘heaselves. In Bosnia, with the help of those who embraced the Roman {sith thy raised many monasteries and convents. They worked als Usora, Hum and Stan with the permission and Qjood) will of che ‘Ragusans who (sis sai) had become otrlods af that place (Bod). And they converted and baptized many of these heretics. 8. "Whence everywhere and by the fame of their goodnes and of the works that they did, many people of ssinted life locked to the cari of Bosnia, 2s was called he main place, where they have stayed up t this time. The shove mentioned Fra Pellegrin was made Bishop of Bos ater having converted the Patarin heretics; of whom there was another ‘oct in Bosni ealled Manichees (2 Valaterrano and Sabelica relate i) ‘which had monasteries, placed in valleys and in other emote places, to ‘which the matrons havi been cured fom ilesses were accustomed fome and according to their vows to seve a certain predetermined pevied of time, Thus they stayed with the monks, or mae accurately heres. This lave othe year 1320, The abbot ofthese monasteries ‘was called ded, and the prior stron 9."The priest, when he emtered the church hong in his hand bread, would tum tothe pesple aad say ina loud voice, 1 shall les i ‘And the people would respond, bls i, and then he says, I shall break ig And the people reply, brea it, and when this was dove the people ‘receive communion. (04) -Massrechs one departure occur at the place marked by footnote 75, Instead of saying that the Paulchian were not baptized as Orin does, “Masazechi describes a baptismal ite, "On the second cay of Epiphany tha pris, elected bythe people without any ordination prdgeach year, sprinkles them with water ging round aout (gmong them) and by this68 Medieval Bosaisa Church act they think dey are baptized, 48 the Paulin of today so are not yet converted ail do."(75). (Of Orbin's text, How much comes from Pietro Livio? The fist paragraph (all yatagraph divisions ate mine) could be fom him or from any number of Franciscan sources. Hs information is not new Paragraph emo atibats isl! Pie Livio, Since paragraphs three tnd foot area direct and satural continuation of two a since they oncain completely original data, there i tle doubt tha Orbiat drew heen also fom Petro Livio, Paragraph sx, and rose probably all of paragraph five (since it contains material not found eldewbere) come irom the documents found in the Bobalt archive ia Dubeovaik, Unfortaneely this materi] is 0 Tanger extant. We have no way of knowing whether Peto Livio or Onto imll had read the Bobali documents. Thus we cannot s3y trhether the Livio material ends ater paragraph fr, oe whether ‘ontinues through paragraph sin. Unless te Bob family hed forged these documents to ploy its ancestor (who eacept fora lst wil dated 1548(76) i unknown in other sources), we can treat the material in tee two paragraph evidence coming fem a comtemporary peimary Paragraph seven contsins nothing not found in any number of ait ferent Franciscan conices, Sine there i nothing orginal here does fot make much dference to us whether it eae from Pit Lio of Paragraph cight finds Orbioi referring to the Pius tradition of Manichee monasteries, which he attsbuted to Voleterano and Sshelico However, sace Masorechi gives paragraph eight in the same ‘words 25 Osbini, sicher Orbint drew the material from these «vo ‘humanists through Livio ws mile man, or ese Masarech besides ‘sing Livo also had Ovni before hin and copie this paragraph from Orb That Masarechi did have Livio in his hands and did not take everything from Orbink is shown by the story he sells about the Paulianisriteof baptism hich Orbini doesnot give. This description probably appeared in the oviginal but was doped by Orbit in the Incerestso consistency since & description of bapsismal rite bya priest Contradits the statement the beginning of the paragraph abos th Paulichisni having neither priests nor sacraments. Orbis, lo, may [hive heard elewhere that the Patri’ dino baptize themselves, Paragraph nine in Orb probably also came ftom Liio, since che merit conteined ini oiiral end since in manner of presentation the description of the comanunion riteresembles he Livia story given bY ‘Beamination of Sources ° Mastcechi shout baptism Now to date Livi. Livio in parepraph fou says cht the Polchini reristed in thir ezors unt the begining a his lst wae between the Emperor (Austria), Teeasyleasia and the Turks. Since Transylvania ‘wa involved it seems probable to assume that Livio was hiking a the Campaign af the 1520" mhich came toa case withthe truce of 1332 This dating is confirmed bythe fac that Orbin later says the heresy (which ofthe two eurents is aot made clea persed until 1520. Ifwe onnect this date, which as puzzled historians for some tise, with Livi"s description of events surounding this wart woul expla how Orbit could come up with such # speci dte for something 2s in posible tobe concrete about asthe ead of heresy. Ad by the phrase "until the beginning of this last wer” its suggetes that the wr had occurred not too Tong ayo. Therelore, we have some, granted not ‘conclusive, evidence tht Pietro Livio of Verona was writing st some time not long after the 1520's Having praved Peliegrino's work in converting Pataia ereis, Orbini goes on, "ok whom there were another sort in Bosna called Manickee,"" who according to Volaterano and Sebelico lived in monasteries (and Oebiai gives an abridged aecoune of the item in Pi" "Europaabout these mixed monasteries in remote placs). Then he states ‘hat this ltd unt the year 1520, Either Orbini or Livio clearly had noticed the dilerenees bevween the matesal presented up to this point oad the Pius tradition; ehis led whichever author i Was t0 UY © ‘stnguish a second soct of Patria, the Masichee. Following Pius’ Sory which was taken second hend from Volaterrano and Sabellico, Orb dates theending of the Manichees (least sch fs the costex) 1520, presumably the date ofthe wars he spoke of euler Buti the dating is based on the wars, 8 T hin ti, then Orbint hed slrady ‘ited up material peraning tothe second heretial current with that tthich petains tothe first. Ic also nowble that Orbini er Livio, wbichever one was the first to cite the two humanist, omits the psages trom Pioe and Volizersno which speak of dhe two pencioles Sndaetal daar, andeakes only the word Manichee" apd te tory shout the monasties which may have originally Been drawn from che Patarignon dual das aad which as nothing duals abot it. This suggests that dhe author ofthis pessege, despite the Pis-Volaterano statement, id not believe the Patarins were daaits. Orbis: then ‘ontinaes with an interesting Rodpepe ftom which iis hard both vo separate the two curentso heresy and also to determine his sources, lore evaluating the materia we have presented, it would be worth ile to Look atthe ther deta Orbini's history gives sboat religious70 Medieval Bosnian Charch conditions in Bosna, and the sources from which he obtained his data 4) Ban Stjepan died in 1357 (actually 1353) and was bueed ia che Frincsean ehurch of St. Nicholas of "Mileseevo.” (9. 354) (Source unknown, the matter wil be discussed in Chapter IV.) b) He tater Speaks about Stefan Toma, she king, and afte a few biographical detils, uses Pius’ material, though cfeding it 10 Volaterrino, about the king hrving been 2 Christin a long time, who abstained from apis ntl inaly he was baptized by Gioenni Cardinal dS. Angelo. He then adds that the king bad previously been infected with the ‘Manichee heresy. He then uses a Franciacen source tothe eet that Jacob de Marchi bad converted the ing (p.368) Thi lst tem came Irom legend recorded by Wasding about the conversion i the 1430's af ortho, end is only important to show that Orb clesry did use Franciscan chronicles as wall, Thus much ofthe material about the ‘ranciscen assion given by Orbini could have come from Franciscan sources rather than ffom Livio.c) Orbinl then repeats the story fom Gommentari that in 1439 (date accurate, confirmed by Pius’ letter) King Stefan Toma, to show his loyalty to the pope, gave the ‘Manicheer, of whom there were many in Bosnia, the chote of baptism ‘orenile. To thousand were baptized sd forty, emsining persistent in their eros, went to Sein, the Herceg of St, Seva, end parse (43 some would want) of that sect. (p. 369) Orbin, thus, wae not fully onvineed about the question ofthe neces eipiouslysiies He then speaks ofthe thre lesders ofthe heresy (although he should hays said thee lading nobles who were sso heretics, for there is 29 reason to took upon chem as eligis figures) who renounced their exors i M6 tnd gives tha story in the form that it appears in Commitar(p. 369) He also tells ofthe sion of TomaSevie's legate tothe pope in 1461 (p. 372) and of the betrayal by Radak Maaiches,(p. 375) both of which were taken fom Commentar Ft, he concludes with seme interesting det on the Bosnian Church leader Radia Gort (, 1467) (ance we can assume that itis ‘ally Rein whom Orbin is speaking of when he refers to Rady} Gost and Rasi Go). a) shat Gost Redin built Mostar (p. 384) (possibly © Popular tredition; the source is unknown); b) chat he was msjor domo for Herceg Sela, (p. 384) (This semark which reflects the important role that Radin eccupied 2 the herceg's court could have come trom a ‘arity of sources); ©) thatthe herceg wa schismati (p. 383) (which is sue if we do nor insist thet this has to menn the herceg was Onthodon. Dubrovnik documents frequently eeler co Herceg Stefan as achismatic); 4) that Radin was a monk of the ordee of St. Bas. (p. 388) (This szstement, fe, would have made Redin an Orthodor monk. The xamiaason of Sources n source is unkown, snd may have been based on something that made Radin speae more Orthedox than heretics. Thee is ao other evid tomake Raia Orthodox: tht din was conlessor to Herceg Sef, {p_ 388) The source for this unknom®, but ftom statements "e"™ and 3° cis apparent that Orbiné thought that both the herceg nd Radia ‘were Orthodons We snay suggest that Orbinj found it the Dubrovnik trchive copy ofthe hercegs will, which sates that Rain played an importan par ia its composition, This ct may well have ld Orbin to terbe to. Radin the role of “confessor” and since the Orthodox Metropoian Davi rom Milefevo wat also a witness, Orbii zy have inferred rom his presence that the to wee ofthe same faith aad Radin ‘vas Basilio monk. I fact points," "",” and "e’” could all have hee latecred from Hlerceg Stefan's wll With the possible exception of some of the material about the Francscen mission (which 1s nt original and could have bea draw, from say auaber of sources) andthe few remarks about Gost Radin, ll of Orbinis information comes either from the Piss teadtion (Europ, {hvough dhe medium of Volotrrane and Sablico, and. Cemmentari, {rom Peta Livi of Verons, or from the Boba reion. The acount tthe Orhodory of Ban Stepan Kotromani, Bob's role the bins Conversion, andthe bun"s motives for allowing the Franciscans to come to Bosnia tnost probably are frm the Boba archives (possibly with Livio a intermediary). Unless dhe Boba mateial was fabricated later 19 Domagea for family inteess, we should cepird the Bobs porty source. However, since we do not have we shall make we ft hough keeping in minds cialis noe proven. “The try of the origi ofthe Petarni seems arketchedand probaly i tle more than aschoary step to expan che name Paarn. What is important here though i that Pietro Tivo did aot ink che erm withthe tell known alia duals cll Patarin but traced the term back C0588 Tes well own exes non-duaist rote, which were actualy ia Man father than Rome as be sates, Pietro Livi’ avoicace of the more ‘Sbvious solution suggests that he bad some reason to believe that the ‘osnan Ptarine were not duals, and fo Wat reason mae a particular ‘for to ind wo explanation forthe name Ptarin that wa dot associated wrth doalizm, Ip tion, ia bis description, he mentions lil, and ‘om of that he contacts later, that might be considered duslstic ‘out then, and when he used the material oes che Pus tradition he took the material about monasteries and ket aside the atrial about two Principles, Thasit seems a Lilo, writing (ca, 1530) at atime when Pius" Manichee view was eneralyscceped, did not believe tht then ‘Medieval Bosnian Chueh ‘Bosnian Paarns were dualists and went out of his way to avoid saying that they were. We only wish we knew what the reasons were that led Livio to this conclusion, We can guess that he came to thie conclision because is Pauichian! were not dualints— but unfortunately me do ot now why he inked them with the Bosnian Patacins ‘What Livi sys about the baptismal and byead-breaking rts isin teresting, though we einnet confi iand do at know whit his source about these ites was. We may suspect that Livi abuerved the bapesmal (and possibly also the bread‘breaking) rite Gerthend. among. the “Paulichian"” about whom he speaks #5 if he actually had some scgusinance with them, One may suspect that he had actualy traveled ‘mong them, possibly a one ofthe Catholic clerics imvlved in electing their conversion, ad for that reson knew ofthe fourteen villages that he mentions (and hence could give such a specie figure) and knew something of hei sites. However, since he inks thee conversion with « ‘sar involving Transylvania we must suppose thatthe Pelican lived Somewhere it or near Transylvania, or possibly stil around Nicopols, which sear. Since the ony links between the Paulichian and Bosnian Prtarins given by Livio ie their alleged common origin, we must ‘question the relevance of Liva's materia onthe Paulchin’ fr Bova What evidence did Livio have tht che twe groups were of common ‘tgin? And even ifchey were, thei alleged spit had occurred to oF three hundred years before Livio observed the Pulichian erly im the sixteenth eenauy. leis quite likely that duriag those centuries the Paulichiz’'s practices and castors had changed considerably om what they once ad been. These dambcks combined with the lat that sthersourees show that the Bosnian Patarns had « priesthood and ceria by the teenth century dd ot abhor the eres, show that we Eannot rely too heavily on Livio's material here. ivi (or Orin) claims tht the Greeks (presumably the Orthodox) tied to associate these Pauicians with Paul of Samosa. This apuin smack of scholarship; the noted Pavlcians of Tephrice (ome of whom, vere taneplantedby the Byzeatines to Bulgsria and Thrace in he iat century) wer lo at ies linked in tract by ehei enemies with Paul of Samosate, We do know that small communities of ron-dualists called Pulicins continued to exis in Bulgaria, (generally thought to be descendents of the Armenian nd Byzantine Paulcians) who accepted CCholcism in the seventeenth cestury.(77) Could there have been tore of them’on the Danube? As inecesting asthe material tht Livia ves us abou this deviant group i, we cannot make ase of it in out ‘Study since if link existed between them and the Bosnian Patarns, vio (or Orin fast tellus what his source fr that link e(78) Examination of Sources 3 ‘Orbit (ost probably not Livi) presents the view that ee tes of ‘he heeachy ofthe Bosnian Church were derived frm monastic ofies, Though he sues thetitles im the example he gives, his general theory seams ald and corecboratd by other sources that pes ofthe church Aerarchy. Ie i. probable that’ Orbini found this materia inthe Dubroveie archives Lear and Rest Lucca compiled history of Dubeova hac was published four years alee Orbinisin 1605. He de ue of three no longer extant chronicles ‘out Boris tn adltion to Pietro Livio, he made ose of the Chroaicle of Hrvoje Voki by Emanuel the Greek end a chronicle of Bosnia by [Miich Vekmiselich (79) Ii ly through Luceai that we know that, these last two works existed. The cations Lucan gives trom these two telus nothing aboot religous macters. His extracts from Piet Livi, fer briefer than Ocbinis, are highly condensed, often garbed, sad at times contradic the longer strightorward versions presented by Orbin {nd Maserec, Lacs clsims that Bon Stjepan and wes infected with the Patan heresy and that che Patarias were disciples of Paul of Sumosuta (whichis just what Osbinl says the Patani were not) and believed in mo principles (which is notin Onbini, but i in apreement mith Pius" tradon) mined with mach from ancient philsopty 2nd Posty (source?) believing that divine providence atthe time of the Ffeaton of maokind ordained once and forall for everything, and ater that sothing could be altered (80) Lucea's source for attaching these vies of sie predestination to anyone is unknown. ‘We know he examined the archives of Dubrovnik, for he cite, thongh inaecurstely, trom the 1433 letter Dubvovaik seat to the Council of Basel shut the Putasin hierarchy. But in epesking of the eter which ealed the Bosnians ""Patarins,” he calls therm Nestorians andclams erroneously that some ofthe Bosaien Church hicarchy tied to attend the Council of Base. Whether Laceri misread the original Alocament o¢ had in is hands an inaccurate copy, we cannot say Besides thie material, Lacat also calls Gost Racin the Major Domo of HereegStelan. However, Laceactaccuratly calls hie ¢ Patri, bot sus thache was an enemy ofthe Roman Church. This judgment is not Contemed by the good relations Radia had with Clic Dubrovaik Lica alsa has material from the Francisca tradition: the murder by bison and bother of King Stefan ‘Toms aod his burial atthe Fran cGacan Monostery a Sates i 1461, andthe legend thatthe Bosnian Bishops in the enelth century resided at Keelere — a claim seenm4 Medieval Bosnian Chueh frequently in Franciscan writings of the seventeenth through the igeteenth century but which his no bassin the sources. Finally, cea provides an interesting description ofthe hsie-cuting humztve (godlathership) when he town of Dubrovnik, to seal 4 peace Westy, stood ss godtther forthe Bastian nobelman Radasay Pavlovil's son Ivan. This information presumably was drawn ftom the Dubrovnik trchive, Since much of Luccais dats contains inaccuracies, it ses that he did nese his sowreescerefly. The modera scholar mast ase hin with care, "Aa eaty eighteenth century history which contains much valuable uta i the conic of Dubrovnik, by Junius Rest (1669-1733)(81) Most of hie material sms to have come from the Dubrovnik archives, The majority ofthe dacament that he ecied on forthe lat fourteenth snd teenth century sill errt a we can see vate copied them with iccuracy and did aot invent facts or names, For Bosnian religious history Rest is most usefal for the thirteenth century since some of his material (particularly shout Bosnian bishops st the beginning ofthat {entry ad their relations with Dubrovnie can be found nowhere else “These desertion, sine they usually reflect tes between Bosnia std the Archbishops of Dubronik simor cersily alo came Korn signal Dabova documents that existed io Ress day but that have disap peared since then. Of course, we have no way of knowing wht srt of flcuments he used forthe thirteenth century, and whether they were ‘efable sources. But judging by his use of later document, we can at leat conclude Resti coped them eccustely Resti's chyoncle, which ads ia 1451, was continued by the “Ceanicheulerio! i Ragase™ which most probably was the work of Giovenai di Marino Gondola (which Nodilo includes in the same volume with Rests to) This chronicle, lke Ret, i based on trateral fom the Dubroveik achive, Western 13th Century Chronicles ‘Three thirteenth century. chronicles — wo English (Roger of Wendover and Michiel of Pris), giving one ext, and one French (Theobald of Rouen) with a variant version — preserve a nolonger extant leer writen in 1223 by Conead, Papal legate to Frence (82) ‘This eter desenibes Cathar xnt-pope. ln one chronicle the antipope appeared in France himvelland inthe ether be sent + deputy. In ether ‘he, the men who came to France wes called Batholomacts. He wat recived with great honor by the Western Cathars, and was allowed to Examination of Sources 7s sete thei putes and to inal bishops. Whether the ans-pope came in person or disptched a deputy, and what he did in France, is of litle limportance to our study. Yee the leer says that he came from “ia finous Bulgarorum, Crostiae et Dalmatae, juxta Hungacorum ravionem."* Jute where does this mean? Two theories have been ad anced: a) Bulgaria since tis the first place named and was 250 the home of che Bogomls, arb) Borsa, sine Bosnia seems wo He in the mit of all the repo listed. For several reasons am sceptical that Bosna could have been the home of a dualise antipope im 1223. We have no evidence ia either foreign or Shvie soorces thatthe Bosnian dualist movement had by 1223 grown to significant sae or reached level of real ingoranee Ia sdlvien, Bosnia does not border on Bulgaria. Serbia and Macedonia (nother duals center) do, but then aither of those places borders on Dalmatia. Thus we mast conclude that ether ove source had in mind wandering heresitch who hid) no permanent see aad who had 4 Following in this whole region, oc ese our source was confused about Balkan gengeaphy lhe secend explanation is corzec, we connor find a ‘bss nity cofasion to come to any contusion about what tray have Feanciscen Chronicles “There are 4 large mumber of Francican choncles, mast of which boerow fom other chronic, and contin no orginal material oftheir ‘own, Many ol theta were kept by particular monasteries, which began % Keep records cnly in the seventeenth or cghteenth century; hence all information in them about carler centuries snplycepied kom ater Franciscan histories, Besies the Franciscan” wm material, we can find in ther chronicles some leters and documents connected with their ‘issons and pspal lees to theit order. The bulk ofthese letters we have elsewhere. Aad if we do not have the text elewhere, we have reason to wondes whether the eter i authentic, and hus canaotleely take use off. While some oftheir chronicles ulized werks such as Phos’ Commenter ot Inter histeres, whose orginal texts have been preserved, none of thom has material fom the est chronciles und Fistries, The only original materials to be found pertain tothe order ‘andits work; quite often, sich msteril nce tobe tented with eseeve. “There ace three general categories of Franciscan chronicles: 2) Chronicles of pariculae Bosnian monasteries, such as Fojnice and Suyjeska(83) These chronicles being later compilations are almost ‘worthless as source forthe medieval period, They repeat the try of16 ‘Mecieval Bosnian Church the murder of King Stan Toms and his bara nt Satjeska. Fojnica's chronicle sepias 2 org charter to Knee Racivoj and conteins some information about the destacton of mondseris in the sstenth century by the Turks ‘A Bosnian chronicle of interest is that of Fre Nikola Litwin another eighteenth century work (82) Lavan takes oer materil and takes a readable yen tie. Under 1319 he ulizes the letter of Pope Joh te Mladen Subié(85) and elaborates; he makes the “heretic” referred to inthe letter into Manichees and Petarns, and claims that they lived inthe mountains and that some Dalmatian revolted aginst thom (souee af sis etark unknosen). Then the pope wrote the ban #2 take action, and LaSvania proceeds te describe the action agaist them by some German crusades knight to force baptism upon them (p. 37) Laver Laavanin takes a story from a renaissance hier of Split by an anonymous author which describes hugh fies ia Born which mele {therocks and leveled mutans, alter which in those eins it became posible for settlement and Bossian Paarns, called Manichecs, sted there and std that God burned dhe mountains for our use because be Tked our faith, Lvanin repeats che story leaving out the geo Patan ‘oral (86) Ltvanin also records the tal rm Piss’ Conimencaril th Choice given the bereties by the king of conversion or exile, Finally, e ‘meations old believers iterovir 2) in the Vebaseepin ia 1737 an 739, (pp. 16, 78) Unlortnately nothing i said about what srt of teil they eld ) The Chronicles ofthe Bosman order: The most important text was published by Frmendin (87) whose valuable inrotction shows what Tewers, chronicles, and documents were uted +0 make this cightcenth century compilation. The chronicle describes the foundation fof the permanent Franciscan mission ia Dosala in 1339, and the founding of the vicars, shortly hereafter; i nares the various vicars and gives as accurately a possible their dates. Tr doesnot tell us about felations between the Franciscans andthe Bosnian court and nobles ot sive death om whore the Franciscans Worked or an thei eatons with the populace. In chis chronicle too the tem "Bosnia wally reer to the whole vicar. Iecontaine only one reference to Menichees, under 1411, where it eles tothe thirty years of work against them in Bosnia bya Fra Ambrosis. Ie gives limited data on specie churches, but one ‘must inquire st every turn whether the dates are Based on slid documentation oon the trations ofa given church ©) General Franciscan chronicles: The best collection is the mult volume work L Wedding, Annales Misoram, which began to be ised inthe eighteenth century. Bosnia plays a very minor role inthis large ‘Bxaminaion of Sources a compilation, appearing only here and there ia seatered eeferences, A few leters ihose texts ave not been preserved elsewhere, which must he used with cate, ate found in it efter snd Turkish Lams Avery valuable series of sources, though ofcourse ait ster the fal of Bosnia are the Turkish tae records called deters, recently dscovered and mostly sill unpublished. The earliest covers Ottoman occupied parts of Bora in 1455, Then after the main conquest, allow deters of epions of Bosnia and Hercegovina frm 1468, 1475, 1485, 1489, 1516, 1528-30, 1529, 1542, 1561, 1575. The orginal ae be found in Ankara and Istanbul The Oriental Insiate in Sarajevo has niroiims of sem all. A summary anil af the ype of material to Be found in them aot the Bornian Church, with « great many specific references (though uaferrunetely nt by aoy metas u complete com’ Paton ofthe relevant material has been published by Ohig(68) Until All che material is avaiable, conclusions based on them shouldbe denyed. "The Tucksh deters have numerous references to “ristian"” Land, “kristin” villages, et. Since the deters call the Catholics and Or. Abodox."zebr"or “hai, "sd since twice moreover gostsare relerred to in connection with “kratian™ lands, we take the desigation "icstsn” in the defers to mean members of the Bosnian Church, The ckftrs were dawn up later in the fiteenth or even in the sateenth ‘entury; 50 most af the Kristian referred to were previous owners who ‘no longer owned the lands wen the surveys were me, isa matter of dispute whether the Turks wed the term “ristan in the defers to designate ordained cercs or simply believers ia the ‘hurch. Since che Turks were interested only in drating apa tax census to facia tax collection, they presumably did not care whether a2 ‘owner (orpastowaer whose aime had been given to piece of land) was 1 ay follower of the church or an ordained cleric s0 we have no resson toexpect ny precision or consistency in their ure ofthe tee krista, Icisapparent thc when the deter lists the aamber of howsenlds and unmarried males ina “kristin” vilage, ee defer deteridng pessent households (marted couples and wnmsrried sons ol adult age) and thus 'susing the term fr lay members (believers) in the Bosnian Church, ln some eases the dlters may hve said villages because the sant lived on ard worked land belonging tothe Bosnian Church, Telieve tht in most cases whea a maa it named with the termm8 ‘Medieval Bosnian Church lesan his tle (eg. Kris Radoslav's land), it refers toa Petarin ‘monk, athe casei all Slavic document, Presumably the Turkish Census taker woulé have written down names and tiles in the form five him by the oes inbitants; hence when we Sind the teksti receding amame, we cin assume i followed len use and means an frdnined cleric. Sach land could ether have been the kristion's 9, ‘which he continued to lasm alter ordination, ar die land which the Bosian Church had assigned him to work ftr his ordination, When the vero dling (hereditary land) i ssociaed with Kesjanin So-and-, (89) we may asume tha thee mere the personal estates cf the Kesjanin which he retsined after ordination, Since sone ofthese seem to have been extensive estates, i indicates that some well to-do Bosnians bocame ordained clerics inthe church, Unfortunately, we do not krow what becamect these lands ater the krsejnin dled; were they passed onto other members of his family or id they become estates of "he Bosnia Church? Since the kstjenin’s name ie stsocisted with such lands, rather than a ater member of his ily, we may spect that, lrequealy che lands went tote church — bet with his erdination ot be icater is death — but we cannot proe this point. Tn addition to its specie meaning described above, on certain oc casions, “krstian™, asa ti seems to ave desribed laymen, Okig ‘es Several eases of “histo families," seventeen fen to vlges in the 1469 register with no names given, and seve frm the village of Ristoke ia the Nahija of Ssmobor from the 1477 deter, who are rumed: Jolosia Kristian, Rad Kristian, Radeljko Kristian, ete (90) Here isa ease, chen, of men, bearing the te “"ksjaain,"* heading lames. The ebviows explanation, andthe one which I acup, that these men were lay meters ofthe Church who headed households dhus this would be en example ofthe term "krtjanin” Being used as ile for a now clei, kis, however, within the realm of posit chat the seven kesians were ordained but remsined herds of households feadrugas)é they might have been ordained late i eater etblishing a fay of which they stl remained head, of postiby they, despite being celibate, ware the odes Biving males of fais (composed of nephews with fais) tthich they beaded. One Ragusan document celers Gos Peatin (probably Gost Gojisay) end his family"; “family” may well have had a broader meaning — be it nephew, et, one's retainers oer ‘ants, of even the monks wader iis care — than one's wife and diet. Aescendans. Thus itis posible chat these seven kritans were monks vwho had “ames” in Such a sense. However, since i is odd to find Examination of Sources ” seven examples of whit sms tobe an exceptional situation exiting in fone vag, Tren my ble the these Kristian referred 0 are lye. ‘We hope thatthe pubiestion of more material fom the dates will ceoable us to cesolve this problem ‘When the deters peak of kes lands” or "rian yiages™ in a general way with ao indvidal’s name given, I chink that these were ands or viages which belonged to the Bossian Church, which may ave heen fremed hy the monks or by pessent who tured vera share of the produce to the monasteries, When a vilage is tlersed to a8 keisian and then the mob of fies and of womarred males is ven this would bave heen a vilge, Belonging probsbly to the choreh, lured by regular peasants. Of course since the deters are docutrents that refer tothe station st he time the census was taken, we exaot be Sore that at some cartier date monks hud not fares that Land or ved in the vlage. These deters dhen suggest thatthe Bosaian Church owned and fered villages, We have no contemporary Slavic charters or other Sources that state this, but since the Catholic und Orthodox Churches Toth owned villages, we have every reason to expect thatthe Bosnian Church, continuation ~ at we shell see — of « Cathaic monastic insitation, would have maintained thie cuter. Since there is definite cortelaion between the locations of the Ieitan lands mentioned in the defers and the Iocacions ofthe as we come sos Bosnian and Ragusan sources, we may ls suggest that this eure land was held by the indivi hia Ie als apparent rst inmany cases the ordained monks actally worked the lands themselves, For example, we hear of farms cukivated by kristans."(O1) This supposition is confirmed by a reference i Gost Radin's wilt stant tan Kestjniea ket (Christian peasants of both sexes).(92) Av letder fafehe church, Rain clearly woul have used the term “hrsjanin”” in the strict sense of an ordsined man. That Radin spoke ofthe erdsned ran asakmet” makes it cler thatthe monk aso farmed “The defers help us locate communities of krsjani (rdsined or not), thus providing the Basie material for a map of thee setlemenes. The ‘ltrs iso give ue limited amount of ets onthe Icaions of churches ‘Wealio learn about the sie of the communities end the extent of theie lune holdings. Thus we impatiently await the publication of all the deers Finally, the defers ara vitel source onthe conversion of Bosnians to Iam. By comparing the records ofthe same wllages over period of time me cn se the numbers and rate of conversion (93) Of couse we ‘st abvays Kec in mind that migrsicns also cecurte Thus, vlage NY in 1489 had two Moslem bouses and ewenty-one Christian houses0 Medieval Bosnian Church snd the in 1516 twenty-five Moslem houses, we eanaot be sure that the twenty-one Christian lames had all converted. tis posible that ‘hey had led and that the Turks moved ia an equal momber of Mosler families to farm the lend. In edition, one must be crea, siace in one ser twa villages willbe jines together and inthe next be separated or pat into ether combinations of villages, Bu overall we do get an idea of the sete with which an aes was becoming Meslem., even though we cannot always say that it was 2 result of conversion. The deers do nat ‘how changing of confessions from one Christian group ta scone, Tae dhters wil aio be a vauable source on migrations. However, fr this they wil have to utilzed with reat cae, Since personal names are carly given, figures remaining constant becween to defers cpn either mean stile population ot a total ‘changeover of population or anything between. However, when in 1468 ime Sind many abandoned villages, and in 1483 we find these same villages populated, we can salty postulate « migration of population, ‘hough we rarely Tear where the aew acival came for. Ia the defer the tem "house"? means “marred couple™; thas defers give no Information abovt the sre of the tadragea the ime. The Turks were interested in collecting basic tex from each married couple and that, tra al they recorded: They were not concerned with how many people Tred under one rool Tn addition to the deters we have the Turkish aw codes: Kenui(94) Here we have the laws which sey that Chistian are not allowed 9 bul enorehes where there had been no churches previous, endif ‘ew one sult, st should be destroyed. Tis ew is epentedinfananiof 1516, 1530, 1539 and 1542495) In addition, though the lass do noe dstinguish between Catholic and Orthodor, we know that the Or thodon, presumably with Tarkih permssio, built several churches and monasteries in Besa Ging the period of she laws. That the laws ‘mere generally enforced is tested toby the Avsrin envoy KuripSie, tho, relerring in 1530 o the sad plight of Christen, says tha they not nly could not build churches, but they could nt ever repir them (96) However, from charters given to ceruin Franciscan monasteries in Bosnia we know that persion Was given a times on request repair for even to rebuilt an existing church, provided that dimensions did ‘ot exceed howe ofthe original church, rom thie we cab use these laws to show that almost every Catholic church we find in Vstatons and otter sources for the Brat century after the conquest, must necessarily have existed pio t 1463, This then is useful to show where Catholic ‘hurches,presumaby having least some believers, had existed inthe ‘medieval period Examination of Sources at The Gospel Manuscripts Several Gospel tems from megieval Bosnia have survived. Thee of them, onthe basis their dedications, can cesrly be edt the Bosnian Church: a) The fragment of » Gospel made on the order of Tepija Bataloin 1393 for Stare (elder) Redn. This cleaey is Bosnia Church elder, since oo a second sheets avery important ist ofthe hierarchy of ‘he Besa Church up to that ine (97) ) The Hval Gospel, written by Krsrania Hal for Hrvoje VaR in the days of the epincopay of the Bosnian Church of Djed Radomerin 1404 (98) ¢) The surviving pats of the Gospel of Krstjnin Radosay fom the reign af Sean Tomat (1443 61) which inches the Apocalypse an ital (99) In ation, sevecal, other similar Gaspel manuscripts have ben preserved and may well also be ted to the Bosnian Church ‘Mich has been mace ofthese Gospels by scholars, some of it con vinoing, but mh thts, to ay the least, faretched. Whats included in thom was clear the “earn” ofthe heretical charch, but we donot now what the texts meant to the Bosnian Charchmen and how they incerpretd them. The Gospels inluded the whole New Testament (Generally with ight changes in cede, the most common change Deng the placing of the Apocalose immediately ater the Gospels) This Sows that ehe Bosnian Church strbuted grest importance to this beak, but so did the Catholic West. In adition, the Gospel texts often the Old Testameat, Moses’ Ten Commendments; in 's Gospel they were placed in the mide ofthe New Testament. The absence of the rest of the Old Testament probably had 1tde ‘sqiicane. Iwas common practice in the Middle Age nthe West, sso, 10 prepare New Testaments and Gospels withost the Old Tesament, which played «very sallole ia sevice. ‘The Bosnian Gospels were so cose to the texts of the Orthodox ‘Church chat in several cases they were actualy used later in Orthodox churches, The fragment of Batlo's Gospel has later notation from 1703 retereing ait presence inthe Orthodox monastery "Ske"brno,"" (100) In the margin of the Heal text the words 2ulelo" (beginning) tnd *kon'e” (end) appear beside passages a places coreesponding wo the readings of the Gospel throughout the year in the Orthodox Chur (101) Pressmably this signifies citer the it was Inter used in an ‘Oxthodox church, or that the Bosnian Church sed the Gospel ext i the same manners the Orthodox di in their church services, These Gospel texts refute much that has been written about the Bosnian Patatns inthe inquisition sources. First, the New Testaments srecomplete; thus theeis no sign of mutilation ofthe New Testament82 ‘Medieval Bosnian Chueh Wetine religious pctaresin them, which shows the Bosnian Christians ‘werent conocastie, We find fterng pictures of John the Baptist and Moses, both of whom according to the inquisition were supposedly condersned by the “Bosnian Paterins.” By including the Ten Com tmandments the texts show thatthe Boscian Church di not condemn i the Old Yesement of the Old Testament Patriarch, None of this proves thet there mere not other heretics in Bosnis holding these EEonoclstc ant-Old Testament views. Bat i docs show that the or Asin members ofthe Bosnian Chageh connected with these three texts ‘were not ofthis opinion, Tt has been pointed out thatthe at work in ‘hese ers i covey copied from Western Catholic styles, but this does ot mean that the heretical artist mould Bind copy withou thinking of ovat the subjece of the picture was Various scholars, paresltly ‘Solovjer, have tried to use the voctbulicy of certain Gospels to. demonstrate the existence of ‘ais (102) Sdachasshowa tis imposible to do tis. (103) Slovjev hd pointed out tht in the Nikoski Gospel (2 fourteenth or fiteenth entary Bosnian Gospel the name of whose copie is unkown) tj said ‘hat Jesus “iide™ (Come out) stead ot eet se" (was born). Sida, however, showed thatthe two words are eymonyms aad ia ace “rod Ser does ccvar in the majority of Bosnian Gospels, including the Bosnian Church Tval tex. Solovjer tied to argue that the most frequently vsed term to cefer to Jesus" sonship was inofedni™” which he linked to the word “ni (other) and would connect wih the Bogen belict that Jesus and Setan were both sons of God. Sidak, however, demonscated that “ini” can mean "aly" as well a5 other, and pointed ost tht in the Nils! text the more common (Orthodox for of *edinacedni” is wsed. Thus, there i no consistent ise of the variant rerinlogy i the Bsaian Gospels and it cannot be ‘demonstrated that the words have the sense that Solovjev wished 19 Suribute to them, To ty to argue sboutthelopicalsubdties on the dasis of translations of particule (and urslly lial) words, when we Consider the gener level of lesning and bility io tanslating at the time 4 very dangerous thing tod. Ta ation tothe Gospel. coped for him by Krstjanin Hval ia 1404, Hirvoje was given a benutifulyilstrated ssl by Pop Batho "3c cording othe Roman Law ofthe Divine Chuech of Ss Peter and Paulin Rome,” Thus, the same man had Catholic missal made as well as @ Bosnian Gospel, We can alto mention the Miroslav Gospel, alo a besatfl text, rade for Prince Mirsiay of Hom in the ead of she ttelth century Its Orthodox in form, and since thee is evidence fom Miroslav fay background aswel ae bis chuees building that he was Examingson of Sources % (Orthodox, thee is no season to take this Gospel ax anything but Or shod. (104) The eonclsion Irom this, then, is tha all dhe faiths (at, Teast when we are dealing with Slavic ete Catholics) ead and wed the same booksof the Bible in the vernacala Isngusge Tally, the Radosy fragments include tua a Slavic, which bas many similarities to the Litin Cathar ruil feom Lyons, Solovjev resents the two rituals paralel text (103) The Cathar tol isin four parts, 1) A litany composed of five invocations and reaponses. 2) The Lord's Prayer. 3) A second litany of ve invocations and responses Simiae to the fst 4) A reading of the Gospel of John, 1, 147. The Radosay stuals in thee parts It aks the initia tany and begins with the Leed's Prayer. 2) A Litany, which, excloding repetitions in the Cathar ctu, isa Slavic translation of the Latin recitation, with one phrase added inthe Slvic ("he is morthy and just") ot foun i the fata. 3) The reading fom Joha, I, 147 The Radosay ritual ghus sems to be an abbreviated version ofthe Lyons etua. Bue as Sdak has pointed out there is nothing in the Radosay tex (or in the Lyons tert either for thst mater) which is hereical(106) However, the likethood that the Radosay rite war ‘esived on a itual slr to that recorded ia the Lyons manuscripts est les even posible cht this tual had been brought to Bosnis by uals, and later Radosav, a member of the Bosnian Chruch, recorded it Since there i nothing heterodox in its contents, the recording ofthis rite does not make Radosav + dual In edition, we do ct know ‘whether Radoay's church ever performed this ritul. However, since the sevice Is leat a simple one, and since Bosnia was aland with = Shorcage of churches which sequiced services at cimes to be helé i private homes and cmeteris, it would not be scange ifn abbreviated Tervice shovld become poplar. Thos, iti quite posuble thatthe Bosnian Charch — whether sepultly, enly on certain occasions, of only in some places — did use ital which ad originally been brought to Bosnia by duslse heretics. ‘The Apocrypha! Tales Much has been made of tse between the Bulgarian Bogomils and spocryphal tales about biblical figures. However, recently scholars have ‘Shown hat most all ofthese tle are fa older than the Bogomils and ‘ate back tothe st centuries of Chrstanity (07) Thus to try © fiscover Bogomil dactrine irom them ie very dle, fer we have no ides which purts the Bogomils found vital sor do we know how they interpreted them, which is very importanc since we have ben told that84 ‘Medieval Bosnian Church they tended to interpret the scriptures allegoricaly to suit their doce tenes, That these tales appeared im great nambers in the years the Bogeril Church was active in Bulgaria is rae, and very likely there is some connection between the revival of the tales and the hersey. However, is should be pointed ost that in medieval Europe from the twelth contry on these tales were popular among all groups including the Jews. They certainly were no monepoly of the cuss ‘Only one wock, « hodgepodge of several other apocryphal works, cnt "lnterogati Santis Jobannis™ & defintely asocinted withthe ‘aliss (108) Both copies oft were found in dhe Westin Latin trans lation In one is the notation that it had bees brought (in the ewelth ‘entury) fom Bulgaria by Nevaras, Bishop af the Cather Church of Concocrea, a prominent figure about whom ve have considerable ‘material in the inqsston flee. The other manuscript, now in Vienna, feiers to Bestia in ¢ marginal note stating, "Hell fre & other spi for anything living but» place just like Bosnis (Bossina), Lombardy, fod Tuscany.""(109) We cannot connect the manuscript itself with Bosnia, butat lest acer to suggest that at sometime, probaly inthe thirteenth century (although we eanaot dite the marginal comment, there were duaists ia the sree locales, "This study wil not discuss the Apocryphal Tales since we have no ‘medical manuscript of any of thers fom Bosaia Iti true that we find ‘etain elements of thei content ia Bosnian falk tales (such a the Tale ot John the Baptist and the DevlX110) bat we have ao way of telling then and how thete possibly duaistclementssppeared. These themes Uiremtined populr throughout the Middle Ages, and lng ater, when there mere no longer any doalist Christians let in the Balkars'¢ all Since most of thet content does act contradict orthodox belief, che tales were poplar with the Orthodor a8 wel. Most of the stories told tales ofether evens in the ives of biblical igures and thus supplemented her than contradicted canonical texts AS such the tales were probably told and epestedby any group of poople having any amount of Contact with therm Ths, the thematie material fom these spoctypl {ales foundin Bosnia inthe eighteenth century and ter could have been Trought to Bosnia fun se well by Orthodox beevers who migrated there, either during or after the Middle Ages. Since me cannot date the appeerace af sporyphal motifs in Bosi coreven prove by whom they wete brought and what ose was made of them inthe past t seem best to ignore them allogether ia this study. Traditions Examination of Sources 85 A source thats bea utilized rom time to ime hasbeen the popular sinteesth centry tndtions about people elled Bopomily in various pts of Bosnia and Hercegovina (111) These stories usually concern families i more remote places who ‘to this day" perform secret Bogomil rites or who have recenty converte from Bogor to some ober confession, Fra Marté in the 1870" reported that in Drebnica ‘ere were sil families who, though supposedly Moslem, peeserved ‘ecret Bogor rites in theiehomes and never went tothe mosque Later Ibrahie Beg Beagié sent a hod there, forthe villagers had no iden what Islam as about and were performing marsages by themselves ‘These reported deviations probably elect ignorance and local custom rather than Bogomil survivals. Fea Mari alo reported thit somewhere onthe upper Neretve there sere stil sintcen Bogor families, who were Christians bu refused to ‘eept Franchcans of Orthodox priests bat administered to themselves, ‘The Franciscan, however, was unable find oot which filles these were. In 1887 Mehmedsey Kapetanovi Ljubufakclimed that around ‘Rema end Neretva there were Moslem peasants who had retained within ‘heir amily circles some prayers fom Bogomil simes which they knew byeaet. The Orthodox Metropalitan Sava Kosanovi€ repre that in bis time, in che second bal of the nineteenth century, there were neat Xreevo a few familes who held secret Bogom!watons but went 0 church and made the sign ofthe exoss. He could not discover which families these were, Finally, Bakula in 1867 stated that in Dubofant neat Konjc the fly Hele had been thelist Bogomils, but that they ad accepted Il a few years apo Trubs and various other scholars vised these steas, and were unable to ten up anything tht could be connected with duaist bei Profetor Andie tel me in 1967 that recently hed tied to tack down the Hee fal in the Konjc region. He had fund no family by that name bat discovered there had been «second family with ssmilat re, Hlez, who had been prominent in the area inthe eighteenth entry becuse the had maintained an enormous extended family of borers hundred members. Then atthe end ofthe eighteenth century an ‘pidemic of plague hid wiped the whole family out, That such a great cutastrophetoan important fly should have entered popular tradtion ‘snot strange, and that ie should mingle with a second genre of tale tithin period af over snty yeats i so understandable, "Yet what shouldbe pointed out ar once s that, whether or nt there ‘were dassts skin to Bugarin Bogomils in Bosnia and Hercegovie, the Bosnian heretics were never clleé Bogols. The words tested only once for the whole region of Bosni, and tha is about the border6 “Mosieval Bosnian Church tom of Seebnics in a Serbian source (Konstantin Flot’ life of Deapor Sea Lavacevié written in 1431); andthe eerenceeppeas in ‘only one of several manuscripts. This manuscript has been diacossed Ader "Native South Sly sources" andis clearly # questionable one Even if accurate it only shone that Ser called the heretics i Sebenica bythat name, and not that the Bosnians there or elsewhere ever used it (Glerics of the Bossan Church called themselves. "Krstjen, "and their neighbors and los! opponents called them *“Patrini.” Wis hotable that neither the word "Kes nor ‘Patarin’” appess in any {taditons for iC team traly wen back wo medieval ies we would txpec tt retain one ofthese two terms. We conclude tht the sources {Grall he popular tations which ase the term ""Bogomil” ate ether the higory books using the term ‘fom at leat the ate cighteenth ‘century othe spoken word of press and of she literate few who were thle to read them. The villages considered to have Bogori believers ‘rere usualy ofthe besten track al may well have hal enstoms that in {bine wy fred fom the general custome ofthe area uch a lagers performing their mn marriages), This may have given them 2n air of Corthodoey and ened thers to link thei behavior to the evil heresy Of the Bogomils the priests spoke about. Thus, we mst conelde that Sny tration bearing the teen “"Bogoml” in Bosnia is suspect and is ‘probably derived atleast indirectly from bocks, To this mast beaded the seventeenth century poem of a Bosnian “Moslem on the vil of Tabacco. There is much dispute as to whether the poe stally uss the word Bogoml or “dear 0 Ged since fom the manuscript it isnot lear it ie one or two words (112) In addition, itis not cles if there is period before the expresion, Thus, me do not know iftsays we were in stench ike the Bogoasls,” or “Like those dear t God, abandoning the pipe.” However even ifthe poem should be interpreted as saying Bogamis it is also certainly devived from seborling forthe Turkish source also never used the term Bogomil or Bosnia and Hercegovina, Folktales that see to embody dual ideas are known in Bosnia but since they are found ins area much wier than Besa, I shall not ase them forthe same reson that Tam not using the Apocrypha aes, From time oie, however, Ishall touch upon practices which vem fo back to the Middle Ages, Many of them such as the slo and ‘bunctvo (Gottathership) ace attested in medieval sources. Certain tapi ites that seem to be old, and that appear in certcin manuscripts from the Turkish period wil also prove use to us. In addition, certain speatic stores of havior or trations remembered tht ae notte 12 sehooling nay hold valuable ilormation. Thus, much more valuable Examination of Sources 7 than 4 romor shat there were sateen secret Bogomil families in Drefnica would be the allowing story recorded in 1928:(113) a Krupnon the Vibas an old-timer reported that he remembered the last "djed” Chere, am elder) in that aren, Near the old church was @ ‘rove of oaks, and he ligest was called the Dj's oak. la the ald days (he i telerrng to sineteeth century eradtion and how fe it reached Ick inte the past we do not know) one man trom each ofthe beter families, when he reached the age of sinty would let his hai and beard srow and would puton long black dress and carey a *T" sa. These ren were called djs, Everyone respected them and showed them Special honoe. Women and youths when they met them would greet them by Hsing thei hand. At church all the djeds sx together under the ed's oak and all the householders honored them by having theit young women or gil bring them bread wad Taki. Thea the old men would Bes each woman loudly saying: "Thank you householder N bbe so honoring us. Do this honor always and God will reward you."" ‘The lst ofthese djs died in the fst yes ofthe Austrian occupation (ie, jose ater 1878). ‘Allmjani, in an old abandoned church s “T" staff mas fund which an old-timer also referred to a8 a ‘“dledovshi Map" and told of a ‘radon of hundred years belo (Kom 1928) when there had been a ‘ld man called "ed with «ong beard and such a staf, who headed inageclsinty five members. He was very ich and had sItge heed ‘fanimals, and according tothe tle he moved the church othe Inu Tocation, Now there is new church and the ol! one i sed ony on St Iija's Day. Tris fequent, that when a new church is built and con secrated to anew saat, she old church, or eve its ruins, will remain thosite at which ae celebrated services onthe day of the sain €o whom "he old church had been dedieted ‘We should not jump to any Resty conclusions om these tations shout dds, since in addition to the formes Bishop of the Bosnian Church, the term refers to the head (r elder) ofa zadraga, and it was fusomary forthe elder to cary aT” staf, Thus when a salt it ‘kpicted on & medieval gravestone, regardest of what this mot signed when the stone was carved, pemants Gequendly call it *iedovai fap” (feds etal) becaose they associate his moti withthe sudrugselder's sal, Ard in the sme wa the terms" jedov kamen"* (Ges scone) and “djedow kas” (ed's cros) as popular nares for Cerin specific medieval stones probably are ceived from trations Shout such elders, “The ded at Imjani was a sadnugsclder, end at Krups the dieds were cers of important households. The elders were tradionaly respected88 ‘Medieval Bosnian Chuteh the blessing they offered similar to that which «typical householder ‘may bestow on a quest who ox particular holiday brings cae, sweets, {aki ois home. The exchange of such items on specific holidays is « tidespread custom. Thus, Ido not think the sory reflects any con- Tinuity trom des of the Bosnian Church, bot rather i illustrates the Situal practices ad enormous respect tht center around the most ‘znportant elders io his patarchal society. That the leader of the Bosnian Church was slo called a djed, however, celles the honored postion he had a one ofthe Societys most important elders. It weuld ‘ot beat al strange if his contemporaries had shown him the s to itual honor a the people of Krupa were liter to bestow ue family leaders Gravestones Jn Bosnia and Hercegoving are to be found a large number of fravexones, about which «vas erature has grown up. The peasants fall the stones by variety af names, the mote comaton of which is "Greek graves”; while popular books and schooled laymen refer to ‘hem as “Boga gravestones," and che scholarly literatre ells them bythe term stad, Numbering in the thousands, these stones vary fom being ely Large to massive; they come i thee asic shapes —~ slabs, boxes, and sarcophag. In aditin, we Sad « numberof erases and ¢ few obelisk, and ss we gt iate the Turkish period we find the frm tuansoeming itself into the Turkish nile spl of gravestones, fie 8 umn with curban on top. The majority of stones though caetlly Shaped ace unceeved; and thus appear today av tally uamarked However, in the Midae Ages they may have beon painted with mots, hich have washed away over the yews. Today in prts of Serbia, pardculaly around Gatak, we find painted stones, and families of the ‘ecessed periodically renew the coors as they wath away. This would felain why we find expensive, beaflly shaped, masive but decorated sareophag (Of oours whet has intersted scholars hasbeen the surviving motifs and inscriptions oa these stones that are carved. Over the years Aescriptians of sts and readings of inscriptions have regularly appeared in the publication ofthe Zemalisk museum in Sarajevo,(114) In recent, years a corps of inscriptions (Hot yet completed) i being edited by ‘Marko Vego, cf which four volumes have sppested (113) On the matis shall aly mention the monograph series of particular graveyards that tas begun to be ete ater the wa, of which nine volumes have ap- pesce(116) Other major sites have been written up in the various Examination of Sources % journals (117) In adtion, en invaluable book that can be described as « catalogue of mois, with maps showing the geographical itibution of ‘ch motif has been compiled by Marin Wenzel(118) ‘Besides tis, there is an enormous Ierature abot the messing of the sot. The theory that was popular with scholars, from the time of ‘Avihur Evan through the Adstran period, was that chese stones were Bogor tombs, and this theory is sill the one generally belived and the one to be found in Jagoslav tourist folders. In general, however, scholars have by now abuadoned this view. There are many resons fot doing this ust there are the motifs themselves. Only a few of them can be ssocated with Juli beliefs end ofen thie is only bya stretch of the Imagination and insistence on symbolic interprestion that cannot be proved. Secondly, crosses are commen. This feaon in itself is act foncisive since: a) I che Bosnian dualias were identical with the Bosnian Church — which, of course, is-« doubifl assumption — we can find evidence sich a the crose on Gost Redin's will that at lest some members of the Church had nothing aginst crosses, 8) Ina supestiious society the cram could be pat ap for all sorts of magic ‘etsons having aodhing odo with the faith of the people — for cessons of protecing the deceased, imposing curse oscar aay grave robbers {adetaie fear, since several inscriptions oer curse to tose touching thei bones) or pacing a charm to keep the corpe in his grave. The we cof cross charms by people who were not Christan, euch as Boeri Morlems, has already been aoted inthe Inedvcton. Thirdly, from ‘inscriptions we seth membersof the Cathole, Orthodox and Bosnian Churches al erected ede Indeed some of the elaborate stones — ‘including many at Radia the most famous of sites — belonged to ‘Viach families, knowa tobe Octhodox in fi, Thus ii clear that the cecton of tombstones was nt Limited w a patcular confession, About Auaists we just do not know, for not one inscription or motif clesly refers to a decesed with such belie Noten can we show no connection between the moti and duis Iuliefbot the view that he stones are dul beied by place and time ‘Thestones ae found in regions bayond the borders of Bomia, sich as Croatia, Montenegro, parts ofthe Dulmatan coast and western Serbia, purdculady around Valjevo(119) In addition, the majority of stones that can be dated seem t fallin the period fom the mid to second ball ofthe fourteenth century and continue int the sxeenthcentary. This they were erected in regions cutie of Bosnia and Heccegovine atime hen there is no sign of any heresy in these reions, and began con siderably lage than the appey Medieval Bosnian Church “The stones, however do pein Bos inte fourteenth entry when tha and was ace spt of eco prosperity, whe its Taine mer ative and its merchants were having vel eae with the ‘West Attistine the Vachs, no creed in te folowing century the tron labora tones ofl, bya to ake over the dieton of earavans from he cot ito ad enough Basin, By the ext cena the Vachs ted monopoly onthe carvan had beg amas rg tues. “The Bosnm tole lo profited rom the ade and with increased ona with he Westy beg to ite theives ofthe Western feng, Loxatous and borate cours wit actors and muscens “ppeatedin Boma ond Hercegovina the Seth century. The sed ‘pen to appear ate ne the mines pu to open and 8 wean ctu sadetbecaine more elaborate, Those who bad waste ive Stell shen ave ated orate monument mark th ast resting Tac Thas we may conclude tat the sed were setup by everyone Tenevough tsb the. And since thousand of stde were ere, {Risclnr tht pope cses ther thin the abi alo eee them, ers leary i, andwe may ssume tenders iy os wellas artisans dnd melt tore pests and shepherds. Under hee stones are to be fond ch Catholic, rich Onhodon, and rich members ofthe Besian {Church beth yan ordtne Ad though eve and there a met may faves vegas teaing, the cstm of eeing& tafe ell in ‘ed eoany religion nd tox of the mot re tobe seul in nature Tein wefonunate thn we do no ave sore isrigtions Bt we ae deding witha teciety whic the vas majority ofthe people were Iiterte Thus, there nas no pine in writing; mosis had to serve the purpose We mos ook ter vary of ete renops to explain what Bebe found on the stones, ro single theory ean expla the sade trot: naome cases the moti nay repre conta ual ans Trfdshon the iy sgn ete cctpation flea soci ofthe cs) In Dat nd reco Sea we ee don revesioncsoceupatonal signs — guns ft selders, tol or « ct freer, ete The swords, sie, Low and afew’, et, which Faqcady spear onthe feteval Hones my well have Been placed thee fora sir feason, The deceased, we ae perhaps beng ol, ws f itig, oo able fay or of & certain rank of pb. 120) ‘Many ef the sons depic huts, wile odes show two warts on Norschak facing one another a inva tournament. We krow tht the Towvan ably did priate ia tournaments, for thei prowess at 2 Hongeran cour fourument athe beinning ofthe teenth entry srs aoted Polish source 122) Thu, seen hat scenes Go diy Tie were equenly sed, probably forthe purpose of caling tention 0 Examination of Sources cm the heroism of the decested, which isin Keeping with the worldly behavior these nobles exhibited ini, Ii also posible tha many of he motifs were mean tobe singly decorative (123) inthis category pin belong the hordes (often imitating plants) carved around the edges of many stones. The decorative motive is azo the legis! explanation for the Roman stele placed on 2 medieval grave nest Vivegrad(124) The use ofthe Roman stone suggests thatthe deceased’ family found it, ‘honght i attractive and for that reason used it to decorate the grave Some motis may have been conaected with ancient burial tes: and fen though the original meanings may have been long forgotten, ‘eople continued o use them since the practice of having the given signs on gravestones had become establhed. Among these move ance motifs connected with death ritual may well be certain scenes tht, srequently appeared on Hercegovinisn Vack stones that Marian Wenz bas speculated may be taken frm Vlachrtatls which may be desived ‘fom classical mystery cules(125) Often moti ofthis type would have entered into the stock of mots belonging tothe carvers themselves We should evoid being categorical about the meaning of motifs and id ying tft moti into gid systems. Is Hey that a given ott an have more then one meming, and meanings may well vary tc ording to location, date, tligion, social class, ete. For eximple, @ ‘sake on one tombstane may have conection with 4 snake calor essess some symbolic meaning: athe sme ie tay signify that the sed as killed by snakebite. It i inezesing wo note that the _araveyard at Boljuni which has eeatively large numberof snake mois fn ts tones is also infested with snakes tothe present day, some of which ace poisonous. Therefore, we should use cate belore we ty to find 4 single theory to cove all "snake motif.” The only motif thet I want to single out and discuss i that of the pastoral stall. Since thas been found on several stones which from the ‘ones inscriptions are clearly monuments of members ofthe Boson CChusch hierarchy, ti often assumed that wherever ths oti i found ‘it marks the grave of « member ofthat hierarchy. Even this fs not t fertain mater. From Keclevjani in Nevesinje-we have a carved sib ‘hich presumably erigially had ben placed over the dooe ofa medieval hrc on which s depicted the patron kneeling before the Virgin (to ‘whom the church was probably dedicated), Behind whom stands & Tearded, robed figure wth s pastoral saf(126) Presumably the man with the staff was an Orthodox bishop. Thus, salfs were nt nied to "members ofthe Bosnian Church. And such stafs were used by both Orthodox and Catholic clergy in Serbs and Dalmatia. Thus, we may sangest thatthe staff could alo mack the graves of Catholic and/or